an essay of a king with an explanation what manner of persons those should be that are to execute the power or ordinance of the kings prerogative / written by the right honorable francis, lord verulam, viscount saint alban. bacon, francis, 1561-1626. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a69585 of text r16627 in the english short title catalog (wing b282). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 12 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a69585 wing b282 estc r16627 11930904 ocm 11930904 51109 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a69585) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 51109) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 50:15 or 249:e128, no 38) an essay of a king with an explanation what manner of persons those should be that are to execute the power or ordinance of the kings prerogative / written by the right honorable francis, lord verulam, viscount saint alban. bacon, francis, 1561-1626. 8 p. printed for richard best, london : 1642. reproduction of original in huntington library and thomason collection, british library. eng political science -early works to 1800. kings and rulers -duties. a69585 r16627 (wing b282). civilwar no an essay of a king, with an explanation what manner of persons those should be that are to execute the power or ordinance of the kings prero [no entry] 1642 2194 5 0 0 0 0 0 23 c the rate of 23 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-03 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-04 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2007-04 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an essay of a king , with an explanation what manner of persons those should be that are to execute the power or ordinance of the kings prerogative . written by the right honorable francis , lord verulam viscount saint alban . decemb. 2. london , printed for richard best , 1642. an essay of a king written by sir francis bacon . a king is a mortall god on earth , unto whom the living god hath lent his own name as a great honour : but withall told him hee should die like a man , lest he should be proud and flatter himself , that god hath with his name imparted unto him his nature also . 2 of all kinds of men , god is least beholding unto them , for he doth most for them , and they do ordinarily least for him . 3 a king that would not feele his crown too heavy for him , must weare it every day , but if he think it too light , he knoweth not of what mettall it is made of . 4 he must make religion the rule of government , and not the scale ; for he that casteth in religion onely to make the scales even , his own weight is contained in these characters tekel uphrasin , he is found too light , his kingdom shall be taken from him . 5 and that king that holds not religion the best reason of state , is void of all piety and justice , the supporters of a king . 6 he must be able to give counsell himself , but not to relye thereupon : for though happy events justifie their councels , yet it is better that the evill event of good advice be rather imputed to a subject then a sovereigne . 7 he is the fountain of honour , which should not run with a wast pipe , lest the courtiers ●ell the waters , and then ( as papists say of their holy wels ) to lose the vertue . 8 he is the life of the law , not onely as he is lex loquens himself , but because he animateth the dead letter , making it active towards all his subjects praemio & poena . 9 a wise king must doe lesse in altering his laws , then he may ; for new government is ever dangerous , it being true in the body politique , as in the corporall , that omnis subita mutatio est periculosa , and though it be for the better , yet it is not without a fearfull apprehension ; for he that changeth the fundamentall laws of a kingdome , thinketh that there is no good title to a crown but by conquest . 10 a king that setteth to sale seats of justice , oppresseth the people , for he teacheth his judges to fell justice , and praecio parata , praecio vincitur justicia . bounty and magnificence are vertues , verae regiae , but a prodigall king is neerer a tyrant , then a parcimonious : for store at home draweth his contemplations abroad , but want supplyeth it self of what is next , and many times the next way , and herein he must be wise and know , wh●t he may justly doe . 12 that king which is not feared , is not loved , and he that is well seen in his craft , must as well study to be feared as loved , yet not loved for feare , but feared for love . 13 therefore as hee must alwayes resemble him whose great name he beareth , and that in manifesting the sweet influence of his mercy over the severe stroke of his justice sometimes , so in this not to suffer a man of death to live , for besides that the land doth mou●n , the restraint of justice towards sin doth more retard the affection of love , then the extent of mercy doth enflame it , and sure where love is bestowed , feare is quite lost . 14 his greatest enemies are his flatterers , for though they ever speak on his side , yet their words still make against them . 15 the love which a king oweth to the weal-publike , should not be restrained to any one particular , yet that his more speciall favour do reflect upon some worthy ones , is somwhat necessary , because there are so few of that capacity . hee must have a speciall care of five things , if hee would not have his crown to be put upon him . first , that simulata sanctitas , be not in the church , for that is duplex iniquitas . secondly , that inutilis aequitas , sit not in the chancecery , for that is inepta misericordia . thirdly , that utilis iniquitas , keep not the exchequer , for it is crudele latrocinium . fourthly , that fidelis temeritas be not his generall , for that will bring but seram poenitentiam . fiftly , that infidelis prudentia , be not his secretary , for that he is anguis sub viridi herba . to conclude , as he is of the greatest power , so hee is subject to the greatest cares , made the servant of his people , or else he were without a calling at all . he then that honoureth him not , is next an atheist wanting the feare of god in his heart . an explanation what manner of persons those should be , that are to execute the power or ordinance of the kings prerogative , written by the said sir francis bacon late lord chancellour , and lord st. albans . that absolute prerogative according to the kings pleasure revealed by his lawes , may be exercised and executed by any subject , to whom power may be given by the king , in any place of judgement or commission , which the king by his law hath ordained , in which the judge subordinate cannot wrong the people , the law laying downe a measure by which every judge should governe or execute ; against which law if any judge proceed , he is by the law questionable and punishable for his transgression . in this nature are all the judges and commissioners of the land no otherwise then in their courts , in which the king in person is supposed to sit who cannot worke that trespasse , felony or treason which the law hath not made so to be , neither can punish the guilty by other punishment then the law hath appointed . this prerogative or power as it is over all the subjects so being knowne by the subjects , they are without excuse if they offend ; and suffer no wrong , if they be punished . and by this prerogative the king governeth all sorts of people according unto knowne will . the absolute prerogative which is in kings according to their private will and judgement cannot be executed by any subject , neither is it possible to give such power by commission , or fit to subject the people to the same . for the king in that he is the substitute of god immediatly the father of his people , and head of the common wealth by participation with god and his subjects , discretion , iudgement , and feeling love towards those over whom he raigneth only proper to himselfe , or to his places and person , who seeing he cannot in any others diffuse his wisedome , power , or gifts , which god in respect of his place and charge hath enabled him withall , can neither subordinate any other iudge to governe by that knowledge , which the king can no otherwise then by his knowne will participate unto him . and if any subordinate iudge shall obtaine commission according , of such iudge to govern the people , that iudge is bound to think that to be his sound discretion , in which the law in which the kings known will sheweth unto him to be that iustice which hee ought to administer : otherwise he might seeme to esteeme himselfe above the kings law , who will not governe by him , or to have a power derived from other then from the king , which in the kingdome will administer iustice contrarie to the justice of the land . neither can such a judge or commissioner under the name of his high authoritie shrowde his owne high affection , seeing the conscience and discretion of every man is particular and private to himselfe ; as the discretion of the judge cannot be properly or possibly the discretion of the king , or conscience of the king ; and if not his discretion , neither the judgement that is ruled by another m●ns only . therefore it may seeme they rather desire to bee kings then to rule the people under the king , which will not administer justice by law , but by their owne wills . this administration in a subject is derogative to the kings prerogative , for he administreth justice out of a private direction , being not capable of a generall direction , how to use the kings pleasure in causes of particular respect , which if another then the king himselfe can doe , how can it be so , that any man should desire that which is unfit and impossible , but that it must p●oceed out of some exorbitant affection , the rather seeing such places to be full of trouble , and being altogether unnecessary , no man will seeke to thrust himselfe into it , but for hope of gaine . then is not any prerogative oppugned but maintained , though it be desired that every subordinate magistrate may not be made supreame , whereby he may seale up the hearts of the people , take from the king the respect due unto him only , or to judge the people otherwise then the king doth himselfe . and although the prince be not bound to render any accompt to the law , which in person administreth it selfe . yet every subordinate judge must render an accompt to the king by his lawes how hee hath administred justice in his place where he is set . but if he hath power to rule by private direction , for which there is no law , how can he be questioned by a law , if in his private censure he offendeth . therefore it seemeth that in giving such authority the king ordaineth not subordinate magistrates , but absolute kings ; and what doth the king leave to himselfe , who giveth so much to others as he hath himself ? neither is there a greater bond to tie the subject to his prince in particular then when he shal have recourse unto him in his person or in his power for releif of the wrongs which from private men be offered , or for reformation of the oppressions which any subordinate magistrate shall impose upon the people : there can be no offence in the judge , who hath power to execute according to his discretion , when the discretion of any judge shall be thought fit to be unlimited ; and therefore there can be therein no reformation , whereby the king in this useth no prerogative to gaine his subjects right . then the subject is bound to suffer helplesse wrong , and the discontent of the people is cast upon the king , the lawes being neglected , which with their equitie in all other causes and judgements , saving this , interpose themselves and yeeld remedy . and to conclude , custome cannot confirme that which is any wayes unreasonable of it selfe ; wisedome will not allow that which is many wayes dangerous , and no wayes profitable ; justice will not approve that government where it cannot be , but wrong must bee committed . neither can there be any rule by which to try it , nor meanes for reformation of it . therefore whosoever desireth government , must seeke such as he is capable of , not such as seemeth to himselfe most easie to execute ; for it appeareth that it is easie to him that knoweth not law nor justice to rule as he listeth , his will never wanting a power to it selfe : but it is safe and blamelesse both for the judge and people , and honour to the king , that judges bee appointed who know the law , and that they bee limited to governe according to the law . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a69585e-120 1. custome . 2. wisdome . 3. justice . 4. rule against it . bibliotheca baconia, or, a collection of choice english books all in folio, curiously bound, gilt, and lettered on the back, consisting of various subjects but chiefly history, formerly belonging to mr. francis bacon, lately deceased, will be exposed to sale ... on wednesday next being the 19th of may, 1686 ... bacon, francis, 1561-1626. 1686 approx. 22 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 3 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a28050 wing b273 estc r25902 09279972 ocm 09279972 42604 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a28050) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 42604) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1299:33) bibliotheca baconia, or, a collection of choice english books all in folio, curiously bound, gilt, and lettered on the back, consisting of various subjects but chiefly history, formerly belonging to mr. francis bacon, lately deceased, will be exposed to sale ... on wednesday next being the 19th of may, 1686 ... bacon, francis, 1561-1626. [4] p. s.n., [london? : 1686?] caption title. reproduction of original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and 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in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng bacon, francis, 1561-1626 -library. catalogs, booksellers' -17th century. 2000-00 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2001-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2001-09 tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread 2001-09 tcp staff (michigan) text and markup reviewed and edited 2001-11 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion bibliotheca baconica : or , a collection of choice english books , all in folio , curiously bound , gilt , and lettered on the back , consisting of various subjects , but chiefly history ; formerly belonging to mr. francis bacon , lately deceased : will be exposed to sale , by way of auction , on wednesday next , being the 19 th of may , 1686. at ionathan's coffee-house in exchange-alley , in cornhil , london . where catalogues are to be distributed gratis ; and at christopher hussey's shop , at the flower-de-luce in little-britain . the auction will begin by nine in the morning , and two in the afternoon precisely . conditions of sale. i. that he who bids most is the buyer ; but if any difference arise , which the company cannot decide , then the book or books shall be forthwith exposed to sale again . ii. that all the books in this catalogue ( for ought we know ) are perfect ; but if any of them appear to be otherwise , before they be taken away , the buyer shall have his choice of taking , or leaving them . iii. that the money for the book or books so bought , is to be paid by the buyer within three days after the auction is ended , at the place where they are sold ; where , upon payment thereof , the book or books shall be delivered . iv. that all gentlemen buyers be pleased to give in their names , and place of abode , to the end that every person may have iustice done him in the buying , and also in the delivery of the books . the books will be exposed to view two days before the sale , from nine in the morning to twelve , and from two to six in the afternoon . 1 bishop andrews sermons , with the addition of a sermon before 2 kings 1641 2 adams works , containing sermons , meditations , and other discourses 1630 3 adams commentary on peter , compleat 1633 4 saint augustin , of the city of god 1610 5 annotations on the whole bible , by the assembly of divines 1645 6 allestrys sermons before the king , and upon publick occasions 1669 7 baxters christian theology , plain , pure , and peaceable , for pacification 1675 8 blomes geographical description of the 4 parts of the world 167● 9 burtons anatomy of melancholy 1628 10 brown ( sir thomas ) enquires into vulgar errors 1650 11 bishop brownriggs sermons , published by william martin 1601 12 lord bacons natural history , with his history of life and death 1658 13 byfields exposition upon the epistle to the colossians 1649 14 burgesses doctrine of original sin 1659 15 boyes exposition of the epistles and gospels in our english liturgy 1638 16 burgesses spiritual refining , or treatise of grace and assurance 1652 17 bible , with common prayer , apocrypha , psalms , table and chronology , oxford-print 18 bacons advancement and proficiency of learning 1640 19 baynes commentary on the ephesians 1647 20 broughtons works 1662 21 brathwaits english gentleman and gentlewoman 1641 22 blondells treatise of the sybills 1661 23 clelia , an excellent new romance 1655 24 charleton ( dr. w. ) physialogia epicuro-gassendo charltoniana 1654 25 chillingworths religion of the protestants , a safe way to salvation 1638 26 cartwrights confutation of the rhemists translation and notes on the new testament 1618 27 doctor clerk , one of the translators of the bible , his sermons 1637 28 crakanthorps treatise of a general council held at constantinople 1634 29 chaucers works , imperfect at the end 30 calvins sermons on deutronomy 1593 31 calvins his institution of christian religion , with a table of the principal matters 1562 32 bishop of coventry and lichfield , concerning the sacrament of christs body and blood 1631 33 d'avenant ( sir william ) works of poetry 1673 34 doctor donnes one hundred and thirty sermons , in 2 volumes 1640 35 dictionary in english , latine , and french 1573 36 digby ( sir kenelm ) of bodies , and the immortality of souls 1644 37 dubartas divine weeks and works , englished by ioshua sylvester 38 diodatis pious and learned annotations on the bible 16●● 39 dayes paraphrase and commentary on the romans 1666 40 dickson on the epistles of st. iames , peter , iohn , and iude 1659 41 edmunds observations on caesars commentaries 1655 42 extravagant shepherd , or , the history of the shepherd lysis , an anti-romance 1654 43 fullers pisgah-sight of palestine , full of maps of the holy land 1650 44 frosts select sermons on special occasions 1658 45 featleys 70 sermons , opening difficult texts of scripture 1636 46 fonsecas devout contemplations , expressed in 42 sermons 1629 47 french academy , fully discoursed and finished , in four books 1618 48 fulk against the rhemists translation of the new testament 1601 49 doctor franks fifty one sermons , through the festivals 1672 50 gerards herbal , or general history of plants , enlarged by t. iohnson 1633 51 goodwin ( iohn ) redemption redeemed 1651 52 grews catalogue and description of the royal society rarities in gresham colledge . 1681 53 guillims display of heraldry , last edition , full of cutts . 1679 54 bishop gaudens tears , sighs , complaints , and prayers of the church of england 1659 55 gurnalls christian in compleat armour 1679 56 gabelhovers book of physick 1599 57 guevaras dial of princes 58 gatakers sermons on several occasions 1637 59 gells essay towards the amendment of the english translation of the bible 1659 60 grotius ( hugo ) his three books , of the rights of war and peace 1682 61 guillims display of heraldry 1632 62 howells english , french , italian , and spanish dictionary 1660 63 history of france , by iohn de serres , to the year 1598 , continued by ed. grimston 1611 64 history of the world , by william howell , in 2 volumes 1680 65 history of france , by the sieur de mezeray , translated by iohn bulteel 1683 66 history of the little world , or , general history of man , by nathaniel wanley 1678 67 history of romish treasons and usurpations , by h. foulis 1681 68 history of king iohn , k. henry the third , and k. edward the first , by w. prinne 1670 69 history of fourfooted beasts , serpents and insects , by gesner 1658 70 history of the world , by sir walter raleigh 1614 71 history of aethiopia , or , prester iohns country , by iob ludolphus 1684 72 history of the lives of all the kings of this isle , by sir winston churchil 1675 73 history of france , written by gualdo priorato , and englished by w. brent 1676 74 history of the caribby islands , illustrated with several cuts 1666 75 history of the wars of flanders , written by cardinal bentivoglio 1678 76 history of the noble and renowned kingdom of naples , by scipio mazella , and i. howel 1654 77 history of the wars of italy , written by capriata 1663 78 history of the late intestine wars , by i. heath 1676 79 history of the church of scotland , by david calderwood 1680 80 history of the kings of england , by i. stow , continued by edmund howe 's 1631 81 history of k. h. the 7th , h. the 8th . ed. the 6th , and q. m. by sir f. bacon , and f. godwin 1676 82 history of the massacres in france , under henry 2 , francis 2 , charles 9 , &c. 1598 83 history of the catholick church , from the year 600 , to 1600 , by alex. petrie 1662 84 history of the world , or , an account of time , by dionisius petavius 1659 85 history of the wonderful things of nature , by iohnstonus 1657 86 history of the lives , marriages , and issues , times of birth , &c. of the k. of portugal 1662 87 history of florence , by n. machiavel , with his discourse of polity 1595 88 history of the late wars in denmark , by sir roger manley 1683 89 history of great britain , by will. slayter 90 history of great britain , by arthur wilson 1653 91 history of the council of trent 1610 92 history of the a●●●quities of antient britain , by aylett sammes 1676 93 history of the 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 of king henry the eighth , by my lord herbert 1672 94 history of the church , since our saviour until this time , by p. sympson 1634 95 history of the 〈◊〉 of the noble grecians , and romans , by plutarch 1631 96 history of the church for the first six hundred years , by eusebius 1607 97 history of the world , commonly called the natural history , by plinius secundus 1601 98 history of 〈◊〉 , by tho. stanley 1655 99 history of the ●●●●rlands , by ed. grimston , continued from 1608 to 1627 , by w. cross 1627 100 history of the presbyterians , by doctor peter heylin 1670 101 history of the last 17 years of q. elizabeths reign , by sir w. monson , and heywood tounsend 1682 102 history of king iames , and king charles the first , by way of annals 1681 103 history of the island of ceylon in the east indies , by robert knox 1681 104 history of the antiquities of great britain and ireland , by sir p. lycester 1673 105 history of great britain , by iohn speed 1632 106 history of the church of great britain , from the birth of christ , by t. fuller 1655 107 doctor hammonds tracts , or collection of discourses , chiefly practical 1674 108 hookers ecclesiastical polity , in 8 books , with his life and other things 1682 109 bishop halls works , the first volume , with a table newly added 1625 110 holy court in five tomes , by nicholas causin 1678 111 doctor hortons exposition of the psalms 1675 112 hutchesons exposition on the gospel according to st. iohn 1657 113 heywoods hierarchy , of the blessed angels 1635 114 hildersams lectures on iohn , and the fifty first psalm , bound together 1647 115 doctor hortons sermons , on the whole eighth chapter of the romans 1674 116 iackson ( doctor tho. ) comments upon the creed 1653 117 ingelos bentivolio and urania , in six books 1682 118 killegrews comedies and tragedies 1664 119 leybourns compleat surveyor 1674 120 laws and acts of parliament of scotland 1681 121 bishop lakes sermons , with some religious and divine meditations 122 leighs treatise of religion and learning 1656 123 leighs body of divinity , second edition 1662 124 mores explanation of the grand mystery of godliness 1660 125 minshews dictionary of nine languages 1626 126 mayer on iob , psalms , proverbs , ecclesiastes and canticles 1653 127 mayer commentary on the new testament 1631 128 mortons catholick appeal for protestants 1610 129 montlucs comment . describing combats , renccunters , skirmishes , battels , sieges , &c. 1674 130 dutchess of newcastles plays 1668 131 dutchess of newcastles poems , or several fancies in verse 1668 132 dutchess of newcastles grounds of natural philosophy 1668 133 dutchess of newcastles worlds olio 1671 134 bishop nicholson on the whole book of the psalms 1662 135 nortons gunnery , shewing the whole practice of artil . and making all sorts of fire-works 1628 136 ovids metamorphosis englished , and represented in figures , by g. sandys 1632 137 pharamond , or the history of france , a fam'd romance in 12 parts 1677 138 parkinsons garden of all sorts of pleasant english flowers 1629 139 pagits christianography , or description of all christians in the world , not under the pope 1674 140 pembrooks arcadia , written by sir philip sidney 1674 141 pareys chirurgery , to which is added spígelius of the veins , arteries , and nerves 1649 142 philips ( madam katharine ) poems 1678 143 perkins works , the first two volumes bound up in one 1626 144 poor mans library , by the bishop of exeter 1571 145 parliament of christ , declaring concerning the real presence in the sacrament 1567 146 reynolds triumphs of gods revenge against murther and adultery 1679 147 ramseys astrology restored , or an introduction to that art 1654 148 richardsons state of europe , in sixteen books 1627 149 reas , flora , ceres , and pomona , or a compleat florilege , adorned with cuts 1665 150 rouses works , containing treatises and meditations 1657 151 roberts key of the bible , unlocking the treasury of holy scriptures 1675 152 reconciler of the bible , wherein 3 thousand seeming contradictions are reconciled 1662 153 bishop sandersons sermons , ad aulam , ad magistratum , ad populum 1656 154 sanders phisiogmony and chiromancy 1671 155 smiths exposition on the creed , or articles of the christian faith 1632 156 seldens tracts , containing ianus anglorum , and three other treatises 1673 157 sterrys discourse of the freedom of the will 1675 158 stows survey of the famous city of london 1633 159 smiths christian religions appeal from the preiudices of the sceptick 1675 160 sibbs saints cordials , delivered in sundry sermons — 161 sturmys marriners magazine stored with mathematical arts 1684 162 traps exposition upon all the books of the new testament 1656 163 thorndikes epilogue to the tragedy of the church of england 1659 164 taverniers voyages into turky , persia , and the east indies , full of curious cuts 1678 165 bishop taylors course of sermons , for all the sundays in the year 1678 166 van helmonts works 1662 167 varenius and blomes cosmography and geography , full of maps 1683 168 view of the soul , in several tracts , by a person of quality 1682 169 works of virgilius , adorned with sculptures and annotations , by i. ogilby 1688 170 wheelers ( sir george ) journey into greece , full of cuts 1682 171 wilkins essay towards a real character , and philosophical language 1668 172 willits synopsis papismi , or general view of papistry 1614 173 works of w. tindal , iohn frith , and doctor barnes , 3 worthy martyrs 1573 174 wards commentary upon the gospel according to st. matthew 1640 175 willets synopsis papismi , or general view of papistry 1600 176 websters display of supposed witchcraft 1677 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hop williams chariot of truth 1663 178 whites reply to fisher the jesuit 1624 179 wheatlys prototypes , with the life of the author 1647 180 works of the famous & memorable iosephus , con . the antiquities & wars of the iews 1655 ●●1 bishop andrews sermon , with his sermon before two kings 1641 182 struys voyages through europe , africa , asia , with 20 large copper cuts 1683 183 sir ionas moores new system of the mathematicks , in two volumes 1681 finis . the translation of certaine psalmes into english verse by the right honourable, francis lo. verulam, viscount st. alban. bacon, francis, 1561-1626. 1625 approx. 19 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 11 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a01612 stc 1174 estc s650 22123619 ocm 22123619 25114 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a01612) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 25114) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1762:11) the translation of certaine psalmes into english verse by the right honourable, francis lo. verulam, viscount st. alban. bacon, francis, 1561-1626. [4], 21 [i.e. 17] p. printed for hanna barret, and richard whittaker, and are to be sold at the signe of the kings head in pauls church-yard, london : 1625. this work is not a translation so much as a paraphrase--cf. nuc pre-1956 imprints. signatures: a⁴(-a1) b-c⁴. numbers 11-14 skipped in pagination. stc 1174 on reel 871 is actually 1174.5--cf. reel guide. reproduction of original in the bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng bible. -o.t. -psalms -paraphrases, english. 2002-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-04 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-05 tcp staff (oxford) sampled and proofread 2002-05 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-06 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the translation of certaine psalmes into english verse : by the right honovrable , francis lo. vervlam , viscount st. alban . london , printed for hanna barret , and richard whittaker , and are to be sold at the signe of the kings head in pauls church-yard . 1625. to his very good frend , mr. george herbert . the paines , that it pleased you to take , about some of my writings , i cannot forget : which did put mee in minde , to dedicate to you , this poore exercise of my sicknesse . besides , it being my manner for dedications , to choose those that i hold most fit for the argument , i thought , that in respect of diuinitie , and poesie , met , ( whereof the one is the matter , the other the stile of this little writing ) i could not make better choice . so , with signification of my loue and acknowledgement , i euer rest your affectionate frend , fr : st alban . the translation of the first psalme . who neuer gaue to wicked read , a yeelding and attentiue eare : who neuer sinners paths did tread ; nor sate him downe in scorners chaire : but maketh it his whole delight , on law of god to meditate , and therein spendeth day and night ; that man is in a happie state. he shall be like the fruitfull tree , planted along a running spring , which in due season , constantly , a goodly yeeld of fruit doth bring , whose leaues continue alwaies greene , and are no prey to winters power : so shall that man not once be seene surprized with an euill hower . with wicked men it is not so , their lot is of another kinde : all as the chaffe , which too and fro , is tost at mercie of the winde . and when he shall in iudgment plead , a casting sentence bide he must : so shall he not lift vp his head , in the assembly of the iust. for why the lord hath speciall eye , to be the godlies stay at call : and hath giuen ouer , righteously , the wicked man to take his fall . the translation of the 12. psalme . helpe lord , for godly men haue took their flight , and left the earth to be the wicked's den : not one that standeth fast to truth and right , but feares , or seekes to please , the eies of men. when one with other fall's in talke apart , their meaning goeth not with their words , in proofe ; but faire they flatter , with a clouen heart , by pleasing words , to worke their owne behoofe . but god cut off the lips , that are all set , to trap the harmlesse soule , that peace hath vow'd ; and pierce the tongues , that seeke to counterfet the confidence of truth , by lying loud : yet so they thinke to reigne , and worke their will , by subtill speech , which enter's euery where : and say , our tongues are ours , to helpe vs still , what need wee any higher power to feare ? now for the bitter sighing of the poore , the lord hath said , i will no more forbeare , the wicked's kingdome to inuade and scoure , and set at large the men restrain'd in feare . and sure , the word of god is pure , and fine , and in the triall neuer looseth waight ; like noble gold , which since it left the mine , hath seuen times passed through the fiery straight . and now thou wilt not first thy word forsake , nor yet the righteous man , that leanes theretoo ; but will 't his safe protection vndertake , in spight of all , their force , and wiles can doe . and time it is , ô lord , thou didst draw nigh , the wicked daily doe enlarge their bands ; and that , which makes them follow ill a vie , rule is betaken to vnworthy hands . the translation of the 90. psalme . olord , thou art our home , to whom we fly , and so hast alwaies beene from age to age. before the hills did intercept the eye , or that the frame was vp of earthly stage , one god thou wert , and art , and still shalt bee ; the line of time , it doth not measure thee . both death and life obey thy holy lore , and visit in their turnes , as they are sent . a thousand yeares with thee , they are no more , then yesterday , which , ereit is , is spent : or as a watch by night , that course doth keepe , and goes , and comes , vnwares to them that sleepe . thou carriest man away as with a tide ; then downe swim all his thoughts , that mounted high ; much like a mocking dreame , that will not bide , but flies before the sight of waking eye ; or as the grasse , that cannot terme obtaine , to see the summer come about againe . at morning , faire it musters , on the ground , at euen it is cut downe , and laid along : and though it spared were and fauour found , the wether would performe the mowers wrong : thus hast thou hang dour life on brittle pins , to let vs know , it will not beare our sins . thou buriest not within obliuious tombe our trespasses , but entrest them aright : euen those that are conceiu'd in darkenesse wombe to thee appeare , as done at broad day light . as a tale told , which sometimes men attend , and sometimes not , our life steales to an end . the life of man is threescore yeares and ten , or if that he be strong , perhaps fourescore , yet all things are but labour to him then , new sorrowes still come on , pleasures no more : why should there be such turmoile & such strife , to spin in length this feeble line of life ? but who consider's duely of thine ire ? or doth the thoughts thereof wisely embrace ? for thou , o god , art a consuming fire , fraile man , how can he stand before thy face ? if thy displeasure thou do'st not refraine , a moment brings all backe to dust againe . teath vs , o lord , to number well our daies , thereby our hearts to wisdome to apply ; for that , which guides man best in all his waies , is meditation of mortality . this bubble light , this vapour of our breath , teach vs to consecrate to howre of death . returne vnto vs lord , and ballance now with daies of ioy , our daies of misery ; helpe vs right soone , our knees to thee we bow , depending wholy on thy clemency : then shall thy seruants both with heart & voice , all the daies of their life , in thee reioyce . begin thy worke , o lord , in this our age , shew it vnto thy seruants that now liue ; but to our children raise it many a stage that all the world to thee may glory giue . our handy worke likewise , as fruitfull tree , let it o lord , blessed , not blasted be . the translation of the 104. psalme . father and king of powers , both high and low , whose sounding fame all creatures serue to blow ; my soule shall with the rest strike vp thy praise , and caroll of thy workes , and wondrous wayes . but who can blaze thy beauties , lord , aright ? they turne the brittle beames of mortall sight . vpon thy head thou wear'st a glorious crowne , all set with vertues , polisht with renowne : thence round about a siluer vaile doth fall of chrystall light , mother of colours all . the compasse heauen , smooth without graine , or fold , all set with spangs of glitt'ring stars vntold , and stript with golden beames of power vnpent , is raised vp for a remouing tent. vaulted and arched are his chamber beames , vpon the seas , the waters , and the streames : the clouds as chariots swift doe scoure the sky ; the stormy winds vpon their wings doe fly . his angels spirits are that wait his will , as flames of fire his anger they fulfill . in the beginning with a mighty hand , he made the earth by counterpoyse to stand ; neuer to moue , but to be fixed still ; yet hath no pillars but his sacred will. this earth , as with a vaile , once couered was , the waters ouerflowed all the masse : but vpon his rebuke away they fled , and then the hills began to shew their head ; the vales their hollow bosomes opened plaine , the streames ran trembling down the vales again : and that the earth no more might drowned be he set the sea his bounds of liberty ; and though his waues resound and beat the shore , yet is it brideled with his holy lore . then did the riuers seeke their proper places , and found their heads , their issues , and their races : the springs doe feed the riuers all the way , and so the tribute to the sea repay : running along through many a pleasant field , much fruitfulnesse vnto the earth they yeeld : that know the beasts and cattell feeding by , which for to slake their thirst doe thither hie . nay desert grounds the streames doe not forsake , but through the vnknowne waies their iourney take : the asses wilde that bide in wildernesse , doe thither come , their thirst for to refresh . the shady trees along their bankes doe spring , in which the birds doe build , and sit and sing ; stroking the gentle ayre with plesant notes , plaining or chirping through their warbling throtes . the higher grounds where waters cannot rise , by raine and dewes are watred from the skies ; causing the earth put forth the grasse for beasts , and garden herbs , seru'd at the greatest feasts ; and bread that is all viands firmament , and giues a firme and solid nourishment ; and wine mans spirits for to recreate ; and oyle his face for to exhilarate . the sappy cedars tall like stately towers . highflying birds doe harbour in their bowers : the holy storkes that are the trauellers , choose for to dwell and build within the firs : the climing goats hang on steep mountaines side ; the digging conies in the rocks doe bide . the moone , so constant in inconstancy , doth rule the monethly seasons orderly : the sunne , eye of the world , doth know his race , and when to shew , and when to hide his face . thou makest darknesse , that it may be night , when as the sauage beasts , that flye the light , ( as conscious of mans hatred ) leaue their den , and range abroad , secur'd from sight of men. then doe the forrests ring of lions roaring , that aske their meat of god , their strengthrestoring ; but when the day appeares , they backe doe flye , and in their dens againe doe lurking lye . then man goes forth to labour in the field , whereby his grounds more rich encrease may yeeld . o lord , thy prouidence sufficeth all , thy goodnesse not restrain'd , but generall ouer thy creatures , the whole earth doth flow with thy great largesse pour'd forth here below . nor is it earth alone exalts thy name , but seas and streame likewise doe spread the same . the rowling seas vnto the lot doe fall , of beasts innumerable great and small : there doe the stately ships plow vp the flouds , the greater naules looke like walking woods : the fishes there farre voyages doe make , to diuers shores their iourney they doe take : there hast thou set the great leuiathan , that makes the seas to seeth like boyling pan. all these doe aske of thee their meat to liue , which in due season thou to them dost giue . ope thou thy hand , and then they haue good fare ; shut thou thy hand , and then they troubled are . all life , and spirit , from thy breath proceed , thy word doth all things generate and feed ; if thou withdraw'st it , then they cease to bee , and straight returne to dust and vanitie : but when thy breath thou do'st send forth againe , then all things doe renew , and spring amaine ; so that the earth but lately desolate , doth now returne vnto the former state : the glorious maiesty of god aboue , shall euer raigne , in mercy , and in loue : god shall reioyce , all his faire workes to see , for , as they come from him , all perfect bee . the earth shall quake , if ought his wrath prouoke , let him but touch the mountaines , they shall smoke . as long as life doth last , i hymnes will sing , with chearefull voice , to the eternall king : as long as i haue beeing , i will praise the works of god , and all his wondrous waies . i know that he my words will not despise ; thanks giuing is to him a sacrifice . but as for sinners , they shall be destroid from off the earth , their places shall be void . let all his works praise him with one accord ; oh praise the lord , my soule ; praise ye the lord. the translation of the 126. psalme . when god return'd vs graciously vnto our natiue land , we seem'd as in a dreame to be and in a maze to stand . the heathen likewise they could say , the god , that these men serue , hath done great things for them this day , their nation to preserue . t is true , god hath pour'd out his grace on vs abundantly , for which we yeeld him psalmes , and praise , and thanks , with iubilee . o lord , turne our captiuity , as winds that blow at south , doe poure the tides with violence backe to the riuers mouth . who sowes in teares , shall reape in ioy , the lord doth so ordaine : so that his seed be pure and good , his haruest shall be gaine . the translation of the 137. psalme . when as we sate all sad and desolate , by babylon , vpon the riuers side , eas'd from the taskes , which in our captiue state , we were enforeed daily to abide , our harps we had brought with vs to the field , some solace to our heauy soules to yeeld . but soone we found , we fail'd of our account , for when our mindes some freedome did obtaine , straight-waies the memory of sion mount , did cause afresh our wounds to bleed againe ; so that with present griefs , and future feares , our eyes burst forth into a streame of teares . as for our harps , since sorrow strooke them dumbe , we hang'd them on the willow trees were neare ; yet did our cruell masters to vs come , asking of vs some hebrew songs to heare ; taunting vs rather in our misery , then much delighting in our melody . alas ( said we ) who can once force or frame , his grieued and oppressed heart to sing , the prayses of iehoua's glorious name , in banishment , vnder a forraine king ? in sion is his seat , and dwelling place , thence doth he shew the brightnesse of his face . hierusalem , where god his throne hath set , shall any hower absent thee from my minde ? then let my right hand quite her skill forget , then let my voice , and words , no passage finde ; nay if i doe not thee prefer in all , that in the compasse of my thoughts can fall . remember thou , ô lord , the cruell cry of edoms children , which did ring and sound , inciting the chaldaeans cruelty , downe with it , downe with it , euen vnto the ground . in that good day , repay it vnto them , when thou shalt visit thy hierusalem . and thou , o babylon , shalt haue thy turne by iust reuenge , and happy shall he bee , that thy proud walls and towers shall wast and burne , and as thou did'st by vs , so doe by thee . yea happy he , that takes thy childrens bones , and dasheth them against the pauement stones . the translation of the 149. psalme . o sing a new song , to our god aboue , auoid profane ones , 't is for holy quire : let israel sing songs of holy loue to him that made them , with their hearts on fire : let sions sonnes lift vp their voice , and sing carolls and anthems to their heauenly king. let not your voice alone his praise forth tell , but moue withall , and praise him in the dance ; cymbals and harps let them be tuned well , 't is he that doth the poores estate aduance : doe this not onely on the solemne daies , but on your secret beds your spirits raise . o let the saints beare in their mouth his praise , and a two edged sword drawne in their hand , therewith for to reuenge the former daies , vpon all nations , that their zeale withstand ; to binde their kings in chaines of iron strong , and manacle their nobles for their wrong . expect the time , for 't is decreed in heauen ; such honour shall vnto his saints be giuen . finis . a confession of faith penned by an orthodox man of the reformed religion ; dedicated to some eminent persons now assembled in parliament. bacon, francis, 1561-1626. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a28085 of text r5184 in the english short title catalog (wing b279). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 16 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 7 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a28085 wing b279 estc r5184 13684464 ocm 13684464 101339 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a28085) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 101339) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 833:6) a confession of faith penned by an orthodox man of the reformed religion ; dedicated to some eminent persons now assembled in parliament. bacon, francis, 1561-1626. [2], 10 p. printed for william hope ..., london : 1641. written by francis bacon. cf. bm. reproduction of original in the university of illinois (urbana-champaign campus). library. eng a28085 r5184 (wing b279). civilwar no a confession of faith, penned by an orthodox man of the reformed religion: dedicated to some eminent persons, now assembled in parliament. bacon, francis 1641 3094 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2000-00 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2001-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2001-06 tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread 2001-00 tcp staff (michigan) text and markup reviewed and edited 2001-11 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a confession of faith , penned by an orthodox man of the reformed religion : dedicated to some eminent persons , now assembled in parliament . london , printed for william hope , and are to be sold at the unicorne in cornehill , 1641. a confession of faith . i beleeve that nothing is without beginning but god , no nature , no matter , no spirit but one and the same god ; that god as he is eternall , almighty , onely wise , onely good in his nature , so he is eternall father , sonne and spirit in persons . i beleeve that god is so holy , pure , and jealous , as it is impossible for him to be pleased in any creature , though the worke of his owne hands : so that neither angell , man , nor world , could stand or can stand one moment in his eyes , without the beholding of the same in the face of a mediatour ; and therefore that before him , with whom all things are present , the lamb of god was slaine before all worlds , without which eternall councell of his it was impossible for him to have descended to any work of creation , but he should have enjoyed the blessed and individuall society of three persons in godhead onely forever . but that out his eternall and infinite goodnesse and love , purposing to become a creator , and communicate with his creatures , he ordained in his eternall councell , that one person of the godhead should be united to one nature , and to one particular of his creatures , that so in the person of the mediatour the true ladder might be fixed , whereby god might descend to his creatures , and his creatures ascend unto him : so that god by the reconcilement of the mediatour , turning his countenance towards his creatures , ( though not in the same light and degree ) made way unto the dispensation of his most holy and secret will ; whereby some of his creatures might stand and keepe their state , others might fall and be restored , and others might fall and not be restored in their state , but yet remaine in their beeing , though under wrath and corruption , all with respect unto the mediatour ; which is the great mysterie , and perfect center of all gods wayes with his creatures , and unto which all his other works and wonders do but serve and refer . that hee chose ( according to his good pleasure ) man to be that creature , to whose nature the person of the eternall son of god should be united : and amongst the generations of men , elected a small flock , in whom ( by the participation of himselfe ) he purposed to expresse the riches of his glory : all the ministration of angels , damnation of divels and reprobates , and universall administration of all creatures , and dispensation of all times , having no other end , but , as the wayes and ambages of god , to be further glorified in his saints , who are one with the mediatour , who is one with god . that by the vertue of this his eternall councell touching a mediatour , he descended at his own good pleasure , and according to the times and seasons to himselfe knowne , to become creator , who by his eternall word created all things , and by his eternall spirit doth comfort and preserve them . that he made all things in their first estate good , and removed from himself the beginning of all evill and vanity unto the liberty of the creature , but reserved in himselfe the beginning of all restitution , to the libertie of his grace , using neverthelesse , and turning the falling and defection of the creature , ( which was to his prescience eternally knowne ) to make way to his eternall councell touching a mediatour , and the worke hee purposed to accomplish in him . that god created spirits , whereof some kept their standings and others fell , hee created heaven and earth , and all their armies , and generations , and gave them constant and everlasting lawes which we call nature , which is nothing but the laws of the creation ; which lawes neverthelesse have had three changes or times , and are to have a fourth or last : the first , when the matter of heaven and earth was created without formes . the second , the interim of perfection of every dayes worke . the third , by the curse , which notwithstanding was no new creation : and the last at the end of the world , the manner whereof is not yet fully revealed : so that the lawes of nature which remaine , and now governe inviolably till the end of the world , began to be in force when god first rested from his workes , and ceased to create ; but received a revocation in part by the curse , since which time they change not . that notwithstanding god hath rested and ceased from creation since the first sabbath , yet , neverthelesse , de doth accomplish and fulfill his divine will in all things , great and small , singular and generall , as fully & exactly by providence , as he could by miracle and new creation , though his working be not immediate and direct , but by compasse ; not violating nature , which is his owne law upon the creature . that at the first the soule of man was not produced by heaven or earth , but was breathed immediatly from god ; so that the wayes and proceedings of god with spirits , are not included in nature , in the lawes of heaven and earth , but are reserved to the law of his secret will and grace , wherein god worketh still , and resteth not from perfecting the worke of redemption , as he resteth from the worke of creation , but continueth working till the end of the world ; what time that worke also shall bee accomplished , and an eternall sabbath shall ensue . likewise , that whensoever god doth transcend the law of nature by miracles , ( which may ever seem as new creations ) hee never commeth to that point or passe , but in regard of the worke of redemption which is the greater , and whereto all gods signes and miracles doe referre . that god created man in his owne image , in a reasonable soule , in innocencie , in free-will and soveraigntie : that he gave him a law and commandment which was in his power to keepe , but he kept it not : that man made a totall defection from god , presuming to imagine that the commandements and prohibitions of god , were not the rules of good and evill , but that good and evill had their owne principles and beginnings ; and lusted after the knowledge of those supposed beginnings , to the end to depend no more upon gods will revealed , but upon himself and his own light as a god , then which there could not be a sin more opposite to the whole law of god : that yet neverthelesse this great sin was not originally moved by the malice of man , but was insinuated by the suggestion and instigation of the divell , who was the first defective creature , and fell of malice and not by temptation from another . that upon the fall of man , death and vanitie entred by the justice of god , and the image of god in man was defaced , and heaven and earth which were made for mans use , were subdued to corruption by his fall : but then that instantly and without intermission of time , after the word of gods law became , through the fall of man , frustrate , as concerning obedience , there succeeded the greater word of the promise , that the righteousnesse of god might bee wrought by faith . that as well the law of god , as the word of his promise endure the same for ever ; but that they have beene revealed in severall manners , according to the dispensation of times : for the law was first imprinted in that remnant of light of nature which was left after the fall , being sufficent to accuse ; then it was more manifestly expressed in the written law ; and was yet more opened by the prophets , and lastly expounded in the true perfection by the son of god , the great prophet and perfect interpreter of the law . that likewise the word of the promise was manifested & revealed , first by immediate revelation and inspiration , after by figures , which were of two natures ; the one the rites and ceremonies of the law , the other the continuall historie of the old world , and the church of the jewes , which though it bee literally true , yet it is for the most part pregnant of an allegorie and shadow of the worke of the redemption to follow : the same promise or evangel , was more clearly revealed and declared by the prophets , and then by the son himselfe , and lastly by the holy ghost , which illuminateth the church to the end of the world . that in the fulnesse of time , according to the promise and oath , of a chosen lineage descended the blessed seed of the woman , jesus christ , the onely begotten son of god , and saviour of the world , who was conceived by the power and over-shadowing of the holy ghost , and tooke flesh of the virgin mary . that the word did not onely take flesh , of was joyned to flesh , but was made flesh , though without confusion of substance or nature ; so that the eternall son of god , and blessed sonne of mary was one person : so as the blessed virgin may be truly and catholickly called deipara , the mother of god ; so one , as there is no unitie in universall nature , not that of the soule and body of man , so perfect : for the three heavenly unities , whereof that is the second , exceed all naturall unities ; the unitie first of the three persons in the god-head : secondly , of god & man in christ : thirdly , of christ and the church , the holy ghost being the worker of both these latter unities , for by the holy ghost was christ incarnate and quickned in the flesh , and by the holy ghost is man regenerate and quickned in the spirit . that jesus the lord became in the flesh a sacrificer and sacrifice for sinne , a satisfaction to the justice of god , a meritor of glory and the kingdome , a patterne of all righteousnesse , a preacher of the word which himselfe was , a finisher of the ceremonies , a corner stone to remove the separation between jew and gentile , an intercessor for the church , a lord of nature in his miracles , a conqueror of death and the power of darknesse in his resurrection ; and that he fulfilled the whole councell of god , performed all his sacred offices and annointing on earth , accomplished the whole worke of redemption and restitution of mans nature to an estate superiour to the angels , ( whereas the state of man by creation was inferiour ) and reconciled and established all things according to the eternall will of the father . that in time , jesus the lord was borne in the dayes of herod , and suffered under the government of ponce pilate being deputy of the romans , and under the high priesthood of caiphas , was betrayed by iudas one of the twelve apostles , and was crucified at jerusalem , and after a true and naturall death , and his body laid in the sepulchre , the third day he raised himselfe from the bond of death , and rose and shewed himselfe to many chosen witnesses by the space of divers dayes , and at the end of those dayes , in the sight of many , ascended into heaven , where he continueth his intercession , and shall from thence at the day appointed , come in great glory to judge the world . that the sufferings and merits of christ as they are sufficient to do away the sins of the whole world , so they are only effectuall to those which are regenerate by the holy ghost , who breatheth where he wil of free grace , which grace , as a seed incorruptible , quickneth the spirit of man , & conceiveth him anew , a son of god , and member of christ ; so that christ having mans flesh , and man having christs spirit , there is an open passage and mutuall imputation , whereby sin & wrath was conveyed to christ from man , and merit and life conveyed from christ to man , which seed of the holy ghost figureth in us the image of christ slaine or crucified , in mortification through a lively faith , and then reneweth in us the image of god in holinesse and charitie ; though both imperfectly and in degrees farre differing , even in gods elect , as well in regard of the fire of the spirit , as of the illumination which is more or lesse in a large proportion , as namely in the church before christ , which yet neverthelesse was partaker of one and the same salvation with us . that the worke of the spirit though it be not tyed to any meanes in heaven or earth , yet it is ordinarily dispensed by the preaching of the word , administration of the sacraments , covenants of the fathers upon the children , prayer , reading , the censures of the church , societie of the godly , crosses and afflictions , gods benefits , his judgements upon others , miracles , & the contemplation of his creatures , all which , though some be more principall and perpetuall , god useth as the means of vocation and conversion of his elect , not derogating from his power to call immediatly by his grace , and at all hours and moments of the day ( that is of mans life ) according to his good pleasure . that the word of god , whereby his will is revealed , continued in revelation and tradition untill moses , and that the scriptures were from moses time , to the times of the apostles and evangelists , in whose age , when after the comming of the holy ghost , the teacher of all truth , they had delivered the tradition of scripture , the book of the scripture was shut & closed , so as not to receive any new addition : and that the church hath no power over the scriptures , to teach or command any thing contrary to the written word , but is as the arke wherein the tables of the first testament were kept and preserved , that is to say , the church hath onely the custody and delivery over of the scriptures committed unto the same , together with the interpretation of them , but such onely as is conceived by themselves . that there is an universall or catholicke church of god dispersed over the face of the earth , which is christs spouse and body , being gathered of the fathers of the old world , of the church of the jewes , of the spirits of the faithfull dissolved , of the spirits of the faithfull militant , and of the names yet to be borne which are already written in the booke of life . that there is also a visible church distinguished by the outward workes of gods covenant , and the receiving of the holy doctrine , with the use of the mysteries of god and the invocation and sanctification of his holy name , together with regeneration by his spirit . that there is also a holy succession in the prophets of the new testament , and fathers of the church from the time of the apostles and disciples , which saw our saviour in the flesh , unto the consummation of the worke of the ministrie , which persons are called from god by gifts or inward anointing , and this vocation of god followed by an outward calling and ordination of the church . i beleeve that the soules of those that dye in the lord are blessed , and rest from their labours , and enjoy the sight of god , yet so as they are in expectation of a further consummation of glory in the last day , at which time all flesh of man shall arise and be changed , and shall appeare and receive from jesus christ his eternall judgement , and the glory of the saints shall then be full , and the kingdome shall be given up to god the father , from which time all things shall continue for ever in that being and state which then they shall receive . so as there are three times or parts of eternitie , ( if so they may be called ) the first , the time before beginnings , when the god-head was onely without the being of any creature : the second , the time of the mystery which continueth from the creation to the dissolution of the world ; and the third , the time of the revelation of the sons of god , which time is the last , and is everlasting without change . finis . a charge given by the most eminent and learned sr. francis bacon, kt., late lord chancellor of england, at a sessions holden for the verge, in the reign of the late king james declaring the latitude of the jurisdiction thereof, and the offences therein inquireable, as well by the common-law, as by several statutes herein particularly mentioned. bacon, francis, 1561-1626. 1662 approx. 29 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 12 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a28070 wing b276 estc r17806 12728375 ocm 12728375 66393 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a28070) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 66393) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 374:9) a charge given by the most eminent and learned sr. francis bacon, kt., late lord chancellor of england, at a sessions holden for the verge, in the reign of the late king james declaring the latitude of the jurisdiction thereof, and the offences therein inquireable, as well by the common-law, as by several statutes herein particularly mentioned. bacon, francis, 1561-1626. [2], 20 p. printed for robert pawley ..., london : 1662. reproduction of original in huntington library. marginal notes. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng jurisdiction -england. 2002-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-04 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-05 tcp staff (oxford) sampled and proofread 2002-05 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-06 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a charge given by the most eminent and learned s r. francis bacon k t. late lord chancellor of england , at a sessions holden for the verge , in the reign of the late king iames . declaring the latitude of the jurisdiction thereof , and the offences therein inquireable , as well by the common-law , as by several statutes herein particularly mentioned . lex vitiorum emendatrix , virtutum commendatrix est . london , printed for robert pawley at the signe of the bible in chancery lane near the temple . 1662. sir francis bacon's charge at the sessions of the verge . you are to know and consider well , the duty and service to which you are called , and whereupon you are by your oath charged . it is the happy estate and condition of the subject of this realm of england , that he is not to be impeached in his life , lands , or goods , by flying rumours and wandring fames and reports , or secret and private inquisitions ; but by the oath and presentment of men of honest condition , in the face of justice : but this happy estate of the subject , will turn to hurt and inconvenience , if those that hold that part which you are now to perform , shall be negligent and remiss in doing their duty ; for as of two evils it were better mens doings were looked into over strictly and severely , then that there should be a notorious impunity of malefactors ; as was well and wisely said of ancient time , a man were better live where nothing is lawful , then where all things are lawful : this therefore rests in your care and conscience , forasmuch as at you justice begins , and the law cannot parsue and chuse offenders to their deserved fall● except you first put then up and dis\cover them , whereby they may be brought to answer ; for your verdict is concluding to condemn . but it is necessary to charge , and without it the court cannot proceed to condemn . considering therefore that you are the eye of justice , ye ought to be single without partial affection ; watchful , not asleep , nor false asleep , winking at offenders , and sharp sighted to proceed with underst●nding and discretetion ; for in a word , if you shall not present unto the court all such offences , as shall appear unto you either by evidence given in , or otherwise ( mark what i say ) of your own knowledge , which have been committed within the verge , which is as it were the limits of your survey , but shall smother and conceal any offence willingly , then the guiltiness of others will cleave to your consciences , before god ; and besides , you are answerable in some degree to the king and his law , for such your default and suppression ; and therefore take good regard unto it , you are to serve the king and his people , you are to keep and observe your oath , you are to acquit your selves : but there is yet more cause why you should take more especial regard to your presentments , then any other grand juries , within the counties of this kingdome at large , for as it is a neerer degree and approach unto the king , which is the fountain of justice and government , to be the kings servant , then to be the kings subject : so this commission ordained for the kings servants and houshold , ought in the execution of justice to be exemplary unto other places ; david saith ( who was a king ) the wicked man shall not abide in my house ; as taking knowledge that it was impossible for kings to banish wickednesse , by the extending of all their power and care , over all their land or empire ; yet at least they ought to undertake to god for their house . we see further that the law doth so esteem the dignity of the kings setled mansion house , as it hath laid unto it a plot of twelve miles round , which we call the verge , to be subject to a special exempted jurisdiction , depending upon his person and great officers ; this is as a half pace , or carpet spread about the kings chair of estate , which therefore ought to be cleared and void more then other places of the kingdome ; for if offences shall be shrouded under the kings wings , what hope is there of discipline and justice in more remote parts ? we see the sun , when it is at the brightest , there may be perhaps a bank of clouds in the north or west , or remote regions , but near his body few or none ; for where the king cometh there should come peace , and order , and an awe and reverence in mens hearts . and this jurisdiction was in ancient time executed , and since by statute ratified by the lord steward , with great ceremony in the nature of a peculiar kings bench , for the verge , for it was thought a kind of ecclipsing to the kings honour , that where the king was , any justice should be sought but immediately from his own officers : but in respect that office was oft void , this commission hath succeeded , which change i do not dislike , for though it hath less state , yet it hath more strength legally ; therefore i say , you that are a jury of the verge , should leave and give a pattern unto others in the care and conscience of your presentments . concerning the particular points and articles whereof you shal● inquire , i will help your memory and mine own with order ; neither will i lead you or trouble my self with every branch of several offences , but stand upon those that are principal and most in use : the offences whereof , that you are to present are of four natures . the first , such as concern god and his church . the second , such as concern the king and his state. the third , such as concern the kings people , and are capital . the fourth , such as concern the kings people , not capital . the service of almighty god , upon whose blessing the peace , safety , and good estate of king and kingdome doth depend , may be violated , and god dishonoured in three manners ; by profanation , by contempt , and by division , or breach of unity . first , if any man hath depraved or abused in word or deed the blessed sacrament , or disturbed the preacher or congregation in the time of divine service , or if any have maliciously stricken with weapon , or drawn weapon in any church or church-yard , or if any fair or market have been kept in any church yard , these are prophanations within the purview of several statutes , and those you are to present ; for holy things , actions , times , and sacred places , are to be preferred in reverence and divine respect . for contempts of our church and service , they are comprehended in that known name , which too many ( if it pleased god ) bear recusancy , which offence hath many branches and dependencies , the wife recusant , she tempts ; the church-papist , he feeds and relevies ; the corrupt schoolmaster he soweth ta●es , the dissembler , he conformeth and doth not communicate . therefore if any person , man , or woman , wife , or sole , above the age of sixteen years , not having some lawful excuse , have not repaired to church according to the several statutes , the one for the weekly , the other for the monthly repair , you are to present both the offence , and the time how long ; again , such as maintain , relieve , keep in service of livery , recusants , though themselves be none , you are likewise to present ; for these are like the roots of nettles , which sting not themselves , but bear and maintain the stinging leaves : so if any that keepeth a schoolmaster that comes not to church , or is not allowed by the bishop , for that infection may spread ; for so such recusants as have been convicted and conform'd , and have not received the sacrament once a year , for that is the touch-stone of their true conversion ; and of these offences of recusants , take you especial regard . twelve miles from court is no region for such subjects . in the name of god , why should not twelve miles about the kings chair be as free from papist recusants , as twelve miles from the city of rome , the popes chair is from protestants . there are hypocrites and atheists , and so i fear there be amongst us : but no open contempt of their religion is endured . if there must be recusants , it were better they lurked in the country , then here in the bosome of the kingdome . for matter of division and breach of unity , it is not without a mystery , that christs coat had no seam , nor no more should the church , if it were possible . therefore if any minister refuse the book of common prayer , or wilfully swearveth in divine service , from that book , or if any person whatsoever do scandalize that book , or if any person whatsoever , do and speak openly and maliciously in derogation of it , such men do but make a rent in the garment , and such are by you to be enquired of . but much more , such as are not only differing , but in a sort opposite unto it , by using a superstitious and corrupt form of divine service , i mean such as say or hear masse . these offences which i have recited to you , are against the service and worship of god , there remain two which likewise pertain to the dishonour of god ; the one , is the abuse of his name , by perjury ; the other is , the adhearing to gods declared enemies , evil and out-cast spirits by conjuration and witchcraft . for perjury , it is hard to say whether it be more odious to god , or pernicious to man ; for an oath , saith the apostle , is the end of controversies ; if therefore that boundary of suits be taken away or mis-set , where shall be the end ? therefore you are to enquire of wilful and corrupt perjury in any of the kings courts , yea , of the court barons and the like , and that as well of the actors , as of the procurers and subborners . for witchcraft , by the former law it was not death , except it were actual and grosse of invocation of evil spirits , or making covenant with them , or taking away life by witchcraft : but now by an act in his majesty's times , charms and sorceries in certain cases of procuring of unlawful love or bodily hurt , and others , are made felony , the second offence ; the first being imprisonment and pillory . and here i do conclude my first part concerning religion and ecclesiastical causes ; wherein it may be thought , that i do forget matters of supremacy , or of jesuits , and seminaries , and the like , which are usually sorted with causes of religion : but i must have leave to direct my self according to mine own perswasion , which is , that whatsoever hath been said or written on the other side ; all the late statutes which inflict capital punishment upon extollers of the popes supremacy ; deniers of the kings supremacy , jesuits and seminaries , and other offenders of that nature , have for their principal scope , not the punishment of the error of conscience , but the repressing of the peril of the estate . this is the true spirit of the laws , and therefore i will place them under my second devision , which is of offences which concern the king and his estate , to which now i come . these offences therefore respect either the safety of the kings person , or the safety of his estate and kingdome , which though they cannot be dissevered in deed , yet they may be distinguished in speech . first then , if any have conspired against the life of the king , which god have in his custody , or of the queens majesty , or of the most noble prince their eldest son ; the very compassing and very imagination thereof is high treason , if it can be proved by any fact that is overt ; for in the case of so suddain , dark , and pernicious , and peremptory attempts , it were too late for the law to take a blowe before it gives , and this high treason of all other is most heynous of which you shall enquire , though i hope there be no cause . there is another capital offence that hath an affinity with this , whereof you here within the verge are most properly to enquire ; the kings privy councel are as the principal watch over the safety of the king , so as their safety is a portion of his ; if therefore any of the kings servants within his chequer roll ( for to them only the law extends ) have conspired the death of any the kings privy councel ; this is felony , and thereof you shall enquire . and since we are now in that branch of the kings person . i will speak also of the kings person by representation and the treasons which touch the same . the kings person and authority is represented in three things , in his seals , in his moneys , and in his principal magistrates ; if therefore any have counterfeited , clipp'd , or scaled his moneys , or other moneys currant , this is high treason ; so to kill certain great officers or judges , executing their office. we will passe now to those treasons , which concern the safety of the kings state , which are of three kinds answering to three perils which may happen to an estate ; these perils are foreign invasions , open rebellion , and sedition , and privy practise , to alienate and estrange the hearts of the subject , and to prepare them , either to adhear to enemies , or to burst out into tumults , and commotions of themselves . therefore if any person have sollicited or procured any invasion from forreigners , or if any have combined to raise and stir the people to rebellion within the realm , these are high treasons , tending to the overthrow of the state of this common-wealth , and to be enquired of . the third part of practice hath divers branches , but one principal root in these our times , which is the vast and over-spreading ambition and usurpation of the see of rome ; for the pope of rome is , according to his last challenge and pretences , become a competitor and corival with the king , for the hearts and allienations of the people , and to make them as fuel ready to take fire upon any of his commands . this is that yoke which this kingdome hath happily cast off , even at such time when the popish religion was neverthelesse continued , and that divers states which are the popes vassalls do begin to shake of . if therefore any person have maintained and extolled the usurped authority of the bishop of rome , within the kings dominions , by writing , preaching , or deed , advisedly , or directly , and maliciously . or if any person have withdrawn and reconciled any of the kings subjects from their obedience , or any withdrawn and reconciled themselves ; or if any subject hath refused and second time , to take the oath of supremacy lawfully tendred ; or if any jesuit or seminary come and abide within this realm ; these are by several statutes made in cases of treason , the law accounting these things as preparatives , and the secret motions of seditions and revolts , these you are to enquire both of the actors , &c. receivers , maintainers , and concealers , &c , traitors , as well as the principal in some cases ; some other , in misprissions of treason , and in some other , felony ; as namely , that of the relieving of jesuits and priests ; the bringing in and dispersing of agnus dei ; crosses , pictures , or such trash , is likewise praemunire , and so is the denial to take the oath of supremacy the first time . and because in the disposition of a state to troubles and perturbations , military men are most tickle and dangerous ; therefore if any of the kings subjects go over to serve in forreign parts , and do not first endure the touch , that is , take the oath ; or if he have born office in any army , and do not enter into bond with sureties as is prescribed , this is made felony , and of such you shall enquire . lastly , because the vulgar people are sometimes led with vain and fond prophecies , if any such shall be published , to the end to move stirs or tumults , this is not felony , but punished by a years imprisonment , and losse of goods ; and of this also shall you enquire . you shall likewise understand that the escape of any prisoner committed for treason , is treason ; whereof you are likewise to enquire . now come i to the third part of my division , that is , those offences which concern the kings people , and are capital , which neverthelesse , the law tearms offences against the crown , in respect of the protection that the king hath of his people , and the interest he hath in them and their welfare ; for touch them touch the king ; these offences are of three natures : the first concerneth the preservation of their lives ; the second of honour and honesty of their persons and families ; and the third of their substance . first for life ; i must say unto you in general , that life is grown so cheap in these times , it is set at the price of words , and every petty scorn and disgrace , can have no other reparation , nay so many mens lives are taken away with impunity , that the very life of the law is almost taken away with the execution ; and therefore though we cannot restore the life of those men that are slain , yet i pray let us restore the law to her life , by proceeding with due severity against the offenders ; and most specially this plot of ground , which is the kings carpet , ought not to be stained with blood , crying in the ears of god and the king ; it is true neverthelesse , that the law does make divers just differences of life taken away ; but yet no such differences as the wanton humors and braveries of men , have under a reverend name of honour and reputation invented . the highest degree is where such a one is killed , unto whom the offender did bear faith and obedience ; as the servant to the master , the wife to the husband , the clerk to the prelate ; and i shall ever add , for so i conceive of the law , the child to to the father or mother , and this the law tearmeth petty treason . the second is , where a man is slain upon fore-thought malice , which the law tearms murther , and it is an offence horrible and odious , and cannot be blanched , nor made fair but foul . the third is , where a man is killed upon a suddain heat or affray , whereunto the law gives some little favour , because a man in fury is not himself , ira furor brevis , wrath is a short madness ; and the wisdome of law in his majesties time hath made a subdivision of the stab given , where the party stabbed is out of defence , and had not given the first blowe , from other manslaughters . the fourth degree , is that of killing a man in the parties own defence , or by misadventure , which though they be not felonies , yet neverthelesse the law doth not suffer them to go unpunished ; because it doth kindle sparks of a bloody mind in the one , and defence in the other . and the fifth is , where the law doth admit fortification , not by plea , for a man may not ( that sheddeth blood ) justify the fact with pleading non-guilty ; the case is found by verdict , being disclosed upon the evidence , as where a man in the kings high way and peace is assailed to be murthered or robb'd , or when a man defending his house , which is his castle , against unlawful violence ; or when a sheriff or minister of justice , is resisted in the execution of his office ; or when the patient dyeth in the chyrurgions hands , upon cutting or otherwise , for these cases the law doth priviledge , because of the necessity , and because of the innocency of the intention . thus much for the death of man , of which cases you are to enquire , together with the accessories before and after the fact. for the second kind which concerns the honour and chastnesse of persons and families ; you are to enquire of the ravishment of women , of the taking of women out of the possession of their parents or guardians against their will , or marying , or abusing them , or double marying , where there was not first seven years absence , and no notice that the party so absent was alive , and other felonies against the honesty of life . for the third kind , which concerneth mens substance , you shall inquire of burglaries , robberies , cutting of purses , and taking of any thing from the person ; and generally all other stealths , aswell such as are plain as those that are disguised , whereof i will by and by speak : but first i must require you to use diligence in presenting specially those purloynings and imbezillments , which are of plate , vessels , or whatsoever within the kings house . the kings house is an open place , it ought to be kept safe by law , and not by lock , and therefore needeth the more severity . now for coloured or disguised robberies , i will name two or three of them ; the purveyor that takes without warrant , two or three of them is no better then a thief , and it is felony ; the servant that hath the keeping of his majesties goods , and goeth away with them , though he came to the possession of them lawfully , it is felony . of these you shall likewise enquire , principal and accessaries ; the voluntary escape of a felon is also felony . for the last part , which is of offences concerning the people not capital , there are many . but i select only such as i think fittest to be remembred unto you , still dividing to give you the better light , they are of three natures . the first , is matter of force and outrage . the second matter of fraud and deceipt . the third , breach and inobservance of certain wholsome , and politick , laws , for government . for the first , you shall enquire of riots and unlawful assemblies , of forcible entries , and detainets with force ; and properly all assaults of striking , drawing weapon or other violence , within the kings house , and the precincts thereof : for the kings house , from whence examples of peace should flowe , in the farthest parts of the kingdome , as the ointment of aarons head to the skirts of his garment , ought to be sacred and inviolate from force and brawls , aswell in respect of reverence to the place , as in respect of danger and greater trouble , and of all example to the whole kingdome ; and therefore in that place all should be full of peace , order , regard , forbearance , and silence . besides open force , there is a kind of force that commeth with an open and armed hand , but disguised , that is , no lesse hateful and hurtful , and that is , abuse and oppression by authority . and therefore you shall enquire of all extortions in officers , and ministers ; as sheriffs , bailiffs of hundred , escheators , coroners , constables , ordinaries , and other ; who by colour of office do pole the people . for frauds and deceipts , i do chiefly commend to your care , the frauds and deceipts in that which is the chief means of all just contract and permutation , which is , weights and measures , wherein , although god hath pronounced , that a false weight is an abomination , yet the abuse is so common and so general , i mean of weights , and i speak upon knowledge and late examination , that if one were to build a church , he should need but false weights , and not seek them far off , the bills or piles of brasse to make the bells , and the weight of lead to make the battlements : and herein you are to make special enquiry , whether the clerk of the market within the verge , to whom properly it appertains , have done his duty . for nusances and grievances , i will for the present only single out one , that you present the decayes of high-ways and bridges ; for where the majesty of a kings house draws recourse and accesse , it is both disgraceful to the king , and also diseaseful to the people , if the ways near about be not fair and good ; wherein it is strange to see the chargeable pavement and cawseys in the entrances of towns abroad beyond the seas , whereas london , the second city , at the least , of europe , in glory , in greatness , and in wealth , cannot be discerned by the fairnesse of the wayes , though a little perhaps by the broadnesse of them from a village . for the last part , because i passe these things over briefly , i will make mention to you of three laws . the one concerning the kings pleasure . the second , concerning the peoples food . and the third , concerning wares and manufactures . you shall therefore enquire of the unlawful taking of partridges , and pheasants , or fowle , the detraction of the eggs of the said wild-fowl , the killing of hares or deer , and the stealing of venison , or hares : for that which is for exercise , and sport , and courtesie , should not be turned to gluttony and sale victual . you shall also enquire whether bakers , and brewers keep their assize , and whether aswell they , as butchers , inn-holders , and victuallers , do sell that which is wholsome , and at reasonable prices ; and whether they do link and combine to raise prices . lastly , you shall enquire whether the good statute be observed , whereby a man may have that he thinketh he hath , and not be abused or misserved in that he buyes : i mean , the statute that requireth that none use any mannual occupation , but such as have been seven years apprentice to it , which law being generally transgressed , makes the people buy in effect chaff for corn , for that which is miswrought will miswear . there be many more things inquireable by you , throughout all the former parts , which it were over-long in particular to recite ; you may be supplyed either out of your own experience , or out of such bills and informations as shall be brought unto you , or upon any question that you shall demand of the court , which will be ready to give you any further direction , as far as it is fit : but these which i have gone through are the principal points of your charge , which to present , you have taken the name of god to witnesse ; and in the name of god perform it . dixi. finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a28070-e200 articuli super chartas c. 3.13 . r. 2. c. 3.33 . h. 8. c. 12. god & the church . profanations . 1. e. 6. c. 1 , & 1. eliz. c. 2.1 . m. c. 3.5 . e. 6. c. 4.13 . e. 1. stat. of winton . profanations . breach of unity . perjury . conjuration and witchcraft . 1. iacob . c. 12. supremacy placed with offences of state. the king and the state. the kings person . privy councellor . representation of person . the state . invasion and rebellion . alienation of hearts . supremacy , treason , &c. 5 eliz. c. 1. iesuits . 3 iac. c. 4. & 5. 28 el. c. 2. 13 el. c. 2. 23 el. c. 1. agnus dei. militar . prophecies the people capital . life . 1. iac. c. 8. honesty of life . 1 iac. c. 11. 28 e. 1. articuli super chartasc . 2.31 el. c. 4.33 h. 6. c. 1.21 h. 8. c. 7. the people not capital . force . nusance . breach of statutes . kings pleasure . food . manufactures . 5 eliz. c. 4. a letter of advice written by sr. francis bacon to the duke of buckingham, when he became favourite to king james bacon, francis, 1561-1626. 1661 approx. 31 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 9 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a28255 wing b302 estc r3667 13192487 ocm 13192487 98389 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a28255) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 98389) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 445:18) a letter of advice written by sr. francis bacon to the duke of buckingham, when he became favourite to king james bacon, francis, 1561-1626. never before printed. [2], 14 p. printed for r. h. and h. b. ..., london : 1661. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng buckingham, george villiers, -duke of, 1628-1687. great britain -history -james i, 1603-1625 -sources. 2000-00 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2001-07 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2001-07 tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread 2001-07 tcp staff (michigan) text and markup reviewed and edited 2001-11 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion letter of advice written by sr. francis bacon to the duke of buckingham , when he became favourite to king james , never before printed . london , printed for r. h. and h. b. and are to be sold at westminster and the royal exchange , 1661. a letter of advice , written by sr. francis bacon , to the duke of buckingham , when he became favourite to king iames. my noble lord , being over-ruled by your lordships command , first by word , and since by your letters , i have chosen rather to shew my obedience , then to dispute the danger of discovering my weakness in adventuring to give advice in a subject too high for me . but , i know , i commit it to the hands of a noble friend , and to any others , for the nature of the discourse , it is not communicable . e . my lord , when the blessing of god , ( to whom in the first place , i know , you ascribe your preferment ) and the kings favour ( purchased by your noble parts , promising as much as can be expected from a gentleman ) had brought you to this high pitch of honour , to be in the eye , and eare , and even in the bosome of your gratious master , and you had found by experience , the trouble of all mens confluence , and for all matters to your self as a mediator between them and their soveraign , you were pleased to lay this command upon me . first in general , to give you my poor advice for your carriage in so eminent a place , and of so much danger , if not wisely discharged . next in particular , by what means to give dispatches to suitors of all sorts , for the kings best service , the suitors satisfaction , and your own ease . i humbly return unto you mine opinion in both these , such as an hermite , rather then a courtier can render . you are now the kings favourite , so voted , and so esteemed by all . in the first place , then give me leave to tell you , what this signifies ; and next , what is the duty that lies upon you towards the king. that being done , in a few words , i shall then come to the particulars , which you must insist upon , to facilitate your dispatches . it is no new thing for kings and princes to have their privadoes , their favourites , their friends . they have done it sometimes out of their affection to the person of the man ( for kings have their affections as well as private men ) sometimes in contemplation of their greatabilities ( and that 's a happy choice ) and sometimes for their own ends , to make them whom they so stile , and are contented should be so stiled , to be interposed between the prince and the people . take it in either , or any of those significations , let it be a caution unto you . if the king have made choice of you out of his affection , or out of the opinion of your worth , to communicate his bosome thoughts with you , or perhaps to debate them , and so ripen his own judgement ; you are bound in gratitude to return so much as possibly you can to advance your masters service and honour . but were it , ( as i am confident it is not ) to interpose you between himself and the envie of his people in general , or of some discontented party in particular , then you are bound for your own sake to watch over your actions . remember then what your true condition is , the king himself is above the reach of his people , but cannot be above their censures , and you are his shaddow , if either he commit an errour , and is loath to avow it , but excuses it upon his ministers , of which you are the first in the eye : or you commit the fault , or have willingly permitted it , and must suffer for it ; so perhaps you may be offered as a sacrifice to appease the multitude . but admit you were in no such danger , as i hope you are not , and that you are answerable only to god and the king for your actions , yet remember well the great trust you have undertaken , you are as a continual centinel , always to stand upon your watch , to give him true intelligence ; if you flatter him , you betray him , if you conceale the truth of those things from him , which concern his justice or his honour ( although not the safety of his person , ) you are as dangerous a traytor to his state , as he that riseth in arms against him . a false friend is more dangerous than an open enemy ; kings are stiled gods upon earth , not absolute , but dixi dii estis , and the next words are , sed moriemini sunt homines , they shall dye like men , and then their thoughts perish ; they cannot possibly see all things with their own eyes , nor hear all things with their own ears ; they must commit many great trusts to their ministers ; kings must be answerable to god almighty ( to whom they are but vassals ) for their actions , and for their negligent omissions . but the ministers to kings , whose eyes , ears , and hands , they are , must be answerable to god and man , for the breach of their duties , in violation of their trusts , whereby they betray them . for the general , i say no more but apply my self to the particular wherein you desire satisfaction ; in which my answer shall be plain , and as clear as i can . and sir , know this i beseech you , that which i now write and recommend immediately to you , concerns also the king , and much more then you , and because he cannot intend all things , and ordinary persons cannot have accesse unto him , or if they had , durst not speak with that freedome , you are bound to supply it , and to be his monitor , not in a saucy male part way , which may not take with him , but at seasonable times , which you may , nay which you must watch for . it is true that the whole kingdome hath cast their eye upon you , as the new rising star , and no man thinks his businesse can prosper at court , unlesse he hath you for his good angel , or at least that you be not a malus genius against him , this you cannot now avoid unlesse you will adventure a precipice , to fall down faster than you rose . opinion is a master wheele in these cases . that courtier who obteyned a boon of the emperour , that he might every morning at his coming into his presence humbly whisper him in the ear , and say nothing , asked no unprofitable suite for himself : but such a fancie raised only by an opinion cannot be long lived , unlesse the man have sollid worth to uphold it , otherwise when once discovered , it vanisheth suddenly . but when a favorite in court shall be raised upon the foundation of merits , and together with the care of doing good service to the king , shall give good dispatches to the suitors , then can he not chuse but prosper : thus sir i finde is your uoble ambition , and it is worthy the honour you possesse : and that this may succeed according to your desire , i shall humbly propound unto you these rules to be observed , and i beseech you , if you approve of them , constantly to persue them ... 1. if the suit be either of importance for value , or of difficulty , direct that it be set down in writing , then appoint it to be left with you in writing , and appoint the suitor to attend for his answer so many days after , as may be competent , of which time let a note be taken by your secretary . so shall you be eased of the suitor in the mean time , and he rest quiet till the day appointed in expectation of his dispatch . 2. to prepare your self for these answers in their times , set a part an houre in a day or two to sort your petitions , which will be easily done , if your secretary draw lines under the matter , which alwayes lies in a narrow room . 3. think not your self nor any one or two private friends or servants to be able to comprehend the true reason of all things , there is no such omnisciency to be look'd for . but deviding the petitions as they come to your hands into several sorts , according to the nature of the matter , first , cause two or three several copies to be made of the petition , or the substance of it . 4. then make choice of several men well versed in these several professions or qualities , whom you think you may trust , and to them severally send copies , desiring them within twenty days after to retun unto you in writing their opinions of the petition , and their reasons for it , or against it ; and let not one of them know what the other doth . 5. then set a part an hour or two twice in a week , to peruse these petitions again , and the answers of the referrees , out of which compared together , as out of responsa prudentium , you may collect such a judgment , as , within a short time , you shall be able to judge of the fidelities and abilities of those you trust , and return answers to petitions of all natures as an oracle . and be assured of this , that next to the granting of the request , a reasonable and a faire denial , ( if the matter will not bear it to be otherwise ) is most acceptable . that you may dispose of all these sorts of business , in a fit and a dexterous way , i conceive that all matters of difficulty , which will be presented to you , will be one of these eight sorts , either concerning , 1. religion and church-men , or church-matters . 2. the laws and the professors thereof . 3. the councel board , and matters of state : 4. negotiation with forreign princes or states . 5. war by sea or land. 6. forreign plantations and colonyes . 7. matter of trade . 8. the court or curialitie . what cannot be kauked under one of these heads , will not be worthy of your thoughts , and you will finde enough of these to take up your time . but that you may not study your ease onely , but chiefly your honour , and the honour of your master : i beseech you to take these materials , thus devided into these eight sections , into your more serious thoughts , and propound to your self some rules as land-marks to guide your judgment in the examination of every one of them , as shall come to your hand , wherein i shall adventure to make an essay ; please you to perfect it . 1. for religion , if any thing be offered to you , touching it or touching the church or church-men , or church-government , relye not only upon your self , but take the opinion of some grave & eminent divines ; especially such as are sad and discreet men , and exemplary for their lives . 2. if any question be moved concerning the doctrine of the church of england , expressed in the 39. articles , give not the least ear to the movers thereof , that is so soundly , and so orthodoxally settled as cannot be questioned , without extream danger to the honour and stability of our religion , which hath been sealed with the blood of so many martyrs and confessors , as are famous through the christian world. the enemies and underminers thereof are the romish catholiques ( so stiling themselves ) on the one hand , whose tenents are inconsistent with the truth of religion , professed and protested by the church of england ( whence we are called protestants ) and the anabaptists and seperatists , and sectaries on the other hand , whose tenents are full of schisme , and inconsistent with monarchy : for the regulating of either , there needs no other cohertion than the due execution of the laws already established by parliament . 3. if any attempt be made to alter the discipline of our church , although it be not an essential part of our religion , yet it is so necessary , not to be rashly altered , as the very substance of religion will be interessed in it : therefore i desire you before any attempt be made of an innovation by your means , or by any intercession to your master , that you will first read over , and his majesty call to minde that wise and weighty proclamation , which himself penned , and caused to be published in the first year of his reign , and is prefixed in print before the book of common prayer ( of that impression ) in which you will finde so prudent , so weighty reasons , not to hearken to innovations , as will fully satisfie you , that it is dangerous to give the least ear to such innovators , but it is desperate to be misled by them : but to settle your judgment , mark but the admonition of the wisest of men king solomon , prov. 27. v. 21. my son fear god and the king , and meddle not with those , who are given to change . ii. next , touching the laws ( wherein i mean the common laws of england ) i shall be the more sparing to speak , because it is my profession , but thus much i shall say with confidence , that if they be righty administred , they are the best , the equallest in the world between the prince and people ; by which the king hath the justest prerogative , and the people the best liberty , and if at any time , there be an unjust deviation , hominis est vitium non professionis . but that it may in all things have a fairer proceeding ; let the king take a care , and as much as in you lyes , doe you take care for him , that the judges of the law may be alwayes chosen of the learnedst of the profession ( for an ignorant man cannot be a good judge ) & of the prudentest and discreetest , because so great a part of the civill government lyes upon their charge ; and indeed little should be done in legall consultations without them , and very much may be done by their prudent advices , especially in their circuits , if right use were made of them : believe me sir , much assistance would be had from them , besides the delivering of the gaols , and trying of causes between party and party ; if the king by himself ( which were the best ) or by his chancellor , did give them the charge according to occurrences , at their going forth , and receive a particular accompt from them at their return home : they would then be the best intelligencers of the true state of the kingdome , and the surest means to prevent , or remove all growing mischeifes within the body of the realm . next to the judges let care be taken that the serjeants at law be such as are most probable to be made judges in the next turn , and never to be advanced to that state and degree . ( for it is so stiled ) for favour or for reward , but onely with an eye upon the publick good . for the kings councel at law , the kings particular interest will easily perswade him , and those who love his service , to make choice of the most eminent , and most active ; their experience in these places will make them able for any imployment in that profession afterwards . in the laws we have a native interest , it is our birth-right , and our inheritance , and i think the whole kingdome will alwayes continue that minde , which once the two houses of parliament publiquely professed , nolimus legem angliae mutare : under a law we must live , and under a known law , and not under an arbitrary law is our happinesse that we do live ; and the justices of peace , if a good choice be made of them , are excellent instruments to this state. iii. for matter of state and affaires proper for councel board , i dare not take upon me to say much , they are secrets & arcana , and are not fit to descend to too low , to too petty matters , or private interests . let the king be president of this councel himself , not so much by personal presence , ( but only in great and weighty affairs ) that may over●aw the board too much , where in councels there should be a freedome of discourse and of determination , but in pursuing the acts of his councell table . and i do heartily wish , that the councellors themselves would be so advised in their resolutions , that they should never be suddaine , but that all things there propounded and debated one day , should be revised the next , and then confirmed , or altered upon second thoughts , such gravity in their proceedings would much become the honour of that board ; and what is thus settled , should not be altered again but upon great necessity . in the choice of privy councellors , thus much onely in the generall , that there may be some of the number , who are severally versed in all knowledges , for their better assistance upon councels of that nature ; and although to some persons of great birth , the place of princes councellors may be bestowed as an honour unto them ; yet generally the motive should be the parts of the man and not his person . iv. the negotiations of ambassadors , and treaties with forreign princes and estates , the subject matter of the treaty must guide the choice of the persons to be imployed . but give me leave , i pray to remember unto you the constant practise of that famous and wise lady q. elizabeth ( who was very happy , not so much in a numerous as a wise councel to advise her. ) if it were an embassie of gratulation of triumph , she ever made choice of a person of honour and eminency in his degree , who taking the imployment as a work of favour was willing to undertake it at an easie rate for the expence of the crown ( which hath not often been so of later times : ) but if it were upon some matter of importance from the state , there were alwayes imployed ( at least joyned in the commission some persons of great judgment and known experience , and in such cases men over-green in years were never the principal agents ; yet some younger men were joyned with the elder , to train them up in state affaires . v. for matter of war , either by land or sea , your gracious master so settled in his judgment for peace , as he hath chosen for his motto , that part of our saviours beatitudes , beati pacifici ; it is a happiness to this nation to be in this blessed condition , god send we surfet not with it ; yet i must tell you , the best way to continue a secure peace , is to be prepared for a war. security is an ill guard for a kingdome . but this bul-kingdome , where the seas are our walls , and the ships our works , where safety and plenty ( by trade ) are concomitant , it were both a sin and a shame , to neglect the means to attain into these ends ; let brave spirits that have fitted themselves for command , either by sea or by land , not to be laid by , as persons unnecessary for the time ; let arms and ammunition of all sorts be provided and stored up , as against a day of battell ; let the ports and forts be fitted so , as if by the next winde we should hear of an allarum ; such a known providence is the surest protection . but of all wars , let both prince and people pray against a war in our own bowels : the king by his wisdome , justice and moderation must foresee and stop such a storm , and if it fall must allay it , and the people by their obedience must decline it . and for a forreign war intended by an invasion to inlarg the bounds of your empire , which are large enough , and are naturally bounded with the ocian , i have no opinion either of the justnesse or fitnesse of it , and it were a very hard matter to attempt it with help of successe , seeing the subjects of this kingdom believe it is not legal for them to be enforced to go beyond the seas , without their own consent , upon hope of an unwarranted conquest ; but to resist an invading enemy , or to suppresse rebels , the subject may and must be commanded out of the counties where they inhabite . the whole kingdome is but one intire body , else it will necessarily be verified , which elswhere was asserted . dum singuli pugnamus , omnes vincimur . vi. but in the next place for forreign plantations and collonies abroad , that 's both honourable and profitable to disburthen the land of such inhabitants as may well be spared , and to imploy their labours in the conquest of some forreign parts without injury to the natives . yet these cautions are to be observed in these undertakings . 1. that no man be compelled to such an employment , for that were a banishment , not a service fit for a freeman . 2. that if any transplant themselves into plantations abroad , who are known schismaticks , outlaws , or criminal persons , that they be sent for back upon the first notice , such persons are not fit to lay the foundation of a new colony . 3. to make no extirpation of the natives under pretence of planting religion , god surely will no way be pleased with such sacrifices . 4. that the people sent thither be governed according to the lawes of this realm , whereof they are , and still must be subjects . 5. to establish there the same purity of religion , and the same discipline for church-government without any mixture of popery or anabaptisme , least they should be drawn into factions and schismes , and that place receive them there bad , and send them back worse . 6. to imploy them in profitable trades and manifactures , such as the clime will best fit , and such as may be usefull to this kingdome , and returne to them an exchange of things necessary . 7. that they be furnished and instructed for the militarie part , as they may defend themselves , least on a suddain , they be exposed as a prey to some other nation , when they have fitted the colony for them . 8. to order a trade thither , and thence , in such a manner as some few merchants and tradesmen , under colour of furnishing the colony with necessaries , may not grinde them , so as shall alwaies keep them in poverty . 9. to place over them such governours as may be qualified in such manner as may govern the place , and lay the foundation of a new kingdom . 10. that care be taken that when the industrie of one man hath setled the work , a new man by insinuation or misinformation , may not supplant him without a just cause , which is the discouragement of all faithfull endeavours . 11. that the king will appoint commissioners in the nature of a councel , who may superintend the works of this nature , and regulate what concernes the colonyes , and give an accompt thereof to the king or to his councel of state. vii . for matter of trade , i confesse , it is out of my profession , yet in that i shall make a conjecture also , and propound some things to you , whereby ( if i am not much mistaken ) you may advance the good of your country and profit of your master . 1. let the foundation of a profitable trade be thus laid , that the exportation of home commodities be more in value , then the importation of forraigne , so we shall be sure that the stocks of the kingdome shall yearly increase , for then the ballance of trade must be returned in money or bullion . 2. in the importation of forreigne commodities , let not the merchant returne toyes and vanities ( as sometimes it was elswhere apes and peacocks ) but solide merchandize , first for necessity , next or pleasure , but not for luxury . 3. let the vanity of the times be restrained , which the neighbourhood of other nations have induced , and we strive a pace to exceede our pattern ; let vanity in apparell , and which is more vaine , that of the fashion , be avoided . i have heard , that in pain ( a grave nation , whom in this i wish we might imitate ) they do allow the●● layers and courtesans the vanitie of rich and costly cloaths , but to sober men , and matrons , they permit it not , upon paine of infamie ( a severer punishment upon ingenious natures then a pecuniarie mulct . ) 4. the excesse of dyet in costly meats and drinks set from beyond the seas would be avoided , wise men will do it without a law , i would there might be a law to restrain fools . the excesse of wine costs the kingdome much , and returns nothing but surfets and disseases , were we as wise as easily we might be , within a year or two at the most , if we would needs be drun's with wines , we might be drunk with half the cost . 5 if we must be vain and superfluous in laces and imbroyderies which are more costly then either warme or comely , let the curiosity be the manifacture of the natives , then it should not be verifyed of us nateriam superabat opus . 6. but instead of crying up all things , which are either brought from beyond sea , or wrought here by the hands of strangers , let us advance the native commodities of our own kingdome , and imploy our country-men before strangers , let us turne the woolls of the land into cloaths and stuffs of our own groweth , and the hempe and flaxe growing here into linning cloth , and cordage , it would set many thousand hands on worke , and thereby one shilling worth of the materials , would by industry be multiplyed to five , ten , and many times to twenty times more in the value being wrought . 7. and of all sorts of thrift for the publique good , i would above all others commend to your care the encouragement to be given to husbandry , and the improving of lands for tillage , there is no such usury as this . the king cannot enlarge the bounds of these islands , which make up his empire , the ocian being the unremoveable wall , which incloseth them , but he may enlarge and multiply the revenue thereof by this honest and harmlesse way of good husbandry . 8. a very great help unto trade are navigable rivers , they are so many indrafts to attain wealth , whereby art and industry let them be made , but let them not be turned to private profit . 9. in the last place , i beseech you take into your serious consideration , that indian wealth , which this island and the seas thereof excell in , the hidden and rich treasure of fishing : doe we want an example to follow , i may truly say to the english go to the pismire thou sluggard . i need not expound the text half a days sayl with a good winde , will shew the mineriall , and the miners . 10. to regulate all these it will be worthie the care of a subordinate councell , to whom the ordering of these things may be committed , and they give an accompt thereof to the state. viii . lastly for the affaires of court , you are much better able to instruct your self then any man else can , muchlesse then my self , who have scarce steps within the court gates but as by chance and at the most as a stranger , yet in this also i shall be bold to tell you my thoughts . in the disposing of the offices and affaires of court , the king hath a latitude for his affection , which in matters touching the publique , he must deny to himself ; here he is more properly paterfamili●s , in the other he is 〈◊〉 patriae . there are many places in court , which a meer formal m●n may perform , because they are but as the services of a private family , and in which the publique hath little interest . and yet in these , the choice had need be of honest and faithfull servants , as well as of comely outsides , who can bow the knee and kisse the hand , and perform other services of small importance compared to this of publique imployment . king david , psalm 121. propounded a rule to himself for the choice of his courtiers ; he was a wise and a good king , and a wise and a good king shall doe well to follow such a good example , and if he finde any to be faulty ( which perhaps cannot suddenly be 〈◊〉 ; ) let him take on his , this resolution as king david did , there shall ●o deceitfull person dwell in my house . but for such as shall bear office in the kings house , and mannage the expences thereof , it is much more requisite to make a good choice of such servants both for his thrift , and for his honour . for your part , i shall wish that you would not interpose your self much in these things , which are properly for the officers of the household , that may draw too much envy upon you , and this would be too low for your thoughts ( who will finde enough to busie you about of a higher nature ) yet this will very well become you , and your general trust not to suffer the king to be too much abused , where your vigilance can prevent it . but then the way of doing it would be thus , to advertise the king of the defects , and then himself to finde them out , rather as if it were by accident , then as prompted unto it . in court there are also some other requisites , which in their seasons may be thought upon ; besides the serious affaires pertaining to government , which are many : matter of pastime and disport are fit in their seasons , but if they shall be too common , they will loose their repute , and become arguments of lightnesse rather then of recreation . when there is a queen and lady of honour attending her person , sometimes to entertain them with revells and masks , are ornaments fit for a court. otherwise for a king of a young prince , who are active ( and to be so , commends them ) sports abroad , and of more manly and usefull deportment , as riding the great horse , the t●● , the barriers , the tennis , &c. are more commendable . but neither in jest or earnest must that be countenance or care given to flatterers or sycophants , the bane of all courts . they are flies who will not onely buz about in every eare , but will blo● and corrupt every plate where they light . sir , i cannot flatter , i have dealt plainly and clearly with you , according to the freedome you have been pleased to afford me . i have but a word or two more to trouble you with . you serve a gracious master and a good , and there is a noble and a hopefull prince , whom you must not disserve ; adore not him as the rising sun in such a measure , as that you put a jealousie into the father , who raised you ; nor out of the confidence you have in the fathers affections , make not your self suspected of the son ; keep an equall and a fit distance , so may you be serviceable to both , and deservedly be in the favour of both . if you finde in these , or in any other your observations ( which doubtlesse are much better than these loose collections ) any thing which you would have either the father or the son to take to heart , an admonition from a dead authour , or a caveat from an impartial pen , whose aime neither was , nor can be taken to be at any particular by designe , will prevaile more , and take better impression , than a down right advice , which may perhaps be mistaken , as if it were spoken magisterially . thus may you long live a happy instrument , for your king and country , you shall not be a meteor , or a blasing star , but stella fixa , happy here , and more happy hereafter . deus m●●● sua te ducat , that 's the hearty prayer of , your most obliged servant , a preparatory to the history natural & experimental written originally in latine, by the right honourable francis, lord verulam, lord high chancellour of england ; and now faithfully rendred into english, by a well-wisher to his lordships writings. sylva sylvarum. preface. english bacon, francis, 1561-1626. 1670 approx. 37 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 8 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a28366 wing b317 estc r6927 12193277 ocm 12193277 55929 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a28366) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 55929) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 119:7) a preparatory to the history natural & experimental written originally in latine, by the right honourable francis, lord verulam, lord high chancellour of england ; and now faithfully rendred into english, by a well-wisher to his lordships writings. sylva sylvarum. preface. english bacon, francis, 1561-1626. well-wisher to his lordships writings. [6], 8 p. printed by sarah griffing and ben. griffing, for william lee ..., london : 1670. photographed from the resuscitatio, 1670, pt. 2. reproduction of original in british library. marginal notes. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng 2000-00 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2001-06 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2001-08 tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread 2001-08 tcp staff (michigan) text and markup reviewed and edited 2001-11 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a general table of the second part of the resvscitatio . a preparatory to the history natural and experimental a translation out of novum organum . 1 his charge against duels 1 his decree of the star-chamber in the same cause 11 his apology touching the earl of essex . 1 his speech delivered at the kings bench at westminster at the arraignment of the lord sanquere . 15 his prayer . 17 a letter to prince charles . 18 translation of certain psalms into english verse 19 his charge at the sessions of the verge 27 his speeches concerning the post nati 37 miscellany works 1. considerations touching a war with spain . 1 2. an advertisement touching an holy war. 33 3. a digest to be made of the lawes of england . 49 4. the history of henry the eighth 57 his natural and experimental history of winds . 1 a preparatory to the history natural & experimental . written originally in latine , by the right honourable francis lord verulam , lord high chancellour of england , and now faithfully rendred into english. by a well-wisher to his lordships writings . london , printed by sarah griffing and ben. griffing , for william lee at the turks-head in fleet-street , over against fetter-lane , 1670. the translator to the reader . having taken notice of the scandal and reproach , which my author , the great master of nature , his most excellent and incomparable piece , called the sylva sylvarum , er natural history , being ( as hitherto it hath been ) printed without this preparatory , lies daily liable unto , by reason of the ignorance of the vulgar , who , not understanding the most rare intention of its noble author , are apt to esteem it as a light and trivial work ; * because therein there are contained several experiments of no extraordinary use in themselves : i knew not how better to vindicate his noble lordships honour and credit in this point , than to prefix before it , his lordships own preparatory thereunto , which of it self will sufficiently maintain its authors credit , and will demonstrate his true intention in the compiling thereof , and so vindicate it self from that ignominy , to which it before stood obnoxious . it is true , that worthy doctor rawley , ( to whom the world is in no small degree a debtor , as well for the bringing to light and publishing of this rare history , and many other of his lordships excellent works , as for explaining and expounding several of them ) has , in his preface thereunto , made known much of his learned lordships intentions touching the same ( which this preparatory will in no wise prejudice . but yet i think it cannot be denied , but that his lordship hath expressed his own mind more fully , and positively in this his preparatory ; and besides , that men will be apt cursorily to run over a preface to the reader , minding more the work it self ; whereas they will be invited more to ponder and consider a preparatory , as that which will fit them for the better understanding of the following work. receive then now courteous reader , that unparalelled peice of his lordships , and look upon it with an other eye than formerly , and consider the things therein contained not barely , but as they have respect to a more noble end , viz. to the founding of a sound and true philosophy , for which end his learned lordship intended them , ( as he has himself more fully testified in this ensuing preparatory . ) thus much i thought good to advertize you in mine authors behalf , as well to take of that seeming reproach from this unbyassed peice of history , as to stir up , in some more ingenuous , and more heroical readers , the like intention and endeavour , with this of mine authors : which that it may succeed , is the hearty desire of him that , in this , and in all other things , is desirous of the publick good and benefit . w. w. the description of such a natural and experimental history , as may be sufficient , in order to the basis and foundation of true philosophy . that we put forth our instauration by parcels tends to this end , that some part thereof may be out of danger . the like reason moves us , at present , to subjoyn one other little part of that work , and to set it forth together with those we have already finished ; that is , the description and delineation of such a natural and experimental history , as may be in order to the building of philosophy , and may contain matter in it sound , copious , and fitly digested for the work of the interpreter that follows it . the proper place for this would be indeed , when we shall come , by the order of inquiry unto preparatories . but it seems to us a wiser part , rather to anticipate it , than to tarry for its proper place , because that such an history , as we design in our mind , and shall presently describe , is a thing of exceeding great weight , nor can it be compassed without vast labour and charges , as that which stands in need of many mens endeavours . and ( as we have elsewhere said , is a work truly regal ; wherefore we think it not amiss to try , if happily these things may be regarded by others ; so that while we are perfecting in order those things which we design , this part , which is so various and burdensome , may in our life time ( if so it please the divine majesty ) be provided and prepared , others adjoyning their labours to ours in this occasion ; especially seeing that our strength ( if we should stand under it alone ) may seem hardly sufficient for so great a province : for , as for the business it self of the intellect , possibly we shall be able to conquer that with our own strength ; but the materials of the understanding are of so large an extent , that those must be gain'd and brought in from every place ( as it were by factors and merchants . ) besides we esteem it as a thing scarce worthy our enterprize , that we our selves should spend time in such a business as is obtainable by almost all mens industries . but that which is the main of the business , we will now our selves perform , which is , to propound diligently and exactly , the manner and description of such a sort of history , as may satisfie our intention , left men , not being admonished , should , loyter out their times , and order themselves after the example of the natural histories , now in use , and so should stray far from our intention . mean time , that , which we have often said , may most appositely be repeated , especially in this place . that if all the wits of all ages , which hitherto have been , or hereafter ever shall be , were clubb'd together ; if all man kind had given , or should hereafter give their minds wholly to philosophy . and if the whole earth were , or should be composed of nothing else but academies , colledges , and schools of learned men ; yet , without such a natural and experimental history , as we shall now prescribe , we deny that there could be , or can be any progress in philosophy , and other sciences , worthy of man-kind . but , on the contrary , such an history as this , being gain'd and well compil'd , joyning experiments of use and experiments of light together , which will be met with , or be leatched out in the course of the interpretation it self , the inquest of nature , and all sciences , would be the business of but a very few years . either this therefore must be put in action , or the work must be deserted ; for by this one way alone the foundations of a true aud active philosophy can be established ; and then men shall see clearly , being , as it were , roused out of a deep sleep , what is the difference between the opinions and fictions of wit , and the true and active philosophy ; and what it is at last to consult with nature her self concerning nature . first , then we shall give some general precepts concerning the compiling of such an history : and next we will set before mens eyes a particular frame thereof ; sometimes inserting no less to what the inquest should be adapted and referred , than what ought to be enquired after . to wit , that the scope of the business being well understood and foreseen , it may bring other things into the minds of men , which happily shall be passed by of us . now this kind of history we are wont to stile the first , or mother history . aphorisms concerning the composure of this first history . aphorism . i. nature is situate in a threefold state , and doth , as it were , undergo a triple government : for either she is at liberty , and carries her self according to her ordinary course ; or she is disturb'd and thrust from her state by the vi●iousness and insolency of the matter , and by the vio●ence of impediments : or she is constrained and framed by art and humane operation . now the first of these conditions relates to the species of things ; the second to monsters ; the third to artificials : for in things effected by art , nature receives the yoke from humane dominion ; for those things would never have been made without man : but through the labour and operation of man , there seems to be quite a new frame of bodies , and , as it were , another universality of things , or another theatre . threefold therefore is the natural history ; for it treates of either the liberty , or the errors , or the bands of nature : so that we may not unfitly divide it into a history of generations , preter generations , and arts , the last whereof we use to nominate also mechanical and experimental . nor do we give in precept that these three be treated of severally ; for why may not relations of monsters , in their several kinds , be joyned to the history of the species themselves ? and artificials are sometimes rightly joyned with the species , but sometimes they do better apart : wherefore it is best to deal with these things according as the matter will bear it ; for method doth equally cause repetitions and prolixity , as well where there is too much , as where there is none of it at all . ii. this natural history , as it is threefold in its subject ( as before we have told you ) so it is twofold in its use ? for it is used either for the bare knowledge of those things which are therein contained ; or as the principal and first matter of philosophy , and the substance or stuff ( if i may so say ) of the true induction . and this last use of it is now intended ; now , i say , and never before by any man ; for neither did aristotle , nor theophrastus , nor dioscorides , nor cajus pliniw , much less the modern writers , ever propound unto themselves this end of a natural history , whereof we now speak . and it is of much concernment , that whoever hereafter shall undertake the penning of a natural history , should continually think upon , and consider this with themselves . that they ought not to serve the delight of their reader , no , nor the very profit which he may gain at present by the relations ; but to seek and find out plenty , and variety of things which may suffice for the composure of true actions : for if they will think on this , they will prescribe to themselves the manner of such an history ; for the end governs the means . iii. now , by how much this thing is a business of greater pains and industry , by so much it is the more probable , that it will be less burdened with superfluous matters . there are three things therefore , of which men are to be plainly warned , that they very seldome spend pains about them , being such things , which may increase the bulk of the work prodigiously , but can little or nothing promote its virtue . first then , let antiquities , quotations , and suffrages of authors cease ; let strifes , controversies , and dissenting opinions , and all things philological be avoided : let not an author be cited , unless in a dubious matter ; nor let a controversie be interposed , except in a matter of great moment . but let those things , which tend to the ornament of speech , and to similitudes , and the treasure of eloquence , and all such toys as these , be totally rejected ; and let all those things which are received , be themselves propounded briefly , and in short , that they be nothing less than words ; for no man that collects , and lays up materials for edifices , either for ships , or any the like structures , doth ( as is done in shops ) take care to pile them in order for a sight to please , but he looks only that they be sound and good , and that they take up but little room in the place where they are laid , and just so must it be done with this . secondly , that luxury of natural histories makes not much to the matter , which consists in the numerous descriptions and pictures of the species , and in the curious variety of them ; for these minute varieties of them are nothing but a certain sport , or pastime , and wantonness of nature , and they happen almost to the nature of individuals : and they have a certain pleasant and delightful expatiation in the things themselves , but a very small and almost superfluous information towards the sciences . thirdly , all superstitious relations ( we say not prodigious ones , when the memory of them may be found credible and maintainable , but superstitious ones ) and the experiments of ceremonial magick are wholly to be omitted . for we would not , that the infancy of philosophy , whereunto a natural history gives the first suck , should be accustomed to old womens fables . there may happily be a time ( after there is made somewhat a deeper entrance into the inquiry of nature ) to run lightly over such things as these , if there remain any whit of natural virtue in those dregs , it may be extracted and laid up for use ; mean time let them be laid aside . even the experiments of natural magick must be diligently and severely vanned before they be received , especially those which are wont to be derived from the vulgar sympathy and antipathy , with a great deal of slothfulness and facility , both in believing and feigning them . neither is it a small business that is done , in the imburdening of a natural history of these three superfluities , which we have mentioned , which would otherwise stuffe up whole volumes . nor is here an end yet ; for , in a great work , it is as requisite , that the things received be penned succinctly , as that superfluous matters be lopt of : although there is no doubt , but that this kind of curtness and brevity , will afford far less delight both to the reader and writer . but it must always be remembred , that this thing , that is in hand , is nothing else , but the garner and store-house of things , wherein men must not tarry or dwell with pleasure ; but must descend thereto as need requires , when any thing is to be made use of , about the work of the interpreter which follows it . iv. in the history which we require , and purpose in our mind , above all things it must be looked after , that its extent be large , and that it be made after the measure of the universe , for the world ought not to be tyed into the straightness of the understanding ( which hitherto hath been done ) but our intellect should be stretched and widened , so as to be capable of the image of the world , such as we find it ; for that custome of respecting but a few things , and passing sentence according to that paucity and scantness hath spoiled all . therefore we re-assuming that division of our natural history , which we made of it a little before ( that it be either of generations , pretergenerations , or arts. ) we have constituted five parts of the history of generations . let the first be concerning the firmament and celestial things , the second of meteors , and regions ( as they call them ) of the air , to wit of the tracts from the moon to the superficies of the earth : to which part also we assign for orders sake ( however the truth of the thing be ) all kind of comets , both sublimer as lower . the third , of the land and sea. the fourth , of the elements ( as they call them ) of flame , or fire , aire , water , and earth . but we would have the elements understood , not for the first principles of things , but for the greater masses of natural bodies : for the nature of things is so distributed , that the quantity , or mass of certain bodies in the universe is very great , because that there is required an easie and obvious texture of the matter to the framing of them , such as are those four bodies which we speak of . but for certain other bodies their quantity is in the universe small and sparingly afforded , by reason of the texture of the matter very unlike and subtill , and in most of them determinate and organical : such as are the species of natural things , metals , plants , animals . wherefore we are wont to stile the former sort of bodies greater collections , the latter smaller collections . but of those greater collections the fourth part of this history treateth under the name of elements , as we said before . not is the fourth part confounded with the second and third in this , that in all of them we make mention of air , water , and earth ; for in the second and third part is contained the history of them , as the entire parts of the world , and as they respect the fabrick and framing of the universe ; but in the fourth part there is contained the history of their substance and nature , which bears sway in the several similar parts of them , and is not related to the whole . in fine , the fifth part of the history treats of the lesser collections or species , about which natural histories have hitherto been chiefly conversant . but as to the history of pretergenerations , we have already said , that it may very commodiously be joyned with the history of generations , but that part only which is prodigious and natural ; for we set aside the superstitious history of miracles ( of what sort soever ) for a treatise by it self . nor is it to be at all received at the beginning , but a little after , when there is a little deeper entrance made into the enquiry of nature . but the history of arts , and of nature , altered and changed by man , or the experimental history , we make threefold : for it is either drawn forth from mechanick arts , or from the operative part of liberal sciences ; or from many practices and experiments , which have not grown into a proper art , yea , which sometimes we meet in most vulgar experience , which do not at all require any art. wherefore if a history should be made out of all these which we have spoken of , out of generations , pretergenerations , arts , and experiments , nothing seems to be passed by , whereby the sense might be instructed to inform the understanding , and then we should not any longer dance round within small circles ( as if we were enchanted by a spell ) but should equalize the circumference of the world in our circuits . v. amongst those parts of history which we have spoken of , the history of arts is of most use ; because it demonstrates things in motion , and leads more directly to practice . besides , it takes away the vizard and vail from natural things , which for the most part are hidden and obscured under variety of figures and outward appearances . in fine , the vexations of art are indeed like the bands and fetters of proteus , which manifest the utmost endeavours and abilities of the matter ; for bodies will not be destroyed or annihillated , but they will rather alter themselves into various forms . therefore the greatest diligence must be used about this history , although mechanick ( as it may seem ) and less liberal ( without any arrogancy and pride . ) again , of arts , those are preferred , which exhibite , alter , and prepare natural bodies , and the materials of things ; as husbandry , cookery , chymistry , deying , the workings of glass , esmalta , sugar , gunpowder , artificial fires , paper , and the like . but those are of smaller use , which chiefly consist in a subtle motion of the hands and instruments : such as are weaving , forgery , architecture , the operations of mills , clocks , and the like ; although these also are by no means to be neglected ; as well , because we may meet with many things in them , which have respect to the alterations of natural bodies ; as because they do accurately inform us concerning the motion of lation , which is a business of very great moment for many things . but through the whole compiling of this history of arts , this is always to be admonished , and to be throughly committed to memory ; that in experiments of arts , not only those are to be received which lead to the end of the art , but those also which intervene by any means . as for example , that locusts and crabs boiled , though before they were of the colour of the durt , wax red , belongs not to the table , yet this very instance is not amiss to inquire out the nature of redness , seeing the same thing happens also to burned bricks . likewise that flesh is sooner salted in winter than in summer , not only tends thither , that the cook season his meats well , and as much as is sufficient , but also it is a good instance to discover the nature and impression of cold. wherefore he is quite out of the way , that thinks to satisfie our intention by collecting experiments of arts , to this end only , that the several arts may be better perfected , ( although we do not altogether despise this also in many things . ) but this is plainly our mind , that all the rivulets of mechanical experiments , may flow from every part into the sea of philosophy . but the choise of instances most eminent in every kind ( which must be chiefly and diligently sought for , and , as it were , hunted after ) is to be looked for in the prerogatives of instances . vi. we should resume in this place also that which we have elsewhere more largely handled ; but here , by way of precept it will suffice briefly to command , that there be received into this history , first most vulgar things , such as any one would think not worthy to commit to writing , because they be so familiarly known : next , things of no value , illiberal and sordid , ( for all things are clean unto the clean , and if lucre smell well though out of stale , much more doth light and information out of any thing : ) also trivial and childish things ( no wonder , for we must plainly grow children again : ) last of all , things that seem to be of too nice a subtilty , and in themselves are of no use . for ( as is already said ) those things that are proponnded in this history are not gathered together for their own sake ; wherefore it is not fit to measure the dignity of them by themselves , but so far forth as they may be transferred to other things , and have an influence upon phylosophy . vii . this also we give in precept , that all things as well in natural bodies , as virtues , may ( as much as is possible ) be propounded according to number , weight , and measure , and determinate : for we meditate of works , not speculations . now physicks and mathematicks well intermingled beget practice . wherefore the exact restitutions and distances of the planets must be inquired after , and set down in the history of celestials : the circle of the earth , and how much place it occupieth , in respect of the waters , in the superficies , in the history of the land and sea : how great a compressure the air will suffer without any notable change , in the history of the air : how much in metals one is heavier than the other , in the history of metals ; and innumerous such others , must be enquired and writ down . but when exact proportions cannot be had , then indeed we must flye to those that are according to estimation , or comparative indefinite ones . as ( if we happily distrust to the calculations of astronomers concerning distances ) that the moon is within the shade of the earth , that mercury is above the moon , and the like . also when middle proportions cannot be had , let the extreams be propounded ; as that a weaker loadstone can elevate a peice of iron of such a weight , in respect of the weight of the stone it self , and that one most full of virtue , to a sixty fold proportion ; which we have seen done our selves with a very small armed loadstone . and we very well know , that those determinate instances are not easily or often met withal , but they should be sought out as auxiliary in the very course of the interpretation it self ( when the matter most of all requires it ) notwithstanding if one do chance to meet with them , they may be inserted into the natural history , so they do not too much retard the progress of its composure . viii . but as to the faith and credit of those things which are to be received in this history , they must needs either be of a certain beleif , of a doubtful credit , or of a condemned faith. now the former sort of these must be propounded simply , the second with some note , as , ( it is reported ) or ( they say ) or ( i heard it from a person of credit ) or the like ; for it would be too burdensome a business to set down the arguments of beleif on both sides , and doubtless would be too great a remora in the writers way ; nor makes it much matter to the business in hand , for the true axioms will a little after convince the falseness of the experiments , ( if it be not too breif ) as elsewhere we have declared . but if the instance be any thing noble , either for its own use , or because many others may depend upon it , then indeed the author must be named , and that not only barely , but with some mention , whether he affirmed those things either upon credit , as the relations or writings of other men ( such as are very frequent in c. plinie ) or else upon his own knowledge ; and also whether the thing was done in his time , or before him ; further , whether it be such a thing as needs must have had many witnesses ; if it were true ; in fine , whether that very author himself were fabulous and not credible , or sober and severe , and the like , which make much to the weight of its credit . lastly , things of a condemned faith , and yet used and celebrated , which partly by neglect , and partly for the use of similitudes , have for many ages together prevalied ( as , that the adamant binds the loadstone , and gatlike enervates it ; that amber draws all things but the herb basil ) must not be passed over in silence , but be warned against in express words , that they be no more troublesome to the sciences . moreover it will not be amiss , if happily one meet with the original cause of any vanity or credulity , to note it : as that the herb satyr●● ( or ragwort ) is said to have a force and efficacy to excite lust ; because , forsooth , its root is shaped after the figure of the testicles , when the truth is , that happens , because every year there grows a new knotty root , which adheres to that part of the root which was of the last year , whence come those testicles ; for it is manifest , that the new root is always found solid and juicy , the old one is always withered and spungy . wherefore , no wonder , that one of them sinks in the water , and the other swims , which notwithstanding is counted a wonderful thing and adds authority to the other vertues of that herb. ix . there remain certain profitable additions to the natural history , and which may more commodiously incline , and fit it for the work of the interpreter which follows it . and these are five . first questions ( i say , not of causes , but of fact ) are to be added , to provoke and solicite a further enquiry . as in the history of the land and sea. whether the caspian-sea doth ebbe and flow , and in what space of hours : whether there be any southern continent , or rather islands , and the like . secondly , in every new and more subtle experiment , the manner it self of the experiment propounded should be added : that the judgment of men may be free , whether the information by that experiment be to be trusted to , or be deceitful , and that the industry of men may be stirred up to seek out ways ( if it may be ) more accurate . thirdly , if there be any doubt or scruple lurking under any relation , that we would not have suppressed or kept silent at all , but be plainly and perspicuously set down , by way of note or advertisement ; for we desire that the first history should be writ so circumspectly and scrupulously , as if the writers thereof had taken an oath for the truth of every thing therein contained ; seeing it is the volume of the works of god , and ( as much as is lawful to compare the majesty of divine things with the humility of things terrene ) as it were another scripture . fourthly , it will not be amiss sometimes to interweave observations ( that which c. plinie did ) as in the history of the land and sea. that the figure of the lands ( which are yet known ) in respect of the seas , is southward narrow , and in a manner picket ; towards the north broad and large ; of the seas quite contrary . and that great oceans cut between the lands with channels stretched forth between the south and the north , not between the east and west ; unless , happily in the farthest polar regions . also canons ( which are nothing else but general and universal observations ) may very well be joyned , as in the history of celeftials . that venus never is farther distant from sol than 26. degrees , mercury than 23. and that the planets , which are placed above the sun , move very slowly , being at the farthest distance from the earth ; but the planets below the sun move most swiftly . moreover there is another sort of observations to be used , which hitherto hath not been in use , though it be of no small moment , and that is this , that to those things that are , those things that are not , be annexed , as in the history of celestials ; that there is not found , any star of a long figure or triangular ; but that every star is globous and that either globous simply as the moon , or angulate to the sight , but round in the middle , as the other stars , or radious to the sight and circular in the middle , as the sun , or that the stars are scattered without any order at all ; so that amongst them there cannot be found either a five set figure , or quadrangle , or any other perfect figure ( however there be imposed upon them the names of delta , of a crown , a cross , a chariot and four horses , and the like ) scarce even a straight line , unless , happily , in the zone and dagger of orion . fifthly , that may perhaps somewhat help an inquirer which altogether perverts and destroys a credulous person . and that is , that the opinions now received with their variety and sects , be rehearsed in a brief comprehension of words , that they may excite the understanding and no more . x. and let these suffice as for general precepts ; which if they be heedfully observed , this work of history will tend straight to its end , and will not grow above measure : but if also , as it is circumscribed and limited , it seem a vast work to any mean spirited person , let him turn his eyes upon liberaries , and amongst others upon the bodies of the civil and canonical law , on one side , and upon the commentaries of doctors and lawyers on the other side , and he may see , what the difference will be , as to the bulk and volumnes . now for us , ( who like faithful scribes cuil out and write the laws themselves of nature , and nothing else ) brevity is proper and almost imposed upon us by the very things themselves ; but of opinions , decrees , and speculations there is neither number nor end . but for that we have made mention , in the distribution of our work of cardinal virtues , in nature ; and for that also the history of these should be finished , before we shall come to the work of the interpretation , we have not been unmindful of this business , but we have reserved this work for our self , because we dare not much promise our selves the industry of others in this business , before men shall have begun to acquaint themselves a little nearer with nature . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a28366-e790 * see aphor. following . notes for div a28366-e990 the division of the natural history . the twofold use of the natural history . three things to be avoided in the natural history philosophy must be avoided . descriptions , and pictures . superstitious relations . this natural history must be penned succinctly . the extent of the natural history . five parts of the history of generations . superstition to be avoided . the history of arts threefold . the use of the history of arts. what art● are preferred . admonition of what experiments are to be received . the best end of experiments . see the lord bacons novum organum libro primo . aphor. 99. 119. 120. what things may be r●ceived i●to this nat. history . the way to judge of the dignity of experiments . the manner of propounding things in the nat. history . how things must be propounded according to their credit . see nov. org. libro primo aphor. 118 lib. 1. falsly received things should expresly be warned against the causes of false opinions sometimes to be insed●● . five additions to the natural history . 1. questions . 2. the manner when to be expressed . 3. doubts . 4. observations . canons . a new sort of observations . 5. opinions . a briefe discourse, touching the happie vnion of the kingdomes of england, and scotland dedicated in priuate to his maiestie. bacon, francis, 1561-1626. 1603 approx. 24 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 20 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a01064 stc 1117 estc s104437 99840175 99840175 4650 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a01064) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 4650) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 871:04) a briefe discourse, touching the happie vnion of the kingdomes of england, and scotland dedicated in priuate to his maiestie. bacon, francis, 1561-1626. [48] p. printed [by r. read] for fœlix norton, and are to be sold by william aspley, at london : 1603. by francis bacon. printer's name from stc. signatures: a-c. the first leaf and the last three leaves are blank. running title reads: the happy vnion of england and scotland. reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of 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limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng england -foreign relations -scotland -early works to 1800. scotland -foreign relations -england -early works to 1800. 2002-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-03 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-04 tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread 2002-04 olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-05 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a briefe discovrse , tovching the happie vnion of the kingdomes of england , and scotland dedicated in private to his maiestie . at london printed for foelix norton , and are to be sold by william aspley . 1603. a briefe discourse , touching the happy vnion of the kingdomes of england , and scotland . dedicated in priuate to his maiestie . i doe not finde it straunge ( excellent king , ) that when heraclitus , hee that was surnamed the obscure , had set foorth a certaine booke , which is not now extant : many men tooke it for a discourse of nature , and many others tooke it for a treatise of policie , and matter of estate . for , there is a great affinitie and consent , betweene the rules of nature , and the true rules of policie : the one being nothing els but an order in the gouernement of the world , and the other an order , in the gouernment of an estate . and therefore , the education and erudition of the kings of persia , was in a science , which was termed by a name , then of great reuerence , but now degenerate and taken in ill part . for , the persian magicke , which was the secret literature of their kings , was an obseruation of the contemplation of nature , and an application thereof to a sense politicke 〈◊〉 taking the fundamentall lawes of nature , with the branches and passages of them , as an originall , and first modell , whence to take and describe a copie and imitation for gouernement . after this manner , the foresaid instructors fet before their kings , the examples of the celestiall bodies , the sunne , the moone , and the rest , which haue great glorie and veneration , but no rest or intermission , beeing in a perpetuall office of motion , for the cherishing , in turne , and in course , of inferiour bodyes . expressing likewise , the true manner of the motions of gouernement , which though they ought to bee swifte and rapide in respect of occasion and dispatche , yet are they to be constant and regular , without wauering or confusion . so did they represent vnto them , how that the heauens do not inritch themselues by the earth , and the seas , nor keepe no dead stocke or vntouched treasure , of that they drawe to them from belowe , but whatsoeuer moysture they doe leuie and take from both the elements in vapours , they doe spend and turne backe againe in showers , onely houlding and storing them vp for a time , to the end to issue and distribute them in season . but chiefely they did expresse and expound vnto them , that fundamentall lawe of nature , whereby all things doe subsist and are preserued : which is , that euery thing in nature , although it hath his priuate and particular affection and appetite , and doth follow and pursue the same in small moments , and when it is deliuered and freed from more generall and common respects : yet neuerthelesse , when there is question or cause , for the sustaining of the more generall , they forsake their owne particularities and proprieties , and attend and conspire to vphold the publike . so , we see the yron in small quantitie will ascend and approach to the load-stone , vpon a particular sympathie . but , if it bee any quantitie of moment , it leaues his appetite of amity with the load-stone , and like a good patriott , falleth to the earth , which is the place and region , of massy bodies . so againe , the water , and other like bodies , doe fall towardes the center of the earth : which is , as was saide , their region or country . and yet , we see nothing more vsuall , in all water-workes and ingens , then that the water ( rather then to suffer any distraction , or disunion in nature , ) will ascend : forsaking the loue to his owne region or country , and applying it selfe to the body next adioyning . but , it were too large a digression , to proceede to more examples of this kinde . your maiesty your selfe , did fall vppon a passage of this nature , in your gratious speech of thankes vnto your councell . when acknowledging princely , their vigilancye and well deseruinges , it pleased you to note , that it was a successe and euent aboue the course of nature , to haue so great a change , with so great a quiet : forasmuch as suddayne and great mutations , as well in state as in nature , are rarely without violence and perturbation . so as still i conclude , there is , as was saide , a congruity betweene the principles of nature , and and of pollicie . and , least that instance may seeme to appone to this assertion , i may , euen in that perticular , with your maiesties fauour , offer vnto you a type or patern in nature much resembling this present euēt in your state : namely earthquakes , which many of them , bring euer much terror and wonder , but no actuall hurt ; the earth trembling for a moment , and sodainely stablishing in perfect quiet , as it was before . this knowledge then , of making the gouernment of the world , a mirror for the gouernement of a state , beeing a wisedome almost lost ( whereof the reason i take to be , because of the difficulty , for one man to imbrace both philosophies ; ) i haue thought good to make some proofe , ( as farre as my weakenesse , and the straights of time will suffer , ) to reuiue in the handling of one particular wherewith now i most humbly present your maiesty . for , surely , as hath beene said , it is a forme of discourse , anciently vsed towardes kings . and , to what king , should it be more proper then to a king , that is studious to conioyne contemplatiue virtue and actiue virtue together . your maiesty is the first king , which hath had the honour , to be lapis angularis , to vnite these two mighty and warlike nations of england and scotland , vnder one soueraignety and monarchy . it dooth not appeare by the recordes and memories , of any true history , nor scarcly by the fiction and pleasure of any fabulous narration , or tradition : that euer , of any antiquity , this iland of great brittaine was vnited vnder one king , before this day . and yet , there be no mountaines or races of hils , there be no seas , or great riuers , there is no diuersity of toung or language , that hath inuited or prouoked this ancient separation , or diuorce . the lot of spaine was , to haue the seuerall kingdomes of that continent ( portugal onely except , ) to be vnited in an age , not long past : and , now in our age , that of portugal also , which was the last that held out , to bee incorporate with the rest . the lot of france hath beene , much about the same time likewise , to haue reannexed vnto that crowne , the seuerall duchies and portions , that were in former times dismembred . the lotte of this iland , is the last reserued for your maiesties happye times , by the speciall prouidence and fauour of god : who hath brought your maiesty to this happy coniunction , with great consent of harts , and in the strength of your yeares , and in the maturity of your experience . it resteth therefore , but that , ( as i promised ) i set before your maiesties princelye consideration , the grounds of nature , touching the vnion and commixture of bodies ; & the correspondence which they haue with the groundes of pollicie , in the coniunction of states and kingdomes . first therefore that position , vis vnita fortior , beeing one of the common notions of the minde , needeth not much to be induced or illustrate . we see the sunne ( when he enters , & while he continues vnder the signe of leo ) causeth more vehement heates , then when he is in cancer : what time his beames are neuerthelesse , more perpendicular . the reason whereof , in great part , hath beene truely ascribed , to the coniunction and corradiation in that place of heauen , of the sunne , with the foure starres of the first magnitude , syrius , canicula , cor leonis , & cauda leonis . so , the moone likewise , by ancient tradition , while she is in the same signe of leo , is saide to be at the heart , or , to respect the hart . which is not for any affinity , which that place in heauen can haue , with that part of mans body : but onely , because the moone is then ( by reason of the coniunction and neerenesse with the starres aforenamed ) in greatest strength of influence : and so worketh vppon that part , in inferiour bodyes , which is most vitall and principall . so , wee see waters and liquors , in small quantity , do easily purrifie and corrupt : but , in large quantity , subsist long , by reason of the strength , they receiue , by vnion . so , in earthquakes , the more generall doe little hurt , by reason of the vnited weight , that they offer to subuert : but , narrow and particular earthquakes , haue many times ouerturned whole townes and citties . so then , this point touching the force of vnion is euident . and therefore it is more fitte to speake of the manner of vnion . wherein againe , it will not be pertinent , to handle one kinde of vnion , which is vnion , by victory : when one body , doth meerely subdue another , and conuerteth the same into his owne nature , extinguishing and expulsing , what part so euer of it , it cannot ouercome . as , when the fire conuerteth the wood into fire , purging awaye the smoake and the ashes , as vnapt matter to inflame . or , when the bodye of a liuing creature dooth conuert and assimilate foode and nourishment : purging and expelling whatsoeuer it cannot conuerte . for , these representations doe aunswere in matter of pollicie , to vnion of countreyes by conquest : where the conquering state dooth extinguish , extirpate and expulse any parte of the estate conquered , which it findeth so contrarye , as it cannot alter and conuerte it . and therefore leauing violent vnions : wee will consider onelye of naturall vnions . the difference is excellent , which the best obseruers in nature doe take , betweene compositio and miltio ; putting together and mingling . the one beeing but a coniunction of bodyes in place , the other in quality , and consent : the one , the mother of sedition and alteration , the other of peace and continuance : the one rather a confusion , then an vnion , the other properly a vnion . therefore we see those bodies which they call imperfectè miltio , last not , but are speedily dissolued . for , take for example , snow or froth , which are compositions of ayre and water : in them you may behold , how easily they seuer and dissolue , the water closing togeather , and excluding the ayre . so , those three bodies , which the alchymists doe so much celebrate , as the three principles of things , that is to say , earth , water and oyle , ( which it pleaseth them to terme salt , mercury and sulphur : ) wee see , if they bee vnited onely by composition , or putting togeather , how weakely and rudely they doe incorporate . for , water and earth , make but an vnperfect slime , and , if they be forced togeather by agitation , yet , vpon a little setling , the earth resides in the bottome . so , water and oyle , though by agitation it be beaten into an oyntment . yet , after a little setling , the oyle will floate vppon the toppe . so as , such vnperfect minglinges , continue no longer , then they are forced : and still in the ende , the worthiest getteth aboue . but , otherwise it is , of perfect mixture . for , wee see those three bodies , of earth , water and oyle ; when they are ioyned in a regetable or minerall , they are so vnited , as without great subtiltie of arte , and force of extraction , they cannot bee seperated and reduced into the same simple bodyes againe . so as , the difference betweene compositio and mistio , cleerelye set downe is this : that compositio , is the ioyning or putting togeather of bodyes , without a new forme : and mistio , is the ioyning or putting togeather of bodies , vnder a new forme . for , the new forme , is commune vinculum : and without that , the oulde formes , will be at striefe and discorde . now , to reflect this light of nature , vpon matter of estate : there hath beene put in practise in gouernment , these two seuerall kindes of pollicie , in vniting & conioyning of states & kingdomes . the one to retaine the auncient formes still seuered , and onely conioyned in soueraingtie ; the other , to superinduce a new forme agreeable and conuenient to the entire estate . the former of these hath beene more vsuall , and is more easie : but the latter , is more happy . for , if a man doe attentiuely reuolue histories of all nations , and iudge truly therevpon : hee will make this conclusion , that there were neuer any state that were good commixtures , but the romaines : which because it was the best state in the worlde , and is the best example of this pointe , wee will chiefely insist therevpon . in the antiquities of rome , virgill brings in iupiter , by way of oracle or perdiction , speaking of the mixture of the troyans and the italians : sermonem ausonij patrium , moresque tenebunt . vtque est , nomen erit : comisti corpore tantum subsident teucri , morem , ritusque sacrorum adijciam , faciamque omnes vno ore latinos . hine genus ausomo mistum quod sanguine surget , suprà homines , suprà ire deos pietate videbis wherein iupiter maketh a kinde of partition or distribution , that italy should giue the language and the lawes ; troye should giue a mixture of men , and some religious rites , and both people should meete in one name of latines . soone after the foundation of the citie of rome , the people of the romaines and the sabines mingled vppon equall termes . wherin the interchange went so euen , that ( as liui noteth ) the one nation gaue the name to the place , and the other to the people . for , rome continued the name : but , the people were called quirites , which was the sabine worde deriued of cures , the countrie of tacitus . but , that which is chiefly to be noted , in the whole continuance of the romaine gouernment , they were so liberall of their naturallizations , as in effect , they made perpetuall mixtures . for their manner was , to graunt the same , not onely to particular persons , but to families and linages : and not onely so , but to whole citties and countries . so as , in the end it came to passe , that rome was communis patria , as some of the ciuilians call it . so , we read , that saint paul , after he had beene beaten with roddes , and therevpon charged the officer with violation of the priuiledge of a citizen of rome : the captaine then sayde to him ; art thou then a romaine ? that priuiledge hath cost mee deere ! to whome saint paul replyed : but i was so borne . and yet , in another place saint paul professeth of himselfe that hee was a iewe by tribe . so as it is manifest that some of his ancestors were naturallized , to him and to his descendents . so , wee read , that it was one of the first despights that was done to iulius caesar , that whereas hee had obtayned naturalization for a cittye in gaul , one of the cittizens of that cittye , was beaten with roddes , by the commaundement of the consul marcellus . so wee read in cornelius tacitus , that , in the emperour claudius time , the nation of gaul , that part which was called comata , the wilder part , were suters to bee made capable of the honours of beeing senators and officers of rome . his wordes are : cùm de supplendo , senatu agitaretur , primoresque galliae quae commata appellatur , foedera et ciuitatem romanam pridem assecuti , ius adipiscendorum in vrbe honorum expeterent : multus ea super re , variusque rumor , et studijs diuersis apud principem certabatur : and , in the ende , after long debate , it was ruled , they should be admitted . so likewise , the authoritie of nicholas machiauell , seemeth not to bee contemned : who , inquiring of the causes of the growth of the romaine empire , dooth giue iudgement , there was not one greater then this , that the state did so easily compound , and incorporate with straungers . it is most true , that most estates and kingdomes , haue taken the other course : of which this effect hath followed , that the addition of further empire and territorie , hath beene rather matter of burden , then matter of strength vnto them ; yea , and further ; it hath kepte aliue the seede and rootes of reuoltes and rebellions , for many ages : as , wee may see in a freshe and notable example of the kingdome of aragon , which though it were vnited to castile by mariadge , and not by conquest , and so descended inhereditarie vnion by the space of more then a hundreth years : yet , because it was continued in a diuided gouernement , and not well incorporated and cemented with the other crownes ; entred into a rebellion , vpon point of their fueros , or liberties , now , of very late yeares . now , to speake briefely , of the seuerall partes of that forme , whereby states and kingdomes are perfectly vnited : they are , besides the soueraignety it selfe , foure in number . vnion in name , vnion in language , vnion in lawes , and vnion in employmentes . for name , though it seeme but a superficiall and outward matter ; yet it carrieth much impression and inchantment . the generall and common name of grecia , made the greekes alwayes apt to vnite ( though otherwise full of diuisions amongst themselues : ) against other nations , who they called barbarous . the he●●●tian name , is no small band to knit together , their leagues and confederacies , the faster . the common name of spaine , no doubt hath beene a speciall meane of the better vnion and conglutination , of the seuerall kindomes of castile , aragon , granada , nauarra , valencia , catalonia , and the rest : comprehending also now lately portugall . for language , it is not needfull to insist vpon it : because both your maiesties kingdoms , are of one language , though of seuerall dialects : and the difference so small betweene them , as promiseth rather an inriching of one language , then a continuance of two . for lawes , which are the principall synewes of gouernment , they be of three natures . iura , which i will terme freedomes , or abilities , leges , and mores . for abilities and freedoms , they were amongst the romans ; of foure kindes , or rather degrees ius connubij , ius ciuitatis , ius suffragij , and ius petitionis , or ius honorum . ius connubij , is a thing , in these times , out of vse . for , marriage is open betweene all diuersity of nations . ius ciuitatis answereth to that we call denization , or naturalization . ius suffragij answereth to voyce in parliament , or voice in election of such , as haue voyce in parliament . ius petitionis , aunswereth to place in councell and office . and , the romanes did many times seuer these freedoms , granting ius connubij , sine ciuitate , and ciuitatem sine suffragio , & suffragium sine iure petitionis , which was commonly with them the last . for lawes , it is a matter of curiosity and inconuenience , to seeke eyther to extripate all particular customes , or , to draw all subiectes to one place or resort of iudicature and session . it sufficeth , there be an vniformity in the principall and fundamentall lawes , both ecclesiasticall and ciuill . for , in this point the rule houldes , which was pronounced by an ancient father , touching the diuersity of rites in the church . for , finding the vesture of the queene , ( in the psalme ) which did prefigure the church , was of diuerse colours : and , finding againe , that christes coate was without a seame : hee concludes well , in veste varietas sit , scissura non fit . for manners , a consent in them is to be sought industriously ; but , not to bee inforced . for , nothing amongst people , breedes so much pertinacie , in houlding their customes , as suddaine and violent offer to remooue them . and , as for employments ; it is no more , but an indifferent hand , and execution of that verse : tros , tyriusué mihi , nulle discrimine agetur . there remaineth onely , to remember out of the grounds of nature , the two conditions of perfect mixture : whereof the former is time. for , the naturall philosophers say well , that compositio , is opus homines : and mistio , is opus naturae . for it is the dutie of man , to make a fitte application of bodies together . but , the perfect fermentation and incorporation of them , must bee left to nature and time : and vnnaturall hasting thereof , dooth disturbe the worke , and not dispatche it . so , wee see , after the grift is put into the stock , and bound ; it must bee left to nature and time , to make that continuum , which was at first but contiguum . and , it is not any continuall pressing , or thrusting together : that will preuent natures season , but rather hinder it . and so , in liquors , those mixtures which are at the first troubled : growe after cleere and setled , by the benefit of rest and time . the second condition is : that the greater drawe the lesse . so wee see , when two lights doe meete , the greater dooth darken and drowne the lesse . and , when a smaller riuer , runs into a greater , it leeseth both his name and streame . and hereof to conclude , we see an excellent example in the kingdomes of iuda and israel . the kingdome of iuda contained two tribes ; the kingdome of israel , contained ten . king dauid raigned first ouer iuda , for certaine yeeres : & , after the death of isbosheth , the sonne of saul , obtayned likewise the kingdome of israel . this vnion continued in him , and likewise in his sonne salomon , by the space of seuentie yeares at least , betweene them both . but yet , because the seate of the kingdome was kept still in iuda , and so the lesse sought to drawe the greater ; vppon the first occasion offered , the kingdomes brake againe , and so continued , diuided for euer after . thus hauing in all humblenesse made oblation vnto your maiestie of these simple fruites , of my deuotion and studies : i do wish ( and i do wish it , not in the nature of an impossibilitie , to my thinking , ) that this happye vnion of your maiesties two kingdomes of england and scotland ; may bee in as good an houre ; and vnder the like diuine prouidence , as that was , betweene the romaines and the sabines . finis . ordinances made by the right honourable sir francis bacon ... being then lord chancellor for the better and more regular administration of iustice in the chancery, to be daily observed saving the prerogative of this court. england and wales. court of chancery. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a28357 of text r20720 in the english short title catalog (wing b316). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 38 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 13 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a28357 wing b316 estc r20720 12735124 ocm 12735124 92996 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a28357) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 92996) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 374:10) ordinances made by the right honourable sir francis bacon ... being then lord chancellor for the better and more regular administration of iustice in the chancery, to be daily observed saving the prerogative of this court. england and wales. court of chancery. bacon, francis, 1561-1626. 22 p. printed for mathew walbanke and lawrence chapman, london : 1642. eng court rules -england. a28357 r20720 (wing b316). civilwar no ordinances made by the right honourable sir francis bacon knight, lord verulam, and vicount of saint albans, being then lord chancellor. for england and wales. court of chancery 1642 6850 78 0 0 0 0 0 114 f the rate of 114 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the f category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2002-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-04 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-05 tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread 2002-05 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-06 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion ordinances made by the right honourable sir francis bacon knight , lord verulam , and vicount of saint albans , being then lord chancellor . for the better and more regular administration of iustice in the chancery , to be daily observed saving the prerogative of this covrt . london : printed for mathew walbanke , and lawrence chapman 1642. ordinances made by the right honourable the lord chancellor , for the better and more regular administration of justice in the chancery , to be daily observed saving the prerogative of the court . no decree shall be reversed , altered , or explained , being once under the great seale , but upon bill of review , and no bill of review shall be admitted except it containe either error in law , appearing in the body of the decree , without farther examination of matters ●n fact , or some new matter which hath risen in time after the decree , and not any new proofe which might have bin used when the decree was made : neverthelesse upon new proofe , that is come to light after the decree made , and could not possibly have bin used at the time , when the decree passed , a bill of review may bee grounded by the speciall lycence of the court , and not otherwise . 2. in case of miscasting ( being a matter demonstrative ) a decree may be explained , and reconciled by an order without a bill of review , not understanding by mis-casting any pretended misrating or misvaluing● but onely errour in the auditing or numbring . 3. no bill of review shall be admitted , or any other new bill to change matter decreed , except the decree bee first obeyed and performed , as if it bee for land , that the possession be yeelded ; if it bee for mony , that the mony be paid ; if it be for evidences , that the evidences be brought in , and so in other cases which stand upon the strength of the decree alone . 4. but if any act be decreed to bee done which extingu●sheth the parties right at the common law , as making of assurance or release , acknowledging satisfaction cancelling of bonds , or evidences , and the like ; those parts of the decree are to bee spared untill the bill of review be determined . but such sparing is to be warranted by publique order made in court . 5. no bill of review shall bee put in , except the party that preferres it enter into recognizance with sureties for satisfying of costs and damages for the delay , if it be found against him . 6. no decrees shall be made upon pretence of equity , against the expresse provision of an act of parliament : neverthelesse if the construction of such act of parliament hath for a time gone one way in generall opinion and reputation , and after by a latter judgement hath bin controlled , then releefe may bee given upon matter of equity , for cases arising before the said judgement , because the subject was in no default . 7. imprisonment for breach of a decree is in nature of an execution , and therefore the custody ought to bee straight , and the party not to have any liberty to goe abroad , but by speciall lycence of the lord chancellor ; but no close imprisonment is to be , but by expresse order for wilfull and extraordinary contempts , and disobedience as hath bin used . 8. in case of enormous and obstinate disobedience in breach of a decree , an injunction is to be granted sub poena of a summe , and upon affidavit , or other sufficient proofe of persisting in contempt , fines are to bee pronounced by the lord chancellor in open court , and the same to be extracted downe into the hamper if cause be , by a speciall order . 9. in case of a decree made for the possession of land , a writ of execution goeth forth , and if that bee disobeyed , then processe of contempt according to the course of the court against the person to commission of rebellion , and then a serjeant at armes by speciall warrant , and in case the serjeant at armes cannot finde him , or bee resisted upon the comming in of the party , and his commitment ; if hee persist in disobedience , an injunction is to bee granted for the possession , and in case that also bee disobeyed , then a commission to put him in possession . 10. where the partie is committed for breach of a decree , he is not to be enlarged untill the decree bee fully performed in all things which are to bee done presently . but if there be other parts of the decree to be performed at dayes , or times to come , then he may bee enlarged by order of court upon recognizance , with sureties to be put in for the performance de futuro , otherwise not . 11. where causes come to hearing in court , no decree bindeth any person who was not served with proc●s ad audiendum iudicium , according to the course of the court , or did appeare in person in court . 12. no decree bindeth any that commeth in bona fide , by conveyance from the defendant before the bill exhibited ; and is made no party , neither by bill nor order : but where he come● in pende●te lite , and while the suite is in full prosecution , and without any colour of allowance or privity of the court , there regularly the decree bindeth , but if there were any intermission of suite , or the court made acquainted with the conveyance , the court is to give order upon the speciall matter according to justice . 13. where causes are dismissed upon full hearing , and the dismission signed by the lord chancellor , such causes shall not be retayned againe , nor new bill admitted , except it be upon new matter , like to the case of the bill of review . 14. in case of other dismissions , which are not upon hearing of the cause , if any new bill be brought , the dismission is to be pleaded , and after reference and report of the contents of both suites and consideration taken of the causes of the former dis●ission , the court shall rule the reteyning or dismissing of the new bill according to justice , and the nature of the case . 15. all suites grounded upon wills , nuncupative , leases paroll , or upon long leases , that tend to the defacing of the kings tenures , for the stablishing of perpetuities , or grounded upon remainders put into the crowne , to defeate purchasors , or for brocage or rewards to make marriages , or for bargaines at play and wagers , or for bargaines , for offices contrary to the statute , of 2. edw. 6. or for contracts upon usury , or symony , are regularly to be dismissed upon motion , if they bee the sole effect of the bill , and if there be no speciall circumstances to move the court to allow them a proceeding , and all suites under the valew of ten pounds , are regularly to bee dismissed . 16. dismissions are properly to be prayed , and had either upon hearing , or upon ple● unto the bi●l when the cause comes first into the court : but dismissions are not to bee prayed after the parties have bin at charges of examination , except it be upon speciall cause . 17. if the plaintiffe discontinue by prosecution , after all the defendants have answered above the space of one whole terme , the cause is to be dismissed of course without any motion : but after replication put in no cause is to be dismissed without motion and order of the court . 18. double vexation is not to bee admitted , but if the party sue for the same cause at common law● and in chancery , hee is to have a day given to make ●is election where hee will proceed , and in default of such election to be dismissed . 19. where causes are removed by speciall certiorari upon a bill , conteyning matter of equity● the plaintiffe is upon receipt of his writ to put in bond to prove his suggestion within foureteene dayes after the receipt , which if hee doe not prove , then upon certificate from either of the examiners presented to the lord chancell●● , the cause shall bee dismissed with dosts and ●procedendo to bee granted . 20. no injunction of any nature shall be granted , revived , di●●olved , or stayed upon any private petition . 21. no injunction to stay suites at the law shall bee granted upon priority of suite onely , or upon ●urmise of the plaintif●s bill onely , but upon matter confessed in the d●fendants answer , or matter of record , or writing plainely appearing , or when the defendant is in contempt for not answering , or that the debt desired to bee stayed appeareth to be old , and hath slept long , or the creditor , or the debtor hath beene dead some good time before the suite brought . 22. where the defendant appeares not , but sits an attachment ; or when hee doth appeare and departs without answer , and is under attachment , for not answering ; or when he takes oath ; he cannot answer without sight of evidences in the country , or where after answer hee sues at common law by attourny , and absents himselfe beyond sea : in these cases an injunction is to be granted for the stay of all suites at the common law , untill the party answer or appeare in person in court , and the court give further order : but neverthelesse upon answer put in , if there bee no motion made the same terme , or the next generall seale after the terme , to continue the injunction in regard of the insufficiency of the answer put in , or in regard of the matter confessed in the answer . then the injunction to dye and dissolve without any speciall order . 23. in the case aforesaid , where an injunction is to bee granted for stay of suites at the common law , if the like suite be in the chancery , either by scire facias , or priviledge or english bill , then the suite is to bee stayed by order of the court , as it is in other courts by injunction , for that the court cannot enjoyne it selfe . 24. where an injunction hath beene obtayned for stay of suites . and no prosecution is had for the space of three termes , the injunction is to fall of it selfe without further motion . 25. where a bill comes in after an arrest at the common law for a debt , no injunction shall bee granted without bringing the principall mony into court , except there appeare in the defendants answer , or by sight of writings , plaine matter tending to discharge the debt in equity . but if an injunction be awarded and disobeyed , in that case no mony shall bee brought in , or deposited in regard of the contempt . 26. injunctions for possession are not to bee granted before a decree , but where the possession hath continued by the space of three yeares , before the bill exhibited , and upon the ●ame title ; and not upon any title by lease , or otherwise d●termined . 27. in case where the defendants sits all the processe of contempt , and cannot bee found by the serjeant at armes , or resist the serjeant , or makes rescue , a sequestration shall bee granted of the land in question , and if the defendant render not himselfe within the yeare , then ●n injunction for the possession . 28. injunctions against felling of timber , ploughing up of ancient pastures , or for the maintayning of inclosures , or the like , shall be granted according to the circumstances of the case ; but not in case where the defendant upon his answer claimeth an estate of inheritance except it bee where hee claimeth the land in trust , or upon some other speciall ground . 29. no sequestration shall bee granted but of lands , leases , or goods in question , and not of any other lands or goods , not conteyned in the suites . 30. where a decree is made for rent to bee paid out of land , or a summe of mony to bee levied o●t of the profits of land , there a sequestration of the same lands being in the defendants hands may be granted . 31. where the decrees of the provinciall counsell , or of the court of requests , or the queenes court , are by continuancy or other meanes interupted : there the court of chancery upon a bill preferred for corroborations of the same jurisdictions , decrees , and sentences shall give remedy . 32. where any cause comes to hearing that hath beene formerly decreed , in any other of the kings courts of justice at westminster , such decree shall bee first read , and then to proceed to the rest of the evidence on both sides . 33. suites after judgement may bee admitted according to the ancient custome of the chancery , and the late royall decision of his majesty , of record after solemne and great deliberation : but in such suites it is ordered , that bond bee put in with good sureties to prove the suggestions of the bill . 34. decrees upon suites brought after judgement shall containe no words , to make voyd or weaken the judgement , but shall onely correct the corrupt conscience of the party , and rule him to make restitution , or performe other acts , according to the equity of the cause . orders , and the office of the registers . 35. the registers are to bee sworne , as hath bin lately ordered . 36. if any order shall bee made , and the court not informed of the last materiall order formerly made , no benefit shall bee taken by such order : as granted by abuse , and surreption , and to that end the registers ought duely to mention the former order in the later . 37. no order shall bee explained upon any private petition but in court as they are made , and the register is to set downe the orders as they were pronounced by the court , truely at his perill , without troubling the lord chancellor by any private attending of him to explaine his meaning : and if any explanation bee desired , it is to bee done by publique motion , where the other party may be heard . 38. no draught of any order shall bee delivered by the register to either party without keeping a coppy by him , to the end that if the order bee not entered , neverthelesse the court may bee informed what was formerly done , and not put to new trouble and hearing ; and to the end also that knowledge of orders be not kept backe too long from either party , but may presently● appeare at the office . 39. where a lease hath beene debated upon hearing of both parties and opinion hath beene delivered by the court , and neverthelesse the cause referred to treaty , the registers are no● to omit the opinion of the court , in drawing of the order of reference , except the court doth specially declar● that it bee entred without any opinion either way ; in which case nevertheles●e the registers are out of their short note , to draw up some more full remembrance of that that passed in court , to informe the court i● the cause come backe and cannot be agreed . 40. the registers upon sending of their draugh● unto the counsell of the parties , are not to respect the interlineations , or alterations of the said co●nsell ( 〈…〉 counsell never so great ) further , then to put them in remembrance of that which was truely delivered in cou●t and so to conceive the order upon their oath , and duty without any further respect . 41. the registers are to bee carefull in the 〈◊〉 and drawing up of d●●rees● and speciall matters of difficulty and weight , and therefore when they present the same to the lord chancellor , they ought to give him understanding which are those decrees of weight , that they may bee read and reviewed before his lordship signe them . 42. the decr●es granted at the rolls , are to bee presented to his lordship , with the orders whereupon they are drawne , within two or three daies after every terme . 43. injunctions for possession , or for stay of suites after verdict are to be presented to his lordship , together with the orders whereupon they goe forth , that his lordship may take consideration of the order before hee signe them . 44. where any order upon the speciall nature of the case shall bee made against any of these generall rules , there the register shall plainely and expresly set downe the particulars , reasons , and grounds moving the court to vary from the generall rule . 45. no reference upon a demurrer , or question touching the jurisdiction of the court , shall bee made to the masters of the chancery : but such demurrers shall bee heard and ruled in court , or by the lord chancello● himselfe . 46. no order shall bee made for the confirming or ratifying of any report without day first given , by the space of a seve●ight at the le●●● , ●o speake to it in court . 47. no reference shall bee made to any masters of the court , or any other commissioners to heare and determine where the cause is gone so farre as to examination of witnesses , except it bee in special cases of parties neare in bloud , or of extreme poverty , or by consent and generall● reference of the estate of cause , except it bee by consent of the parties to bee sparingly granted . 48. no report shall be respected in court , which exceedeth the warrant of reference . 49. the masters of the court are required not to certifie the state of any cause , as if they would make breviate of the evidence on both sides , which doth little ease the court , but with some opinion , or otherwise in case they thinke it too doubtfull to give opinion , and therefore make such speciall certificate , the cause is to goe on to a judiciall hearing without respect had to the same . 50. matters of accompt unlesse it bee in very weighty causes are not fit for the court , but to bee prepared by reference , with this difference neverthelesse , that the cause comes first to a hearing , and upon the entrance into a hearing , they may receive some direction , and be turned over to have the accompts considered , except both parties before a hea●ing doe consent to a reference of the examination of the accompts , to make it more ready for a hearing . 51. the like course to bee taken for the examination of court rolls , upon customes and coppies , which shall not bee referred to any one master , but to two masters at the least . 52. no reference to bee made of the insufficiency of an answer , without shewing of some particular point of the defect , and not upon surmize of the insufficiency in generall . 53. where a trust is confessed by the defend●nts answer , there needeth no further hearing of the cause , but a reference presently to be made of the accompt , and so to goe on to a hearing of the accompts . 54. in all suites where it shall appeare upon the hearing of the cause , that the plaintiffe had not probabilem causam ltigand● he shall pay unto the defendant , his utmost costs to be assessed by the court . 55. if any bill answers replication , or rejoynder , shall be found of an immoderate length , both the party and the councell under whose hand it passeth shall be fined . 56. if there bee contayned in any bill , answer , or other pleadings interrogatory , any matter libellous , or slanderous against any that is not party to the suite , or against such as are parties to the suite , upon matters , impertinent , or in derogation of the setled authorities of any of his majesties courts , such bills , answers , pleadings , or interrogatories shall be taken of the fyle and suppressed , and the parties severally punished by commitment or ignominy , as shall bee thought fit for the abuse of the court , and the councellors at law , who have set their hands shall likewise receive reproofe or punishment if cause be . 57. demurrers and pleas which tend to discharge the suite shall be heard , first upon every day of orders , that the subject may know whether hee shall need further attendance or no . 58. a demurrer is properly upon matter defective , contained in the bill it selfe , and no forrayne matter , but a plea is of forrayne matter to discharge or stay the suite , as that the cause hath beene formerly dismissed , or that the plaintife is out-lawed , or excommunicated , or there is an other bill● depending for the same cause or the like , and such plea may bee put in without oath , in case where the matter of the plea appeares upon record ; but if it bee any thing that doth not appeare upon record , the plea must be upon oath . 59. no plea of out-lawry shall bee allowed without pleading the record sub pede sigilli , nor plea of excommunication without the seale of the ordinary . 60. where any suite appeareth upon the bill , to bee of the natures which are regularly to be dismissed according to the fifteenth ordinance , such matter is to bee set forth by way of demurrer . 61. where an answer shall bee certified insufficient , the defendant is to pay costs , and if a second answer be returned insufficient , in the points before certified insufficient , then double cos●s , and upon the third ●●eble costs , and up●n the fourth quadruple costs , and then to be committed also untill he hath made a perfect answer , and to bee examined upon interrogatives ●ouching the points defective in his answer , but if any answer bee certified sufficient , the plaintiffe is to pay costs . 62. no insufficient answer can bee taken hold of after replication put in , because it is admitted sufficient by the replication . 63 , an answer to a matter charged as the defendants owne fact , must be direct without saying it is to his remembrance , or as he beleeveth , if it bee laid downe within seven yeares before , and if the defendant deny the fact , hee must traverse it directly , and not by way of negative pregnant , as if a fact be laid to bee done with diverse circumstances , the defendant may not traverse it literally as it is law in the bill , but must traverse the point of substance : so if he bee charged with the receipt of one hundred pounds , hee must traverse that hee hath not received a hundred pounds , or any part thereof , and if hee have received part , hee must set forth what part . 64. if a hearing be prayed upon bill and answer , the answer must be admitted to be true in all points , and a decree ought to be made , but upon hearing the answer readin court . 65. where no councell appeares for the defendant at the hearing , and the processe appeares to have bin served , the answer of such defendant ●s to be read ●n court . 66. no new matter is to be conteyned in any replication , except it be to avoyd matter set forth in the defendants answ. 67. all coppies in chancery shall containe 15. ●●●es in every sheet thereof written orderly and unwastfully , unto which shall be subscribed the name of the principall clarke of the office where it is written , or his deputy for whom he will answer , for which onely subscription no fee at all shal be taken . 68. all commissions for examination of witnes●es shall super inter● inclusis onely , and no returne of depositions into the court shall be received , but such onely as shall bee either comprised in one role , subscribed with the name of the commissioners , or else in diverse roles ; whereof each one shall bee so subscribed . 69. if both parties joyne in commissions , and upon warning given the defendant bring his commissioners , but produceth no witnesses nor ministreth interrogatories , but after seekes a new commission , the same shall not be granted● but neverthelesse upon some extraordinary excuse of the defendants default , he may have liberty granted by speciall order to examine his witnesses in court upon the former interrogatories , giving the plaintiffe or his attourney notice , that hee may examine also if hee will . 70. the defendant is not to be examined upon interrogatories , except it be in very speciall cases , by expresse order of the court , to sift out some fraud or practice pregnantly appearing to the court , or otherwise upon offer of the plaintiffe to be concluded by the answer of the defendant without any liberty to disprove such answer , or to impeach him after of perjury . 71. decrees in other courts , may bee read upon hearing without the warrant of any speciall order . but no depositions taken in any other court are to be read but by speciall order , and regularly the court granteth no order for reading of depositions except it be between the same parties , and upon the same title and cause of suite . 72. no examination is to be had of the credit of any witnes but by speciall order , which is sparingly to be granted . 73. witnesses shall not be examined in perpetuam rei memoriam , except it be upon the ground of a bill , first put in and answer thereunto made , and the defendant , or his attourney made acquainted with the names of the witnesses that the plaintiffe would have examined , and so publication to bee of such witnesses with this restraint neverthelesse , that no benefit shall be taken of the depositions of such witnesses , in case they may be brought viva voce upon the triall , but onely to be used in case of death before the triall , or age , or impotency , or absent out of the realme at the triall . 74. no witnesses shall bee examined after publication , except it be by consent , or by speciall order ad informandam conscientian judicis , and then to be brought close sealed up to the court , to peruse or publish , as the court shall think good . 75. no affidavit shall bee taken or admitted by any master of the chancery , tending to the proofe or disproofe of the title , or matter in question , or touching the merits of the cause , neither shall any such matter bee colorably inserted in any affidavit for serving of processe . 76. no affidavit shall be taken against affidavit , as far as the masters of the chancery can have knowledge ; and if any such bee taken , the latter affidavit shall not bee used nor read in court . 77. in case of contempts granted upon force or ill words , upon serving of processe , or upon words of scandall of the court , proved by affidavit , the party is forthwith to stand committed ; but for other contempts against the orders or decrees of the court an attachment goes for the first upon affidavit made , and then the party is to bee examined upon interrogatories , and his examination referred ; and if upon his examination he confesse matter of contempt , hee is to bee committed , if not , the adverse party may examine witnesses to prove the contempt , and therefore if the contempt appeare , the party is to bee committed , but if not , or if the party that pursues the contempt doe faile in putting in interrogatories , or other prosecution of faile in the proofe of the conte●pt then the party charged with the contempt is to bee discharged with good costs . 78. they that are in contempt , specially so fa● as proclamation of rebellion , are not to bee here , neither in that suite , nor any other , except the court of speciall grace susspend the contempt . 79. imprisonment upon contempt for matters past , may be discharged of grace after sufficient punishment , or otherwise dispensed with . but if the imprisonment bee for not performance of any order of the court , in force they ought not to be discharged except they first obay , but the contempt may be suspended for a time . 80. injunctions , sequestrations , dismissions , reteyners , upon dismissions , or finall orders , are not to bee granted upon petitions . 81. no former order made in court is to bee altered , crossed , or explained upon any petition , but such orders may bee stayed upon petition for a small stay , unti●l the matter may bee moved in court . 82. no commission for examination of witnesses shall be discharged , nor no examinations or depositions shall be suppressed upon petition , except it be upon point of course of the court first referred to the clarkes , and cert●ficate thereupon . 83. no demur shall be over-ruled upon petition . no scire fac . shall be awarded upon recognizances not enrolled , nor upon recognizances inrolled , unlesse it be upon examination of the record with the writ , nor no recognizance shall be enrolled after the yeare except it bee upon speciall order from the lord chancello● . 85. no writ of exeat regnum , prohibition , consultation , statute of northampton , certiorari speciall , or procedendo speciall , or certiorari or procedendo generall more then one in the same cause ; habeas corpus , or corpus cum causa vi laica removend ' , or restitution thereupon de cor●natore et viridario elig●ndo in case of a moving de homine repleg . assiz . or speciall patent , inde ballia amovend ' certiorari super presentationibus fact . coram comm ssariis seward , or ad quod dampnum shall passe without warrant under the lord chancellors hand , and signed by him , save such writs as ad quod dampnum , as shall be signed by master attourney . 86. writs of priviledge are to be reduced to a better rule , both for the number of persons that shall be priviledged , and for the case of the priviledge : and as for the number , it shall be set downe by schedule : for the case it is to be understood , that besides parties priviledged as attendants upon the court● sutors and witnesses are onely to have priviledge , eund● ; redeundo , et morando , for their necessary attendance , and not otherwise ; and that such writ of priviledge dischargeth onely an arrest upon the first processe , but yet where at such times to necessary attendance the party is taken in execution , it is a contempt to the court , and accordingly to be punished . 87. no supplicavit for the good behaviour shall be granted , but upon articles grounded upon the oath of two at the least , or certificate of any one justice of assize , or two justices of the peace with affidavit , that it is their hands , or by order of the star chamber , or chancery , or other of the kings courts . 88. no recognizance of the good behaviour , and the peace taken in the country , and certified into the petty-bagge shall be filled in the yeare without warrant from the lord chancellor . 89. writs of ne exeat regnum are properly to be granted according to the suggestion of the writ , in respect of attempts prejudiciall to the king and state , in which case the lord chancellor will grant them upon prayer of any the principall secretaries without cause shewing , or upon such information as his lordship shall thinke of weight . but otherwise also they may be granted according to the practice of long time used in case of enterlopers , in trade , great bankerupts , in whose estate many subjects are interes●ed , or other cases that concerne multitudes , if the kings subjects also in case of duells and diverse others . 90. all writs , certificates● and whatsoever other processe ret. coram rege in canc. shall be brought into the chappell of the rolls , within convenient time after the returne thereof , and shall be there filed upon their proper files and bundles as they ought to bee , except the depositions of witnesses , which may remaine with any of the sixe clarkes by the space of one yeare next after the cause shall be determined , by decree , or otherwise be dismissed . 91. all injunctions shall be inrolled , or the transcript filed , to the end that if occasion be , the court may take order to award writs of scire fac . thereupon , as in ancient time hath beene used . 92. all dayes given by the court to sheriftes to returne their writs , or bring their prisoners upon writs of priviledge , or otherwise betweene party and party shall be filed , either in the registers office , or in the petty-bagge respectively , and all recognizances taken to the kings use , or unto the court , shall be duely inrolled in convenient time , with the clarkes of the inrollment , and calendars made of them , and the calendars every michaelmas terme to be presented to the lord chancellor . 93. in case of suites upon the commissions for charitable uses to avoyd charge , there shall need no bill , but onely exceptions to the decree , and answer forthwith to bee made thereunto ; and thereupon , and upon sight of the inquisition , and the decree brought unto the lord chancellor by the clarke of the petty-bagge , his lordship upon perusall thereof will give order under his hand for an absolute decree to bee drawne up . 94 , upon suite for the commission of sewards , the names of those that are desired to be commissioners are to be preferred to the lord chancellor in writing ; then his lordship will send the names of some privy counsellor , lievtenant of the shiere , justices of assize , being resident in the parts for which the commission is prayed to consider of them , that they be not put in for private respects , and upon the returne of such opion his lordship will further order for the commission to passe . 95. no new commission of sewards , shall bee granted whiles the first is in force , except it be upon discovery of abuse , or fault in the first commissioners , or otherwise upon some great or weighty ground . 96. no petition of bankerupt shall be granted but upon petition first exhibi●ed to the lord chancellor , together with names presented , of which his lordship will take con●ideration , and alwaies single some learned in the law with the rest , yet so as care bee taken that the same par●ies bee not too often used in commissio●s , and likewise care is to bee take● that bond with good suretie be entred into in 200. pound at lea●t to prove him a bankerupt . 97. no commission of delegates in any case of weight shall bee awarded , but upon petition preferred to the lord chancellor , who will name the commissioners himselfe , to the end they may bee persons of convenient quality , having regard to the weight of the cause , and the dignity of the court from whom the appeale is . 98. any man shall bee admitted to defend in forma pauperis upon oath , but for plaintiffes they are ordinarily to bee referred to the court , of requests , or to the provinciall councells , if the case arise in the jurisdictions , or to some gentlemen in the country , except it bee in some speciall cases of commiseration or potency of the adverse party . 99. licenses to collect for losses for fire or water● are not to be granted , but upon good certificate , and not for decayes of surety-ship or debt , or any other casualties whatsoever , and they are rarely to be renewed , and they be to be directed unto the county where the losse did arise , if it were by fire , and the counties that abut ●pon it as the case shall require , and if it were by sea , then unto the county where the port is , from whence the ship went , and to some counties adjoyning . 100. no exemplification shall bee made of letters patent ( inter alia ) with omission of the generall words , nor of records made voyd , or cancelled , nor of the decrees of this court , not enrolled , no● of depositions by parcell , nor of depositions in conrt , to which the hand of the examiner is not subscribed , nor of records of the court not being enrolled or filed , nor of records of any other court , before the ●ame bee duely certified to this court , and orderly filed here , nor of any records upon the sight and examination of any coppy in paper , but upon sight and examination of the originall . 101. and because time and experience may discover some of these rules to bee inconvenient , and some other to bee fit to bee added : therefore his lordship intendeth in any such case from time to time t● publish any such revocations or additions . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a28357e-150 decrees . injunction sequestrations . suites ●fter iudgment . notes for div a28357e-740 referen●es suites in court● bills , dem●rrers , answers , pleadings , and coppies . commissions , examinations , and depositions . ad informandam conscientiam judicis affidavits . petitions . cases of treason written by sir francis bacon, knight ... bacon, francis, 1561-1626. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a28043 of text r16590 in the english short title catalog (wing b272). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 49 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 20 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a28043 wing b272 estc r16590 11930894 ocm 11930894 51108 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a28043) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 51108) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 50:14 or 253:e160, no 1) cases of treason written by sir francis bacon, knight ... bacon, francis, 1561-1626. [4], 35 p. printed by the assignes of john more, and are sold by matthew walbancke, and william coke, london : 1641. reproduction of original in huntington library and thomason collection, british library. eng treason -england. a28043 r16590 (wing b272). civilwar no cases of treason. written by sir francis bacon, knight, his maiesties solicitor generall. bacon, francis 1641 8836 10 0 0 0 0 0 11 c the rate of 11 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2000-00 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2001-00 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2001-07 tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread 2003-04 spi global rekeyed and resubmitted 2005-03 melanie sanders sampled and proofread 2005-03 melanie sanders text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion cases of treason . written by sir francis bacon , knight , his maiesties solicitor generall . london , printed by the assignes of john more , and are sold by matthew walbancke , and william coke . anno 1641. the contents . chap. i. cases of treason . pag. 1. chap. ii. the punishment , triall , and proceeding in cases of treason . pag. 4. chap. iii. cases of misprision of treason . pag. 6. chap. iiii. the punishment , tryall , and proceeding in cases of misprision of treason . ibid. chap. v. cases of petie treason . pag. 7. chap. vi . the punishment , tryall , and proceedings in cases of petie treason . ibid. chap. vii . cases of felonie . pag. 8. chap. viii . the punishment , tryall , and proceedings in cases of felonie . pag. 11. chap. ix . cases of felony de se , with the punishment , triall , and proceedings . pag. 14. chap. x. cases of premunire . ibid. chap. xi . the punishment , triall , and proceeding in cases of premunire . pag. 16. chap. xii . cases of abjuration and exile , and the proceedings therein . ibid. chap. xiii . cases of heresie , and the triall and proceedings therein . pag. 18. chap. xiiii . the kings prerogative in parliament . ibid. chap. xv . the kings prerogative in matters of warre or peace . pag. 19. chap. xvi . the kings prerogative in matters of moneys . pag. 20. chap. xvii . the kings prerogative in matters of trade and traffick . ibid. chap. xviii . the kings prerogative in the persons of his subjects . pag. 21. chap. xix . an answer to the question proposed by sir alexander hay knight , touching the office of constables . pag. 22. chap. xx . three ends of the institution of the court leete . pag. 24. chap. xxi . the jurisdiction of iustices itinerantes in the principality of wales . pag. 31. cases of treason . chap. i. where a man doth compasse or imagine the death of the king , the kings wife , the kings eldest sonne , and heire apparent , if it appeare by any overt act , it is treason . where a man doth violate the kings wife , the kings eldest daughter , unmarried , the wife of the kings eldest sonne , and heire apparent , it is treason . where a man doth levie warre against the king in the realme , it is treason . where a man is adherent to the kings enemies , giving them aid and comfort , it is treason . where a man counterfeiteth the kings great seale , privie signet , signe manuall , it is treason : likewise his money . where a man bringeth into this realme false money , counterfeited to the likenesse of english , with intent to merchandize or make paiment thereof , and knowing it to be false money , it is treason . where a man counterfeiteth any coyne currant in payment within this realme , it is treason . where a man doth bring in any money being currant within the realme , the same being false and counterfeit , with intent to utter it , and knowing the same to be false , it is treason . where a man doth clipp , waste , round , or file any of the kings money , or any forraigne coyne , currant by proclamation , for gaines sake , it is treason . where a man doth any way impaire , diminish , falsifie , skale or lighten money currant by proclamation , it is treason . where a man killeth the chancellor , the treasurer , the kings justices in eire , the kings justices of assises , the justices of oyer and terminer , being in their severall places , and doing their offices , it is treason . where a man procureth or consenteth to treason , it is treason . where a man doth perswade or withdraw any of the kings subjects from his obedience , or from the religion by his majestie established , with intent to withdraw any from the kings obedience , it is treason . where a man is absolved , reconciled , or withdrawne from his obedience to the king , or promiseth obedience to any forraigne power , it is treason . where any jesuite , or any other priest ordained since the first yeere of the reigne of queene elizabeth , shall come into , or remaine in any part of this realme , it is treason . where any person being brought up in a colledge of jesuites , or seminaries , shall not returne within six moneths after proclamation made , and within two dayes after his returne , submit himselfe to take the oath of supremacy , if otherwise hee doe returne , and not within sixe moneths after proclamation made , it is treason . where a man committed for treason , doth voluntarily breake prison , it is treason . where a jaylor doth voluntarily permit a man committed for treason to escape , it is treason . where a man relieveth or comforteth a traitor , and knoweth of the offence , it is treason . where a man doth affirme or maintaine any authority of jurisdiction spirituall , or doth put in ●●e or execute any thing for the advancement or setting forth thereof , the third time , it is treason . where a man refuseth to take the oath of supremacy being tendred by the bishop of the diocesse , if hee bee any ecclesiasticall person ; or by commission out of the chancery , if hee bee a temporall person ; such offence the second time is treason . chap. ii. the punishment , triall , and proceeding in cases of treason . in treason the corporall punishment is by drawing on a hurdle from the place of the prison to the place of execution , by hanging and being cut downe alive , bowelling and quartering , and in women , burning . in treason there ensueth a corruption of bloud in the line ascending and descending . in treason , lands and goods are forfeited , and inheritances , aswell intailed as fee simple , and the profits of estates for life . in treason , the escheats goe to the king , and not to the lord of the fee . in treason , the land forfeited shall bee in the kings actuall possession without office . in treason there be no accessaries , but all are principalls . in treason no sanctuarie , nor benefit of clergie , or peremptory challenge is allowed . in treason , if the party stand mute , yet neverthelesse judgement and attainder shall proceed all one as upon verdict . in treason no councell is to bee allowed , nor baile permitted to the partie . in treason no witnesses shall bee received upon oath for the parties justification . in treason , if the fact bee committed beyond the seas , yet it may bee tryed in any county where the king will award his commission . in treason , if the party bee non sanae memoriae , yet if hee had formerly confessed it before the kings councell , and that it bee certified that hee was of good memory at the time of his examination and confession , the court may proceede to judgement without calling or arraigning the party . in treason , the death of the party before conviction dischargeth all proceedings and forfeitures . in treason , if the parties bee once acquitted , hee should not bee brought in question againe for the same fact . in treason , no new case not expressed in the statute of 25. e. 3. or made treason by any speciall statute since , ought to bee judged treason , without consulting with the parliament . in treason , there can be no prosecution but at the kings suit , and the kings pardon dischargeth . in treason , the king cannot grant over to any subject power and authority to pardon it . in treason , a triall of a peere of the kingdome is to bee by speciall commission before the lord high steward , and those that passe upon him to be none but peers : the proceeding is with great solemnity , the lord steward sitting under a cloth of estate with a white rod of justice in his hand , and the peeres may conferre together , but are not any wayes shut up ; and are demanded by the lord steward their voices one by one , and the plurality of voices carries it . in treason , it hath been an ancient use and favour from the kings of this realme to pardon the execution of hanging , drawing , and quartering ; and to make warrant for their beheading . the proceeding in case of treason with a common subject is in the kings bench , or by commission of oyer and terminer . chap. iii. cases of misprision of treason . where a man concealeth high treason onely , without any consorting or abetting , it is misprision of treason . where a man counterfeiteth any forreigne coyne of gold or silver not currant in the realme , it is misprision of treason . where a man fixes an old seale to a new patent , it is misprision of treason . chap. iiii. the punishment , tryall , and proceeding in cases of misprision of treason . the punishment of misprision of treason is by perpetuall imprisonment , losse of the issues and profits of their lands during life , and losse of goods and chattels . the proceeding and triall is as in cases of high treason . in misprision of treason baile is not admitted . chap. v. cases of petie treason . where a servant killeth his master , the wife the husband , the spirituall man his prelate , to whom hee is subordinate , and oweth faith and obedience , it is petie treason . where a sonne killeth the father or mother , it hath been questioned whether it be petie treason , and the late experience and opinion seemeth to sway to the contrary , though against law and reason in my judgement . where a servant killeth his or her master or mistresse after they are out of service , it is petie treason . chap. vi . the punishment , tryall , and proceedings in cases of petie treason . in petie treason , the corporall punishment is by drawing on an hurdle , and hanging , and in a woman burning . in petie treason , the forfeiture is the same with the case of felony . in petie treason , all accessaries are but in case of felonie . chap. vii . cases of felonie . where a man committeth murder or homicide of malice prepensed , it is felony . where a man committeth murder ( that is ) breaking of an house with an intent to commit felony , it is felony . where a man committeth manslaughter , that is homicide of sudden heate , and not of malice prepensed , it is felony . where a man rideth armed with a felonious intent , it is felony . where a man doth maliciously and feloniously burne any mans house , it is felony . where a man doth maliciously &c. burne corne upon the ground , or in stack , it is felony . where a man doth maliciously cut out another mans tongue , or put out his eyes , it is felony . where a man robbeth or stealeth , viz. taketh away another mans goods , above the value of 12. d. out of his possession , with intent to conceale it , it is felony . where a man imbezileth and withdraweth any of the kings records at westminster , whereby a judgement is reversed , it is felony . where a man having the custody of the kings armour , munition , or other abiliments of warre , doth maliciously convey away the same , it is felony , if it be to the value of 20. shillings . where a servant hath goods of his masters , delivered unto him , and goeth away with them , it is felony . where a man conjures , or invokes wicked spirits , it is felony . where a man doth use or practise witchcraft , whereby any person shall bee killed , wasted , or lamed , it is felony . where a man practiseth any witchcraft , to discover treasure hid , or to disover stolne goods , or to provoke unlawfull love , or to impaire or hurt any mans cattell or goods the second time , having been once before convicted of like offence , it is felony . where a man useth the craft of multiplication of gold or silver , it is felony . where a man receiveth a seminary priest , knowing him to bee such a priest , it is felony . where a man taketh away a woman against her will , not clayming her as his ward or bondwoman , it is felony . where a man or woman marrieth againe , his or her former husband or wife being alive , it is felony . where a man committeth buggery with man or beast , it is felony . where any persons , above the number of twelve , shall assemble themselves with intent to put downe inclosures , or bring down prices of victuals , &c. and do not depart after proclamation , it is felony . where a man shall use any words to encourage or draw any people together , ut supra , and they doe assemble accordingly , and doe not depart after proclamation , it is felony . where a man being the kings sworne servant , conspireth to murder any lord of the realme , or any privie councellor , it is felony . where a souldier hath taken any parcell of the kings wages , and departeth without licence , it is felony . where a recusant , which is a seducer , and perswader , and enciter of the kings subjects against the kings authority in ecclesiasticall causes , or a perswader of conventicles , or shall refuse to abjure the realme , it is felony . where vagabonds bee found in the realme , calling themselves egyptians , it is felony . where a purveyor doth take without warrant , or otherwise doth offend against certaine speciall lawes , it is felony . where a man hunts in any forrest , parke , or warren , by night or by day , with vizzard or other disguisements , and is examined thereof and concealeth his fact , it is felony . where one stealeth certaine kinde of hawkes , it is felony . where a man committeth forgery the second time , having been once before convicted , it is felony . where a man transporteth rammes or other sheepe out of the kings dominions the second time , it is felony . where a man being imprisoned for felony breaks prison , it is felony . where a man procureth or consenteth to felony to bee done , it is felony , as to make him accessary before the fact . where a man receiveth or relieveth a felon , it is felony , as to make him accessary after the fact . where a woman , by the constraint of her husband , in his presence , joyneth with him in committing of felony , it is not felony in her , neither as principall , nor as accessary . homicide , or the killing of a man is to bee considered in foure kindes , chance-medley . se defendend● . manslaughter . wilfull murder . chap. viii . the punishment , tryall , and proceedings in cases of felonie . in felony , the corporall punishment is hanging , and it is doubtfull whether the king may turn it into beheading in the case of a peer , or other person of dignity , because in treason the striking off the head is part of the judgement , and so the king pardoneth the rest : but in felony , it is no part of the judgement , and the king cannot alter the execution of law ; yet presidents have beene both wayes : if it bee upon indictment , the king may , but upon an appeale hee cannot . in felony there followeth corruption of bloud , except it bee in cases made felony by speciall statutes , with a proviso that there shall be no corruption of bloud . in felony , lands in fee simple , and goods and chattels are forfeited , and the profits of estates for life are likewise forfeited , but not lands intailed : and by some customes lands in fee simple are not so forfeited ; the father to the bough , the sonne to the plough , as in gavel-kinde , in kent , and other places . in felony , the escheats goe to the lord of the fee , and not to the king , except hee be lord : but profits for the estates for lives , or in taile during the life of tenant in taile , goe to the king ; and the king hath likewise annum , & diem , & vastum . in felony , lands are not in the king before office , nor in the lord before entrie or recovery in a writ of escheate , or death of the party attainted . in felony , there can bee no proceeding with the accessary before there bee a proceeding with the principall : if hee die , or plead his pardon , or have his clergie before attainder ; the accessary can never be dealt with . in felony , if the party stand mute , and will not put himself upon tryall , or challenge peremptorily above that the law allowes , hee shall have judgement not of hanging ▪ but of penance of pressing to death ; but there he saves his lands and forfeits only his goods . in felony , at the common law , the benefit of clergie or sanctuary was allowed ; but now by stat. it is taken away in most cases . in felony , baile may be admitted where the fact is not notorious , and the person not of ill name . in felony , no councell is to bee allowed to the party , no more then in treason . in felony , if the fact bee committed beyond the seas , or upon the seas , super altum mare , there is no tryall at all in one case , nor by course of jury in the other , but by the jurisdiction of the admiralty . in felony , no witnesse shall bee received upon oath for the parties justification , no more then in treason . in felony , if the party bee non sonae memoria , although it bee after the fact , hee cannot be tryed nor adjudged , except it be in course of outlawry , and that is also erroneous . in felony , the death of the party before conviction dischargeth all proceedings and forfeitures . in felony , if the party bee once acquit , or in perill of judgement of life lawfully hee shall never be brought in question againe for the same fact . in felony , the prosecution may bee either at the kings suit , or by way of appeale ; the defendant shall have his course , and produce witnesses upon oath , as in civill causes . in felony , the king may grant hault justice to a subject , with the regality of power to pardon it . in felony , the tryall of peeres is all one as in case of treason . in felony , the proceedings are in the kings bench , or before commissioners of oyer and terminer , or of gaol delivery , and in some case before justices of the peace . chap. ix . cases of felony de se , with the punishment , triall , and proceedings . in the civill law , and other lawes , they make a difference of cases of felony de se ; for where a man is called in question upon any capitall crime , and killeth himselfe to prevent the law , there they give the judgement in all points of forfeiture , as if they had beene attainted in their life time : and on the other side , where a man killeth himselfe upon impatience of sicknesse , or the like , they doe not punish it at all : but the law of england taketh it all in one degree , and punisheth onely with losse of goods to bee forfeited to the king , who generally grants them to his almoner , where they bee not formerly granted unto speciall liberties . chap. x. cases of premunire . where a man purchaseth or accepteth any provision , that is , collation of any spirituall benefice or living from the sea of rome , it is premunire . where a man shall purchase any proces to draw any people of the kings allegeance out of the realme , in plea whereof the cognizance pertaines to the kings court , and commeth not in person to answer his contempt in that behalfe before the king and his councell , or in his chancery , it is premunire . vvhere a man doth sue in any court which is not the kings court , to defeate or impeach any judgement given in the kings court , and doth not appeare to answer his contempt , it is premunire . vvhere a man doth purchase or pursue in the court of rome , or elsewhere , any processe , sentence of excommunication , bull , or instrument , or other thing which toucheth the king in his regality , or his realme in prejudice , it is premunire . vvhere a man doth affirme or maintaine any forraigne kinde of jurisdiction spirituall , or doth put in ure or execution any thing for the advancement or setting forth thereof ; such offence the second time committed is premunire . vvhere a man refuseth to take the oath of supremacy being tendred by the bishop of the diocesse , if it bee an ecclesiasticall person ; or by a commission out of the chancery , if it bee a temporall person , it is premunire . vvhere a deane and chapter of any church upon the conge de lier of an archbishop or bishop doth refuse to elect any such archbishop or bishop as is nominated unto them in the kings letters missive , it is premunire . where a man doth contribute or give reliefe to any jesuite or seminary priests , or to any person brought up therein , and called home , and not returning , it is case of premunire . where a man is a broker of an usurious contract above ten in the hundred , it is premunire . chap. xi . the punishment , triall , and proceeding in cases of premunire . the punishment is by imprisonment during life , forfeiture of goods , forfeiture of lands in fee simple , and forfeiture of the profits of lands intailed , or for life . the triall and proceeding is as in cases of misprision of treason , and the tryall is by peers where a peer of the realme is the offender . striking any man in the face of the kings courts , is forfeiture of lands , perpetuall imprisonment , and losse of that hand . chap. xii . cases of abjuration and exile , and the proceedings therein . where a man committeth any felony , for the which at this day hee may have priviledge of sanctuary , and confesseth the felony before the coroner , he shall abjure the liberty of the realme , and chuse his sanctuary ; and if hee commit any new offence , or leave his sanctuary , hee shall lose the priviledge thereof , and suffer as if hee had not taken sanctuary . where a man not coming to the church , and being a popish recusant , doth perswade any the kings subjects to impugne his majesties authority in causes ecclesiasticall , or shall perswade any subject to come to any unlawfull conventicles , and shall not after conforme himselfe within a time , and make his submission , hee shall abjure the realme , and forfeit his goods and lands during life ; and if hee depart not within the time prefixed , or returne , hee shall bee in the degree of a felon . where a man being a popish recusant , and not having lands to the value of 20. marks per annum , nor goods to the value of 40. l. shall not repaire to his dwelling , or place where hee was borne , and there confine himselfe within the compasse of five miles , hee shall abjure the realme ; and if he returne , he shall be in case of a felon . where a man kils the kings deere in chases or forrests , and can finde no sureties after a yeeres imprisonment , he shall abjure the realme . where a man is a trespasser in parkes , or in ponds of fish , and after three yeeres imprisonment cannot finde sureties , hee shall abjure the realme . where a man is a ravisher of any childe whose marriage belongs to any person , and marrieth the said childe after yeeres of consent , and is not able to satisfie for the marriage , hee shall abjure the realme . chap. xiii . cases of heresie , and the triall and proceedings therein . the declaration of heresie , and likewise the proceedings and judgement upon hereticks is by the common lawes of this realme referred to the jurisdiction ecclesiasticall , and the secular arme is reached to them by the common lawes , and not by any statute for the execution of them by the kings writ de haeretico comburendo . chap. xiiii . the kings prerogative in parliament . the king hath an absolute negative voyce to all bils that passe the parliament , so as without his royall assent they have a meere nullity , and not so much as authoritas praescripta , or senatus consulta had , notwithstanding the intercession of tribunes . the king may summon parliaments , dissolve them , prorogue them , and adjourne them at his pleasure . the king may add voyces in the parliament at his pleasure , for hee may give priviledge to borough townes as many as hee will , and may likewise call and create barons at his pleasure . no man can sit in parliament except hee take the oath of allegeance . chap. xv . the kings prerogative in matters of warre or peace . the king hath power to declare and proclaime warre , and to make and conclude peace and truce at his pleasure . the king hath power to make leagues and confederacies with forraigne states , more straight and lesse straight , and to revoke and disannull them at his pleasure . the king hath power to command the bodies of his subjects for the service of his warres , and to muster , traine , and levie men , and to transport them by sea or land at his pleasure . the king hath power in time of warre to execute marshall law , and to appoint all officers of warre at his pleasure . the king hath power to grant his letters of mart and reprisall for remedy to his subjects upon forraigne wrongs , at his pleasure . the king hath power to declare lawes by his letters patents for the government of any place conquered by his armes , at his pleasure . the king may give knight-hood , and thereby enable any subject to performe knights service , at his pleasure . chap. xvi . the kings prerogative in matters of moneys . the king may alter his standard in basenesse or finenesse of his coyne at his pleasure . the king may alter his stampe in forme at his pleasure . the king may alter the valuations of his coyne , and raise and fall moneys at his pleasure . the king by his proclamation may make moneyes of his owne currant , or not currant , at his pleasure . the king may take or refuse the subjects bullion and coyne , more or lesse money . the king by his proclamation may make forreigne money currant , or not currant . chap. xvii . the kings prerogative in matters of trade and traffick . the king may constraine the person of any of his subjects not to goe out of the realme at all . the king may restrain any of his subjects to goe out of the realme into any speciall part forreigne . the king may forbid the exportation of any commodities out of the realme . the king may forbid the importation of any commodities into the realme . the king may set a reasonable impost upon any forreigne wares that come into the realme , and so of native wares that goe out of the realme . chap. xviii . the kings prerogative in the persons of his subjects . the king may create any corporation or bodie politick , and enable them to purchase , and grant , and to sue , and bee sued , and that with such restrictions and modifications as he pleases . the king may denizen and enable any forreigner for him and his descendents after the charter , though hee cannot naturalize nor enable him to make pedegree from ancestors paramount . the king may enable any attainted person ( by his charter of pardon ) to purchase , and to purge his bloud for the time to come , though hee cannot restore his bloud for the time past . the king may enable any dead person in law , as men professed , to take and purchase to the kings benefit . chap. xix . an answer to the question proposed by sir alexander hay knight , touching the office of constables . 1. to the first , of the originall of the authority of constables , it may bee said , caput inter nubila condit , for the authoritie was granted upon the ancient lawes and customes of this kingdome practised long before the conquest , and intended and instituted for the conservation of the peace , and repressing of all manner of disturbance and hurt of the people , and that as well by way of prevention as punishment ; but yet so , as they have no judiciall power , to heare and determine any cause , but onely a ministeriall power , as in the answer of the seventh article more at large is set downe . as for the office of the high constable , the originall of that is yet more obscure ; for though the high constables authority hath the more ample circuit , hee being over the hundred , and the petie constable over the village ; yet i doe not finde that the petie constable is subordinate to the high constable , or to bee ordered or commanded by him : and therefore , i doubt , the high constable was not ab origine , but that when the businesse of the country increased , the authority of the justices of peace was enlarged by divers statutes , then , for conveniencie sake the office of high constables grew in use for the receiving of the commands and precepts from the justices of peace , and distributing them to the petie constables ; and in token of this , the election of high constables in most parts of the kingdome is by the appointment of the justices of peace , whereas the election of the petie constable is by the people . but there bee two things unto which the office of constable hath speciall reference , and which of necessity , or at lea●● a kind of congruity , must precede the jurisdiction of that office , either the things themselves , or somewhat that hath a similitude or analogie towards them . 1. the one is the division of the territory , or grosse of the shires into hundreds , villages , and townes ; for the high constable is officer over the hundred , and the pety constable is over the towne or village . 2. the other is the court leete , unto which the constable is a proper attendant and minister , for there the constables are chosen by the jury , there they are sworne , and there that part of their office which concerneth information is principally to be performed ; for the jury is to present offences , and the offenders are chiefly to take light from the constables of all matters of disturbance and nusance of the people , which they ( in respect of their office ) are presumed to have best and most particular knowledge of . chap. xx . three ends of the institution of the court leete . 1. the first end of the institution of the court leet is , to take the oath of allegeance of all males above the age of twelve yeers . 2. the second , to enquire of all offences against the peace ; and for those that are against the crowne and peace both , to enquire of onely , and certifie to the justices of gaole delivery ; but those that are against the peace simply , they are to enquire and punish . 3. the third is , to enquire of , punish , and remove all publick nusances and grievances concerning infection of ayre , corruption of victuals , ease of chaffer , and contract of all other things that may hurt or grieve the people in generall , in their health , quiet , and welfare . and to these three ends , as matters of policie subordinate , the court leet hath power to call upon the pledges that are to bee taken for the good behaviour of the resiants that are not tenants , and to enquire of all defaults of officers , as constables , ale-tasters , &c. and for choyce of constables , as aforesaid . the jurisdiction of these leets is ever remaining in the king , and in that case exercised by the sheriffe in his turne , which is the grand leete , granted over to subjects ; but yet it is still the kings court . 2. to the second , as was said , the election of the pety constable is at the court leet by the inquest that makes the presentments ; the election of the head constables is by the justices of the peace at their quarter sessions . 3. to the third , the office is annuall , except they be removed . 4. to the fourth , they bee men ( as it is now used ) of inferiour , yea , of base condition , which is a meere abuse or degenerating from the first institution ; for the pety constables in townes ought to be of the better sort of resiants in the said towne , save that they ought not to bee aged , or sickly , but men of able bodies in respect of the keeping watch and toyle of their place , neither ought they to be in any mans livery : and the high constables ought to bee of the ablest sort of free-holders , and of the substantial'st sort of yeomen , next to the degree of gentlemen ; but they ought to bee such as are not incumbred with any other office , as maior , undersheriffe , bailiffe , &c. 5. to the fifth , they have no allowance , but are bound by dutie to performe their offices gratis , which may the rather be endured , because it is but annuall , and they are not tyed to keep or maintaine any servants or under-ministers , for that every one of the kings people are bound to assist them . 6. to the sixth , upon complaint made ( of his refusall ) to any one justice of peace , the said justice may binde him over to the sessions , where ( if hee cannot excuse himselfe by some just allegation ) hee may bee fined and imprisoned for his contempt . 7. to the seventh , the authority of constables , as it is substantive , and of it selfe , or substituted , and astricted to the warrants and commands of the justices of peace ; so again it is originall , or additionall ; for either it was given them by the common law , or else annexed by divers statutes . and as for subordinate power , wherein the constable is onely to execute the commandements of the justices of peace , and likewise the additionall power which is given by divers statutes , it is hard to comprehend them in any brevitie ; for that they doe correspond to the office and authority of the justices of peace , which is very large , and are created by the branches of severall statutes , which are things of divers and dispersed natures : but for the originall and substantive power of a constable , it may be reduced to three heads : 1. for matter of peace onely . 2. for matter of peace and the crowne . 3. for matter of nusance , disturbance , and disorder , although they bee not accompanyed with violence and breach of peace . for pacifying of quarrels begunne , the constables may upon hot words given , or likelihood of breach of peace to ensue , command them in the kings name to keep the peace , and depart , and forbeare : and so hee may where an affray is made , part the same , and keepe the parties asunder , and arrest and commit the breakers of the peace , if they will not obey , and call power to assist him for the same purpose . for punishment of breach of peace past , the law is very sparing in giving any authority to constables , because hee hath no power judiciall , and the use of his office is rather for preventing or staying of mischiefe , then for punishing of offences ; for in that part hee is rather to execute the warrants of the justices , or when sudden matter ariseth upon his view , or notorious circumstances , to apprehend offenders , and carry them before the justice of peace , and generally to imprison in like cases of necessity , where the case will not endure the present carrying before the justices . and thus much for the matters of peace . for matters of the crowne , the office of the constable consisteth chiefly in foure parts : 1. the first is arrest . 2. the second is search . 3. the third is huy and cry . 4. and the fourth is seizure of goods . all which the constable may performe of his owne authority , without any warrant of the justices of peace . 1. for first , if any man will lay murder or felony to anothers charge , or doe suspect him of murder or felony , hee may declare it to the constable , and the constable ought upon such declaration or complaint , carry him before a justice , and if by common voyce or fame any man bee suspected , the constable of duty ought to arrest him , and bring him before a justice , though there be no other accusation . 2. if any house bee suspected for the receiving or harbouring of any felon , the constable , upon complaint or common fame , may search . 3. if any flye upon the felony , the constable ought to raise huy and crie , and search his goods , and keepe them safe without impairing , and to inventary them in the presence of honest neighbours . 4. for matters of common nuzance and grievance , they are of a very variable nature , according to the severall comforts which mans life and society requireth , and the contraries which infest the same . in all which , bee it matter of corrupting ayre , water , or victuals , or stopping , straightning , or indangering passage , or generall deceipts in weights , measures , sizes , or counterfeiting wares , and things vendible ; the office of the constable is to give ( as much as in him lies ) information of them , and of the offendors in leets , that they may bee presented , but because leets are kept but twice in the yeere , and many of these things require present or speedy remedy , the constable in things of notorious and vulgar nature , ought to forbid and represse them in the meane time . 8. to the eighth , they are for their contempt to bee fined and imprisoned by the justices in their sessions . 9. to the ninth : the oath they take is in this manner . you shall sweare , that you shall well and truely serve the king , and the lord of this law-day ; and you shall cause the peace of our lord the king to bee well and duely kept , to your power : and you shall arrest all those that you see committing riots , debates , and affrayes in breach of peace : and you shall well and duely endeavour your selfe to your best knowledge , that the statutes of winchester for watch , huy and cry , and the statutes made for the punishment of sturdy beggars , vagabonds , rogues , and other idle persons coming within your office bee truly executed , and the offenders punished : and you shall endevour , upon complaint made , to apprehend barreters and riotous persons making affraies , and likewise to apprehend felons ; and if any of them make resistance with force and multitude of mis-doers , you shall make out-cry , and pursue them till they bee taken ; and shall looke unto such persons as use unlawfull games ; and you shall have regard unto the maintenance of artilery ; and you shall well and duely execute all processe and precepts sent unto you from the justices of peace of the county ; and you shall make good and faithfull presentments of all bloudsheds , out-cries , affraies , and rescues made within your office ; and you shall well and duely , according to your power and knowledge , do that which belongeth to your office of constable , to doe for this yeere to come . so help &c. 10. to the tenth , the authority is the same in substance , differing only in extent ; the pety constable serving onely for one towne , parish , or borough , the head constable serving for the whole hundred ; neither is the pety constable subordinate to the head constable for any commandement that proceeds from his owne authority ; but it is used , that the precepts of the justices bee delivered unto the high constables , who being few in number , may better attend the justices , and then the head constables , by vertue thereof , make their precepts over to the pety constables . 11. to the eleventh , in case of necessity he may appoint a deputy , or in default thereof , the steward of the court leet may ; which deputy ought to bee sworne . now to conclude , the office of constables consists wholly in these three things ▪ viz. their office concerning 1. the conservation of the peace . 2. the serving the precepts and warrants of the justices . 3. their attendance for the execution of statutes . chap. xxi . of the jurisdiction of iustices itinerantos in the principality of wales . these justices have power to heare and determine all criminall causes , which are called in the lawes of england , the pleas of the crowne ; and herein they have the same jurisdiction that the justices have in his majesties bench , commonly called the kings bench . they have jurisdiction to heare and determine all civill causes which are called in the lawes of england , common pleas ; and doe take knowledgement of all fines levyed of lands or hereditaments , without suing out any dedimus potestatem ; and herein they have the same jurisdiction that the justices of the common pleas doe execute at westminster . also they may heare and determine all assises upon disseisines of lands or hereditaments , wherein they equall the jurisdiction of the justices of assise . justices of oyer & terminer may heare and determine all notable violences and outrages perpetrated or done within their severall precincts of the principalitie of wales . the prothonotary his office is to draw all pleadings , and to enter and engrosse all records and judgements in civill causes . the clerk of the crowne his office is to draw and engrosse all proceedings , arraignements , and judgements in criminall causes . the marshall , whose office is to attend the persons of the judges at their comming , sitting , and going from the sessions or court . the crier , hee is tanquam publicus praeco , to call forth such persons whose appearances are necessary , and to impose silence to the people . there is a commission under the great seale of england to certaine gentlemen , giving them power to preserve the peace , and to resist and punish all turbulent persons whose misdemeanors may tend to the disquiet of the people ; and these bee called the justices of peace , and every of them may well and truly be called and termed eirenarcha . the chiefe of them is called custos rotulorum , in whose custody all the records of their proceedings are resident . others there are of that number called justices of peace and quorum , because in their commission they have power to sit and determine causes concerning breach of peace , and misbehaviour ; the words of their commission are conceived thus , quorum such and such , unum vel duos &c. esse volumus ; and without some one or more of them of the quorum , no sessions can bee holden : and for the avoyding of a superfluous number of such justices ( for through the ambition of many , it is counted a credit to be burthened with that authority ) the statute of 38. h. 8. hath expressely prohibited that there shall bee but eight justices of peace in every county . these justices doe hold their sessions quarterly . in every shire where the commission of the peace is established , there is a clerk of the peace for the entring and engrossing of all proceedings before the said justices . and this officer is appointed by the custos rotulorum . every shire hath its sheriffe , which word being of the saxon english , is as much to say as shire reeve , or minister of the county : his function of office is twofold : 1. ministeriall . 2. judiciall . as touching his ministeriall office , hee is the minister and executioner of all the processe and precepts of the courts of law , and thereof ought to make returne and certificate . as touching his judiciall office , hee hath authority to hold two severall courts of distinct natures ▪ the one called the tourne , because he keepeth his turne and circuit about the shire , and holdeth the same court in severall places , wherein he doth enquire of all offences perpetrated against the common law , and not forbidden by any statute or act of parliament , and the jurisdiction of this court is derived from justice distributive , and is for criminall offences , and it held twice every yeere . the other is called the county court , wherein hee doth determine all petie and small causes civill under 40.5 . arising within the said county , and thereof it is called the county court . the jurisdiction of this court is derived from justice commutative , and is held every moneth : the office of the sheriffe is annuall , and in the kings gift , whereof he is to have a patent . every shire hath an officer called an escheator , which is an office to attend the kings revenue , and to seize into his majesties hands all lands , either escheated goods , or lands forfeited , and therefore is called escheator ; and hee is to enquire by good enquest of the death of the kings tenants , and to whom their lands are descended , and to seize their bodies and lands for ward , if they bee within age , and is accomptable for the same ; and this officer is named by the lord treasurer of england . there are in every shire two other officers called crowners or coroners : they are to enquire by inquest in what manner , and by whom every person dyeth of a violent death , and to enter the same of record ; which is matter criminall , and a plea of the crowne , and therefore they are called corones , or crowners , as one hath written , because their enquiry ought to be publick in corona populi . these officers are chosen by the freeholders of the shire , by vertue of a writ out of the chancery , de coronatore elegendo : and of them i neede not to speake more , because these officers are in use elsewhere . forasmuch as every shire is divided into hundreds , it is also by the said statute of 34. h. 8. cap. 26. ordered that two sufficient gentlemen or yeomen shall bee appointed constables of every hundred . also there is in every shire one gaole or prison appointed for the restraint of liberty of such persons as for their offences are thereunto committed , untill they shall be delivered by course of law . in every hundred of every shire the sheriffe thereof shall nominate sufficient persons to be bailiffes of that hundred , and underministers of the sheriffe ; and they are to attend upon the justices in every of their courts and sessions . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a28043e-720 kings bench . common pleas . just . of assise . in the kings gift . 〈◊〉 the disposing of the ●udge . ●●ese justices ●●●ointed by l. keeper . 34. h. 8. cap. 16. 〈…〉 h. 8.20 . constables of the hundred . gaolers office . the charge of sir francis bacon knight, his maiesties attourney generall, touching duells vpon an information in the star-chamber against priest and wright. with the decree of the star-chamber in the same cause. bacon, francis, 1561-1626. 1614 approx. 47 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 30 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a01138 stc 1125 estc s121055 99856244 99856244 21773 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a01138) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 21773) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 618:1) the charge of sir francis bacon knight, his maiesties attourney generall, touching duells vpon an information in the star-chamber against priest and wright. with the decree of the star-chamber in the same cause. bacon, francis, 1561-1626. england and wales. court of star chamber. 61, [3] p. printed [by george eld] for robert wilson, and are to be sold [by robert wilson and w. bladen] at graies inne gate, and in paules churchyard at the signe of the bible, [london] : 1614. printer's and booksellers' names from stc and addendum. the first leaf and the last leaf are blank. reproduction of the original in cambridge university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng dueling -early works to 1800. 2002-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-03 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-04 tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread 2002-04 olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-05 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the charge of sir francis bacon knight , his maiesties attourney generall , touching duells , vpon an information in the star-chamber against priest and wright . with the decree of the star-chamber in the same cause . printed for robert wilson , and are to be sold at graies inne gate , and in paules churchyard at the signe of the bible . 1624. the charge of sir francis bacon knight his maiesties attourney generall , touching duells , vpon an information in the star-chamber against priest and wright . my lords , i thought it fit for my place , and for these times to bring to hearing before your lord-ships some cause touching priuate duells , to see if this court can doe any good to tame and reclaime that euill which seemes vnbrideled . and i could haue wished that i had met with some greater persons , as a subiect for your censure , both because it had bin more worthy of this presence , and also the better to haue shewed the resolution my selfe hath to proceed without respect of persons in this businesse : but finding this cause on foote in my predecessors time , and published and ready for hearing , i thought to loose no time , in a mischeefe that groweth euery day ; and besides it passeth not amisse some-times in gouernment , that the greater sort be admonished by an example made in the meaner , and the dogge to be beaten before the lyon . nay i should thinke ( my lords ) that men of birth and quality will leaue the practise , when it begins to bee vilified and come so lowe as to barbers-surgegeons and butchers , and such base mechanicall persons . and for the greatnesse of this presence , in which i take much comfort , both as i consider it in it selfe , and much more in respect it is by his maiesties direction ; i will supplie the meanesse of the perticular cause , by handling of the generall poynt ; to the end that by occasion of this present cause , both my purpose of prosecution against duells , and the opinion of the court ( without which i am nothing ) for the censure of them may appeare , and thereby offendors in that kind may read their owne case , and know what they are to expect , which may serue for a warning vntill example may bee made in some greater person , which i doubt the times will but too soone afford . therefore before i come to the perticular whereof your lordships are now to iudge , i thinke it time best spent to speake somewhat . first , of the nature and greatnesse of this mischeefe . secondly , of the causes , and remedies . thirdly , of the iustice of the law of england , which some stick not to think defectiue in this matter . fourthly , of the capacity of this court , where certainly the remedy of this mischeefe is best to be found . and fifthly , touching mine owne purpose and resolution , wherein i shall humbly craue your lordshipps ayde and assistance . for the mischeefe it selfe , it may please your lord-shippes to take into your consideration that when reuenge is once extorted out of the magistrates hand contrarie to gods ordinance , mihi vindicta , ego retribuam , and euery man shall beare the sword not to defend but to assayle , and priuate men beginne once to presume to giue lawe to them-selues , and to right their owne wrongs , noe man can foresee the danders and inconueniences that may arise and multiply there-vpon . it may cause soddaine stormes in court , to the disturbance of his maiestie , and vnsaftie of his person . it may grow from quarrells , to banding , and from banding to trooping , and so to tumulte and commotion , from perticuler persons to dissention of families and aliances , yea to nationall quarrells , according to the infinite variety of accidents , which fall not vnder fore-sight ; so that the state by this meanes shal be like to a distempered , and vnperfect body , continually subiect to inflamations and convulsions . besides , certainely , both in diuinity and in pollicie , offences of presumption are the greatest . other offences yeeld and consent to the law that it is good , not daring to make defence , or to iustifie themselues ; but this offence expresly giues the law an affront , as if there were two lawes , one a kind of gowne-law , and the other a law of reputation , as they tearme it , so that pauls & westminster , the pulpet and the courts of iustice must giue place to the law ( as the king speaketh in his proclamation ) of ordinary tables , and such reuerent assemblies ; the year books and statute books must giue place to some french and italian pamphlets , which handle the doctrine of duells , which if they be in the right , trans●amus ad illa , lets receiue them , and not keepe the people in conflict and distraction betweene two lawes . againe ( my lords ) it is a miserable effect , when young men , full of towardnesse and hope , such as the poets cal aurorae filii , sonnes of the morning , in whom the expectation and comfort of their friends consisteth , shall bee cast away and destroyed in such a vaine manner ; but much more it is to bee deplored when so much noble and gentle blood shall be spilt vpon such follies , as if it were aduentured in the field in seruice of the king & realme , were able to make the fortune of a day , and to change the fortune of a kingdome . so as your lordships see what a desperate euill this is ; it troubleth peace , it disfurnisheth war , it bringeth calamity vpon priuate men , perill vpon the state , and contempt vpon the lawe . touching the causes of it ; the first motiue no doubt is a false and erronious imagination of honour and credit ; and therefore the king , in his last proclamation , doth most aptly and excellently call them , bewitching duells . for , if one iudge of it truely , it is noe better then a sorcery that enchanteth the spirits of young men , that beare great myndes , with a false shew , species falsa ; and a kind of satanicall illusion and apparition of honour ; against religion , against lawe , against morall vertue , and against the presidents and examples of the best times , and valiantest nations , as i shall tell you by and by , when i shall shew you that the law of england is not alone in this poynt . but then the seede of this mischeefe being such , it is nourished by vaine discourses , and greene and vnripe conceipts , which neuerthelesse haue so preuayled , as though a man were staid and sober minded , and a right beleeuer touching the vanity and vnlawfulnesse of these duells , yet the streame of vulgar opinion is such , as it imposeth a necessity vpon men of value to conforme them-selues ; or else there is no liuing or looking vpon mens faces : so that we haue not to doe , in this case , so much with perticuler persons , as with vnsound and depraued opinions , like the dominations and spirits of the ayre , which the scripture speaketh of . here-vnto may be added , that men haue almost lost the true notion and vnderstanding of fortitude and valour . for fortitude distinguisheth of the grounds of quarrels , whether they bee iust ; and not onely so , but whether they be worthy ; and setteth a better price vpon mens liues then to bestow them idely , nay it is weakenesse , and disesteeme of a mans selfe , to put a mans life vpon such ledgier performances ; a mans life is not to bee tryfled away , it is to bee offered vp and sacrificed to honorable seruices , publike merites , good causes , and noble aduentures . it is in expence of blood as it is in expence of mony , it is no liberality to make a profusion of mony vpon euery vaine occasion , nor noe more it is fortitude to make effusion of bloud except the cause bee of worth . and thus much for the causes of this euill . for the remedies i hope some great and noble person will put his hand to this plough , and i wish that my labours of this day may be but fore-runners to the worke of a higher and better hand . but yet to deliuer my opinion , as may bee proper for this time and place ; there bee foure things that i haue thought on , as the most effectuall for the repressing of this depraued custome of perticular combats : the first is , that there doe appeare and bee declared a constant and settled resolution in the state to abolish it . for this is a thing ( my lords ) must goe downe at once , or not at all : for then euery perticular man will thinke him-selfe acquitted in his reputation , when he sees that the state takes it to heart , as an insult against the kings power and authority , and thervpon hath absolutely resolued to maister it , like vnto that which was set downe in expresse words in the edict of charles the ninth of france touching duells , that the king him-selfe tooke vpon him the honor of all that tooke them-selues grieued or interessed for not hauing performed the combat ; so must the state doe in this businesse , and in my conscience there is none that is but of a reasonable sober disposition , bee hee neuer so valiant , ( except it bee some furious person that is like a fire-worke ) but will bee glad of it , when hee shall see the law and rule of state disinterest him of a vaine and vnnecessarie hazard . secondly , care must be taken that this euill bee noe more cockered , nor the humor of it fed ; wherein i humbly pray your lordships that i may speake my mind freely , and yet be vnderstood aright . the proceedings of the great and noble commissioners marshall , i honor and reverence much , & of them i speake not in any sort ; but i say the compounding of quarrells , which is other-wise in vse , by priuate noble men and gentlemen , it is so punctuall , and hath such reference and respect vnto the receyued conceipts , what 's before hand , and what 's behinde hand , and i cannot tel what , as without all question it doth , in a fashion , countenance and authorise this practise of duells , as if it had in it some-what of right . thirdly , i must acknowledge that i learned out of the kings last proclamation the most prudent and best applied remedy for this offence ( if it shall please his maiestie to vse it ) that the wit of man can deuise . this offence ( my lords ) is grounded vpon a false conceipt of honour , and therefore it would bee punished in the same kinde , in eo quis rectissimé plectitur in quo peccat . the fountaine of honour is the king , and his aspect , and the accesse to his person continueth honour in life , and to be banished from his presence is one of the greatest eclipses of honour that can bee ; if his maiestie shall be pleased that when this court shall censure any of these offences in persons of eminent quality , to adde this out of his owne power and discipline , that these persons shall bee banished and excluded from his court for certaine yeares , and the courts of his queene and prince , i thinke there is noe man that hath any good blood in him , will commit an act that shall cast him into that darkenesse , that hee may not behold his soueraignes face . lastly , and that which more properly concerneth this court , wee see ( my lords ) the root of this offence is stubborn : for it despiseth death , which is the vtmost of punishments , and it were a iust , but a miserable seuerity , to execute the law without all remission or mercy , where the case proueth capitall . and yet the late seuerity in france was more , where by a kind of marshall law established by ordinance of the king and parliament , the party that had slaine another was presently had to the gibbet , in so much as gentlemen of great quality were hanged , theyr wounds bleeding , least a naturall death should preuent the example of iustice . but ( my lords ) the course which wee shall take is of farre greater lenity , and yet of no lesse efficacy ; which is to punish , in this court , all the middle acts and proceedings which which tend to the duell , ( which i will enumerate to you anon ) and so to hew and vexe the roote in the branches , which no doubt , in the end , will kill the roote , and yet preuent the extremity of law . now for the law of england , i see it excepted to , though ignorantly in two poyntes ; the one , that it should make no difference betweene an insidious and foule murther , and the killing of a man vppon fayre termes , as they now call it . the other , that the law hath not prouided sufficient punishment , and reparations for contumely of words , as the lie and the like . but these are noe better then childish nouelties against the diuine lawe , and against all lawes in effect , and against the examples of all the brauest and most vertuous nations of the world. for first for the law of god , there is neuer to be found any difference made in homicide , but betweene homicide voluntary and involuntary , which we tearme misaduenture . and for the case of misaduenture it selfe , there were citties of refuge ; so that the offendor was put to his flight , & that flight was subiect to accident , whether the reuenger of bloud should ouer-take him before he had gotten sanctuary or noe ; it is true that our law hath made a more subtile distinction betweene the will enflamed , and the wil aduised , between manslaughter in heat , and murther vpon prepensed malice , or could bloud , as the souldiers call it , an indulgence not vnfit for a chollericke and warlike nation , for it is true , ira furor breuis . a man in fury is not him-selfe . this priueledge of passion the ancient roman law restrayned , but to a case , that was , if the husband , tooke the adulterer in the manner ; to that rage and prouocation onely it gaue way , that it was an homycide was iustifiable . but for a difference to bee made in case of killing and destroying man , vpon a fore-thought purpose , betweene fowle and fayre , and as it were betweene single murther and vyed murther , it is but a monstrous childe of this later age , and there is noe shadow of it in any law diuine or humane . onely it is true , i finde in the scripture that caine inticed his brother into the field , and slew him trecherously , but lamed vaunted of his man-hood , that he would kill a young man and if it were in his ●●rt : so as i see no difference betweene an insidious murther , and a brauing , or presumtuous murther , but the difference betweene cain and lamed . as for examples in ciuill states all memory doth consent that grecia and rome were the most valiant and generous nations of the world , and that which is more to bee noted they were free estates , and not vnder a monarchy , whereby a man would thinke it a great deale the more reason that perticuler persons should haue righted themselues ; and yet they had not this practise of duells , nor any thing that bare shew thereof ; and sure they would haue had it if there had bin any vertue in it . nay as he saith , ●as est et , ab hoste doceri , it is memorable that is reported by a councellor and ambassador of the emperors , touching the censure of the turkes , of these duells ; there was a combate of this kind , performed by two persons of quality of the turkes , wherein one of them was slaine , the other party was conuented before the councell of bassaes ; the manner of the reprehension was in these words ; how durst you vndertake to fight one with the other ? are there not christians enough to kill ? did you not know that whether of you should bee slaine the losse would bee the great seigneours ? so as wee may see that the most warlike nations , whither generous or barbarous hath euer despised this wherein now men glory . it is true ( my lords ) that i find combats of two natures authorised how iustly i will not dispute , as to the later of them . the one when vpon the approches of armies in the face one of the other perticuler persons haue made challenges for triall of valors in the field , vpon the publike quarrell . this the romanes called , pugna per-prouocationem . and this was neuer , but either betweene the generalls themselues , who were absolute , or betweene perticulers , by license of the generalls , neuer vpon priuate authority . so you see david asked leaue when hee fought with goliah , and ioab when the armies were met , gaue leaue , and said , let the young men play before vs , and of this kind was that famous example in the wars of naples , between twelue spaniards and twelue italians , where the italians bare away the victory ; besides other infinite like examples worthy and laudable , some times by singles , some-times by numbers . the second combate is a iudiciall tryall of right , where the right is obscure , introduced by the gothes and the northerne nation , but more anciently entertained in spaine ; and this yet remaines in some cases , as a diuine lotte of battayle , though controuerted by diuines touching the lawfulnes of it , so that a wise writer saith , talitér pugnantes videntur tentare deum , quia hoc volunt vt deus ostendat et faciat miraculum , vt iustam causam habens victor efficiatur , quod saepé contrá accidit . but howsoeuer it bee , this kind of fight taketh his warrant from law . nay the french themselues whence this folly seemeth chiefely to haue flowne neuer had it but onely in practise and tolleration , but neuer as authorized by law ; and yet now of late they haue beene fayne to purge their folly with extreame rigour , insomuch as many gentlemen left betweene death and life in the duells ( as i spake before ) were hastned to hanging with their wounds bleeding . for the state found it had beene neglected so long , as nothing could be thought cruelty which tended to the putting of it downe . as for the second defect , pretended in our law , that it hath prouided no remedy for lies and fillippes , it may receiue like answere ; it would haue beene thought a madnes amongst the ancient law-giuers , to haue set a punishment vppon the lye giuen , which in effect is but a word of deniall , a negatiue of anothers saying . any law-giuer , if hee had beene asked the question , would haue made solons answer , that he had not ordained any punishment for it , because he neuer imagined the world would haue beene so fantasticall as to take it so highly . the ciuilians they dispute whether an action of iniury lie for it , and rather resolue the contrary . and francis the first of france , who first set on & stamped this disgrace so deepe , is taxed by the iudgment of all wise writers , for beginning the vanity of it ; for it was hee that when hee had himselfe giuen the ly and defie to the emperor , to make it currant in the world , said in a solemne assembly , that hee was no honest man that would beare the lye , which was the fountaine of this new learning . as for words of reproach and contumely ( whereof the lye was esteemed none ) it is not credible ( but that the orations themselues are extant ) what extreame and exquisite reproaches were tossed vp and downe in the senate of rome , and the places of assembly , and the like in grecia , and yet no man tooke himselfe fowled by them , but tooke them but for breath , and the stile of an enemy , and eyther despised them or returned them , but no blood spilt about them . so of euery touch or light blow of the person , they are not in themselues considerable , saue that they haue got vppon them the stampe of a disgrace , which maketh these light things passe for great matter . the law of england , and all lawes hold these degrees of iniury to the person ; slander , battery , mayme , and death : and if there be extraordinary circumstances of despight and contumely , as in case of libells and bastanadoes , and the like , this court taketh them in hand and punisheth them exemplarly . but for this apprehension of a disgrace , that a fillippe to the person should bee a mortall wound to the reputation , it were good that men did hearken vnto the saying of consaluo the great and famous commaunder , that was wont to say ; a gentlemans honor should bee , de telâ crassiore , of a good strong warppe or webbe that euery little thing should not catch in it , when as now it seemes they are but of copwebbe lawne , or such light stuffe , which certainely is weakenesse , and not true greatnesse of mind , but like a sicke mans body , that is so tender that it feeles euery thing . and so much in maintenance and demonstration of the wisdome and iustice of the law of the land . for the capacity of this court , i take this to bee a ground infallible , that wheresoeuer an offence is capital , or matter of fellony , if it be acted , there the combination , or practise , tending to that offence is punishable in this court , as a high misdemenor . so practise to impoison , though it tooke no effect , way-laying to murther though it tooke no effect , and the like , haue beene adiudged haynous misdemeanors punishable in this court. nay , inceptions and preparations in inferior crimes ( that are not capitall ) as suborning and preparing of witnesses , that were neuer deposed , or deposed nothing materiall , haue likewise beene censured in this court , as appeareth by the decree in garnons case . why ? then the maior proposition being such , the minor cannot bee denied : for euery appoyntment of the field is but combination and plotting of murther , let them guilde it how they list , they shall neuer haue fairer termes of me in place of iustice . then the conclusion followeth , that it is a case fit for the censure of this court. and of this there be presidents in the very poynt of challenge . it was the case of wharton , plaintife against ellekar and acklam defendants , where acklam being a follower of elleckars , was censured for carying a challeng from ellecker to wharton , though the challenge was not put in writing , but deliuered onely by word of message and there are words in the decree , that such challenges are to the subuersion of gouernment . these things are well knowne , and therfore i needed not so much to haue insisted vppon them , but that in this case i would be thought not to innouate any thing of mine owne head , but to follow the former presidents of the court , though i meane to doe it more throughly , because the time requires it more . therfore now to come to that which concerneth my part , i say , that by the fauour of the king and the court , i will prosecute in this court in the cases following . if any man shall appoint the field , though the fight be not acted or performed . if any man shall send any challenge in wrighting , or any message of challenge . if any man carry or deliuer any writing or message of challenge . if any man shall accept or returne a challenge . if any man shall accept to bee a second in a challenge , of either side . if any man shall depart the realme with intention and agreement to performe the fight beyond the seaes . if any man shall reuiue a quarrel by any scandalous bruites or wrightings contrary to a former proclamation published by his maiesty in that behalfe . nay i heare there be some counsell learned of duells , that tell yong men when they are before hand , and when they are otherwise , and thereby incense and incite them to the duell , and make an art of it ; i hope i shall meete with some of them too , and i am sure ( my lords ) this course of preuenting duels in nipping them in the budde , is fuller of clemency and prouidence then the suffering them to goe on , and hanging men with their wounds bleding , as they did in france . to conclude , i haue some petitions to make , first , to your lordshipp , my lord chancellor , that in case i be aduertised of a purpose in any to goe beyond the sea to fight , i may haue granted his maiesties writ of ne exeat regnum to stoppe him , for this giant bestrideth the sea , and i would take and snare him by the foote on this side , for the combination and plotting is on this side though it should be acted beyond sea . and your lordship said notably the last time i made a motion in this busines , that a man may be as well , fur de se as felo de se , if he steale out of the realme for a bad purpose , and for the satisfiing of the wordes of the writte , no man will doubt but he doth machinari contra coronam ( as the wordes of the writte be ) that seketh to murther a subiect ; for that is euer , contra coronam et dignitatem . i haue also a sute to your lordships all in general , that for iustice sake , and for true honors sake , honor of religion , law , and the king our maister against this fond and false disguise or puppetrey of honor , i may in my prosecutiō ( which it is like enough may some times stirr coales ( which i esteme not for my particular , but as it may hinder the good seruice ) i may ( i say ) be countenanced and assisted from your lordships : lastly i haue a petition to the noblesse and gentlemen of england , that they would learne to esteeme themselues at a iust price . non hos quaesitum munus in vsus , their blood is not to be spilt like water or a vile thing , therefore that they would rest perswaded there cannot be a forme of honor , except it be vpon a worthy matter . but for this , ipsi viderint , i am resolued . and thus much for the generall ; now to the present case . the decree of the star-chamber in the same cavse . in camerâ stellatâ coram concilio ibidem 26º die ianuarij anno vndecimo iacobi regis . the presence . tho : lo : ellesmere lord chancellor of england . hon : earl of north : l : priuie seale charles earle of notting : lo : high admiral of england . g●or : lo : archbishop of canterbury . iohn lo : bishop of london . sir edvvard cooke knight , l : chiefe iustice of england . the earl of suffolk lord chamberlaine . 〈◊〉 lord ●o●che . sir hen. hobart knight lord chiefe iustice of the common-pleas . william : lo. knolles , treasuror of the houshold . edvvard lo. wotton controwler . ioh : lo : stanhop , vicechamberlaine . sir ivlivs caesar knight , chancellor of the exchequer : this day was heard and debated at large , the seuerall matters of informations here exhibited by sir francis bacon knight , his maiesties attourney generall , th' one against william priest gentleman , for writing and sending a letter of challenge together with a stick which should be the length of the weapon . and th' other against richard wright esquire for carrying and deliuering the said letter and sticke vnto the partie challenged , and for other contemptuous and insolent behauiour vsed before the iustices of peace in surrey at their sessions , before whom he was conuented . vpon the opening of which cause his highnes said attourney generall did first giue his reason to the court why in a case which he intended should be a leading case , for the repressing of so great a mischiefe in the commonwealth , and concerning an offence which raigneth chiefly amongst persons of honor and qualitie , he should begin with a cause which had passed betweene so meane persons as the defendants seemed to be ; which he said was done because hee found this cause ready published and in so growing an euill , he thought good to lose no time , wherevnto he added , that it was not amisse sometimes to beate the dogge , before the lyon , saying further , that hee thought it would be some motiue for persons of birth & countenance to leaue it , when they saw it was taken vp by base and mechanicall fellowes , but concluded ; that hee resolued to proceed without respect of persons for the time to come , and for the present to supply the meannesse of this particular case by insisting the longer vpon the generall point . wherein he did first expresse vnto the court , at large , the greatnes & dangerous consequence of this presumptuous offence , which extorted reuenge out of the magistrates hand , and gaue boldnes to priuate men to bee lawe giuers to themselues , the rather because it is an offence that doth iustifie it selfe against the lawe , and plainely giues the law an affront ; describing also the miserable effect which it draweth vppon priuate families by cutting off yong men , otherwise of good hope , and cheifely the losse of the king and common-wealth , by the casting away of much good blood , which being spent in the field vpon occasion of seruice were able to continew the renowne , which this kingdome hath obtained in all ages , of being esteemed victorious . secondly his maiesties said atturney generall did discourse touching the causes and remedies of this mischefe , that preuaileth so in these times , shewing the ground thereof to bee a false and erroneous imagination of honor and credit , according to the terme which was giuen vnto those duells , by a former proclamation of his maiesties , which called them bewitching duells , for that it is no better then a kind of sorcery , which enchanteth the spirits of young men , which beare great minds with a shew of honor in that which is no honor indeed , beeing against religion , law , morall vertue , and against the presidents and examples of the best times , and valiantest nations of the world , which though they excelled for prowesse and millitary vertue in a publique quarrell , yet knew not what these priuate duells ment : saying further , that there was too much way and countenance giuen vnto these duells by the course that is held by noble-men and gentle-men in compounding of quarrells , who vse to stand too punctually vppon conceipts of satisfactions and distinctions , what is before hand and what behind hand , which doe but feed the humor ; adding likewise that it was no fortitude to shew vallour in a quarrell , except there were a iust and worthy ground of the quarell ; but that it was weakenesse to sette a mans life at so meane a rate as to bestowe it vppon trifling occasions , which ought to bee rather offered vp and sacrificed to honourable seruices , publique merrits , good causes , and noble aduentures . and as concerning the remedies , hee concluded : that the onely way was , that the state would declare a constant and settled resolution to master and put downe this presumption in priuate men , of what-soeuer degree of righting their owne wrongs , and this to doe at once ; for that then euery perticuler man would think himselfe acquitted in his reputation , when that he shal see that the state takes his honor into their hands , and standeth betweene him and any interest , or preiudice , which he might receiue in his reputation for obeying ; wherevnto he added likewise , that the wisest and mildest way to suppresse these duells was rather to punish in this court all the acts of preparation , which did in any wise tend to the duells , ( as this of challenges and the like ) and so to preuent the capitall punishment , and to vexe the roote in the branches , then to suffer them to run on to the execution , and then to punish them capitally , after the maner of france , where of late times gentlemen of great quality , that had killed others in duell , were carried to the gibbet with their woundes bleeding , least a naturall death should keepe them from the example of iustice. thirdly his maiesties said atturney generall did by many reasons , which hee brought and alledged , free the law of england from certaine vaine and childish exceptions , which are taken by these duellists : the one , because the law makes noe difference in punishment betweene an insidious and foule murther , and the killing of a man vppon challenge and faire tearmes , as they call it , th' other for that the law hath not prouided sufficient punishment , and reparation for contumelie of wordes , as the lye , and the like : wherein his maiesties said atturney generall did shew , by many waighty arguments and examples : that the law of england did consent with the law of god , and the law of nations in both those pointes , and that this distinction in murther betweene foule and fayre , and this grounding of mortall quarrells vpon vnciuill and reproachfull words , or the like disgraces , was neuer authorised by any law , or ancient examples , but it is a late vanity crept in from the practise of the french , who themselues since haue beene so weary of it , as they haue beene forced to put it downe with all seuerity . fourthly , his maiesties said attourney generall did prooue vnto the court by rules of law and presidents ; that this court hath capacity to punish sending and accepting of challenges , though they were neuer acted nor executed ; taking for a ground infallible , that wheresoeuer an offence is capitall or matter of fellony , if it be acted and performed , there the conspiracy , combination , or practise tending to the same offence is punishable as a high misdemeanor , although they neuer were performed . and therefore that practise to impoyson though it tooke no effect , and the like , haue beene punished in this court : and cyted the president in garnons case , wherein a crime of a much inferiour nature , the suborning and preparing of witnesses though they neuer were deposed , or deposed nothing materiall , was censured in this court , whereupon hee concluded , that forasmuch as euery appoyntment of the field is in law but a combination of plotting of a murther , howsoeuer men might guilde it : that therefore it was a case fit for the censure of this court ; and therein he vouched a president in the very point , that in a case betwene wharton plantife and elerker and acklam , defendants . acklam beeing a follower of elerker had carried a challenge vnto wharton , and although it were by word of mouth , and not by writing , yet it was seuerely sensured by the court ; the decree hauing wordes , that such chalenges doe tend to the subuersion of gouernment : and therefore his maiesties atturney willed the standerds by to take notice that it was noe innouation that he brought in , but a proceeding , according to former presidents of the court , although he purposed to follow it more throughly then had been done euer heeretofore , because the times did more & more require it . lastly , his maieesties said attorney generall did declare and publish to the court in seuerall articles his purpose and resolution in what cases hee did intend to prosecute offences of that nature in this court , that is to say , that if any man shall appoynt the field , although the fight bee not acted or performed . if any man shall send any challenge in writing , or message of challenge : if any man shall carry or deliuer any writing or message of challenge , if any man shall accept or returne a challenge , if any man shall accept to bee a second in a challenge of eyther part : if any man shall depart the realme with intention and agreement to performe the fight beyond the seas : if any man shall reuiue a quarrell by any scandalous bruites or writings cōtrary to a former proclamation , published by his maiesty in that behalfe , that in all these cases his maiesties atturney generall , in discharge of his duety by the fauour and assistance of his maiesty and the court , would bring the offenders of what state or degree soeuer to the iustice of this court , leauing the lords cōmissioners marshall to the more exact remedies , adding further , that hee heard there were certaine councell learned of duells , that tell yong men when they are before hand and when they are otherwise , and did incense and incite them to the duell , and made an art of it , who likewise should not be forgotten , and so concluded with two petitions , the one in perticuler to the lord chancellor , that in case aduertisement were giuen of a purpose in any to goe beyond the seas to fight , there might bee granted his maiesties writte of né exeat regnum against him : and the other to the lords in generall , that hee might bee assisted and countenanced in this seruice . after which opening and declaration of the generall cause , his maiesties said atturney did proceed to set forth the proofes of this perticuler challendge and offence now in hand and brought to the iudgment and censure of this honorable court ; wherevpon it appeared to this honorable court by the confession of the said defendant priest himselfe , that hee hauing receiued some wrong and disgrace at the hands of one hutchest , did thereupon in reuenge thereof writ a letter to the said hutchest containing a challenge to fight with him at single rapier , which letter the said priest did deliuer to the said defendant wright , together with a sticke containing the length of the rapier , wherewith the said priest ment to performe the fight ; whervpon the said wright did deliuer the said letter to the said hutchest , and did read the same vnto him and after the reading thereof did also deliuer to the said hutchest the saide sticke , saying , that the same was the length of the weapon mentioned in the saide letter . but the saide hutchest , ( dutifully respecting the preseruation of his maiesties peace ) did refuse the said challeng , wherby noe further mischeefe did ensue thereupon . this honorable court , and all the honorable presence this day sitting , vpon graue and mature deliberation , pondering the qulality of these offences , they generally approued the spech and obseruations of his maiesties saide atturney generall , and highly commended his great care and good seruice in bringing a cause of this nature to publique punishment and example , and in professing a constant purpose to goe on in the like course with others ; letting him knowe , that hee might expect from the court all concurrence and assistance in so good a worke . and therevpon the courte did by theire seuerall oppinions and sentences declare how much it imported the peace and prosperous estate of his maiestie and his kingdome to nippe this practise and offence of duells in the head , which now did ouerspread and grow vniuersall , euen among meane persons , aud was not onely entertayned in practise and custome , but was framed into a kinde of art and preceptes ; so that according to the saying of the scripture , mischeefe is imagined like a lawe . and the court with one consent did declare their opinions . that by the ancient law of the land al inceptions , preparations , & combinatiōs to execute vnlawful acts , though they neuer be performed as they be not to be punished capitally , except it bee in case of treason , and some other perticuler cases of statute law : so yet they are punishable as misdemeanors and contempts : and that this court was proper for offences of such nature , specially in this case , where the brauery and insolency of the times are such as the ordinary magistrates and iustices , that are trusted with the preseruation of the peace , are not able to master and represse these offences , which were by the court at large set forth , to bee not onely against the law of god , to whom , and his substitutes all reuenge belongeth as part of his prerogatiue , but also against the oath and duety of euery subiect vnto his maiesty , for that the subiect doth sweare vnto him , by the ancient law , allegeance of life and member , whereby it is plainely inferred that the subiect hath no disposing power ouer himselfe of life and member to bee spent or ventured according to his owne passions and fancies , in-so-much as the very practise of chiualry in iusts and turneys , which are but images of martiall actions , appeare by ancient presidents not to be lawfull without the kings lycence obtained . the court also noted , that these priuate duells or combats were of another nature from the combats which haue beene allowed by the law aswell of this land as of other nations for the tryall of rightes or appeales . for that those combats receiued rection & authority from the law , wheras these contrariwise spring only from the vnbrideled humors of priuate men . and as for the pretence of honor , the court much misliking the confusion of degrees which is growne of late ( euery man assuming vnto himself the tearme and attribute of honor ) did vtterly reiect and condemne the opinion that the priuate duell , in any person whatsoeuer , had any groundes of honor , aswell because nothing can be honorable that is not lawfull , and that it is no magnanimity or greatnes of mind , but a swelling & tumor of the minde , where there faileth a right and sound iudgement ; as also for that it was rather iustly to be esteemed a weaknes , and a conscience of smale value in a mans selfe to be deiected , so with a word or trifling disgrace as to thinke there is no recure of it , but by hazard of life , whereas true honour in persons that know their owne , worth is not of any such brittle substance but of a more strong composition . and finally , the court shewing a firme and setled resolution to proceede with all seuerity against these duells gaue warning to all young noble-men and gentlemen that they should not expect the like connyuence or tolleration as formerly haue beene , but that iustice should haue a full passage without protection or interruption ; adding that after a straight inhibition , whosoeuer should attempt a challenge or combatte , in case where the other party was restrayned to answere him ( as now all good subiects are ) did by their owne principles receiue the dishonor and disgrace vppon himselfe . and for the present cause , the court hath ordered , adiudged , and decreed , that the said william priest , and richard wright , bee committed to the prison of the fleete , and the said priest to pay fiue hundred pound , and the said wright fiue hundred markes for their seuerall fines to his maiesties vse . and to the end that some more publique example may bee made heereof amongst his maiesties people , the court hath further ordered and decreed , that the said priest and wright shall at the next assises to bee houlden in the county of surrey publiquely in face of the court , the iudges sitting , acknowledge their high contempt and offence against god , his maiesty , and his lawes , and shew themselues penitent for the same . moreouer the wisdome of this high and honourable court thought it meete and necessary that all sorts of his maiesties subiects should vnderstand and take notice of that which hath beene said and handled this day touching this matter , aswell by his highnesse atturney generall , as by the lords , iudges , touching the law in such cases . and therefore the court hath enioyned maister atturney to haue speciall care to the penning of this decree , for the setting forth in the same summarily the matters and reasons which haue beene opened and deliuered by the court touching the same , and neuer-the-lesse also at some time conuenient to publish the perticulers of his speeche and declaration , as very meete and worthy to bee remembred , and made known to the world , as these times are : and this decree , being in such sort carefully drawne & penned , the whole court thought it meete , and so haue ordered and decreed , that the same bee not onely read and published at the next assises for surrey at such time as the said priest and wright are to acknowledge their offences as aforesaid ; but that the same be likewise published and made knowne in all shires of this kingdome . and to that end the iustices of assize are required by this honorable court to cause this decree to bee solemnly read and published in all the places and sittings of their seuerall circuits , and in the greatest assembly , to the end that all his maiesties subiects may take knowledge and vnderstand the opinion of this honorable court in this case , and in what measure , his maiesty , and this honorable court purposeth to punish such as shall fall into the like contempt and offences hereafter . lastly this honorable court , much approuing that which the right honorable sir edward coke knight , lord chiefe iustice of england did now deliuer touching the law in this case of duells , hath enioyned his lordship to report the same in print , as hee hath formerly done diuers other cases , that , such as vnderstand not the law in that behalfe , and all others may better direct themselues , and preuent the danger thereof hereafter . finis . true peace, or, a moderate discourse to compose the unsettled consciences and greatest differences in ecclesiastical affaires written long since by the no less famous then learned sir francis bacon ... bacon, francis, 1561-1626. 1662 approx. 53 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 25 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a28513 wing b339 estc r37050 16197425 ocm 16197425 105042 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a28513) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 105042) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1085:10) true peace, or, a moderate discourse to compose the unsettled consciences and greatest differences in ecclesiastical affaires written long since by the no less famous then learned sir francis bacon ... bacon, francis, 1561-1626. [2], 47 p. printed for a.c., london : 1662. reproduction of original in the bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and 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in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church of england -apologetic works. puritans -relations -church of england. 2002-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-05 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-06 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2002-06 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-07 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion true peace : or a moderate discourse to compose the unsettled consciences , and greatest differences in ecclesiastical affaires . written long since by the no less famous then learned sir francis bacon lord vernlam , viscount st. alban london , printed for 〈…〉 to the reader . christian reader , either in esteem to the learned author , or in love to thy self read this small discourse following , which shews the authors tranquil care to compose the minds of those that made it their business to make rents in our apostolical episcopacy , not fearing the breach of the third , fifth , and sixth commandments ; but causing the sacred name of god to be vainly used in their idle controversies , disobeying our superiors , and causing an ultimation in murder ; but the following discourse i doubt not but will give you good satisfaction , vale . it is but ignorance , if any man finde it strange that the state of religon ( especially in the dayes of peace ) should be exercised and troubled with controversies : for as it is the condition of the church militant to be ever under trialls , so it commeth to passe that when the fiery triall of persecution ceaseth , there succeedeth another triall , which as it were by contrary blastes of doctrine , doth sift and winow mens faith , and proveth them whether they know god aright , even as the other of afflictions discovereth whether they love him better then the world . accordingly was it foretold by christ , saying : that in the latter times it should bee said , loe here , loe there is christ ; which is to be understood , not as if the very person of christ should bee assumed and counterfeited , but his authority and preheminence ( which ought to bee truth it selfe ) that should bee chalenged and pretended . thus have we read and seene to bee fulfilled that which followeth : ecce in deserto , ecce in penetratio : while some have sought the truth in the conventicles and conciliables of heretickes and sectaries : others in the externe face and representation of the church , and both sorts been seduced . were it th●n that the controversies of the church of england were such as did divide the unity of the spirit , and not such as doe unswaddle her of her bands the bands of peace ) yet could it be no occasion for any pretended catholicke to judge us , or for any irreligious person to despise us : or if it be , it shall but happen to us all as it hath used to doe ; to them to bee hardened , and to us to endure the good pleasure of god. but now that our contentions are such , as we need not so much that generall canon and sentence of christ : erratis nescientes scripturas , &c. as wee need the admonition of saint iames : let every man bee swift to heare , slow to speake , slow to wrath : and that the wound is no way dangerous , except wee poyson it with our owne remedies . as the former sort of men have lesse reason to make themselves musicke in our cord : so i have good hope that nothing shall displease our selves which shall bee sincerely and modestly propounded for the appeasing of these dissentions . for if any shall bee offended at this voyce : vos estis fratres , yee are brethren , why strive yee ? hee shall give great presumption against himselfe , that hee is the party that doth his brother wrong . the controversies themselves i will not enter into , as judging that disease requireth rather rest then any other cure . thus much we all know and confesse , that they bee not of the highest nature : for they are not touching the high mysteries of faith : such as detained the churches after their first peace for many yeares , what time the heretickes moved curious questions , and made strange anatomies of the nature and person of christ ; and the catholicke fathers were compelled to follow them with all subtillity of disputations and determinations , to exclude them from their evasions , and to take them in their owne labyrinths ; so as it is rightly said : illis temporibus ingeniosa res fuit esse christianum : in those dayes it was an ingenious and subtile matter to bee a christian : neither are they concerning the great parts of the worship of god ; of which it is true , that non servatur unitas in credendo , nisieadem adsit in colendo : there will bee kept no unity in beleeving , except it bee intire in worshipping : such as were the controversies in the east and west churches touching images , and such as are many of those which are betweene the church of rome and us , as about the adoration of the sacrament , and the like . but wee contend about ceremonies , and things indifferent , about the externe policie and government of the church : in which kinde , if wee would but remember , that the ancient and true bonds of unity , are one faith , one baptisme , and not one ceremonie , one policie . if wee would observe the league among christians , that is penned by our saviour christ ( hee that is not against us , is with us ) if wee could but comprehend that saying , differentia rituum commendat unitatem doctrinae : and that , habet religio quae sunt aeternitatis , habet quae sunt temporis : religion hath parts which belong to eternity , and parts which belong to time . and if wee did but know the vertue of silence , and slownesse to speake , commended by saint iames , our controversies would ( of themselves ) close up and grow together . but most especially , if we would leave the overweening and turbulent humours of these times , and renue the blessed proceedings of the apostles and fathers of the primitive church ; which was in the like and greater cases , not to enter into assertions and positions , but to deliver counsels and advices , we should need no other remedy at all . si eadem con●ulis frater , qua affirmas , debetur consulenti reverentia , cum non debetur ●ides affirmanti : brother , if that which you set downe by way of assertion , you would deliver by way of advice , there were reverence due to your counsell , where credit is not due to your affirmation . saint paul was content to speake thus : ego , non dominus ; i , and not the lord : & secundum consilium meum , according to my counsell . but now men do so lightly say , not i , but the lord ; yea , and binde it with heavie denunciations of his judgements , to terrifie the simple , which have not sufficiently understood out of salomon , that the causlesse curse shall not come : therefore seeing the accidents are they which breed the perill , and not the things themselves in their owne nature , it is meet the remedies bee applied unto them by opening what it is on either part that keepeth the wound greene , and formaliseth both sides to a further opposition , and worketh an indisposition in mens mindes to be reunited ; wherein no accusation is pretended . but i finde in reason , that it is best built by repetition of wrongs , and in example that the speeches which have been by the wisest men , de concordia ordinum , have not abstained from reducing to memory the extremities used on both parts . so as it is true which was said , qui paccem tractat non repetitis conditionis : dissidit , is magis animos dulcedine pacis fallit quam aequitate componit . and first of all , it is more then time that an end were made of this unmodest and deformed kinde of writing lately entertained , whereby matters of religion are handled in the stile of the stage . indeed bitter and earnest writing is not hastily to be condemned : for men cannot contend coldly and without affection about things they hold deare and pretious . a politicke man may write from his braine without touch or sense of his heart , as in a speculation that pertaineth not unto him ; but a feeling christian will expresse in his words a character either of zeale or love : the latter of which as i would wish rather to be embraced , as being more fit for the times , yet is the former warranted also by great examples . but to leave all reverend and religious compassions toward evils , or indignation toward faults , to turne religion into a comedy or satyr , to search and rip up wounds with a laughing countenance , to in●ermix scripture and scurrilility sometime in one sentence , is a thing farre from the devout reverence of a christian , and scant beseeming the honest regard of a sober man. non est major confusio quam serii & joci : there is no greater confusion then the confounding of jest and earnest . the majestie of religion , and the contempt and deformity of things ridiculous , are things as distant as things may be . two principall causes have i ever knowne of atheisme , curious controversies and prophane scoffing . now that these two are joyned in one , no doubt that sect will make no small progression . and here i do much esteem the wisedome and religion of that bishop , which replied to the first pamphlet of this kinde , who remembred that a foole was to be answered , but not by becomming like unto him , and considered the matter hee handled , and not the person with whom he dealt . iob speaking of the majesty and gravity of a iudge in himselfe , saith : if i did smile , they beleeved me not ; as if he should have said : if i diverted or glanced unto conceit of mirth , yet mens mindes were so possessed with a reverence of the action in hand , as they could not receive it . much more ought this to be amongst bishops and divines disputing about holy things : and therefore as much doe i mislike of him , who as it seemed , pleased himself with it , as no mean policie . that these men are to be dealt withall at their own weapons , and pledged in their owne cup. this ( no doubt ) seemed to him as profound , as when the cardinall counselled iulius the second to encounter the councell of nice with the councell of lateran ; or as lawfull a chalenge as m. iewell made to confute the pretended catholicks by the fathers . but these things will not excuse the imitation of evill in another : it should contrariwise be with us as caesar said : nil malo quam eos similes cum sui , & me mei . but now , dum de bonis contendimus , in malis consentimus ; while we differ in good things , we resemble in evill . surely if i were asked of these men , who were the more to bee blamed , i should perhaps remember the proverbe , that the second blow maketh the fray ; and the saying of an obscure fellow , qui replicat multiplicat , he that replieth multiplieth . but i would determine the question with this stutterer : alter principium malo dedit , alter modum abstulit : by the one means we have a beginning , by the other we shall have none end . and truely , as i doe marvell that some of those preachers which do call for reformatiō ( whom i am farre from wronging , so farre as to joyne them with these scoffers ) doe not publish some declaration , whereby they may satisfie the world , that they dislike , their cause should be so sollicited : so i hope assuredly , that my lords of the cleargy have no intelligence with these other libellers ; but do altogether disallow that their dealing should be thus defended : for though i observe in him many glozes , whereby the man would insinuate himselfe into their favour ; yet i finde too ordinary , that many pressing & fawning persons , do misconjecture of the humours of men in authority , and many times veneri immolant suem , they seeke to gratifie them with that they most dislike . for i have great reason to satisfie my selfe touching the judgement of my lords the bishops in this matter , by that which was written by one of them , whom i mentioned before with honour . neverthelesse , i note , there is not an indifferent hand carried toward these pamphlets as they deserve . for the one sort flieth in darknesse , and the other is uttered openly . wherein i might advise that side out of a wise writer , who hath set it downe , that punitis ingeniis gliscit authoritas ; and indeed we ever see it falleth our , that the forbidden writing is thought to be a certaine sparke of truth that flieth up in the faces of them that seeke to choke and tread it out ; whereas a booke authorized , is thought to bee but temporis voces , the language of the time . but in plaine truth i doe finde to my understanding , these pamphlets as meet to be suppressed as the others . first , as the former doe seeke to deface the government of the church in the persons of the bishops and prelates : so the other doth lead into contempt the exercise of religion in the persons of sundry preachers ; so as it disgraceth the higher matter , though in the meaner person . next , i finde certaine indiscreet and dangerous amplifications , as if the civill government it selfe of this estate , had neere lost the force of its sinewes , and were ready to enter into some convulsion , all things being full of faction and disorder ; which is as unwisely acknowledged as untruly affirmed . i know his meaning is to inforce this unreverent and violent impugning of the government of the bishops , to bee a suspected fore-runner of a more generall-contempt . and i grant there is a sympathy between both the estates : but no such matter in the civill policie as deserveth a taxation so dishonourable . to conclude this point : as it were to bee wished that these writings had been abortive , and never seene the sunne ; so the next is , that seeing they be common abroad , that they bee censured of all that have understanding and conscience , as the untemperate extravagants of some light person : yea further , they may beware ( except they meane to deprive themselves of all sense of religion , and to pave their owne hearts , and to make them as the high way ) how they bee conversant in them , and much more how they delight themselves in that veine , but rather to turn their laughing into blushing , and to bee amazed as at a short madnesse , that they have in matters of religion , taken their disport and solace . but this perchance is one of those faults which will bee soonest acknowledged , though i perceive neverthelesse , there wants not some which seeke to blanch and excuse it . but to descend to a more narrow view and consideration of the accidents and circumstances of these controversies , wherein either part deserveth blame and imputation ; i finde generally in causes of church-controversies , that men do offend in some or all of these five points : 1. the first , the giving of occasion unto controversies , and also the inconsiderate and ungrounded taking of the occasion . 2. the next is the extending and multiplying of controversies to a more generall opposition and contradiction then appeareth at the first propounding of them , when mens judgements are least partiall . 3. the third is the passionate and unbrotherly practises and proceedings on both parts towards the persons each of others for their discredit and suppression . 4. the fourth , is the courses holden and and entertained on either side , for the drawing of the practizants to a more streight union within themselves , which ever importeth a further destruction of the intire body . 5. the last , is the undue and inconvenient propounding , publishing , and debating of the controversies . in which point the most palpable error hath been already spoken of , as that which through the strangenesse and freshnesse of the abuse first offereth it selfe to the conceits of all men . now concerning the occasion of controversies , it cannot be denied but that the imperfection in the conversation and government of those which have chiefe place in the church , have ever been principall causes and motives of schismes and divisions : for whilest the bishops and governours of the church continue full of knowledge and good workes , whilest they feed their flock indeed , while they deale with the secular estates in all liberty and resolution , according to the majesty of their calling , and the pretious care of soules imposed upon them ; so long the church is situate , as it were , upon an hill , no man maketh question of it , or seekes to depart from it : but when these vertues in the fathers and elders of the church have lost their light , and that they wax wordly , lovers of themselves , and pleasers of men : then men begin to grope for the church as in the darke , they bee in doubt whether they bee the successors of the apostles , or of the pharisees ; yea , howsoever they sit in moses chaire , yet they can never speake , tanquam authoritatem habentes , as having authority , because they lost their reputation in the consciences of men , by declining their steppes from the way which they trace out to others ; so as men have need continually sounding in their eares , this saying , nolite exire , goe not out , so ready are they to depart from the church upon every voyce : and therefore it is truely noted by one who writeth as a naturall man , that the hypocrisie of friers did for a great time , maintaine and beare out the irreligion of bishops and prelates . for this is that double policie of the spiritual enemy , either by counterfeit holinesse of life to authorize and establish errors , or by the corruption of manners to discredit and call into question truth and lawfull things . this concerneth my lords the bishops , unto whom i am witnesse to my selfe , that i stand affected as i ought : no contradiction hath supplanted in mee the reverence i owe to their calling : neither hath any detraction or calumnie embased my opinion of their persons ; i know some of them , whose names are most pierced with these accusations , to be men of great vertues , although indisposition of the time , and the want of correspondence many wayes , is enough to frustrate the best indevours in the church . and for the rest generally , i can condemne none , i am no judge of them that belong to so high a master , neither have i two witnesses : and i know it is truely said of fame , pariter facta atque infecta canebat . their taxations arise not all from one coast : they have indifferent enemies , and ready to invent slander , more ready to amplifie , and most ready to believe it , & magnes mendacii credulitas , credulity is the allurement of lies . but if any be who have against the supreame bishops not a few things , but many : if any have lost his first love , if any bee neither hot nor cold , if any have stumbled to folly at the threshold , in such sort that he cannot sit well that entred ill ; it is time they returne whence they are fallen , and confirme the things which remaine . great is the weight of this fault , et eorum causa abhorrebant homines à sacrificiis domini : and for their cause did men abhor the worship of god. but howsoever it be , that those have sought to defame them , & cast contempt upon them , are not to beexcused . it is the precept of salomon , that the rulers be not reproched , no not in thought , but that wee draw our conceit into a modest interpretation of their doings . the holy angell would give no sentence of blasphemy against the common slanderer , but sayd , increpet te dominus , the lord rebuke thee . the apostle saint paul , thought against him that did polute sacred justice with tyrannous violence , hee did justly denounce the judgement of god in saying , percuciet te dominus , the lord shall strike thee , yet in saying , paries dealbate , he thought he had gone too farre , and retracted it : whereupon a learned father sayd : ipsum , quam vis inane , nomen & umbram sacerdotis cogitans expavit . the ancient councels and synods , as it is noted by the ecclesiasticall story , when they deprived any bishop , never recorded the offence , but buried it in perpetuall silence . onely cham purchased his fathers curse with revealing his fathers disgrace : and yet a much greater fault is it , to ascend from the person to the calling , and to draw that in question . many good fathers rigorously complained of the unworthinesse of bishops , as if it did presently forfeit & cease their office . one sayth : sacerdotes nominamur & non sumus , we are called priests , and are not . another sayth : nisi bonum opus amplectaris episcopus esse non potes , except thou undertake the good worke , thou canst not be a bishop ; yet they meant nothing lesse then to move doubt of their calling or ordination . the second occasion of cōtroversies , is , the nature & humor of some men . the church never wanteth a kinde of persons that love the salutation of rabbi , not in ceremony or complement , but in an inward authority which they seeke over mens mindes , in drawing them to depend upon their opinion , and so seeke knowledge at their lippes : these men are the true successours of diotrephes , the lovers of preheminence , and not lord bishops ; such spirits doe light upon another sort of natures which doe adhere to these men , quorum gloria in obsequio , stiffe fellowes , and such as zeale marvellously for those whom they have chosen to bee their masters . this latter sort of men for the most part , are men of young yeares , and superficiall understanding , carried away with partiall respect of persons , or with the enticing appearance of godly names and pretences . pauci res ipsas sequuntur , plures nomina rerum ; plurima nomina magistrorum : few follow the things themselves , more the names of the things , most the names of their masters . about these general affections are wretched accidentall and private emulations and discontentments . all which breake forth together into contentions , such as either violate truth , sobriety , or peace . these generalities apply themselves . the vniversities are the seates and continent of this disease , whence it hath been , and is derived into other parts of the realme . there some will be no longer è numero , of the number : there some others side themselves before they know the right hand from the left . so as it is truely said transeunt ab ignorantia ad prejudicium : they leap from ignorance to a prejudicate opinion , and never take a good judgement in their way . but as it is wel noted : inter juvenile judicium , & senile prejudicium omnis veritas corrumpitur : when men are indifferent and not partiall , then their judgement is weake and unripe , through want of yeares ; and when it groweth to strength , and ripenesse , by that time it is forestalled with such a number of prejudicate opinions , as it is made unprofitable , so as between these two all truth is corrupted ; while the honourable names of sincerity , and reformation , and discipline , are put in the forward , so as contentious and evill zeales cannot be touched , except these holy thinges are first thought to be violated . but howsoever they shall inferre the solicitation for the peace of the church : not to proceed from carnall sinnes : yet will i ever conclude with the apostle paul : cum sit inter vos zelus & contentio , nonne carnales estis ? while there is amongst you zeale and contention , are ye not carnall ? and howsoever they esteem the compounding of controversies , to favour of mens wisedome and humane policie , i thinke themselves led with the wisedome which is from above ; yet i say with saint iames , non est ista sapientia de sursum descendens , sed terrena , animalis , diabolica . ibi zelus & contentio , ibi inconstantia & omne opus provum . of this inconstancy it is said by a learned father : procedere non ad perfectionem , sed ad permutationem . they seeke to goe forward still , not to perfection , but to change . the third occasion of controversies , i observe to be an extreame and unlimited detestation of some former heresie or corruption of the church acknowledged & convicted . this was the cause that produced the heresie of arrius , grounded chiefly upon detestation of gentilisme ; lest the christians should seeme by assertion of the coequall divinity of our saviour christ to approach to the acknowledgement of more gods then one . the detestation of arrius heresie produced that of sabellius , who holding for execrable the dissimilitude which arrius pretended in the trinity , fled so farre from him , that he fell into the other extreame , to deny the distinction of persons , and to say they were but onely names of severall offices and dispensations ; yea , most of the heresies of the church have sprung up of this root , while men have made it their scale to measure the bounds of their religion , taking it by the farthest distance from the errour last condemned . these be posthumi haeresium filii , heresies that arise of the ashes of other heresies that are extinct and amortised . this manner of apprehension doth in some degree possesse many of our time : they thinke it the true touch-stone to try what is good and holy , by measuring what is more and lesse opposite to the institutions of the church of rome , be it ceremony , be it policie or government ; yea be it other institution of greater weight , that is ever most perfect which is removed most degrees from that church ; and that is ever polluted and blemished which participateth in any appearance with it : this is a subtile and dangerous conceit for men to entertaine , apt to delude themselves , more apt to delude the people , and most apt of all to calumniate their adversaries . this surely , but that a notorious condemnation of that position was laid before our eyes , had long since brought us to the rebaptizing of children baptized according to the pretended catholicke religion . for i see that which is a matter of much like reason , which is the reordaining of priests , is a matter very resolutely maintained . it is very meet that men beware how they be abused by this opinion , and that they know it is a consideration of much greater wisedome to be well advised : whether in the generall demolition of the institutions of the church of rome , there were not ( as mens actions are unperfect ) some good purged with the bad , rather then to purge the church as they pretend , every day anew , which is the way to make a wound in her bowels , as it is already begun . the fourth and last occasion of these controversies ( a thing which did also trouble the church in former time ) is the partiall affectation and imitation of forraigne churches : for many of our men , during the time of persecution , and since , having been conversant in churches abroad , and received a great impression of the government there ordained , have violently sought to intrude the same upon our church . but i answer , conveniamus in eo quod convenit non in eo quod receptum est : let us agree in this with every church , to doe that which is convenient for the estate of it selfe , and not in particular customes . although their churches had received the better forme , yet many times it is to be sought . non quid optimum , sed è bonis quid proximum : not what is best , but of good things what is next and readiest to be had . our church is not now to place , it is setled and established . it may be in civill states a republique is better then a kingdome : yet god forbid that lawfull kingdomes should be tied to inovate and make alterations : qui mala introducit , voluntatem dei oppugnat revelatam in verbo : qui nova introducit , voluntatem dei oppugnat revelatam in rebus : he that bringeth in ill customes , resisteth the will of god revealed in his word : he that bringeth in new things , resisteth the will of god revealed in the things themselves . consule providentiam dei cum verbo dei : take counsaile of the providence of god , as well as of his word . neither yet doe i admit that their forme ( although it were possible and convenient ) is better then ours , if some abuses were taken away . the party and equality , is a thing of wonderfull great confusion , and so is an ordinary government by synods , which do necessarily ensue upon the other . it is hard in all causes , especially in matters of religion , when voyces shall bee numbred and not weighed . equidem ( saith a wise father ) ut verè quod res est scribam , prorsus decrevifugere omnem conventum episcoporū : nullius enim consilii bonum exitum unquā vidi : consilia enim non minuunt mala , sed augent potius . to say the truth , i am utterly determined never to come to any councell of bishops : for i never yet saw good end of any councell : for councels abate not ill things , but rather increase them : which is not so much to bee understood of generall councels , as for synods gathered for the ordinary government of the church , as for deprivation of bishops , or such like cases , which mischiefe hath taught us the use of archbishops and patriarkes , and primates , as the abuse of them since hath caused men to mislike them . but it will bee said , looke to the fruits of the churches abroad and ours . to which i say , i beseech the lord to multiply his blessings & graces upon these an hundred fold . but yet it is not good we fall a numbring them . it may bee our peace hath made us wanton . it may be also ( though i would be loath to derogate from the honor of those churches , were it not to remove scandals ) that their fruits are as torches in the darke , which appeare greatest a farre off . i know they may have some more strict order for the repressing of sundry excesses . but when i consider of the censures of some persons , as well upon particular men as upon churches , i think of the saying of a platonist , who saith : certe vitia irascibilis partis animae sunt gradu praviora quam concupiscibilis tametsi occultiora . a matter that appeared well by the ancient contentions of bishops : god grant we may contend with other churches as the vine with the olive , which of us beareth best fruits : and not as the brier with the thistle , which of us is most unprofitable . and thus much touching the occasion of controversies . now briefly to set down the growth and progression of these controversies , whereby will be verified the wise counsell of salomon , that the course of contention is to bee stopped at the first , being else as the waters , which if they get a breach , will hardly ever be recovered . it may be remembred , how that on their part who call for reformation , was first propounded some dislike of certaine ceremonies , supposed to bee supersticious : some complained of dumb ministers , who possessed rich benefices : some made invectives against the idle and monasticall continuance within the vniversities , by those who had livings to be resident upon , and such like causes . thence they went on to condemne the government of bishops , as an hierarchy remaining to us of the corruptions of the romane church , and to except to sundry institutions , as not sufficiently delivered from the pollutions of former times . and lastly , they are advanced to define of an onely and perpetuall forme of policie in the church , which ( without consideration of the possibility , or foresight of perill , or perturbation of the church & state ) must be erected and planted by the magistrate . here they stay . others not able to keep footing on so steep a ground , descend further , that the same must bee entred into , and accepted by the people at their perill , without attending the establishment of authoritie ; and so in the mean time they refuse to communicate with us , reputing us to have no church . this hath been the progression of that side , i meane of the generality ; for i know that some persons ( being of the nature not onely to love extremities , but to fall to them without degrees ) were at the highest streame at the first : the other part that maintaineth the present government of the church , hath not kept one ten or neither . first , those ceremonies which they pretended to be corrupt , they maintained to bee things indifferent , and opposed the examples of the good times of the church , to that chalenge that was made unto them , because they were used in the latter superstitious times : then were they also content mildly to acknowledge many imperfections in the church , as tares came up amongst the corne , which were not as yet according to the wisedome of our saviour christ , to be without strife pulled up , lest it might spoile and supplant the good corn , but to grow on together till the harvest . after this they grew to a more absolute defence & maintenance of orders of the church : and stifly to hold that nothing was to be innovated , partly because it needed not , and partly because it would make a breach upon the rest . thence ( exasperate through contention ) they are fallen to a direct condemnation of the contrary part , as of a sect : yea and some indiscreet persons have been bold in open preaching to use dishonourable and derogative speech , and censure of the churches abroad : and that so farre , as that some of our men ( as i have heard ) ordained in forreigne parts have beene pronounced to be no lawfull ministers . thus we see the beginnings were modest , but the extreames violent : so as there is now almost as great a distance of either part from it selfe , as was at the first of one from the other . and surely ( though my meaning and scope be not ( as i said before ) to enter into the controversies themselves ) yet i doe admonish the maintainers of the above named discipline , to weigh and consider seriously , and attentively , how neer they are unto those with whom i know they will not join . it is hard to say that the discipline which they say we want , is one of the essentiall parts of the worship of god : and not to affirme , that the people upon perill of their salvation without staying for the magistrate are to gather themselves unto it . i demand if a civill state should receive the preaching and baptisme , and exclude the sacrament of the supper : were not men bound upon danger of their soules , to draw themselves to congregations , where they might celebrate that ministery , and not content themselves with that part of worship which the magistrate hath authorised ? this i speake not to draw them into mislike of others , but into a more deep consideration of themselves . fortasse non redeunt , quia progressuum suum non intelligunt , againe i say , to my lords the bishops that it is heard for them to avo●d blame in the opinion of an indifferent person , in standing so precisely , in altering nothing . leges novis legibus non recreate descunt , lawes being not refreshed with new lawes , wax sowre . qui mala non permutat , in bonis non perseverat , without change of ill , a man can not continue the good : to take away abuses , supplanteth not good orders , but establishes them . morosa moris retentio res turbulenta aque ac novitas est , a contentious retaining of custome is a turbulent thing as well as innovation . a good husbandman is ever pruning and stirring in his vineyard , or field ; not unreasonable indeed , nor unskilfully , for he lightly ever findeth somewhat to do . we have heard of no offers of the bishops of bils in parliament , which no doubt proceeding from them to whom it properly appertaineth , would have every where received acceptation , their own constitutions , and orders have reformed little . is nothing amisse ? can any man defend the use of excommunication , as a bare processe to lackey up and downe , for duties and for fees , it being the greatest judgement next unto that generall judgement at the last day ? is there no means to nurse and traine up ministers ? ( for the yeld of the vniversities will not serve , though they were never so well governed ) to traine them i say not to preach ( for that every man adventureth confidently to doe ) but to preach soundly and handle the scriptures with wisedome and judgement . i know prophecying was subject to great abuses ; and would be more abused now , because the lease of persecution is encreased . but i say , the onely reason of the abuse was , because there were admitted to it a popular auditory , and it was conteined with a private conference of ministers . other thinges might be spoken of . i pray god inspire the bishops , with a fervent love , and care of the people , and that they may not so much urge thinges in controversie , which all men confesse to bee gracious , and good . and thus much for the second part . now as to the third part of unbrotherly proceeding on either part , it is directly contrary to my purpose to amplifie wrongs , it is enough to note and number them : which i doe also to move compassion and remorse on the offending side , and not to animate chalenges and complaints on the other . and this point ( as reason is ) doth chiefly touch that side which doe most : injuriae potentiorum sunt , injuries come from them that have the upper hand . the wrongs of them that are oppressed , of the government of the church towards the other , may hardly bee dissembled or excused : they have charged them as though they denied to pay tribute to caesar , and withdraw from the civill magistrate their obedience , which they ever performed and taught : they have sorted and coupled them with the family of love , whose heresies they have laboured to descry and confute : they have been swift of credit to receive accusations against them from those that have quarrelled with them . but for speaking against sin and vice , their examinations and inquisitions have been streight , swearing them to blanks & generalities ( not included within the compasse of matter certaine , which the party that taketh the oath is able to comprehend ) which is a thing captious and strainable . their urging of subscription to their owne articles , is but lacescere & irritare morbos ecelesiae , which otherwise would spend and crush themselves , non consensum quaerit , sed dissidium auget , qui quod factis praestatur , verbis exigit : hee seeketh not union but division , which exacteth inwardly that , which men are content to yeeld in outward action . and it is true , there are some , which ( as i am perswaded ) will not easily offend by inconformity , who notwithstanding make some conscience to subscribe . for they know this note of inconstancie & defection from that which they have long held , shall disable that good which otherwise they would do . for such is the weaknesse of many , that they thinke their ministeries should thereby be discredited . as for their easie silencing of them , in such great scarcity of preachers , is to punish the people and not them . ought they not ( i meane the bishops ) to keep one eye open to looke upon the good that those men do ; not to fix them both upon the hurt that they suppose commeth by them . indeed such as are intemperate and incorrigible god forbid they should be permitted to teach . but shall every inconsiderate word , sometimes captiously wa●ched , and for the most part hardly inforced , be as it were a forfeiture of their voice & gift in teaching ? as for particular molestatiōs , i take no pleasure to recite thē . if a minister shal be troubled for saying in baptisme , do you believe ? or , dost thou believe ? if another shal be troubled for praying for her majesty without addition of her stiles , whereas the very form of prayer in the book of common prayer hath ( thy servant elizabeth ) and no more . if a third shall be accused upon these words uttered touching the controversies , tollatur lex & fiat certamen , whereby was meant , that the prejudice of the law removed , other reasons should be equally cōpared of calling for mutinie and sedition : as if he had said , away with the law , and try it out by force . if these and other like particulars be true , which i have but by rumour , and cannot affirme , it is to bee lamented that they should labour amongst us with so little comfort . i know restrained government is better then remisse . and i am of his opinion that said : better it is to live where nothing is lawfull , then where all things are lawfull : i dislike that lawes bee contemned , or disturbers unpunished . but lawes are compared to the grape , which being too much pressed , yeeldeth an hard and unwholesome wine . of these things i may say , iram viri non operatur justitiam dei : the wrath of man worketh not the righteousnesse of god. as for the injuries on the other part , they are , ictus vermium , as it were headlesse arrowes , they are fity and eager invectives : and in some fond men , uncivill and unreverent behaviour towards their persons . this last invention also which exposeth them to derision and obloquie by libels , chargeth ( as i am perswaded ) the whole side ; neither doth that other , which is yet more odious , practised by the most ●or● of thē , which is calling in as it were to their aid , certain mercenary bands , which impugned bishops & other ecclesiasticall dignities , to have the spoile of their endowments and livings . of this i cannot speake too hardly : it is an intelligence between incendiaries and robbers , the one to rob or fire the house , the other to rifle it . and thus much touching the third part . the fourth part wholly pertaineth to them which repugne the present ecclesiasticall government , who although they have not cut themselves from the body and communion of the church : yet they effect certaine cognisants & differences , wherein they seek to correspond amongst themselves , and to differ from other : and it is truly said , tam sunt mores schismatici , quam dogmata schismatica : there be as well schismaticall factions as opinions . first , they have impropered to themselves the names of zealous , syncere , & reformed , as if all other were cold , minglers of holy things , and prophane , and friends of abuses . yea to be a man endued with great vertues , and fruitfull in good workes , yet if he concurre not fully with them , they terme ( inderogation ) a civill and morall man , and compare him to socrates or some heathen phylosopher : whereas the wisedome of the scripture teacheth us contrariwise to denominate him religious according to the workes of the second table : because they of the first are often counterfeited and practised in hypocrisie . so saith saint iohn , that a man doth mainly boast of loving god whom he hath not seen , if he loveth not his neighbour whom he hath seen . and saint iames saith , this is true religion to visit the fatherlesse and widow ; and so that which is but phylosophicall with them , is in the phrase of the apostle , true religion and christianity . as in affection they chalenge to themselves the said vertues of zeale , and the rest , so in knowledge they attribute to themselves light , and perfection . they say the church of england in king edwards time , and the beginning of her majesties , was but in the cradle : and that the bishops of those daies did somewhat for day-breake , but the maturity and fulnesse of light proceeded from themselves . so sabinus bishop of heraclea of macedonia , said , that the fathers in the councell of nice were but infants , and ignorant men : that the church was not so to persist in their decrees , as to refuse that farther ripnesse of knowledge which the time had revealed . and as they censure vertuous men by the names of civill and moral , so doe they censure men truely , and godly-wise who see the vanity of their assertion ) by the names of politique , saying that their wisedome is but carnall , and favouring of mans braine . so likewise if a preacher preach with care and meditation ( i speake not of the vaine scholasticall forme and manner of preaching ) but soundly indeed , ordering the matter he handleth distinctly , and draweth it downe from authorising of it by strong proofes and warrents : they censure it as a forme of preaching , not becoming the simplicity of the gospel , and referre it to the reprehension of saint paul speaking of the intising speech of mans wisedome . now for their owne manner of preaching , what is it ? surely they exhort well , and worke compuction of minde , and bring men vell to the question , viri fratres quid age● us ? but that is not enough , except they resolve this question . they handle matters of controversies weakly and obiter , and as before a people that will accept of any thing in doctrine or manners : there is little but generality and repetition . they move the bread of life , and tosse it up and downe , they breake it not : they draw not their directions downe ad casus conscientiae , that a man may be warranted in his particular actions whether they be lawfull or not ; neither indeed are they able to doe it , what through want of grounded knowledge , what through want of study and time . it is an easie thing to call for observation of the sabbath day , and to speake against unlawfull gaine : but what actions and workes may be done upon the sabbath day , and in what cases ; and what courses of gaine are lawfull , and what not : to set this downe , and to cleare so the whole matter with good distinctions and decisions , is a matter of great knowledge and labour , and asketh much meditation and conversation in the scriptures and other helpes which god hath provided & preserved for instruction . they carry not equall hand in teaching the people their lawfull liberties as well as their restraines and prohibitions . but they thinke a man cannot goe too farre in keeping a commandement ; they forget that there are sinnes on the right hand as well as on the left , and that the sword is double edged , and cutteth on both sides , as well the superstitious observances , as the profane transgressions . who doubteth but it is as unlawfull to shut where god hath opened , as to open where god hath shut ? to binde where god hath loosed , and to loose where god hath bound ? amongst men it is as ill taken to turne backe favours , as to disobey commandements . in this kinde of zeale ( for example ) they have pronounced generally and without difference all untruth is unlawfull , notwithstanding that the midwives have been reported to have been blessed in their excuse , and rahab is said by faith to have concealed the spies . farther , i heard some sermons of mortification , which ( i think ) with very good meaning they have preached out of their owne experience and exercise : and things in private counsell not unmeet , but surely no sound conceits : much like to parsons his resolutions , or not so good , rather apt to breed in men weak opinions , and perplexed despaires , then filiall and true repentance which is sought . another point of great inconvenience and perill , is to intice the people to heare controversies , and all manner of doctrine : they say no part of the counsell of god is to bee suppressed , nor the people defrauded . so as the difference which the apostle maketh between milke and strong meats , is confounded ; and his precept that the weake bee not admitted to questions & controversies , taketh no place . but most of all it is to be suspected as a seed of further inconvenience for manner of handling the scriptures : for while they seek expresse scripture for every thing ; and that they have in a manner deprived themselves and the church of a speciall helpe , and support by embracing the authority of fathers , they resort to naked examples , conceited inferences and forced allusions , such as doe bring ruine to all certainty of religion . another extremity is that excessive magnifying of that , which though it be a principall and holy institution , yet hath limites as all things else have . we see ( in a manner ) wheresoever they find in the scriptures the word spoken of , they expound it of preaching . they have made it almost of the essence of the sacrament of the lords supper to have a sermon precedent . they have ( in manner ) annihilated liturgies and formes of divine service . as for the life of the good monkes and eremites of the primitive church , i know they will condemne a man as halfe a papist , if he should maintaine them as other , then prophane , because they heard no preaching . in the meane time , what preaching is , and who may be said to preach , they make no question . but as farre as i see every man that speaketh in chaire is counted a preacher . but i am assured , that not a few that call wholly for a preaching ministerie , deserve to be of the first themselves , that should be expelled . these and some other errors and misproceedings , they doe fortifie and increase by being so greatly addicted to their opinions , and impatient to heare contradiction or argument . yea i know some of them , that would thinke it a tempting of god to heare or read what may be said against them . as if there could be a quod bonum è tenete , without an omne probate going before . this may suffice to offer unto themselves a view and consideration whether they do well or no , & to correct & asswage the partiallity of their followers and dependents . for as for any man that shall hereby enter into a contempt of their ministery , it is but his owne hardnesse of heart . i know the word of exhortation doth chiefly rest upon these men , and they have zeale and hate of sinne . but againe let them take heed that it be not true which one of their adversaries saith against them , that they have but two small wants , knowledge , and love . and so i conclude the fourth part . the last point teaching the due publishing , and debating of these controversies , needeth no long speech : this strange abuse of antiques and pasquils hath been touched before . so likewise i repent not that which i said before , that a character of love is more proper for debates of this nature , then that of zeale . as for all direct and direct glaunces or levels of mens persons , they were ever in these cases disallowed . lastly , whatsoever is pretended , the people is no meet judge or arbitrator ; but rather the moderate , quiet , and private assemblies of the learned . qui apud in capace loquitur non disceptat , sed calumniatur . the presse & pulpit would be morefreed and discharged : neither promotion on the one side , nor glory and heat on the other , ought to continue these chalenges at the crosse , and such places . but rather all preachers especially such as are of a good temper , and have wisedome , with conscience ought to inculcate and beat upon a place , peace , silence , and sufferance . neither let them feare solons law which compelled in factions , every particular person to range himselfe on the one side , or the other : nor the fond calumnie of neutrality . but let them know that it was true which was said by a wise man , that neuters in contention were better or worse , then either side . these things have i in all syncerity and simplicity , set downe touching the controversies which now trouble the church of england , and that without all art or insinuation : and therefore not likely to be gratefull to either part . notwithstanding i trust what hath been said , shall finde a correspondence in their minde , who are not embarked with partiality , and which love the whole better then the part . whereby i am not out of hope that it may doe good . at least i shall not repent my selfe of the meditation . finis . certaine considerations touching the better pacification, and edification of the church of england dedicated to his most excellent maiestie. bacon, francis, 1561-1626. 1604 approx. 58 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 23 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a01086 stc 1120 estc s101540 20175836 ocm 20175836 23665 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a01086) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 23665) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1701:2, 691:5) certaine considerations touching the better pacification, and edification of the church of england dedicated to his most excellent maiestie. bacon, francis, 1561-1626. [44] p. printed for henry tomes [i.e. w. jaggard], [london] : [after 1620]. attributed to bacon by stc (2nd ed.) and nuc pre-1956 imprints. place, date, and actual publisher suggested by stc (2nd ed.). signatures : a4(-a1) b-f4. item at reel 691:5 identified as stc 1121 (number changed in stc 2nd ed. to 1119.5). reproductions of originals in the cambridge university library (reel 691:5) and harvard university library (reel 1701:2). created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church of england -bishops -temporal power. church of england -liturgy. 2000-00 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2001-08 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2001-09 tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread 2001-09 tcp staff (michigan) text and markup reviewed and edited 2001-11 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion certaine considerations touching the better pacification , and edification of the church of england : dedicated to his most excellent maiestie . printed for henry tomes . certaine considerations touching the better pacification , and edification of the church of england : dedicated to his most excellent maiestie . the vnitie of your church , ( excellent soueraigne ) is a thing no lesse precious , than the vnion of your kingdomes , beeing both workes wherein your happinesse may contend with your worthinesse . hauing therefore presumed not without your majesties gracious acceptation , to ioy somewhat of the one , i am the more incouraged not to bee silent in the other ; the rather , because it is an argument that i haue trauelled heretofore : but salomon commendeth a word spoken in season ; and as our sauiour ( speaking of the discerning of seasons ) saith , when you see a cloud rising in the west , you say it wil be a showre : so your maiestie , rising to this monarchie in the west parts of the world , doth promise a sweet and fruitsull houre of many blessings vpon this church and common-wealth , a showre of that influence , as the very first dewes and drops thereof , haue already layd the stormes and windes throughout christendome , reducing the very sace of europe , to a more peaceable and amiable countenance . but to the purpose . it is very true that these ecclesiasticall matters , are things not properly appertaining to my profession , which i was not so inconsiderate , but to object to my selfe : but finding that it is many times seene , that a man that standeth off , and somwhat remoued srom a plot of ground , doth better suruay it and discouer it , than those which are vpon it , i thought it not impossible , but that i as a looker on , might cast mine eyes vpon some things which the actors themselues , ( especially some being interessed , some led and addicted , some declared and ingaged ) did not , or would not see ; and that knowing in my conscience , whereto god beareth witnesse , that the things which i shall speake , spring out of no vaine of popularitie , oftentation , desire of noueltie , parcialitie to either side , disposition to intermeddle , or any the like leuen i may conceiue hope , that what i want in depth of judgement , may bee counteruailed in simplicitie , and sinceritie of affection . but of all things , this did most animate me , that i found in these opinions of mine , ( which i haue long held and embraced , as may appeare by that which i haue many yeeres since written of them , according to the proportion neuerthelesse of my weaknesse ) a consent and conformitie with that which your majestie hath published , of your owne most christian , most wise and moderate sence in these causes : wherein you haue well expressed to the world , that there is infused in your sacred brest from god , that high principle and position of gouernment , that you euer hold the whole more deere , than any part . for who seeth not , that many are affected and giue opinion in these matters , as if they had not so much a desire to purge the euill from the good , as to countenance and protect the euill by the good . others speake as if their scope were onely to set forth what is good , and not to seeke forth what is possible , which is to wish and not to propound . others proceed , as if they had rather a minde of remoouing , than of reforming . but howsoeuer either side as men , though excellent men shall run into extremities , yet your majestie , as a most wise , equall , and christian moderator , is disposed to find out the golden mediocritie , in the establishment of that which is sound , and in the reparation of that which is corrupt and decayed . to your princely judgement then i doe in all humblenesse , submit whatsoeuer i shall propound , offering the same but as a mite into the treasurie of your wisdome ? for as the astronomers do wel obserue , that when three of the superiour lights doe meet in conjunction , it bringeth forth some admirable effects : so there being joyned in your majestie the light of nature , the light of learning , and aboue all the light of gods holy spirit , it cannot be but your gouernment must bee as a happie constellation ouet the states of your kingdomes . neither is there wanting to your majestie that fourth light , which though it be but a borrowed light , yet is of singuler efficacie and moment added to the rest , which is the light of a most wise , and well compounded councell , to whose honourable and graue wisedomes i doe likewise submit whatsoeuer i shall say ; hoping that i shal not need to make protestation of my mind and opinion , that vntill your majestie doth otherwise determine and order , all actuall and full obedience is to be giuen to ecclesiasticall jurisdiction , as it now stands , and when your majestie hath determined and ordered , that euery good subiect ought to rest satisfied , and apply his obedience to your majesties lawes , ordinances , and royall commandements . nor of the dislike i haue of all immodest bitternesse , peremptorie presumption , popalar handling , and other courses tending rather to rumour and impression in the vulgar sort , than to likely-hood of effect , ioyned with obseruation of dutie . but before i enter into the points contronerted , i thinke good to remooue ( if it may be ) two opinions , which do directly confront and oppone to reformation , the one bringing it to a nullitie , and the other to an impossibilitie . the first is , that it is against good policie to innouate any thing in church matters . the other , that all reformation must bee after one platforme . for the first of these , it is excellently sayd by the prophet , state super vias antiquas , & videte quanam fit via recta & vera , & ambulate in ea . so as he doth not say , state super vias antiquas , & ambulare in eis . for it is true , that with all wise and moderate persons , custome and vsage obtaineth that reuerence , as it is sufficient matter to mooue them to make a stand , and to discouer and take a view , but it is no warrant to guide or conduct the ; a iust ground i say it is of deliberation , but not of direction . but on the other side , who knoweth not that time is truely compared to a streame , that carieth downe fresh and pure waters into that salt sea of corruption which inuironeth all humane actions ? and therefore if man shall not by his industrie , vertue , and policie , as it were with the oare rowe against the streame and inclination of time , all institutions and ordinances be they neuer so pure will corrupt and degenerate . but not to handle this matter cōmon-place-like , i would onely aske , why the ciuill state , should be purged and restored by good and wholesome lawes made euery third or fourth yeare in parliaments assembled , deuising remedies as fast as time breedeth misehiess , & contrariwise the ecclesiasticall state should still continue vpon the dregs of time , and receiue no alteration now for these fiue and sortie yeares and more ? if any man shall obiect , that if the like intermission had beene vsed in ciuill causes also , the error had not beene great . surely , the wisedome of the kingdome hath beene otherwise in experience , for three hundred yeares space at the least . but if it bee said to me , that there is a difference betweene ciuill causes and ecclesiasticall , they may as well tell me , that churches and chappels need no reparations , though castles and houses doe ; whereas commonly to speake truth , dilapidations of the inward and spirituall edifications of the church of god are in all times as great , as the outward and materiall . sure i am , that the very word and stile of reformation vsed by our sauiour , ab initio non suit it a , was applyed to church matters , aud those of the highest nature concerning the law morall . neuerthelesse , hee were both vnthankefull and unwise that would denie , but that the church of england during the time of queene elizabeth of famous memorie did flourish . if i should compare it with forraine churches , i would rather the comparison shouldbe in the vertues , then as some make it in the defects , rather i say , as betweene the vine & the oliue , which should be most fruitfull , & not as between the bryer and the thistle , which should bee most vnprofitable . for that reuerence should be vsed to the church which the good sonnes of noah vsed to their fathers nakednesse ; that is , as it were to goebackwards , and to helpe the defects thereof , and yet to dissemble them . and it is to be acknowledged , that scarcely any church since the primitiue church , yeelded in like manner of yeares and latitude of countrey , a greater number of excellent preachers , famous writers , and graue gouernours ; but for the discipline and orders of the church , as , many and the chiefest of them are very holy and good , so yet if saint iohn were to indite an epistle to the church of england , as hee did to them of asia , it would sure haue the clause habeo aduers us to pauca . and no more for this point , sauing that as an appendixe thereunto , it is not amisle to touch that obiection , which is made to the time and not to the matter , pretending that is reformation were necessarie , yet it were not now seasonable at your matesties first entrance . yct hippocrates saith , si quid moues à principio moue . and the wisedome of all examples doth shew , that the wisest princes , as they haue eue : been the most sparing in remoouing or alteration of seruants and officers vpon their comming in ; so for remoouing of abuses and enormities , and for reforming of lawes and the policie of their states , they haue chiefly sought to enable and commend their beginnings therewith , knowing that the first impression with people continueth long , and when mens mindes are most in expectation and suspence , then are they best wrought and managed . and therefore it seemeth to me , that as the spring of nature , i meane the spring of the yeare , is the best time for purging and medicining the naturall body ; so the spring of kingdoms , is the most proper season for the purging and rectifying of politique bodies . there remaineth yet an obiection rather of suspition then of reason , and yet such as i thinke maketh a great impression in the mindes of very wise and well affected persons ; which is , that if way be giuen to mutation , though it be in taking away abuses , get it may so acquaint men with sweetnesse of change , as it will vndermine the stabilitie euen of that which is sound and good . this surely had beene a good and true allegation in the ancient contentions and diuisions betweene the people and the senate of reme , where things were carried at the appetites of multitudes which can neuer keepe within the compasse of any moderation . but these things beeing with vs to haue an orderly passage vnder a king who hath a royall power , and approued judgement , and knoweth as well the measure of things , as the nature of them , is surely a needlesse feare . for they need not doubt , but your maiestie with the aduise of your councell , will discerne what things are intermingled like the rares amongst the wheat , which haue their rootes so inwrapped and intangled , as the one cannot be pulled vp without indangering the other , and what are mingled , but as the chaffe and the corne , which needs but a fanne to fift and seuer them . so much therefore for the first point of no reformation to be admitted at all . for the second point . that there should be but one forme of discipline in all churches , and that imposed by a necessitie of a commandement and prescript out of the word of god ; it is a matter volumes haue beene compiled of , and therefore cannot receiue a briefe redargution . i for my part doe confesse , that in reuealing the scriptures , i could neuer find any such thing , but that god had left the like libertie to the church-gouernment , as he hath done to the ciuil gouernment , to be varied according to time and place and accidents , which neuerthelesse , his high and diuine prouidence doth order and dispose ; for all ciuill gouernments are restrained from god vnto the genarall grounds of iustice and manners , but the policies and formes of them are left free . so that monarchies and kingdomes , senates and seignories , popular states and communalties , are all lawfull and where they are planted ought to bee maintained inuiolate . so likewise in church matters , the substance of doctrine is immutable , and so are the generall rules of gouernment ; but for rites and ceremonies and for the particular hierarchies , policies , and disciplines of churches , they be left at large . and therefore it is good wee returne vnto the ancient bonds of vnitie , in the church of god , which was one faith , one baptisme , and not one hierarchie , one discipline , and that wee obserue the league of christians as it is penned by our sauiour christ which is in substance of doctrine this , hee that is nos with vs , is against vs. but in things indifferent and but of circumstance , this , hee that is not against vs , is with vs. in these things so as the generall rules be obserued that christs flocks be fed ; that there be a succession in byshops and ministers , which are the prophets of the new testament , that there be a due & reuerent vse of the power of the keyes ; that these that preach the gospell , liue of the gospell ; that all things tend to edification ; that all things bee done in order and with decencie , and the like ; the rest is left to the holy wisedome and spirituall discretion of the master-builders and inferiour builders in christs church , as it is excellently alluded by that father that noted that christs garment was without seame , and yet the churches garment was of diuers colours , and thereupon setteth downe for a rule ; in veste varies as sit scissura non sit . in which varietie neuerthelesse it is a safe and a wise course to follow good examples and presidents . but then the rule of imitation and example , is to consider not onely which are the best , but which are the likest , as namely the gouernment of the church , in the purest times of the first good emperours that imbraced the faith. for the times of persecution before temporall princes receiued the faith , as they were excellent times for doctrine and māners , so they be vnproper and vnlike examples of outward gouernment and policie . and so much for this point : now to the particular points of controuersies or rather of reformation . circumstances in the gouernment of byshops . first therefore for the gouernment of byshops , i for my part not prejudging the presidents of other reformed churches , doe hold it warranted by the word of god and by the practise of the ancient church in the better times , and much more conuenient for kingdomes then parity of ministers , and gouernment by synodes . but then further it is to be considered , that the church is not now to plant or build , but onely to bee pruned from corruptions and repaired , and restored in some decayes . for it is worth the noting , that the scripture saith , translato acerdotio , necesse est vs & legis fiat translatio . it is not possible in respect of the great and neere sympathie betweene the state ciuill , and the state ecclesiasticall , to make so mayne an alteration in the church , but it would haue a perilous operation vpon the kingdome ; and therefore it is fit , that controuersie be in peace and silence . but there bee two circumstances in the administration of byshops , wherein i confesse i could neuer be satisfied . the one , the sole exercise of their authoritie ; the other , the deputation of their authoritie . for the first , the byshop giueth orders alone , excommunicateth alone , judgeth alone . this seemes to bee a thing almost without example in gouernment , and therefore not vnlikely to haue crept in the degenerate and corrupt times . wee see the greatest kings and monarches haue their councels . there is no temporall councell in england of the higher sort where the authoritie doth rest in one person . the kings-bench , cōmon-pleas , and the exchequer , are benches of a certain number of iudges . the chancellor of england hath an assistance of 12. maisters of the chancerie . the master of the wards hath a councell of the court ; so hath the chancellor of the duchie . in the excliequer chamber , the lord treasuror is ioyned with the chancellor and the barrons ; the masters of the requests are euer more than one . the iustices of assile are two . the lord presidents in the marches and in the north , haue councels of diuers . the starre-chamber is an assembly of the kings priuie councell aspersed with lords spirituall and temporall . so as in all courts the principall person hath euer either colleagues or assessors . the like is to bee found in other well gouerned kingdomes abroad where the jurisdiction is yet more distributed , as in the courts of parliament of france , and in other places . no man will denie , but the acts that passe the byshops jurisdiction , are of as great importance as those that passe the ciuill courts ; for mens soules are more precious then their bodies or goods , & so are their good names . byshops haue their infirmities , and haue no exception from that generall malediction which is pronounced against all men liuing , va sole , nam si occiderit , &c. nay , we see that the first warrant in spirituall causes is directed to a number dei ecclesia , which is not so in temporall matters ; and we see that in generall causes of church gouernment , there are aswol assemblies of all the clergie in councels , as of the states in parliament , whence should this sole exercise of jurisdiction come ? surely , i doe suppose and thinke vpon ground , that ab initio non fuit ita ; and that the deanes and chapters were counsels about the seas and chayres of byshops at the first , and were vnto them a presbiterie , or consistorie , and intermedled not onely in the disposing of their reuenues and endowments , but much more in jurisdiction ecclesiasticall . but it is probable , that the deane and chapter stucke close to the byshops in matters of profit and the world , and would not loose their hold ; but in matters of jurisdiction , ( which they accounted but trouble and attendance ) they suffered the byshops to encroach and vsurpe , and so the one continueth , and the other is lost . and wee see that the byshop of rome , ( f●● est & ab hoste doceri , and no question in that church the first institutions were excellent ) performeth all ecclesiasticall jurisdiction as in consistorie . and whereof consisteth this consistorie , but of the parish priests of rome , which terme themselues cardinals , à cardivibus mundi , because the byshop pretendeth to be vniuersall ouer the whole world . and hereof againe we see diuers shadowes , yet remaining ; as that the deane and chapter , proforma chooseth the byshop , which is the highest point of jurisdiction . and that the byshop when hee giueth orders , if there be any ministers casually present , calleth them to joyne with him in imposition of hands , and some other particulars . and therefore it seemes to me a thing reasonable and religious , and according to the first institution , that byshops in the greatest causes , and those which require a spirituall discerning , namely in ordayning , suspending or depriuing ministers in excommunication being restored to the true and proper vse as shall bee afterwards touched , in sentencing the validitie of mariages , and legittimations , in judging causes criminous as symonie , incest , blasphemie and the like , should not proceed sole and vnassisted , which point as i vnderstand , is a reformation that may bee planted sine strepitu , without any perturbation at all , and is a matter which will giue strength to the byshops , countenance to the inferiour degrees of prelates or ministers , and the better issue or proceeding in those causes that shall passe . and as i wish this strength giuen to the byshops by councell , so it is not vnworthy your maiesties royall consideration , whether you shall not think fit to giue strength to the general councell of your clergie , the conuocation house , which was then restrained , when the state of the clergie was thought a suspected part to the kingdome in regard of their late homage to the byshop of rome , which state now will giue place to none in their loyaltie and deuotion but to your maiestie . for the second point , which is the deputation of their authoritie , i see no perfect and sure ground for that neither , beeing somewhat different from the examples and rules of gouernment . the byshop exerciseth his jurisdiction by his chancellor and comissarie , officiall , &c. wee see in all lawes in the world ; offices of confidence and skill cannot be put ouer nor exercised by deputie , except it bee especially contained in the originall grant , and in that case it is dutisull . and for experience , there was neuer any chauncellour of england , made a deputie . there was neuer any judge in any court , made a deputie . the byshop is a iudge , and of a high nature , whence commeth it that hee should depute , considering that all trust and confidence as was said is personall and inherent , and cannot or ought not to bee transposed ? surely in this againe ab initio nonfuitsta , but it is probable , that byshops when they gaue themselues too much to the glorie of the world , and became grandes in kingdomes , and great councellors to princes , then did they deleague their proper jurisdiction as things of too inferiour a nature for their greatnesse ; and then aster ths similitude and immitation of kings and counts palatine , they would haue their chancellors and iudges . but that example of kings and potentates giueth no good defence . for the reasons why kings administer by their iudges , although themselues are supreame iudges , are two . the one because the offices of kings are for the most part of inheritance , and it is a rule in all lawes ; that offices of inheritance , are rather matters that sound in interest , then in confidence , forasmuch as they may fall vpon womon , vpon infants ; vpon lunatiques and ideots , persons vncapable to execute judicature in person , and therefore such offices by all lawes might euer be exercised and administred by delegation . the second reason is , because of the amplitude of their iurisdiction , which is as great as either their birth-right from their ancestors , or their sword-right from god , maketh it . and therefore if moses that was gouernour ouer no great people , and those collected together in a campe , and not scattered in prouinces and cities , himselfe likewise of an extraordinarie spirit , was neuertheles not able to suffice and hold out in person-to judge the people , but did by the aduise of iethro approued from god , substitute elders and iudges ; how much more other kings and princes . there is a third reason likewise , not much to the present purpose , and that is : that kings eyther in respect of the common , wealth , or of the greatnes of their owne patrimonies , are vsually parties in sutes , and then their iudges stand indifferent betweene them and the subiect . but in the case of byshops , none of these reasons hold . for first , their office is electiue and for life , and not patrimoniall or hereditarie ; an office meerly of confidence , science and qualification . and for the second reason , it is true that their jurisdiction is ample and spacious , and that their time is to bee diuided betweene the labours as well in the word and doctrine , as in gouernment and jurisdiction . but yet i doe not see , supposing the byshops courts to be vsed vncorruptly , and without any indirect course held to multiply causes for gaine of fees , but that the byshop might very well for causes of moment , supply his judiciall function in his owne person . for we see before our eyes , that one chauncellor of england dispatcheth the suites in equitie of the whole kingdome ; which is not by reason of the excellencie of that rare honourable person which now holdeth that place , but it was euer so , though more and lesse burdenous to the sutor , as the chauncellor was more or lesse able to giue dispatch . and if heed bee taken to that which was said before , that the byshops labour in the word must take vp a principall part of his time , so i may say againe , that matters of state haue euer taken vp most of the chauncellors time , hauing bin for the most part persons vpon whom the kings of this realme haue most relied for matters of councell . an therfore there is no doubt , but the byshop , whose circuit is lesse ample , and the causes , in nature not so multiplying , with the helpe of references and certificates to and from fit persons for the better ripening of causes in their meane proceedings , and such ordinary helpes incident to jurisdiction , may very well suffice his office. but yet there is an other helpe , for the causes that come before him are these , tythes , legacies and administrations , and other teftamentary causes , causes matrimoniall , accusations against ministers tending to their suspension , depriuation or degrading , symonie , incontinencie , heresie , blasphemie , breach of saboth , and other like causes of scandall . the first two of these in mine opinion , differ from the rest , that is , tithes and testaments , for those bee matters of profite and in their nature temporall , though by a fauour and conniuence of the temporall jurisdiction , they haue been allowed and permitted to the courts ecclesiasticall ; the one , to the end the clergie might sue for that that was their sustentation , before their owne iudges ; and the other in a kind of pietie and religion , which was thought incident to the performance of dead mens wils . and surely for these two , the byshop in mine opinion , may with lesse danger discharge himselfe vpon his ordinary iudges . and i thinke likewise it will fall out that those sutes are in the greatest number . but for the rest , which require a spirituall science and discretion in respect of their nature , or of the scandall , it were reason in my opinion there were no audience giuen , but by the byshop himselfe , he being also assisted as was touched before , but it were necessarie also hee were attended by his chauncellor or some others his officers , being learned in the ciuill law , for his better instruction in points of formalitie , or the courses of the court , which if it were done , then were there lesse vse of the officials court ; where of there is now so much complaint . and causes of the nature aforesaid being only drawne to the audience of the byshop , it would represse friuolous and poling sutes , and giue a graue and incorrupt proceeding to such causes as shal be fit for the court. there is a third point also , not of jurisdiction , but of forme of proceeding , which may discerne reformation ; the rather because it is contrary to the lawes and customes of this land and state , which though they doe not rule those proceedings , yet may they be aduised with for better direction , and that is , the oath ex officio , whereby men are inforced to accuse themselues , and that that is more , are sworne vnto blanques , and not vnto accusations and charges declared . by the lawes of england , no man is bound to accuse him selfe . in the highest cases of treason , torture is vsed for discouerie , and not for euidence . in capitall matters , no delinquents answer vpon oath is required , no not permitted . in criminall matters not capitall , handled in the starre chamber , and in causes of conscience handled in the chauncerie , for the most part grounded vpon trust and secresie , the oath of the partie is required . but how ? where there is an accusation and an accusor , which wee call bills of complaint , ( from which the complainant cannot varie , and out of the compasse of the which the defendant may not bee examined ) exhibited vnto the court , and by proccs notified vnto the defendant . but to examine a man vpon oath out of the insinuation of fame , or out of accusations secret and vndeclared , though it haue some countenance from the ciuill-law , yet is so opposite ex diametro to the sence and course of the common-law , as it may well receiue some limitation . concerning the liturgie , the ceremonies , and subscription . for the liturgie , great respect and heed would be taken , least by inueighing against the dumbe ministrie due reuerence be not with drawne from the liturgie . for though the guift of preaching , bee farre aboue that of reading , yet the action of the liturgie is as high and holy as that of the sermon . it is said , domus me a domus or ationis vocabitur , the house of prayer , not the house of preaching . and whereas the apostle saith : how shall men call vpon him on whom they haue not belerued ? and how shal they beleeue vnlesse they heare ? and how shall they beare without a preacher ? it appeareth that as preaching is the more originall , so prayer is the more finall , as the difference is between the seed and the fruit for the keeping of gods law ; is the fruit of the teaching of the law , and prayer , or inuecation , or diuine seruice , or liturgie ( for these be but varietie of termes ) is the mediate hallowing of the name of god , and the principall worke of the first table , and of the great commandement of the law of god. it is true that the preaching of the holy word of god , is the sowing of the seed , it is the lifting vp of the brazen serpent , the ministrie of faith and the ordinary meanes of saluation , but yet it is good to take example , how that the best actions of the worship of god may be extolled excessiuely and superstitiously . as the extolling of the sacrament bred the superstition of the masse ; the extolling of the liturgie and prayers , bred the superstition of the monasticall orders and oraisons ; and so no doubt preaching likewise may be magnified and extolled superstitioufly , as if all the whole body of gods worship should be turned into an eare . so as none ( as i suppose ) of sound judgement , will derogate from the liturgie , if the forme thereof be in all parts agreeable to the word of god , the example of the primitiue church , and that holy decency which s. paul commendeth . and therefore first , that there be a set forme of prayer , and that it be not left , either to an extemporall forme , or to an arbitrarie forme . secondly , that it consist aswell of lawdes , hymnes , and thankesgiuings , as of petitions , prayers & supplications . thirdly , that the forme therof be quickned with some shortnes , and diuersities of prayers and hymnes and with some interchanges of the voyce of the people , as well as of the voyce of the minister . fourthly , that it admit some distinctions of times and commemorations of gods principal benefits , as well generall as particular . fifthly , that prayers likewise be appropriated to seuerall necessities and occasions of the church . sixtly , that there be a forme likewise of words and liturgie in the administration of the sacraments , and in the denouncing of the censures of the church , and other holy actions and solemnities . these things i thinke will not bee much controuerted . but for the particular exceptions to the liturgie in forme as it now stands , i thinke diuers of them allowing they were just , yet seeme they not to be weightie , otherwise then that nothing ought to bee accounted light in matters of religion and pietie , as the heathen himselfe could say , etiam vultu sape laeditur pietas . that the word priest should not bee continued especially with offence , the word minister being already made familiar . this may be said that it is a good rule in translation , neuer to confound that in one word in the translation , which is precisely distinguished in two words in the originall , for doubt of aequiuocation and traducing . and therefore seeing the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 bee alwayes distinguished in the originall , and the one vsed for a sacrificer , the other for a minister , the word priest beeing made common to both , whatsoeuer the deriuation be , yet in vse it confoundeth the minister with the sacrificer . and for an example , of this kind , i did euer allow the discretion and tendernesse of the rhemish translation in this point , that finding in the originall the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and neuer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , doe euer translate charitie , and neuer loue , because of the indifferencie and equiuocation of the word with impure loue. touching the absolution , it is not vnworthy consideration whether it may not bee thought vnproper and vnnecessary , for there are but two sorts of absolution , both supposing an obligation precedent : the one vpon an excommunication , which is religious and primitiue ; the other vpon confession and pennance which is superstitious , or at least positiue , and both particular , neither generall . therefore since the one is taken away , and the other hath his proper case , what doth a generall absolution wherin there is neither penance nor excommunication precedent . for the church neuer looseth , but where the church hath bound . and surely , i may thinke , this at the first was allowed in a kind of spirituall discretion , because the church thought the people could not bee suddenly weaned from their conceit of assoyling , to which they bad heene so long accustomed . for confirmation , to my vnderstanding the state of the question is , whether it bee not a matter mistaken and altered by time , and whether that be not now made a subsequent to baptisme , which was indeed an inducement to the communion . for whereas in the primitiue church , children were examined of their faith before they were admitted to the communion , time may seeme to haue turned it to referre as if it had beene to receiue a confirmation of their baptisme . for priuate baptisme , by women or lay-persons , the best diuines doe vtterly condemne it , and i heare it not generally defended , and i haue often maruelled , that when the booke in the preface to publique baptisme , doth acknowledge that baptisme in the practise of the primitiue church , was anniuersarie and but at set and certaine times , which sheweth that the primitiue church , did not attribute so much to the ceremonie , as they would breake an outward and generall order for it , the booke should afterwards allow of priuate baptisme , as if the ceremonie were of that necessitie as the very institution , which committed baptisme onely to the ministers , should bee broken in regard of the supposed necessitie . and therefore this point of all others , i thinke was but a concessum propter duritiam cordis . for the forme of celebrating matrimonie ; the ring seemeth to many euen of vulgar sence and vnderstanding , a ceremonie not graue , specially to be made ( as the words make it ) the essentiall part of the action : besides some other of the words are noted in speech to bee not so decent and fit . for musicke in churches . that there should be singing of psalmes and spirituall songs , is not denied , so the question is de modo ; wherein if a man will looke attentiuely into the order and obseruance of it , it is easie to discerue , betweene the wisedome of the institution , and the excesseof the late times . for first , there are no songs or verses sung by the quire , which are not supposed , by continuall vse , to bee so familiar with the people as they haue them without booke , whereby the sound hutteth not the vnderstanding , and those which cannot read vpon the booke , are yet partakers of the sence and may follow it with their mind . so againe , after the reading of the word of god , it was thought fit there should bee some pawse for holy meditation before they proceeded to the rest of the seruice ; which pawse was thought fit to be filled rather with some graue sound , then with a still silence , which was the reason of the plaving vpon the organs after the scriptures read . all which was decent and tending to edification . but then the curiositie of diuision and reports , and other figures of musick , haue no affinitie with the reasonable seruice of god , but were added in the more pompous times . for the cap and surplsce , since they bee things in their nature indifferent , and yet by some held superstitious , and that the question is betweene science and conscience , it seemeth to fall within the compasse of the apostles rule , which is , that the stronger doe descend and yeeld to the weaker . onely , the differenceis , that it will be materially said , that the rule holds between priuate man , and priuate man , but not betweene the conscience of a priuate man , and the order of a church . but yet since the question at this time is of a tolleration , not by conniuence which may incourage disobedience , but by law which may giue a liberty , it is good againe to bee aduised , whether it fall not within the equitie of the former rule . the rather because the silencing of ministers by this occasion , is in this scarcitie of good preachers , a punishment that lights vpon the people , as well as vpon the partie . and for the subscription it seemeth to bee in the nature of a consession , and therefore more proper to binde in the vnitie of faith , and to be vrged rather for articles of doctrine , then for rites and ceremonies and points of outward gouernment . for howsoeuer politike considerations and reasons of state may require vniformitie , yet christian and diuine grounds looke chiefly vpon vnitie . touching a preaching ministry . to speake of a learned ministerie , it is true , that the worthinesse of the postors and ministers is of all other points of religion the most summary ; i doe not say the greatest , but the most effectuall towards all the rest . but herein to my vnderstanding , while men goe on in zeale to hasten this worke ; they are not aware of as great or greater inconuenience then that which they seeke to remoue . for while they inueigh against a dumbe ministerie , they make too easie and too promiscuous an allowance of such as they account preachers ; hauing not respect enough to their learnings in other artes , which are hand-maides to diuinitie ; nor respect inough to the guift it selfe which many times is none at all . for god forbid that euery man that can take vnto himselfe boldnesse to speak an houre together in a church vpon a text , should be admitted for a preacher though he meane neuer so well , i know there is a great latitude in guifts and a great varietie in auditories and congregations , but yet so , as there is aliquid infionum , below which you ought not to descend . for you must rather leaue the arke to shake , as it shall please god , then put vnworthy hands to hold it vp , and when we are in gods temple , we are warned rather to put our hands vpon our mouth , then to offer the sacrifice of fooles . and surely , it may be justly thought , that amongst manycauses of athiesme , which are miserably met in our age , as schismes and controuersies , prophane scoffing in holy matters and others , it is not the least that diuers do aduenture to haudle the word of god , which are vnfit and vnworthy . and herein i would haue no man mistake me , as if i did extoll curious and affected preaching , which is as much on the other side to be disliked , and breeds atheisme and scandall as well as the other ( for who would not bee offended at one that comes into the pulpit , as if he came vpon the stage , to play parts or prizes , ) neither on the other side , as if i would discourage any who hath any tollerable gift . but vpon this point , i ground three considerations , whether it were not requisite to renew that good exercise which was practised in this church some yeares , and afterwards put downe , by order indeed from the church in regard of some abuse thereof , inconuenient for those times , and yet against the aduise and opinion , of one of the greatest and grauest prelates of this land , and was commonly called prophecying ; which was this ; that the ministers within a precinct , did , meete vppon a weeke day , in some principall towne , where there was some ancient graue minister , that was president , and an auditorie admitted of gentlemen , or other persons of leasure ; then euery minister successiuely , beginning with the yongest , did handle one and the same piece of scripture , spending seuerally some quarter of an houre or better , & in the whole , some two houres ; and so the exercise beeing begun and concluded with prayer , and the president giuing a text for the next meeting , the assembly was dissolued . and this was as i take it , a fort-nights exercise , which in my opinion was the best way to frame and traine vp preachers to handle the word of god as it ought to be handled , that hath been practised . for we see orators haue their declamations , lawyers haue their mootes , logicians their sophems , and euery practise of science hath an exercise of erudition and imitation , before men come to the life , onely preaching which is the worthiest , and wherein it is most danger to doe amisse , wanteth an introduction , and is ventred and rushed vpon at the first ; but vnto this exercise of the prophesie , i would wish these two additions ; the one , that after this exercise which is in some sort publique , there were immediatly a priuate meeting of the same ministers where they might brotherly admonish the one the other , and especially the elder sort the younger , of any thing that had passed in the exercise in matter or manner vnsound and vncomely . and in a word might mutually vse such aduise , instruction , comfort or encouragement , as occasion might minister for publike reprehension were to be debarred . the other addition that i meane is , that the same exercise were vsed in the vniuersities for young diuines before they presumed to preach , as well as in the country for ministers , for they haue in some colledges an exercise called a common-place which can m no degree , bee so profitable , beeing but the speech of one man at one time . and if it bee feared that it may bee occasion to whet mens speeches for controuersies , it is easily remedyed by some strict prohibition , that matters of controuersie tending any way to the violating or disquicting of the peace of the church be not handled or entred into ; which prohibition in regard there is euer to be a graue person president or moderator , cannot bee suffered . the second consideration is , whether it were not conuenient there should be a more exact probation and examination of ministers . namely , that the byshops doe not ordaine alone but by aduise , and then that the ancient holy orders of the church might be reuiued , by the which the byshop did ordaine ministers but at foure set times in the yeare , which were called , quatuor tempora which are now called ember-weekes ; it being thought fit to accompany so high an action with generall fasting , and prayer , and sermons , and all holy exerciles . and the names likewise of those that were ordained were published some dayes before their ordination , to the end exceptions might bee taken if just cause ; were . the third consideration is , that if the case of the church of england bee , that where a computation is taken of all the perochian parishes , as allowing the vnion of such as were too small , and adjacent , and againe a computation to bee taken of the persons who are worthie to bee paftors . and if vpon the said account it fall out , that there are many more churches then pastors , then of , necessitie , recourse must bee had to one of these remedies ; eyther that pluralities must be allowed , specially if you can by permutations make the benefices more compatible , as there be allowed preachers to haue a more generall charge to supply and serue by turne parishes vnfurnished . for that some churchas should bee prouided of pastors able to teach , and other wholly destitute , seemeth to mee to bee against the communion of saints , and christians , and against the practise of the primitiue church . touching the abuse of excommunication . excommunication is the greatest judgement vppon the earth , being that which is ratified in heauen , and being a precursorie or prelasorie judgement of christ in the end of the world ; and therefore for this to be vsed vnreuerently , and to bee made an ordinarie processe to lackie vp and downe for fees , how can it bee without derogation to gods honour , and making the power of the keyes contemptible ? i know very well the defence thereof , which hath no great force , that it issues foorth not for the thing it selfe , but for the contumacie . i doe not denie but this judgement is as i said before , of the nature of gods judgement , of the which it is a modell ; for as the judgement of god taketh hold vpon the least sin of the impenitent , so excommunicatiò , may in case issue vpon the smallest offence , and in case not issue vpon the greatest , but is this cōtumacy , such a contumacie as excommunication is now vsed for ? for the contumacie must be such , as the partie , as farre as the eye and wisedome of the church can discerne , standeth in state of reprobation and damnation , as one that for that time seemeth giuen ouer to finall impenitencie . vpon this obseruation i ground ' two considerations ; the one , that this censure bee restored to the true dignitie and vse thereof , which is that it proceed not but in cases of great weight , and that it be decreed not by any deputie or substitute of the byshop , but by the byshop in person ; and not by him alone , but by the byshop assisted . the other consideration is , that in lieu thereof , there be giuen to the ecclesiasticall courts , some ordinary processe , with such force and coertion , as appertaineth . that so the dignitie of so high a sentence being retained , and the necessitie of meane processe supplyed , the church may bee indeed restored to the ancient vigor and splendor . to this purpose joyned with some other holy and good purposes , was there a bill drawne in parliament in the three and twentie yeare of the raigne of the queene deceased , which was the grauest parliament that i haue knowne , and the bill recommended by the grauest counsellor of estate in parliament , though afterwards it was stayed by the queenes speciall commandement , the nature of those times considered . touching the non-residents and pluralities . for non residents except it be iust of necessary absence , it seemeth to be an abuse drawne out of couetousnesse and sloath ; for that men should liue of the flocke that they doe not feede , or at the altar at which they doe not serue , is a thing that can hardly receiue just defence , and to exercise the office of a pastor in matter of word and doctrine by deputy , is a thing not warranted as hath beene touched before . the question vpon this poynt doth chiefely arise vpon the cases of exception , and excusation , which shall be thought reasonable and sufficient , & which not , for the case of chaplaines , let me speake that with your majesties pardon , and with due reuerence towards oother peeres and graue persons , which are by statutes priuiledged , i should thinke that the attendance which chaplaines giue to your majesties court , and in the houses and families of their lords , were a juster reason why they should haue no benifice , then why they should bee qualified to haue two , for as it standeth with christian policie , that such attendance be in no wise neglected ; because that good which ensueth thereof to the church of god , may excced or counteruaile that which may sollow of their labours in any , though neuer so large a congregation , so it were reasonable that their maintainance should liberally proceed thence whence their labours bee employed . neither are there wanting in the church , dignities and preferments not joyned with any exact cure of soules , by which and by the hope of which such attendants in ordinary who ought to be as for the most part they are of the best gifts and sort , may bee further encouraged and rewardeds and as for extraordinary attendants they may very well retaine the grace and countenance of their places and duties at times incident therunto without discontinuance or non-residence in their pastorall charges . next , for the case of intending studies in the vniuersities , it will now easily receiue an answer , for studies doe but serue and tend to the practise of those studies ; and theref ore by that which most principall and finall to be left vndone , for the attending of those which is subseruient and subministrant , seemeth to bee against proportion of reason . neither do i see but that they proceed right-well in all knowledge which do couple studie with their practise , and do not first study altogether and then practise altogether . and therefore they may very well study at their benefice . thirdly , for the case of extraordinary seruice of the church , as if some pastor be sent to a generall counsell , or here to a conuocation , and likewise for the case of necessity , as in the particular of infirmity of body and the like , no man will contradict , but there may be some substitution for such a time . but the generall case of necessity , is the case of pluralities , the want of pastors and insufficiency of liuings considered . posilo , that a man doth faithfully and incessantly diuide his labours betweene two cures , which kinde of necessity i come now to speake of , in the handling of pluralities . for pluralities , in case the number of able ministers were sufficient , and the value of the benefices were sufficient , then pluralities were in no sort tollerable . but wee must take heed we desire not contraries ; for to desire that euery parish should bee furnished with a sufficient preacher , and to desire that pluralities bee forthwith taken away , is to desire things contrary , considering de facto , there are not sufficient preachers for euery parish ; wherto adde likewise , that there is not sufficient liuing and maintenance in many parishes to maintaine a preacher , and it makes the impossibilitie yet much the greater . the remedies in rerum natura are but three , vnion , permutation , and supply . vnion , of such benefices as haue the liuing too small , & the parish not too great , and are adiacent . permutation , to make benefices more compatible men bee ouer-ruled to some losse in changing a better for a neerer . supply , by stipendarie preachers to bee rewarded with some liberall stipends to supply as they may , such places which are vnfurnished of sufficient pastors , as queene elizabeth amongst other her christian acts , did erect certaine of them in lancashire , towards which persons , i see no reason but reading ministers if they haue rich benefices should bee charged . touching the prouision for sufficient maintenance in the church . touching church maintenance it is well to be weighed , what is iure divino , and what is iure positive ; it is a constitution of the diuine law , where-from humaine lawes cannot derogate ; that those that feed the flocke , should liue of the flocke ; that those which serue at the altar , should liue at the altar ; and which dispence spirituall things , should reape temporall things . of which it is also an appendix , that the preportion of this maintenance be not small or necessitious , but plentifull and liberall ; so that all the places and offices in the church haue such a donation , that they may bee maintayned according to theyr seuerall degrees , is a constitution parmanent and perpetuall . but for particularitie of the endowment , whether it should consist in tythes , or lands , or persons , or mixt , it may make a question of conuenience ; but , no question of precise necessitie : againe , that the case of the church de facto is such , that there is want in the church of patrimonie , is confessed for the principall places ; namely , the bishops liuings are in some particulars not sufficient ; and therefore inforced to bee supplyed by toleration of commendams , things in themselues vnfit and euer held of no good report . and as for the benefices and pastors places , it is manifest , that many of them were very weake and penurious ; on the other side , that there was a time when the church was rather burdened with superfluitie then with lacke ; that is likewise apparant , but it was long since , so as the fault was in others , the want redoundeth vpon vs againe . and therefore , that it were to bee wished that impropriations were returned to the church as the proper and naturall endowment thereof . as a thing likewise whereon mens judgements will not much varie . also , that it is an impossibilitie to proceed eyther to theyr resumption or redemption , is as plaine on the other side ; for men are stated in them by the highest assurence of the kingdome , which is act of parliament , and the value of them amounteth much aboue tenne subsidies . and the restitution must of necessitie passe their hands in whose hands there is interest and possession . but of these things which are manifestly true , to inferre and ground some conclusions ; first , for mine owne opinion and since i must confesse , let mee speake it with reuerence , that all the parliaments since the 27. and 31. of king hen. 8 . who gaue away impropriations from the church , seeme to mee to stand in some sort obnoxious and obliged to god in conscience to doe somewhat for the church , to reduce the patrimonie thereof to a competencie ; for since they haue debarred christs wife of a great part of her dowrie , it were reason they made her a competent ioynture . next to say , that impropriations should bee onely charged , that carryeth neyther possibilitie nor reason . not possibilitie for the reason touched before . not reason because if it be conceived that any other persons bee charged it should bee a recharge or double charge , in as much as hee payeth tythes to the church , so the realme hath taken that away againe from the church , and gaue them to the king , as they might giue their tenth sheaffe , or ninth sheaffe ; and therefore , the first guist beeing evacuated , it cannot goe in deseazance or disgrace of that perpetuall bond whereby men are bound to maintaine gods ministers . as we see in example , that divers godly and well disposed persons doe put in vre who are content to increase their preachers livings , which though in law it bee but a benevolence ; yet before god , it is but a conscience . farther that impropriations should not be somewhat more deepely charged then other revenewes of like value ; me thinkes cannot well be denyed , both in regard of the ancient claime of the church and the intention of the first giver . and againe , because they haue passed in valuation betweene man and man somewhat at the lesse rate , in regard of the said presence or claime in conscience before god : but of this point touching church maintainance , i doe not thinke fit to enter into a farther particularitie , but releeue the same to a fitter time . thus haue i in all humblenes and sinceritie of heart , to the best of mine vnderstanding , given your majestie tribute of my cares and cogitations in this holy businesse , so highly tending to gods glorie , your maiesties honor , and the peace and welfare of your states ; in so much , as i am perswaded the papists themselues should not need so much the severitie of the penall lawes , if the sword of the spirit were better edged , by strengthening the authoritie and suppressing the abuses in the church . to conclude therefore , renuing my most humble submission of all that i haue said , to your majesties most high wisedome ; and againe , most humbly craving pardon for my errour committed in this writing , with the same weaknesse of iudgement which suffered me to commit them , would not suffer mee to discover them . i end with my devout and servent prayer to god , that as hee hath made your maiestie the corner stone in joyning your two kingdomes , so you may bee also as a corner stone to vnite and knit together these differences in the church of god , to whose heauenly grace , and neuer erring direction , i commend your majesties sacred person and all your doings . finis . sir francis bacon his apologie, in certaine imputations concerning the late earle of essex vvritten to the right honorable his very good lord, the earle of deuonshire, lord lieutenant of ireland. apologie in certaine imputations concerning the late earle of essex bacon, francis, 1561-1626. 1604 approx. 53 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 37 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a01003 stc 1111 estc s104433 99840171 99840171 4646 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a01003) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 4646) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 822:02) sir francis bacon his apologie, in certaine imputations concerning the late earle of essex vvritten to the right honorable his very good lord, the earle of deuonshire, lord lieutenant of ireland. apologie in certaine imputations concerning the late earle of essex bacon, francis, 1561-1626. 74, [2] p. printed [by richard field] for felix norton and are to be sold in pauls church-yard at the signe of the parrot, london : 1604. printer's name from stc. the first leaf is blank; the last leaf bears a printer's device. reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng essex, robert devereux, -earl of, 1566-1601. 2000-00 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2001-06 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2001-08 tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread 2001-08 tcp staff (michigan) text and markup reviewed and edited 2001-11 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion sir francis bacon his apologie , in certaine imputations concerning the late earle of essex . vvritten to the right honorable his very good lord , the earle of deuonshire , lord lieutenant of ireland . london , printed for felix norton and are to be sold in pauls churchyard at the signe of the parot . 1604. to the right honorable his verie good lord , the earle of deuonshire , lord lieutenant of ireland . it may please your good lordship : i cannot be ignorant , and ought to be sensible of the wrong which i sustaine in common speech , as if i had bene false , or vnthankfull to that noble but vnfortunate earle the earle of essex : and for satisfying the vulgar sort , i do not so much regard it ; though i loue good name , but yet as an handmaid and attendant of honestie and vertue . for i am of his opinion that said pleasantly , that it was a shame to him that was a suter to the mistresse , to make loue to the wayting woman ; and therefore to woo or court common fame otherwise then it followeth vpon honest courses , i for my part , finde not my selfe fit nor disposed . but on the other side , there is no worldly thing that concerneth my selfe , which i hold more deare , then the good opinion of certaine persons ; amongst which there is none i would more willingly giue satisfactiō vnto , then to your lordship . first , because you loued my lord of essex , and therefore will not be partiall towards me ; which is part of that i desire : next , because it hath euer pleased you to shew your selfe to me an honorable friend ; and so no basenesse in me to seeke to satisfie you : and lastly , because i know your lordship is excellently grounded in the true rules and habits of duties and moralities ; which must be they which shal decide this matter : wherin ( my lord ) my defence needeth to be but simple and briefe : namely , that whatsoeuer i did concerning that action and proceeding , was done in my dutie and seruice to the queene and the state ; in which i would not shew my selfe false hearted nor faint hearted for anie mans sake liuing . for euerie honest man , that hath his heart well planted , will forsake his king rather then forsake god , and forsake his friend rather then forsake his king ; and yet will forsake any earthly commoditie , yea and his owne life in some cases , rather then forsake his friend . i hope the world hath not forgotten these degrees , else the heathen saying : amicus vsque ad ar as , shal iudge them . and if anie man shall say , that i did officiously intrude my selfe into that businesse , because i had no ordinary place ; the like may be said of all the businesse in effect that passed the hands of the learned counsell , either of state or reuenues these manie yeares , wherein i was continually vsed . for , as your lordship may remember , the queene knewe her strength so well , as she looked her word should be a warrant ; and after the manner of the choisest princes before her , did not alwayes tye her trust to place , but did sometime deuide priuate fauor from office . and i for my part , though i was not so vnseene in the world , but i knewe the condition was subiect to enuie and perill ; yet because i knew againe she was constant in her fauours , and made an end where she began , and specially , because she vpheld me with extraordinarie accesse , and other demonstrations of confidence and grace , i resolued to endure it in expectation of better . but my scope & desire is , that your lordship wold be pleased to haue the honourable patience , to know the truth in some particularitie of all that passed in this cause wherein i had any part , that you may perceiue howe honest a heart i euer bare to my soueraigne and to my countrey , & to that noble man , who had so well deserued of me , and so well accepted of my deseruings ; whose fortune i cannot remember without much griefe . but for anie action of mine towards him , there is nothing that passed me in my life time , that cometh to my remembrance with more clearnesse and lesse checke of conscience : for it wil appeare to your lordship , that i was not onely not opposite to my lord of essex , but that i did occupy the vtmost of my wits , and aduenture my fortune with the queene to haue reintegrated his , and so continued faithfully and industriously till his last fatall impatience , ( for so i wil call it ) after which day there was not time to worke for him , though the same my affectiō when it could not worke vpon the subiect proper , went to the next , with no ill effect towards some others , who i thinke do rather not know it , then not acknowledge it . and this i will assure your lordship , i will leaue nothing vntold that is truth , for anie enemie that i haue to adde ; & on the other side , i must reserue much which makes for me , vpon manie respects of dutie , which i esteeme aboue my credite : and what i haue here set downe to your lordship , i protest , as i hope to haue any part in gods fauour , is true . it is wel knowne , how i did many yeares since dedicate my trauels and studies to the vse & ( as i may terme it ) seruice of my lord of essex , which , i protest before god , i did not , making election of him as the likeliest meane of mine owne aduancement , but out of the humor of a man , that euer , from the time i had anie vse of reason , ( whether it were reáding vpon good bookes , or vpon the example of a good father , or by nature ) i loued my countrey more then was answerable to my fortune , and i held at that time , my lord to be the fittest instrument to do good to the state : and therefore i applied my selfe to him , in a manner which i thinke happeneth rarely amongst men : for i did not only labour carefully and industriously in that he set me about , whether it were matter of aduice or otherwise , but neglecting the queenes seruice , mine owne fortune , and in a sort my vocation , i did nothing but deuise and ruminate with my selfe to the best of my vnderstanding , propositions & memorials , of any thing that might cōcerne his lordships honor , fortune or seruice . and when not long after i entred into this course , my brother maister anthony bacon came from beyond the seas , being a gentleman whose abilitie the world taketh knowledge of for matters of state , specially forreine ; i did likewise knit his seruice to be at my lords disposing . and on the other side , i must & will euer acknowledge my lords loue , trust , and fauour towards me ; last of all his liberalitie , hauing infeoffed me of land which i sold for eighteene hundred pounds to maister reynold nicholas , and i thinke was more worth , and that at such a time , and with so kinde and noble circumstances , as the maner was as much as the matter : which though it be but an idle digression , yet because i am not willing to be short in commemoration of his benefites , i will presume to trouble your lordship with the relating to you the maner of it . after the queene had denied me the sollicitors place , for the which his lordship had bene a long and earnest sutor on my behalfe , it pleased him to come to me from richmond to twicknam parke , and brake with me & said : maister bacon , the queene hath denied me yon place for you , and hath placed another ; i know you are the least part of your owne matter , but , you fare ill because you haue chosen mee for your meane and dependance : you haue spent your time and thoughts in my matters , i die ( these were his verie words ) if i do not somewhat towards your fortune : you shall not denie to accept a peece of land , which i will bestow vpon you . my answer i remember was , that for my fortune it was no great matter : but , that , his lordships offer made me call to minde what was wont to be said when i was in fraunce of the duke of guise , that he was the greatest vsurer in fraunce , because he had turned all his estate into obligations ; meaning that he hast left him selfe nothing , but onely had bound numbers of persons to him . now my lord ( said i ) i would not haue you imitate his course , nor turne your state thus by great giftes into obligations , for you will find many bad debters : he bad me take no care for that , and pressed it ; wherupon i said , my lord , i see i must be your homager , and hold land of your gift : but do you know the maner of doing homage in law ? alwaies it is with a sauing of his faith to the king and his other lords , and therefore my lord ( said i ) i can be no more yours then i was , and it must be with the auncient sauings : and if i grow to be a rich man , you will giue me leaue to giue it back to some of your vnrewarded followers . but to returne , sure i am ( though i can arrogate nothing to my selfe , but that i was a faithfull remembrancer to his lordship ) that while i had most credit with him , his fortune went on best . and yet in two maine points we alwaies directly & contradictorily differed , which i wil mention to your lordship , because it giueth light to all that followed . the one was , i euer set this downe , that the onely course to be held with the queene , was by obsequiousnesse and obseruance ; and i remember i would vsually gage cōfidently , that if he would take that course constantly , and with choice of good particulars to expresse it , the queene would be brought in time to assuerus question , to aske , vvhat should be done to the man , that the king wold honour : meaning , that her goodnesse was without limite , where there was a true concurrence , which i knew in her nature to be true . my lord on the other side had a setled opinion , that the queene could be brought to nothing , but by a kind of necessitie and authority ; and i well remember , when by violent courses at any time he had got his will , he wold aske me : now sir , whose principles be true ? and i would againe say to him : my lord , these courses be like to hote waters , they will helpe at a pang : but if you vse thē , you shall spoile the stomacke , and you shall be faine still to make them stronger and stronger , and yet in the end they will lesse their operation : with much other varietie , wherewith i vsed to touch that string . another point was , táhat i alwaies vehemently disswaded him from seeking greatnes by a militarie dependance , or by a popular dependance , as that which would breed in the queene iealousie , in himselfe presumption , and in the state perturbation : and i did vsually compare them to icarus two wings which were ioyned on with waxe , and would make him venture to soare too high , and then faile him at the height . and i would further say vnto him : my lord , stand vpon two feet , and flie not vpō two wings . the two feete , are the two kinds of iustice , commutatiue and distributiue : vse your greatnesse for aduancing of merit and vertue , and releeuing wrongs and burdens , you shall need no other art or finenesse : but he would tell me , that opinion came not from my mind , but from my robe . but it is very true , that i that neuer meant to inthral my selfe to my lord of essex , nor any other man , more thē stood with the publike good , did ( though i could little preuaile ) diuert him by all means possible from courses of the warres and popularitie : for i saw plainely the queene must either liue or die ; if she liued , then the times would be as in the declination of an old prince ; if she died , the times would be as in the beginning of a new : and that if his lordship did rise too fast in these courses , the times might be dangerous for him , and he for them . nay , i remember i was thus plaine with him vpon his voyage to the ilands , when i saw euery spring put foorth such actions of charge and prouocation , that i said to him : my lord , when i came first vnto you , i tooke you for a phisition that desired to cure the diseases of the state ; but now i doubt you will be like those phisitions , which can be content to keepe their patients low , because they would alwaies be in request : which plaineresse he neuerthelesse tooke very well , as he had an excellent care , and was patientissimus veri , and assured me the case of the realme required it : and i thinke this speech of mine , and the like renewed afterwards , pricked him to write that apologie which is in many mens hands . but this difference in two points so maine and materiall , bred in processe of time a discontinuance of priuatenesse ( as it is the manner of men seldom to communicate where they thinke their courses not approued ) betweene his lordship and my selfe ; so as i was not called nor aduised with , for some yeare and a halfe before his lordships going into ireland as in former time : yet neuerthelesse touching his going into ireland , it pleased him expresly and in a set manner to desire mine opinion and counsell . at which time i did not onely disswade , but protest against his going , telling him with as much vehemencie and asseueration as i could , that absence in that kind would exulcerate the queens mind , whereby it would not be possible for him to carrie himselfe so , as to giue her sufficient contentment : nor for her to carie her selfe so , as to giue him sufficient countenance , which would be ill for her , ill for him , and ill for the state. and because i wold omit no argument , i remember i stood also vpon the difficultie of the action : setting before him out of histories , that the irish was such an enemie as the ancient gaules , or britons , or germaines were , and that we saw how the romans , who had such discipline to gouerne their soldiers , and such donatiues to encourage thē , and the whole world in a maner to leauie them ; yet when they came to deale with enemies which placed their felicitie onely in libertie , and the sharpnesse of their sword , and had the naturall and elementall aduantages of woods , and bogges , and hardnesse of bodies , they euer found they had their hands full of them : and therefore concluded , that going ouer with such expectation as he did , and through the curlishnesse of the enterprise not like to answer it , would mightily diminish his reputation ; and many other reasons i vsed , so as i am sure i neuer in any thing in my life time dealt with him in like earnestnes by speech , by writing , and by all the meanes i could deuise . for i did as plainely see his ouerthrow chained as it were by destinie to that iourney , as it is possible for any man to ground a iudgment vpon future contingents : but my lord , howsoeuer his eare was open , yet his heart and resolution was shut against that aduice , whereby his ruine might haue bin preuēted . after my lords going , i saw how true a prophet i was , in regard of the euident alteration which naturally succeeded in the queens mind ; and thereupon i was stil in watch to find the best occasion that in the weakenesse of my power i could either take or minister , to pull him out of the fire if it had bene possible : and not long after , me thought i saw some ouerture thereof , which i apprehended readily ; a particularitie i thinke be knowne to very few , and the which i do the rather relate to your lordship , because i heare it shold be talked , that while my lord was in ireland , i reuealed some matter against him or i cannot tel what , which if it were not a meere slaunder as the rest is , but had any though neuer so litle colour , was surely vpon this occasion . the queene one day at nonesuch , a litle ( as i remember ) before cuffes coming ouer , i attending her , shewed a passionate distast of my lords proceedings in ireland , as if they were vnfortunate , without iudgement , contemptuous , and not without some priuate end of his owne ; and all that might be , and was pleased as she spake of it to many that she trusted least , so to fall into the like speech with me ; whereupon i who was still awake , and true to my grounds which i thought surest for my lords good , said to this effect : madame , i know not the particulars of estate , and i know this , that princes actions must haue no abrupt periods or conclusions , but otherwise i would thinke , that if you had my lord of essex here with a white staffe in his hand , as my lord of leicester had , and continued him still about you for societie to your selfe , and for an honour and ornament to your attendance and court in the eyes of your people , and in the eyes of forreine embassadours , then were he in his right element : for , to discontent him as you do , and yet to put armes and power into his hands , may be a kind of temptation to make him proue cumbersome and vnruly . and therefore if you would imponere bonam clausulam , and send for him and satisfie him with honour here neare you , if your affaires which ( as i haue said ) i am not acquainted with , wil permit it , i thinke were the best way . which course your lordship knoweth , if it had bene taken , then all had bene well , and no contempt in my lords comming ouer , nor continuance of these iealousies , which that employment of ireland bred , and my lord here in his former greatnesse . wel , the next newes that i heard , was , that my lord was come ouer , and that he was committed to his chamber for leauing ireland without the queenes licence : this was at nonesuch , where ( as my duty was ) i came to his lordship and talked with him priuately about a quarter of an houre , and he asked mine opinion of the course was taken with him ; i told him : my lord , nubecula est , citò transibit : it is but a mist : but shall i tell your lordship , it is as mists are , if it go vpwards , it may haps cause a shower , if downewards , it will cleare vp . and therefore good my lord carie it so , as you take away by all meanes all ombrages and distasts from the queene , and specially if i were worthie to aduise you , ( as i haue bene by your self thought , and now your question imports the continuance of that opiniō ) obserue three points : first , make not this cessation or peace which is concluded with tyrone , as a seruice wherein you glorie , but as a shuffling vp of a prosecution which was not very fortunate . next , represent not to the queene any necessitie of estate , whereby as by a coercion or wrench , she should think her selfe inforced to send you back into ireland , but leaue it to her . thirdly , seeke accesse , importunè , oportunè , seriously , sportingly euery way . i remember my lord was willing to heare me , but spake very few words , & shaked his head sometimes , as if he thought i was in the wrong ; but sure i am , he did iust cōtrary in euery one of these three points . after this , during the while since my lord was committed to my lord keepers , i came diuers times to the queene , as i had vsed to do , about causes of her reuenue and law businesse , as is well knowne : by reason of which accesses , according to the ordinarie charities of court , it was giuē out , that i was one of them that incensed the queene against my lord of essex . these speeches i cannot tel , nor i wil not thinke that they grew any way from her maiesties owne speeches , whose memory i wil euer honour : if they did , she is with god , and miserum est ab illis ledi , de quibus non possis quaeri . but i must giue this testimonie to my lord cecill , thát one time in his house at the sauoy he dealt with me directly , and said to me ; cousin , i heare it , but i beleeue it not , that you should do some ill office to my lord of essex : for my part i am meerely passiue and not actiue in this action , and i follow the queene and that heauily , and i leaue her not ; my lord of essex is one that in nature i could consent with as well as with any one liuing ; the queen indeed is my soueraigne , and i am her creature , i may not leese her , and the same course i wold wish you to take : whereupon i satisfied him how farre i was from any such mind . and as sometimes it cometh to passe , that mens inclinations are opened more in a toy , then in a serious matter : a little before that time , being about the middle of michaelmas terme , her maiestie had a purpose to dine at my lodge at twicknā parke , at which time i had ( though i professe not to be a poet ) prepared a sonnet directly tending and alluding to draw on her maiesties reconcilement to my lord , which i remēber also i shewed to a great person , & one of my lords nearest friends , who commended it : this though it be ( as i said ) but a toy , yet it shewed plainely in what spirit i proceeded , and that i was ready not onely to do my lord good offices , but to publish and declare my selfe for him ; and neuer was i so ambitious of any thing in my life time , as i was to haue caried some token or fauour from her maiestie to my lord , vsing all the art i had both to procure her maiestie to send , and my selfe to be the messenger : for as to the former , i feared not to alleage to her , that this proceeding towards my lord , was a thing towards the people verie implausible , and therefore wished her maiestie howsoeuer she did , yet to discharge her selfe of it ; and to lay it vpon others , and therefore that she should intermixe her proceeding with some immediate graces from her selfe , that the world might take knowledge of her princely nature and goodnesse , lest it should alienate the hearts of her people from her . which i did stand vpon , knowing very well , that if she once relented to send or visite , those demonstrations wold proue matter of substance for my lords good . and to draw that employment vpon my selfe , i aduised her maiestie , that whensoeuer god should moue her to turne the light of her fauour toward my lord , to make signification to him thereof : that her maiestie if she did it not in person , would at the least vse some such meane as might not intitle themselues to any part of the thanks , as persons that were thought mightie with her , to worke her , or to bring her about ; but to vse some such as could not be thought but a meere conduct of her owne goodnesse : but i could neuer preuaile with her , though i am perswaded she saw plainely whereat i leuelled : but she had me in iealousie , that i was not hers intirely , but still had inward and deepe respects towards my lord , more then stood at that time with her will and pleasure . about the same time i remember an answer of mine in a matter which had some affinitie with my lords cause , which though it grew from me , went after about in others names . for her maiesty being mightily incensed with that booke which was dedicated to my lord of essex , being a storie of the first yeare of king henry the fourth , thinking it a seditious prelude to put into the peoples heads boldnesse and faction , said she had good opinion that there was treason in it , and asked me if i could not find any places in it , that might be drawne within case of treason : whereto i answered ; for treason surely i found none , but for fellonie very many . and when her maiestie hastily asked me wherein ; i told her , the author had committed very apparant theft , for he had taken most of the sentences of cornelius tacitus , and translated them into english , and put them into his text . and another time when the queene would not be perswaded , that it was his writing whose name was to it , but that it had some more mischieuous author , and said with great indignation , that she would haue him racked to produce his author , i replyed , nay madame , he is a doctor , neuer racke his person , but racke his stile ; let him haue pen , inke , and paper , and helpe of bookes , and be enioyned to continue the storie where it breaketh off , and i will vndertake by collecting the stiles , to iudge whether he were the author or no. but for the maine matter , sure i am , when the queene at any time asked mine opinion of my lords case , i euer in one tenor , said vnto her : that they were faults which the law might tearme contempts , because they were the transgression of her particular directions and instructions : but then what defence might be made of them , in regard of the great interest the person had in her maiesties fauour , in regard of the greatnesse of his place , and the amplenesse of his commission ; in regard of the nature of the businesse being action of warre , which in cōmon cases cannot be tyed to strictnesse of instructions , in regard of the distance of the place , hauing also a sea betweene that demaunds and commands , must be subiect to wind and weather ; in regard of a counsell of state in ireland which he had at his backe to auow his actions vpon , and lastly in regard of a good intention that he would alleadge for himselfe , which i told her in some religions was held to be a sufficient dispensation for gods commaundements , much more for princes . in all these regards , i besought her maiestie to be aduised againe and again , how she brought the cause into any publike question : nay , i went further , for i told her , my lord was an eloquent and well spoken man , and besides his eloquence of nature or art , he had an eloquence of accident which passed them both , which was the pittie and beneuolence of his hearers ; and therefore that when he should come to his answer for himselfe , i doubted his words would haue so vnequall passage aboue theirs that should charge him , as would not be for her maiesties honour ; and therefore wished the conclusion might be , that they might wrap it vp priuatly betweene themselues , and that she would restore my lord to his former attendance , with some addition of honour to take away discontent . but this i will neuer deny , that i did shew no approbation generally of his being sent back againe into ireland , both because it would haue caried a repugnancie with my former discourse , and because i was in mine owne heart fully perswaded , that it was not good neither for the queene , nor for the state , nor for himselfe : and yet i did not disswade it neither , but left it euer as locus lubricus . for this particularitie i do well remember , that after your lordship was named for the place in ireland , and not long before your going , it pleased her maiestie at white hall to speake to me of that nomination : at which time i said to her , surely madame , if you meane not to employ my lord of essex thither againe , your maiestie cannot make a better choice , and was going on to shew some reason ; and her maiestie interrupted me with great passion : essex ! ( said she ) whensoeuer i send essex backe again into irelād , i will marrie you , claime it of me : wherunto i said , well madame , i will release that contract if his going be for the good of your state. immediatly after the queene had thought of a course ( which was also executed ) to haue somewhat published in the starre-chamber , for the satisfaction of the world touching my lord of essex his restraint , and my lord of essex not to be called to it , but occasion to be taken by reason of some libels then dispersed ; which when her maiestie propounded vnto me , i was vtterly against it ; and told her plainely , that the people would say , that my lord was wounded vpon his backe , and that iustice had her ballance taken from her , which euer consisted of an accusation and defence , with many other quicke and significant tearms to that purpose : in so much that i remember i said , that my lord in foro famae was too hard for her ; and therefore wished her as i had done before , to wrap it vp priuatly . and certainely i offended her at that time , which was rare with me : for i cal to mind that both the christmas , lent , and easter terme following , though i came diuers times to her vpon law busines , yet me thought her face and maner was not so cleare and open to me , as it was at the first . and she did directly charge me , that i was absent that day at the starre-chamber , which was very true ; but i alleaged some indisposition of bodie to excuse it : and during all the time aforesaid , there was altum silentium from her to me touching my lord of essex causes . but towardes the end of easter tearme , her maiestie brake with me , and told me that she had found my words true , for that the proceeding in the starre-chamber had done no good , but rather kindled factious bruites ( as she termed them ) then quenched them , and therefore that she was determined now for the satisfaction of the world , to proceed against my lord in the star-chamber by an information ore tenus , and to haue my lord brought to his answer : howbeit she said she wold assure me , that whatsoeuer the did , should be towards my lord ad castigationem , & non ad destructionem , as indeed she had often repeated the same phrase before : whereunto i said ( to the end vtterly to diuert her : ) madam if you will haue me speake to you in this argument , i must speake to you as frier bacons head spake , that said first , time is , and then , time was , and time would neuer be ; for certainly ( said i ) it is now far too late , the matter is cold and hath taken too much winde ; whereat she seemed againe offended and rose from me , and that resolutiō for a while continued ; and after , in the beginning of midsomer terme , i attending her , and finding her setled in that resolution ( which i heard of also otherwise ) she falling vpon the like speech , it is true , that seeing no other remedie , i said to her slightly , why madame , if you will needs haue a proceeding , you were best haue it in some such sort as ouid spake of his mistris , est aliquid luce patente minus , to make a counseltable matter of it , and there an end ; which speech againe she seemed to take in il part , but yet i thinke it did good at that time , and holpe to diuert that course of proceeding by informatiō in the starre-chamber . neuertheles afterwards it pleased her to make a more solemne matter of the proceeding ; and some few dayes after when order was giuen that the matter shold be heard at york house , before an assembly of counsellers , peeres , and iudges , and some audience of men of qualitie to be admitted , and then did some principal counsellers send for vs of the learned counsell , and notifie her maiesties pleasure vnto vs , saue that it was said to me openly by one of them , that her maiesty was not yet resolued whether she would haue me forborne in the busines or no. and hereupon might arise that other sinister and vntrue speech that i heare is raised of me , how i was a suter to bee vsed against my lord of essex at that time : for it is very true , that i that knew well what had passed betweene the queen and me , and what occasion i had giuen her both of distast & distrust , in crossing her disposition , by standing stedfastly for my lord of essex , & suspecting it also to be a stratageme arising from some particular emulation , i writ to her two or three words of complement , signifying to her maiestie , that if she would be pleased to spare me in my lord of essex cause , out of the consideration she tooke of my obligation towards him , i should reckō it for one of her highest fauors ; but otherwise desiring her maiestie to thinke that i knew the degrees of duties , and that no particular obligatiō whatsoeuer to any subiect could supplant or weaken that entirenes of dutie that i did owe and beare to her and her seruice ; & this was the goodly sute i made , being a respect no mā that had his wittes could haue omitted : but neuerthelesse i had a further reach in it , for i iudged that dayes worke would be a full period of any bitternesse or harshnes betweene the queene and my lord , and therefore if i declared my selfe fully according to her mind at that time , which could not do my lord any manner of preiudice , i should keepe my credit with her euer after , whereby to doe my lord seruice . hereupon the next news that i heard , was , that we were all sent for againe , and that her maiesties pleasure was , we all should haue parts in the businesse ; and the lords falling into distribution of our parts , it was allotted to me , that i should set foorth some vndutifull cariage of my lord , in giuing occasion and countenance to a seditious pamphlet , as it was tearmed , which was dedicated vnto him , which was the booke before mentioned of king henry the fourth . whereupon i replyed to that allotment , and said to their lordships , that it was an old matter , and had no maner of coherence with the rest of the charge , being matters of ireland , and therefore that i hauing bene wronged by bruites before , this wold expose me to them more ; and it would be said , i gaue in euidence mine owne tales . it was answered againe with good shew , that because it was considered how i stood tyed to my lord of essex , therefore that part was thought fittest for me which did him least hurt : for that wheras all the rest was matter of charge and accusation , this onely was but matter of caueat and admonition . wherewith though i was in mine owne mind litle satisfied , because i knew wel a man were better to be charged with some faults , then admonished of some others : yet the conclusion binding vpon the queenes pleasure directly , volens nolens , i could not auoide that part that was laid vpon me ; which part if in the deliuerie i did handle not tenderly , ( though no man before me did in so cleare tearmes free my lord from al disloyaltie as i did ) that , your lordship knoweth , must be ascribed to the superior dutie i did owe to the queenes fame and and honor in a publike proceeding , and partly to the intention i had to vphold my self in credit & strength with the queene , the better to be able to do my lord good offices afterwards : for assoone as this day was past , i lost no time , but the very next day following ( as i remember ) i attended her maiesty , fully resolued to try and put in vre my vtmost indeuour , so farre as i in my weaknesse could giue furtherance to bring my lord againe speedily into court & into fauour , and knowing ( as i supposed at least ) how the queene was to be vsed , i thought that to make her conceiue that the matter went well then , was the way to make her leaue off there ; and i remember wel , i said to her , you haue now madame obtained victorie ouer two things which the greatest princes in the world cannot at their wils subdue : the one is ouer fame , the other is ouer a great mind : for surely the world be now i hope reasonably well satisfied ; and for my lord , he did shew that humiliation towards your maiestie , as i am perswaded he was neuer in his life time more fit for your fauor then he is now : therfore if your maiestie will not marre it by lingring , but giue ouer at the best , and now you haue made so good a full point , receiue him againe with tendernesse , i shall then thinke that all that is past is for the best . wherat i remember she took exceeding great contentment , and did often iterate and put me in mind , that she had euer said , that her proceedings should be ad reparationem , and not ad ruinam , as who saith , that now was the time i should well perceiue , that that saying of hers should proue true . and further she willed me to set downe in writing all that passed that day . i obeyed her commandement , and within some fewe daies brought her againe the narration , which i did reade vnto her at two seuerall after-noones : and when i came to that part that set foorth my lords owne answer , ( which was my principall care ) i do well beare in mind , that she was extraordinarily mooued with it , in kindnesse and relenting towards my lord , and told me afterwards ( speaking how well i had expressed my lords part ) that she perceiued old loue would not easily be forgotten : wherto i answered suddenly , that i hoped she meant that by her selfe . but in conclusion , i did aduise her that now she had taken a representation of the matter to her selfe , that she would let it go no further : for madame ( said i ) the fire blazeth well alreadie , what should you tumble it : and besides it may please you keepe a conuenience with your selfe in this case : for since your expresse directiō was , there should be no register nor clearke to take this sentence , nor no record or memoriall made vp of the proceeding , why should you now do that popularly , which you would not admit to be done iudicially ? whereupon she did agree , that that writing should be suppressed , and i thinke there were not fiue persons that euer saw it . but from this time foorth during the whole latter end of that sommer , while the court was at nonsuch and otlands , i made it my taske and scope to take and giue occasions for my lords reintegration in his fortune : which my intention i did also signifie to my lord assoone as euer he was at his libertie ; whereby i might without perill of the queenes indignation write to him , and hauing receiued from his lordship a courteous and louing acceptation of my good will and indeuours , i did apply it in all my accesses to the queene , which were very many at that time , and purposely sought and wrought vppon other variable pretences , but onely and chiefly for that purpose . and on the other side , i did not forbeare to giue my lord from time to time faithfull aduertisement what i found , and what i wished . and i drew for him by his appointment some letters to her maiestie , which though i knew well his lordships gift and stile was farre better then mine owne , yet because he required it , alleaging that by his long restraint he was growne almost a stranger to the queens present conceipts , i was readie to performe it : and sure i am that for the space of sixe weekes , or two moneths it prospered so well , as i expected continually his restoring to his attendance . and i was neuer better welcome to the queene , nor more made of , then when i spake fullest and boldest for him : in which kind the particulars were exceeding many , whereof for an example i wil remember to your lordship one or two ; as at one time i cal to mind , her maiestie was speaking of a fellow that vndertook to cure , or at least to ease my brother of his goute , and asked me how it went forwards ; and i told her maiestie , that at the first he receiued good by it , but after in the course of his cure he found himselfe it a stay or rather worse : the queene said againe , i will tell you bacon the error of it , the maner of these phisitions and especially these empericks is to continue one kind of medicine , which at the first is proper , being to draw out the ill humor , but after they haue not the discretion to chaunge their medicine , but apply still drawing medicines , when they shold rather intend to cure and corroborate the part . good lord madame ( said i ) how wisely and aptly can you speake and discerne of phisicke ministred to the bodie , and consider not that there is the like occasion of phisicke ministred to the mind : as now in the case of my lord of essex , your princely word euer was , that you intended euer to reforme his mind , and not ruine his fortune : i know well you cannot but think that you haue drawne the humor sufficiently , and therefore it were more then time , and it were but for doubt of mortifying or exulcerating , that you did apply and minister strength and comfort vnto him : for these same gradations of yours are fitter to corrupt then correct any mind of greatnesse . and an other time i remember she told me for newes , that my lord had written vnto her some very dutifull letters , and that she had bene moued by them , and when she tooke it to be the abundance of the heart , she found it to be but a preparatiue to a sute for the renewing of his farme of sweet wines : whereunto i replyed ; o madame , how doth your maiestie conster of these things , as if these two could not stand well together , which indeed nature hath planted in all creatures . for there are but two sympathies , the one towards perfection , the other towards preseruation . that to perfection , as the iron contendeth to the loadstone : that to preseruation , as the vine will creepe towards a stake or prop that stands by it , not for any loue to the stake , but to vphold it selfe . and therefore madame , you must distinguish my lords desire to do you seruice , is as to his perfection , that which he thinkes himself to be born for : whereas his desire to obtaine this thing of you , is but for a sustentation . and not to trouble your lordship with many other particulars like vnto these , it was at the selfe same time that i did draw with my lords priuitie , and by his appointment , two letters , the one written as from my brother , the other as an answer returned from my lord , both to be by me in secret maner shewed to the queene , which it pleased my lord very strangely to mention at the barre : the scope of which were but to represent and picture foorth vnto her maiesty my lords mind to be such , as i knew her maiestie wold fainest haue had it , which letters whosoeuer shall see , ( for they cannot now be retracted or altered , being by reason of my brothers , or his lordships seruants deliuerie , long since comen into diuerse hands ) let him iudge , specially if he knew the queene , and do remember those times , whether they were not the labours of one that sought to bring the queene about for my lord of essex his good . the troth is , that the issue of all his dealing grew to this , that the queene by some flacknesse of my lords , as i imagine , liked him worse and worse , and grew more incensed towards him . then , she remembring belike the continuall , and incessant , and confident speeches and courses that i had held on my lords side , became vtterly alienated from me , and for the space of at least three moneths , which was betweene michaelmas and newyears tide following , would not as much as looke on me , but turned away frō me with expresse and purpose-like discountenance wheresoeuer she saw me : and at such time as i desired to speake with her about law businesse , euer sent me forth very slight refusals ; insomuch as it is most true , that immediatly after newyeares tide i desired to speake with her ; and being admitted to her , i dealt with her plainely and said : madame i see you withdraw your fauor from me , and now i haue lost many friends for your sake i shall leese you too : you haue put me like one of those that the frenchmen call enfans perdus , that serue on foote before horsmen , so haue you put me into matters of enuie without place , or without strength : and i know at chesse a pawn before the king , is euer much plaid vpon : a great many loue me not , because they thinke i haue bene against my lord of essex ; and you loue me not , because you know i haue bene for him : yet will i neuer repent me , that i haue dealt in simplicitie of heart towards you both , without respect of cautions to my selfe : and therefore viuus vidensque pereo . if i do breake my necke , i shall do it in manner as maister dorrington did it , which walked on the battlements of the church many daies , and tooke a view and suruey where he should fall : and so madame ( said i ) i am not so simple , but that i take a prospect of mine ouerthrow , only i thought i would tell you so much , that you may know that it was faith , and not folly that brought me into it , and so i will pray for you . vpon which speeches of mine vttered with some passion , it is true her maiestie was exceedingly moued , and accumulated a number of kind and gracious words vpon me , and willed me to rest vpon this , gratia mea sufficit , and a number of other sensible and tender words and demonstrations , such as more could not be ; but as touching my lord of essex , ne verbum quidem . wherupon i departed , resting then determined to meddle no more in the matter ; as that , that i saw would ouerthrowe me , and not be able to do him any good . and thus i made mine owne peace with mine owne confidence it that time ; and this was the last time i saw her maiestie , before the eight of februarie , which was the day of my lord of essex his misfortune . after which time , for that i performed at the barre in my publike seruice , your lordship knoweth by the rules of dutie , that i was to do it honestly , and without preuarication : but for any putting my selfe into it , i protest before god , i neuer moued neither the queene , nor any person liuing concerning my being vsed in the seruice , either of euidence or examination : but it was meerely laid vpon me with the rest of my fellowes . and for the time which passed , i meane betweene the arraignement and my lords suffering , i well remember i was but once with the queene ; at what time though i durst not deale directly for my lord as things then stood ; yet generally i did both commend her maiesties mercie , tearming it to her as an excellent balme that did continually distill from her soueraigne hands , and made an excellent odour in the senses of her people : and not onely so , but i tooke hardinesse to extenuate , not the fact ; for that i durst not , but the danger , telling her that if some base or cruell minded persons had entred into such an action , it might haue caused much bloud and combustion : but it appeared well they were such as knew not how to play the malefactors , and some other words which i now omit . and as for the rest of the cariage of my selfe in that seruice , i haue many honorable witnesses that can tell , that the next day after my lords arraignement , by my diligence and information touching the qualitie and nature of the offendors , sixe of nine were stayed , which otherwise had bene attainted , i bringing their lordships letter for their stay , after the iurie was sworne to passe vpon them : so neare it went , and how carefull i was , and made it my part , that whosoeuer was in trouble about that matter , assoone as euer his case was sufficiently knowne and defined of , might not continue in restraint , but be set at libertie : and many other parts , which i am well assured of stood with the dutie of an honest man. but indeed i will not deny for the case of sir thomas smith of london , the queene demaunding my opinion of it , i told her , i thought it was as hard as many of the rest : but what was the reason ? because at that time i had seene only his accusation , and had neuer bene present at any examination of his : and the matter so standing , i had bin very vntrue to my seruice , if i had not deliuered that opinion . but afterwards vpon a reexamination of some that charged him , who weakned their owne testimonie ; and especially hearing himselfe viua voce , i went instantly to the queene out of the soundnesse of my conscience , and not regarding what opinion i had formerly deliuered , told her maiestie , i was satisfied and resolued in my conscience , that for the reputation of the action , the plot was to countenance the action further by him in respect of his place , then they had indeed any interest or intelligence with him . it is very true also , about that time her maiesty taking a liking of my pen , vpon that which i had done before concerning the proceeding at yorke house , and likewise vpon some other declarations , which in former times by her appointment i put in writing , commaunded me to penne that booke , which was published for the better satisfaction of the world : which i did , but so , as neuer secretarie had more particular and expresse directions , and instructions in euery point how to guide my hand in it : and not onely so , but after that i had made a first draught therof , and propounded it to certaine principall councellers by her maiesties appointment , it was perused , weighed , censured , altered , and made almost anew , writing according to their lordshippes better consideration , wherein their lordshippes and my selfe both were as religious and curious of truth , as desirous of satisfaction : and my selfe indeed gaue only words and forme of stile in pursuing their direction . and after it had passed their allowance , it was againe exactly perused by the queen her selfe , and some alterations made againe by her appointment : nay , and after it was set to print , the queene , who as your lordshippe knoweth , as she was excellent in great matters , so she was exquisite in small : and noted that i could not forget my auncient respect to my lord of essex , in terming him euer my lord of essex , my lord of essex , in almost euery page of the booke , which she thought not fit , but would haue it made , essex , or the late earle of essex : whereupon of force it was printed de noue , and the first copies suppressed by her peremptorie commaundement . and this my good lord , to my furthest remembrance , is all that passed , wherein i had part , which i haue set downe as neare as i could in the very words and speeches that were vsed , not because they are worthie the repetition , i mean those of mine owne ; but to the end your lordship may liuely and plainly discerne betweene the face of truth , and a smooth tale . and the rather also because in things that passed a good while since , the very wordes and phrases did sometimes bring to my remembrance the matters , wherein i report me to your honourable iudgement , whether you do not see the traces of an honest man : and had i bene as well beleeued either by the queene or by my lord , as i was well heard by them both , both my lord had beene fortunate , and so had my selfe in his fortune . to conclude therfore , i humbly pray your lordshippe to pardon me for troubling you with this long narration , and that you will vouchsafe to hold me in your good opinion , till you know i haue deserued , or find that i shall deserue the contrarie ; and euen so i continue at your lordships honorable commandements very humbly . finis . a record of some worthy proceedings in the honourable, wise, and faithfull howse of commons in the late parliament england and wales. parliament. house of commons. 1611 approx. 75 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 25 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a69292 stc 7751 estc s122422 23480532 ocm 23480532 23332 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a69292) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 23332) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1576:8 or 1813:21) a record of some worthy proceedings in the honourable, wise, and faithfull howse of commons in the late parliament england and wales. parliament. house of commons. bacon, francis, 1561-1626. 48 p. g. thorp?], [amsterdam? : 1611. place of publication suggested by stc (2nd ed.) and nuc pre-1956 imprints; name of publisher suggested by stc (2nd ed.). signatures: a-c⁸. page 12 misnumbered as 10. "these grievances were presented to his maiesty with a speach of sir fr. bacon, by 12. of the lower house, 7. iuly 1610. in the 4. session of parliament."--p. 48. item at reel 1576:8 is "grievances" only (identified as stc 14424). reproduction of original in the bodleian library and harvard university library. 1. a preface to true englishmen -2. a memorable speach in parliament -3. a petition for the parliaments libertie -4. particulars of the great contract -5. petitions for grace in ecclesiasticall causes -6. grievances in temporall matters. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to 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elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng great britain -history -james i, 1603-1625. great britain -politics and government -1603-1625. 2007-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-02 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-03 pip willcox sampled and proofread 2007-03 pip willcox text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a record of some worthy proceedings : in the honovrable , wise , and faithfvll howse of commons in the late parliament . iustitiae est suum cuique tribuere . 1611. contents . 1. a preface to true english men . 2. a memorable speach in parliament . 3. a petition for the parliaments libertie . 4. particulars of the great contract . 5. petitions for grace in ecclesiasticall causes . 6. grievances in temporall matters . to all true hearted english men dwelling in their native soile . howsoever ( my deare country-men ) it is mine hap to abide on this side the seas ; yet i cannot but hearken after the prosperitie of my gracious soveraigne , & naturall countrey , especially in the parliament time . i am not ( indeed ) in any such eminent place ▪ as where i may be sure to have a perfect relation of all remarkeable affaires : yet by my diligent indevour , i obteyne ( in time ) more probable intelligence , than many of you doe . of which the love of my countrey compelleth to make some present vse , occasioned by a publication ( for not one word thereof is in the kings name ) dated 31. december last . wherein the worthiest house of commons that ever was , is covertly traduced for spending long time , and great charges , and yet failing an earnest expectation of a good conclusion for the ease , and freedome of his maiesties subiects . i could not therefore but indevour to prevent ( as i may ) the heart-burning which ( i feare ) that publication may occasion between the king and his commons , and 2. to make it appeare that no house of commons had ever a greater zeale for the ease & freedome of the subiects than the late house had . the former , by demonstrating that the sayd covert imputation is not the kings , but the pen-mans . for whereas proclamations ( in deed ) speake in the first person , as thus , our subjects ; & , we are resolved , that publication speaketh in the third person thus , his maiesties subiects ; & , his maiestie is resolved . therefore it was not penned by his maiestie . againe , how can close suggesting the said imputation to be cause of dissolving the parliament agree with that which is expresley said , that his maiesty , for many good considerations knowne to himselfe determined to dissolve , & c ? doth not this shew , that the over large preamble of that publication is the pen-mans , & onely the body thereof was by the kings direction ? moreover , in a proclamation dated 24. september last , his majesty findeth fault with former proclamations , in regard of their penning . which sheweth , that , when his majesty hath signified his mind touching the substance of a proclamation ; he doth not alwayes review the penning thereof . therfore it may be supposed , that he did not peruse the penning of the publication . so that i think it may be well concluded , that the said imputation is not the kings , but the pen-mans . as for the zeale of the commons in parliament for the ease , & freedome of the subjects , let that appeare by that which is here published . onely i suppose it not amisse to remember , that in the second session of the late parliament , there passed these billes in the house of commons . 1. an act for the better observing and keeping holy the sabbath day , or sunday . 2. an act against such , as cōming to church , doe refuse to receive the sacrament of the lords supper . 3. an act for the providing of a learned , & godly ministery . and 4. an act to inable suspended , and deprived ministers to sue , & prosecute their appeales . i remēber these , because that worthy knight , or burgisse ( whose speach is here recorded ) doth not speak of them ; intending ( belike ) to mencion no other billes , but such as passed in the house of commons , in the fourth , that is , the last session of parliament . i say , the last , because the fifth cannot be accompted a session , seeing nothing was concluded therein , the speaker , sundry mornings before the house met togither adjourning the same from day to day , til the parliament was prorogued , & there dissolved . well , i pray god ; that , whensoever we shall haue an other parliament , counties , cities and burroughes may not be moved by letters from such common-wealth-men , as the pen-man of the said publication is feared to be , to chuse such knights and burgisses , as will have less zeale for the ease and freedome of the subjects , than had the knights , and burgisses of the late parliament . a memorable speach in the house of commons . mr. speaker , i perceive we are all much troubled by the evill successe which we have had in the great contract concerning tenures and purveiance , after our long travell and much tyme spent therein , and in other causes of good importance : so as many have taken occasiō therby to say of us , that although there was never a more honourable assembly , in the cōmons howse of parliament , of godly , wise , and learned men , then at this time , that yet there did never less fruit appeare of their labour to the world , at any time before , then now : which fruitlesse labour if it might be truly imputed unto us , it might worthily grieve vs all . but i hope that in seeking out meanes of redresse , or reliefe in this case , i shall make it appeare to all , that will rightly weigh of the thinges , that if furtherance had been given by others , whom it concerns , to our labours and good indevours , many abuses had been reformed , & much good done to the common wealth of england . but as it is true , which that great wise lord , who hath the chief charge of the treasure of the realme ; sayd unto vs at our last meeting with the honourable lords of the vpper howse of parliament , in the paynted chamber at westin : touching the great contract , viz. that he did well perceiue , that we had a great desire to haue effected that great contract , that the kings maiesly had willingly given his assent to the same , & that yet neverrhelesse it proceeded not , wherein he could not finde the impediment , but that god did not blesse it : so is it likewise true of the rest of our proceeding in parliament , that god hath nor blessed the same with good successe , which troubled me at the first , vntill i did further consider of many other parties of the realme , and many other callings , and societies of the realme , to whom god hath given as little blessing , as to the parliament howse . for it did appeare plainely to vs in this howse , vpon the treatie and examinations of the grievances of the church and common wealth , that the merchants of england who were a calling of very great vse in this realme , for the wealth , strength , and credit thereof , and as it were the leggs of the common wealth , whereon it goeth , had not received such blessing of late , yea in their merchandizing , as in former times , although they labor asmuch , and adventure asmuch , as in former times they did . and that likewise the clothiers being a trade whereby many thowsands subjects are mainteyned , although they labour in their calling as much at this time , as ever before they did ; doe of late finde so litle fruit of their labour , as that many of them are decayed , and many of them have given over that trade to the hinderance of the realme . and also the like is fallen to the marriners , and shipwrights of this realme , which number is greatly decayed , and with them the serviceable shipp : and shipping very much weakened , which threatneth a decay of the walls , and strength of the realme , which by good shipping , and good marriners , is well defended . and i find also , that god hath not blessed the treasure of the realme , for it is gone from us , as if god had blown upon it , to turne it out of the land , so as prince & people want . and i finde also in the calling of lawyers that there is not the like increase of their labors , as in times past , except it be some fewe favorites ; and i think that divers knights , citizens , and burgesses now here present about me , could say the like of divers sorts of men in their coūtryes , cities , and burroughes , if they list to speak : whereupon i doe assuredly think , that for some publique sinns of the land , god hath a quarrell to the land , whereby he doth withdrawe his ordinary blessings ; which publique sinnes this great councell of the realme ought first to seeke out , and as much as in our power to redress the same , that god being thereby reconciled vnto the land , an happy blessing might insue to all the estates thereof : which to effect you shall see what we for our parts have done to obteyne gods loving countenance to the land , as a shield , by removing the publicke sinnes thereof , which as a thick cloud doth keepe from vs gods sun-shining grace . first we did see , and consider , that the precious name of god , which we ought to regard more then our lives , is not by the lawes of england , so tenderly regarded , & preserved , as the name of all sortes of people in the land : for if some evill wordes be vsed against the king it is high treason , for which the offender shall dye . and if some evill words be vsed against noble men , it is publishable by the statute de scandalū magnatum . and that for some evill words vsed by any private person against another , an actiō of the case doth lye , at the common law , to punish the offender , and to recompence the partie wronged ▪ but for abusing the holy name of god , and tearing him in peeces by wicked oathes , there is no punishment by the lawes of the realme , whereby both men , women , and children increase in that sinne greevously , every day , without punishment or checke : wherefore to prevent that sinne , we did , at two severall sessions of parliament , make two severall bills , which did passe our howse of commons , to be made lawes for punishment of such offenders . and to take away that crying sinne which doth most provoke god , & most greeve the subjects , viz , the depriving , priving , disgracing , silencing , disgrading , and imprisoning , such of gods messengers ( being learned and godly preachers ) as he hath furnished with most heavenly graces to call us to true repentance , for no other cause , but for not conforming themselves otherwise than by subscription limited in the statutes made in the 14. yere of the late queene elizabeth of famous memory , thereby making the lawes of the church , and cōmon wealth to iarre : which to reforme we made a lawe for subscription agreeing to the intent of the foresayd statute , which every wise mā will approue , & willingly subscribe unto , whereby much peace , & unitie would grow in the chnrch & cōmon wealth , & be an occasion that many subiects might be well taught the meanes of their salvation , who now want sufficient knowledge of the word of god to ground their faith upon . and to take away another grosse sin , which is made lawfull by act of parliament , whereby the land is made guiltie thereof , viz. concerning non residents , and pluralitie of benefices , we did passe a bill in the last sessions of parliament , & have another bill concerning that offence ready to passe being twice read , and agreed upon at the cōmittees , whereby we abrogate so much of the statute of the 21 yere of k. hē . the 8. as did inable non residēts , or the taking of more benefices then one with cure of soules , for by the provisoes in that statute , the kings chapleines may haue as many benefices , as they can get , without stint , & some others may have 4. benefices with cure at one time , in severall counties , & some two benefices , & yet be resident upon none of them , so long as he attendeth upon his lord , or mr. which is a thing intolerable in a christian common wealth . and for that some scandalous ministers of evill life do bring a great slaunder to all the rest , being many godly & learned preachers , we did make a good law to remove such scandalous ministers from their place . and where by the lawes of god , and the lawes of this realme the ecclesiasticall persons should , in their goverment , use onely the spirituall sword by exhortation , admonition , and excōmunication , which are the keyes of the church to exclude impenitent sinners , & to receive into the church , the penitent and faithfull persons , and to leave the temporall sword , to the temporall magistrate , which was alwayes so used in england untill the second yeare of king hen. 4. at which time the popish prelates , following the example of the man of sinne at rome , obtayned a statute without the free consent of the subjects ( as is set forth by mr. foxe , and in some sort , appeareth by the record of the towre ) by which statute they got the temporall sword into their handes , which statute was since , by severall acts of parliament , made voide with great disgrace , and yet by colour of that temporall authoritie once , by a short space by them used , some ecclesiasticall persons doe use both swords , to the great griefe , and trouble of the subjects , and with those two swordes , they doe also use the oath ex officio , which began first in england , by that statute of the 2. yere of k. henry the 4. being contrary to the lawes of england , & ( as i verily think ) contrary to the lawes of god. wherefore we to reforme those great abuses , made 2. good lawes , the one to abridge the force of the ecclesiasticall cōmission in many pointes : thother to abrogate , and take away the power of ecclesiasticall persons to minister the oath ex officio being a very hatefull thing , and unlawfull . andi for that among the canons , late made by the clergie of england in their convocation , it was thought , that some of their canons did extend to charge the bodies , landes , and goods of the subjects of the realme , further then was lawfull , and meet , we therefore made a good lawe to make voide such canons , as doe charge the bodies , lands and goods of the subjects , unlesse that the same canons were confirmed by parliament . and as we had care of the church , so had we care of the common wealth , touching impositions layd upon the subiects goods , and merchandize , and other thinges , & therefore , after long travel taken by us in searching ancient records in the tower of londō , & in other places , & after great dispute made herevpon , in open house , by many learned lawyers , we found it cleare in our opiniō , that impositions layd upon merchandize , or other goods of the subiects of this realme , by the kings maiesty , with out the free consent of the subiectes in parliament was not lawfull , and therefore we did make and passe a bill , by the generall consent of the house of commons , intended by us all to be a lawe , thereby to declare , that by the lawes of england , no imposition could be lawfully layd vpon goods , or merchandize of the subiects of england , without consent of the subiects in parliament . and because that many subiects were greatly troubled by purueyance , and cartaking , notwithstanding the good lawes in that behalf made to restraine the same , a bill was preferred by some member of the house , for reformation of that abuse , at the beginning of the last sessions of parliament ; which bill , by all likelihood , had long since passed this howse of commons , if the matter of purveyance had not been comprehended in the great contract , which matter of great contract being nowe ended , a new bill concerning purveyance , and cartaking is in my hands , now presently to be delivered into the house to receive such proceeding therin , as shal be thought meet . and touching wardship & tenures , because it is thought a heavie law , and grievous to the subjects , after the death of the father to have the sonne , & heire within age ; taken from the mother and kindred , to be bought and sold , & with the heire also to take all the lands and tenements of the father , that should many times mainteyne both the heire , & the rest of the children , for the onely benefit of the gardian : therefore we made a very large offer to free the land thereof , which we laboured earnestly to effect , but god hath not blessed it , nor brought to good effect any of those good intended lawes above by me mentioned , although we much desired the same , and had done therein as much as perteyned to vs to doe , which if they had been well effected , and passed as lawes and statutes , and that all such grievances , concerning the church and cōmon wealth , as wee carefully cōmended unto his ma : in writing ( whereof the copies doe remain in this house ) had procured such amendemēt of things , as we expected , it had made england so honourable and happy in the government thereof , as ever was kingdome in this world ( as i think ) . and which when the same shal be well effected , will ( as i think ) make both king , and subjects more happy , then ever they were . for if all these thinges had so concurred togither , as wee wished , and laboured for , what would wee not give to supply the kings wants , and to support him in a most roiall , & princely estate . but rebus sic stantibus , as is before declared , without reformation of those things , which were by us so earnestly sought , we cannot give much to supplie the kings wants , because we know no certainty of that which should remaine to us after our gift , so as , in mine opinion , the good proceeding of this parliament hath not been hindred by us , which is all i meant to say at this time . the particulars to be contracted for , in consideration of two hundred thousand pounds , per annum to be paid unto his majestie . 1. wardshippes , and tenures , with their particular dependances , shal be vtterly taken away . 2. the maxime , nullum tempus occurrit regi , shal be no longer of any effect . 3. all the kings patents shal be expounded for the good of the patentee , & according to the true meaning . 4. no forfeiture shal be taken by the king , or his patentee , for non payment of rent . 5. any subject shall plead the generall issue ( not guilty ) vpon information of intrusion . 6. all penall lawes , and informations shal be ordered for the best ease of the subject . 7. all maner purveyance taken by prerogative , cart taking , compositiōs , & cōmissions therfore , & praeemption ( except of time ) shal be vtterly taken away , & no clerke of the market shall set price on any victuall , nor any other shall doe the same . 8. all prefines , and post fines to be due vpon alienation by fine and recovery , shal be taken away . 9. debts shal be paid to the subjects before any advantage be taken , by the king , of forfeitures vpon outlaries , or attainders of felons , or traitors . 10. that clause in the statutes of 34. & 35. of hen. 8. touching alteration of lawes in wales shal be repealed . 11. every subject that hath possessed land by the space of 60. yeares , where the king , in that time , hath not had the possession , or profit thereof , by the space of one yeare , shal be free from the kings claime . and , if the king , within that space , hath been seised of any rent , out of the same landes , then that rent onely shall remaine to the king. 12. old debtes due to the king before tenne yeares last past shal be forgiven . 13. the king shall express the cause of demurrer in pleading against any of his subjects . 14. fees of all courtes to be payd by the subjects shal be expressed in a booke in print . 15. all lawes absolute , that are penall , shal be repeaied , and all penall lawes of one nature shal be reduced to one law . 16. no protection against law shal be graunted by the king. 17. any thing doubtfull in any of these articles shal be explaned by our selves . 18. any other matter , which at our next meeting , we shall conceive to be for ease of the subjects , & shall not detract from the king , in point of soveraignty , or profit shal be essential in this cōtract . to the kinges most excellent maiestie . most gracious soveraigne , whereas we your majesties most humble subjects the cōmons assembled in parliament , have received first by message , & since by speach , from your majestie a commandement of restraint from debating , in parliament , your majesties right of imposing vpon your subjectes goodes exported , or imported out of , or into this realme , yet allowing vs to examine the grievances of these impositiōs in regard of the quantitie , tyme , and other circumstances of disproportion thereto incident : wee your said humble subjectes nothing doubting , but that your majesty had no intent , by that commandement , to infringe the ancient , and fundamentall right of the libertie of parliament , in point of exact discussing of all matters concerning them , and their possessions , goods , and rights whatsoever : which yet wee cannot but conceive to be done , in effect , by this commandement , doe with all humble dutie make this remonstrance to your majesty . first we holde it an ancient , generall , and vndoubted right of parliamēt to debate freely all matters , which do properly concerne the subject , and his right , or state : which freedome of debate being once foreclosed , the essence of the libertie of parliamet is with all dissolved . and whereas , in this case , the subjects right on the one syde , and your majesties prerogative on the other cannot possibly be severed in debate of either , we alledge , that your majesties prerogatives of that kynd cōcerning directly the subjects right , and interest , wee dayly handled and discussed in all courts at westminster , and have been ever freely debated , vpon all fit occasions , but in this , & all former parliaments without restraint . which being forbidden , it is impossible for the subject either to know , or mainteine his right , & propertie to his owne landes , and goods though neuer so just , and manifest . it may further please your most excellent majesty to vnderstand that wee have no minde to impugne , but a desire to informe ourselves of your highnes prerogative in that point : which if ever , is now most necessary to be knowne . and though it were to no other purpose , yet to satisfie the generality of your majesties subjects , who finding themselves much grieved by these new imdositions , do languish in much sorrow , and discomfort . these reasons ( dreade soveraigne ) being the proper reasons of parliament ) do pleade for the vpholding of this our ancient right and liberty . howbeit , seing it hath pleased your majestie to insist vpon that judgement in the exchequer , as being direction sufficient for us , without further examination , upon great desire of leaving your ma , vnsatisfied in no one point of our intents , and proceedings , w● professe touching that judgement , that we neither doe nor wil take upon us to reverse it : but our desire is to know the reasōs whereupon the same was grounded . and the rather , for that a generall cōceipt is had , that the reasons of that judgement may be extēded much further , even to the utter ruine of the ancient libertie of this kingdome , and of the subjects right of propertie to haue landes , and goods . therefore the judgement it self , being the first and the last that ever was given in that kind , for ought appearing unto us , and being onely in one case , and against one man ; it can binde in law no other then that person , and is also reversable by writ of error graunted heretofore by act of parliament . and neither hee , nor any other subject is debarred , by it , from trying his right in the same , or like case , in any of your majesties courts of record at westminster . lastly wee nothing doubt , but your intended proceeding , in a full examination of the right , nature , & measure of these new impositions ( if this restraint had not come betweene ) should have been so orderly , and moderately caried , & so applied to the manifold necessitie of these tymes , and given your majesty so true a view of the state , and right of your subjects , that it would have been much to your majesties content , and satisfaction ( which wee most desire ) & remoued all cause of feares , and jealousies from the loyall hearts of your subjects , which is ( as it ought to be ) our carefull indeavour . whereas contrarywise , in that other way directed by your majesty , wee cannot safely proceed , without concluding , for ever , the right of the subject : which , without due examination thereof , wee may not doe . we therefore , your highnes loyall and dutifull commons , not swerving from the approved steps of our ancestors , most humbly and instantly beseech your gracious majesty , that without offence to the same we may ( according to the vndoubted right , and libertie of parliament ) proceed in our intended course of a full examination of these new impositions , that so we may cheerefully pass on to your majesties busines , from which this st●p hath , by diversion , so long with held vs. and wee your majesties most humble , faithfull , and loyall subiects , shall ever , according to our bounden dutie , pray for your majesties long and happie raigne over vs. delivered by 20. of the lower howse of parliament the 24. of may 1610 , petitions . most gracious and dread soveraigne , sith it hath pleased almightie god , of his unspeakable goodnes & mercie towards us , to call your majestie to the government of this kingdome , and hath crowned you with supreme power , aswell in the church , as in the cōmon wealth , for the advancement of his glorie , & the generall benefite of all the subjects of this land , weo doe with all humilitie present , at the feet of your excellent ma : our selves , and our desires full of confidence in the assurance , of your religious minde , and princely disposition , that you wil be graciously pleased to give life , and effect to these our petitions greatly tending ( as undoubtedly we conceive ) to the glorie of god , the good of his church , & safetie of your most royall person , wherein we acknowledge our greatest happines to consist . 1. whereas good and provident lawes have beene made for the maintenance of gods true religion & safetie of your majesties most royall person , issue , and estate , against iesuites , seminarie priests , and popish recusants . and although your majestie by your godly learned , and judicious writings have declared your princely , & christian zeale in the defence of the religion established , & have very lately ( to the comfort of your best affected subjects ) published to both howses of parliament your princely will and pleasure , that recusants should not be concealed , but derected and convicted : yet for that the lawes are not executed against the priests , who are the corrupters of the people in religion , and loyaltie , and many recusants haue already compounded , and ( as it is to be feared ) more and more ( except your ma : in your great wisdom , prevēt the same ) will cōpound with those beg their penalties , which maketh the lawes altogither fruitless , or of litle or none effect , & the offenders to become bold , obdurate , and unconformable : your majestie therefore would be pleased , at the humble sute of your commons in this present parliament assembled , in the causes so highly concerning the glorie of god , the preservation of true religion , of your majestie and state , to suffer your highnes naturall clemencie to retire it self and to giue place unto justice , and to lay your royall cōmand upō al your ministers of justice both ecclesiastical , & civil , to see the lawes made against iesuites seminarie priests and recusants ( of what kind and sect soever ) to be duely , and exactly executed , without dread , or delay . and that your majestie would be pleased likwise to take into your owne hands , the penalties due for recusancie , and that the same be not converted to the priuate gaine of some , to your infinite losse , the imboldning of the papists , and decay of true religion . 2. whereas also divers painfull , and learned pastors , that haue long traveiled in the work of the ministerie , with good fruit and blessing of their labours , who were ever ready to perform the legal subscription appointed by the statute of 13. elizab : which onely concerneth the confession of the true christian faith and doctrine of the sacraments , yet for not conforming in some points of ceremonies , and refusing the subscription directed by the late canons , have been removed from their ecclesiasticall livings , being their freehold , and debarred from all meanes of maintenance , to the great griefe of sundry your majesties well affected subjects ; seing the whol people , that want instruction , are by this meanes punished , and through ignorance , lye open to the seducements of popish , and ill affected persons ; wee therefore most humbly beseech , your majesty would be gratiously pleased , that such depriued , and silenced ministers may by licence , or permissiō of the reverend fathers , in their severall diocesses , instruct , and preach vnto their people in such parishes , and places , where they may be imployed : so as they apply themselves , in their ministery , to wholsome doctrine , and exhortation , and live quietly , and peaceably in their callings , and shall not by writing , or preaching , impugne thinges established by publick authority . 3. whereas likewise through pluralitie of benifices , & toleration of non recidencie in many , who possess not the meanest livinges with cure of soules , the people in diverse places want instruction , and are ignorant , & easy to be seduced , whereby the adversaries of out religiō gaine great advantage , and although the pluralists , and non-residents doe frame excuse of the smalnesse of some livinges , and pretende the maintenance of learning , yet we finde by experience that they , coupling many of the greatest livings , doe leave the least helpless , & the best as ill served , & supplied with preachers , as the meanest . and where pluralists heaping vp many livings into one hand , doe by that meanes keep divers learned men frō maintenance to the discouragement of students , & the hinderance of learning & the non-residents ( for seeking , or absenting themselves frō their pastorall charges ) doe leave the people , as a prey , vnto the popish seducers . it might therefore please your most excellent majestie for remedy of these evils in the church to provide , that dispensatiōs for plurality of benefices with cure of souls may be prohibited , & that toleration of non-residencie may be restrayned . so shall true religion be better vpheld , and the people more instructed in divine , and civill duties : 4. and for asmuch as excommunication is the heaviest censure for the most grievous offences which the church doth reteine , yet exercised and inflicted vpon an incredible number of the common people by the subordinate officers of the jurisdiction ecclesiasticall , most cōmonly for very small causes grounded vpon the sole information of a base apparitour , in which case the parties , before they can be discharged , are driven to excessive expence for matters of very small moment , so that the richer break thorough more heynous offences , and escape that censure , by commutation of penance to the great scandall of the church government , in the abuse of so high a censure , the contempt of the censure it selfe ; and grievance of your majesties poore subjects . wherefore your majesties dutifull commons most humbly beseech your highnes that some due , and fit reformation may be had in the premisses . grievances . to the kinges most excellent maiestie . most gracious soveraigne , your majesties most humble commons assembled in parliament being moved , aswel out of their dutie and zeale to your majestie ; as out of the sense of iust griefe wherewith your loving subiects are generally through the whole realme at this tyme possessed , because they perceive their cōmon & ancient right & libertie to be much declined , & infringed in these late yeares , doe with all dutie & humilitie present these our iust complaints thereof to your gracious viewe , most instantly craving iustice therein and due redresse . and although it be true , that many of the particulars , whereof we now complaine , were in some use in the late queenes time , & then not much impugned , because the usage of them , being then more moderate , gave not so great occasion of offence , and consequently not so much cause to inquire into the right and validitie of them . yet the right being now more throughly scanned , by reason of the great mischiefs , and inconvenien●es which the subiects have thereby sustained , wee are very confident , that your maiestie wil be so farre from thinking it a point of honour , or greatnes to continue any grievance vpon your people , because you found them begun in some of your predecessors times , as you will rather hold it a work of great glorie to reforme them , since your maiestie knoweth well , that neyther continuance of time , nor errours of men , can or ought to preiudice truth of iustice ; and that nothing can be more worthy of so worthy a king , nor more answerable to the great wisdome , and goodnes which abound in you , then to understand the griefes , & redresse the wrongs of so loyall , and well deserving a people . in this confidence ( dread soveraigne ) we offer these grievances ( the particulars whereof are hereunder set downe ) to your gracious consideration , and we offer them out of the greatest loyaltie , and duetie that subjects can beare to their prince . most humbly and instantly beseeching your majestie , aswell for justice sake ( more then which ( as we conceiue ) in these petitions we doe not seek ) as also for the better assurance of the state , and generall repose of your faithfull & loving subjects , and for testimonie of your gracious acceptation of their full affections , declared aswell by their joyfull receiuing of your majesty , at your happy entrance into this kingdom , which you have been often pleased , with favour , to remember ; as also by their extraordinarie contributions graunted since vnto you , such as haue been never yeelded to any former prince , upon the like termes , and occasions , that we may receive to these our cōplaints your most gracious answer : which we cānot doubt but wil be such , as may be worthy of your princely selfe , and will give satisfactiō , & great cōfort to all your loyall , and most dutifull loving subjects ; who doe , and will ever pray for the happy preservation of your most royall majestie . the policie and constitution of this your kingdome appropriates unto the kings of this realme , with the assent of the parliament , as well the soveraigne power of making lawes , as that of taxing , or imposing upon the subjects goods , or merchandizes . wherein they haue justly such a proprietie , as may not , without their consent , be altered , or changed . this is the cause , that the people of this kingdome , as they ever shewed themselues faithfull , and loving to their kings , and ready to ayde them in all their just occasions , with voluntarie contributions , so have they been ever carefull to preserve their owne liberties and rights , when any thing hath been done to prejudice or impeach the same . and therefore when their princes occasioned eyther by their warres or their over great bountie , or by any other necessitie , haue , without consent of parliament , set impositions , eyther within the land , or upon cōmodities eyther exported , or imported by the merchants , they have , in open parliament , complained of it , in that it was done without their consents . and thereupon never failed to obteyne a speedie , and full redresse without any claime , made by the kinges of any power , or prerogative in that point . and though the lawe of proprietie be originall , and carefully preserved by the cōmon lawes of this realme , which are as ancient as the kingdome it selfe ; yet these famous kings ? for the better contentment , and assurance of their loving subjects , agreed , that this old fundamentall right should be further declared , and established by act of parliament . wherein it is provided , that no such charges should ever be layd upon the people , without their cōmon cōsent , as may appeare by sundry records of former times . wee therefore your majesties most humble cōmons assembled in parliament following the example of this worthy care of our ancestors , and out of a dutie of those for whome we serve , finding that your majestie without advise or consent of parliament , hath lately , in time of peace , set both greater impositions , and farre more in number , then any your noble ancestors did ever , in time of warre , have with all humilitie presumed to present this most iust , and necessarie petition unto your ma : that all impositions set without the assent of parliamēt may be quite abolished , and taken away , and that your maiestie in imitatiō likewise of your noble progenetors , wil be pleased , that a law may be made during this session of parliament , to declare that all impositions set , or to be set upō your people their goods or merchandizes , save onely by cōmon consent in parliament , are , and shal be void . wherein your ma : shal not onely give your subiects good satisfaction in point of their right , but also bring exceeding ioy , and comfort to them which now suffer , partly through the abating of the price of native cōmodities , & partly through the raising of all forraign , to the overthrow of merchants and shipping , the causing of a generall dearth , & decay of wealth among your people , who wil be thereby no lesse discouraged , then disabled to supply your ma : whē occasion shal require it . whereas by the statute 1. eliz cap. 1. intituled an act restoring to the crown the auncient iurisdictiō over the state ecclesiasticall , &c. power was given to the queene , and her successors to constitute , and make a commission in cause ecclesiasticall , the said act is found to be inconvenient , of dangerous extent in d●vers respects . first , for that it inableth the making of such a cōmission as wel to any one subiect borne , as to more . secondly , for that whereas by the intention , and wordes of the sayd statute , ecclesiasticall iurisdiction is restored to the crown , and highnes , by that statute inabled to give only such power ecclesiasticall to the sayd cōmissioners , yet under colour of some words in that statute , whereby the cōmissioners are authorised to execute their commission according to the tenour , and effect of your highnes letters patents . and by letters patents grounded thereupon , the sayd commissioners doe fine , and imprison , and exercise other authoritie not belonging to the ecclesiasticall iurisdiction restored by that statute , which we conceive to be a great wrong to the subiect ; and that those commissioners might as well by colour of those words , if they were so authorized by your highnes letters patēts , fine without stint , and imprison without limitation of time , as also according to will , and discretion , without any rules of law , spirituall or temporall , adiudge and impose utter confiscation of goods , forfeiture of lands , yea , and the taking away of limme and of life it selfe ; & this for any matter whatsoever perteyning to spirituall iurisdiction . which never was , nor could be meant by the makers of that law . thirdly for that by the said statute the king , and his successors may ( howsoever your maiestie hath been pleased out of your gracious disposition otherwise to order ) make , and direct such comission into all the counties , and dioceses , yea into every parish of england , and thereby all causes may be taken from ordinarie iurisdiction of bishops , chancellors , and arch deacons , and lay men solely be inabled to excommunicate , & exercise all other censures spiritual . fourthly for that every petty offence perteyning to spirituall iurisdiction , is , by colour of the sayd wordes , and letters patents grounded thereupon , made subiect to excommunication and punishment by that strange and exorbitant power , and commission , whereby the least offenders , not cōmitting any thing of any enormous , or high nature may be drawne from the most remote places of the kingdome to london ; or york , which , is very grievous , and inconuenient . fifthly for that limit , touching causes subject to this cōmission , being onely with these words , viz. such as perteine to spirituall or ecclesiasticall iurisdiction ; it is very hard to knowe , what matters , or offences are included in that number . and the rather because it is unknown , what ancient canons , or lawes spirituall are in force , & what not : from whence ariseth great incertaintie , and occasion of contention . and whereas upon the same statute a cōmission ecclesiasticall is made ; therein is grievance apprehended thus . first for that thereby the same men have both spirituall and temporall jurisdiction , and may both force the party by oath to accuse himselfe of an offence , & also inquire thereof by a jurie , and lastly may inflict for the same offence , at the same time , and by one and the same sentence , both a spirituall and temporall punishment . secondly whereas , upon sentences of deprivation , or other spirituall censures given by force of ordinarie jurisdiction , an appeale lyeth for the partie grieved ; that is here excluded by expresse wordes of the cōmission . also here is to be a tryall by iury , yet no remedy by traverse , nor attaint . neyther can a man haue any writ of errour , though a iudgement or sentence be given against him , amounting to the taking away of all his goodes , & imprisoning him during life , yea to the adiudging him in the case of praemunire , whereby his lands are forseyted , and he out of the protection of the lawe . thirdly , that whereas penal lawes , and offences against the same cannot be determined in other courts , or by other persons , then by those trusted by parliament with the execution thereof , yet the execution of many such statutes ( diverse whereof were made since 1. eliz. ) are cōmended and cōmitted to these cōmissioners ecclesiasticall , who are eyther to inflict the punishment conteyned in the statutes being premunire , and of other high nature , and so to inforce a man upon his own oath to accuse , & expose himself to these punishments , or els to inflict other temporall punishment at their pleasure . and yet besides , and after that done , the partie shal be subiect in the courtes mentioned in the acts , to punishments by the same actes appointed and inflicted : which we think very vnreasonable . fourthly , that the cōmission giveth authority to inforce men called into question to enter into recognisance not onely for appearance frō time , to time , but also for performance of whatsoever shal be , by the cōmissioners ordered . and also that it giveth power to enioyne parties defendant , or accused , to pay such fees to ministers of the court , as by the cōmissioners shal be thought fit . and touching the execution of the cōmission , it is found greivous these wayes among other . first for that laymen are by the cōmissioners punished for speaking ( otherwise then in iudiciall places , and courses ) of the symonie and other misdemeanours of spirituall men , though the thing spoken be true , & the speach tending to the inducing of some condigne punishment . secondly in that these cōmissioners usually appoint and allot to weomen discontented at , and unwilling to live with their husbands such portions , & allowances for present maintenance , as to them shall seeme fit : to the great incouragement of wives to be disobedient , and contemptuous against their husbands . thirdly , in that their pursuivantes , or other ministers imployed in the apprehension of suspected offenders in any things spirituall , & in the searching for any supposed scandalous bookes ▪ vse to breake open mens houses , closets , & deskes , rifeling all corners , and secret custodies , as in cases of high treason , or suspition thereof . all which premisses among other things considered , your majesties most loyall , and dutifull commons , in all humblenes , beseech you , that for the easing of them , aswel from the present grievance , as from the feare , and possibility of greater in tymes future ; your highnes would vouchsafe your royall assent , and allowance to , and for the ratifying of the saide statute and the reducing thereof , and consequently of the saide commission to reasonable , and cōvenient limits , by some act to be passed in this present session of parliament . amongst many other pointes of happines , & freedome which your majesties subjects of this kingdome have inioyed under your royall progenitors , kings and queenes of this realme , there is none which they have accounted more deere , and precious then this , to be guided , and governed by the certaine rule of the law ( which giveth both to the head , and members , that which of right belongeth unto them ) and not by any vncertaine or arbitrary forme of government . which , as it hath proceeded from the originall good constitution , and temperature of this estate : so hath it been the principall meanes of upholding the same in such sort , as that their kings have beene just , beloved , happy & glorious , and the kingdome it selfe peaceable , flourishing and durable so many ages . and the effect , aswell of the contentment that the subjects of this kingdome haue taken in this forme of gouernment , as also of the love , respect , and dutie which they have , by reason of the same , rendred unto their princes , may appeare in this , that they haue , as occasion hath required , yeelded more extraordinarie and voluntary contributions to assist their kings , than the subjects of any other knowne kingdome whatsoever . out of this roote hath growen the indubitable right of the people of this kingdome : not to be made subject to any punishment , that shall extend to their lives , landes , bodies , or goodes , other then such , as are ordeyned by the common lawes of this land , or the statutes made by their common consent in parliament . neverthelesse it is apparant both that proclamations have beene , of late yeares , much more frequent , then heretofore , and that they are extended , not onely to the libertie , but also to the goods , inheritances , and livelihood of men , some of them tending to alter some points of the lawe , and make anewe . other some made , shortly after a session of parliament , for matter directly rejected in the same session ; other appointing punishments to be inflicted before lawfull triall , and conviction ; some cōteyning penalties in forme of penall statutes : some referring the punishment of offenders to the courts of arbitrary discretion , which have layd heavie and grievous censures vpon the delinquents : some , as the proclamation for starch , accompanied with letters commaunding inquirie to be made against the transgressors , at the quarter sessions : and some vouching former proclamations to countenance , and warrant the later , as by a catalogue here vnder written more particularly appeareth . by reason whereof there is a generall feare conceived , and spread amongst your maiesties people , that proclamations will , by degrees , grow vp , and increase to the strength , and nature of lawes . whereby , not onely that ancient happynes , freedome wil be much blemished ( if not quite taken away ) which their ancestors haue so long inioyed : but the same may also ( in proces of time ) bring a new forme of arbytrary government vpon the realme . and this their feare is the more increased by occasion aswel of certeyn bookes lately published , which ascribe a greater power to proclamatiōs then heretofore hath been conceived to belong unto them ; as also of the care taken to reduce all the proclamations , made since your maiesties reigne , into one volume ; and to print them in such forme as acts of parliament formerly have been , & still are vsed to be : which seemeth to imply a purpose to give them more reputation and more establishment , thē heretofore they have had . wee therefore your maiesties humble subiects the commons in this parliamen● assembled , taking these matters into our considerations , and weighing how much it doth concerne your maistie , both in honour and safetie , that such impressions should not be suffered to settle in your subiects mindes , have thought it to apperteyne to our duties , as well towards your maiestie ; and to those that haue trusted , and sent us to this service , to present unto your maiesties view these feares , and griefs of your people & to become hūble suiters unto your maiestie , that hence forth no fine , or forfeyture of goods , or other pecuniary , or corporall punishment may be inflicted upon your subjects ( other thā restraint of liberty , which wee also humbly beseech may be , but upon vrgent necessity , and to continue but till other order may be taken by course of law ) vnlesse they shall offend against some law or statute of this realme in force , at the tyme of their offence committed . and for the greater assurance , & comfort of your people , that it will please your majesty to declare your royall pleasure to that purpose , either by some law to be made in this sessiō of parliamēt : or by some such other course ( wherof your people may take knowledge ) as to your princely wisedome shall seeme most convenient . proclamations importing alterations of some points of the law , and making new . 11. ian. 1. iac f. 17. forbiddeth choosing of knights , & burgesses bankerupt , or outlawed : and commandeth choise of such , as are not only taxed to subsidies , but also have ordinarily payed , and satisfied the same . f. 59. if returnes be made contrary to the proclamation , they are to be rejected , as vnlawfull , and insufficient . f : 60. 25. aug. 5. ia. f. 151. that the proclamation shal be a warrant to any officer , or subject to seise starch , and to dispose , or destroy any stuffe &c. and restreineth all men not licenced to make starch . f. 154. 2. a proclamation made shortly after parliament for matter directly reiected the precedent session . 1. mar. 2. i. f. 102. a proclamation for building with brick after a bill to that and rejected ▪ 3. proclamations touching the freehold , and livelihood of men . 16. septemb. 1. ia. f. 41. raising and pulling downe howses authorised , and prohibition to build them againe at any tyme. f. 42. 12. oct. 5. ia. f. 160. forbidding building and taking away the materials ; and appointing the owners land to be let by other men , at what price they please . f. 161. 4. proclamations referring punishmēt to be done by iustices of peace , majors , bailives , constables , & other officers ; or seisure by persons who have no authoritie to require , heare , and determine of those offences . so it is to be inflicted before lawfull triall & cōviction . 8. ian. 2. ia f. 72. a proclamation for folding wooles . 23. aug. 5. ia. f. 151. seisure of starch , &c. f. 154. 5. proclamations penned with penalties in forme of penal statutes . 4. no. 1. ia. f. paine of confiscation of goods , f. 56. 18. ian. 2. ia. f. 72. ten dayes imprisonment & standing in the pillory , f. 72. iustices of peace to forfeyt 20. pounds if they see not the proclamation of folding wooles executed , f. 75. 23. aug. 5. ia. f 151. forfeyture of one moitie of starch &c. seised &c. 154. 6 punishment of offenders in courts of arbitrary discretion , as starre chamber . 1. mar. 2. ia. f. 102. proclamation for building . f. 103. 12. oct. 5. in. 159. proclam . for building , f. 160. 5. iul. 6. ia. f. 177. procl . for starch . f. 180. 25. iul. 6. ia. f. 180. procl for building , f. 181. 7. proclam former become presidents , and vouched in later proclam . 18. iun. 2. ia. f. 75. avoucheth 5. e. 6. & 4. eliz. f. 73. 25. iul. 6. ia. f. 180. mentioneth former proclam . against buildings , & explaineth , and qualifieth them . f. 180. your majesties commons in this session of parliament assembled , doe cheerefully acknowledge the spring and fountaine of the publique justice of this state , to be originally in your ma : from the benefite therof is conveyed , and derived into every member of this politique body by your highnes writs . amongst which none are more honourable for the support of the common justice of the realm , then the writes of prohibition , habe as corpus , & de homine replegiādo : writs have been ever held , and found to be a chief meanes of reliefe vnto the poore distressed , and oppressed subjects of this kingdome , and can be no inconvenience at all . seing they are no way conclusive against any man , and doo draw no benefit to the procurers , but rather a fruitless charge , if they be obteined vpon any vnjust ground , or pretence . in the free granting of , & proceccing vpon some of which writes , especially that of prohibition ; there hath of late , been observed to be some obstruction : by reason , that vpon the complaintes and the importunity of some , who desire the support of inferiour courts , against the principall courts of the common law ( wherewith your majesty hath been greatly troubled ) you have taken into your royall consideration the severall extents of the jurisdiction of the sayd severall courts . since which time the said writes have been more sparingly , graunced , and with stricter cautiōs then anciently hath been accustomed . it is therefore most humbly desired , that it may please your majestie ( whose glory is never more cōspicuous , then when the poorest of the commonalty are blessed with the influence of the ancient beames of justice ) to require your judges , in the courts of westminster , to grant the said writes , in cases wherein such writes doe lye , and by law are grantable : and in such sort , as that such persons , whose bodies being eyther cōmitted to prison , or their causes like to receive great prejudice by procedings against them , in times of vacation , may not be debarred nor deferred from hauing the speedy reliefe & benefite of those writes , more then in former times . for asmuch as the exercise of authoritie over the counties of glocester hereford wigorne and salope . by the president , & councell of wales by way of instructions , vpon pretext of a statute made in the 34. yeare of the reigne of king henry the 8. is conceived not to be warranted by that or any other lawe of this realme of england . and for that in the 2. session of this present parliament , there did a bill pass the house of the commons , whereb● it was declared that the true intent , and meaning of that before mentioned statute , was not thereby to subject these countries to that kind of government by instructions . and yet notwithstanding the inhabitāts of those counties are since vtterly discouraged , and in effect , debarred from triall of the right of that kind of jurisdiction over those countries , by the ordinarie course of the cōmon lawes of this land ; by reason of prohibitions , which were heretofore frequently granted ( vpon suggestion , that those countries are not part of wales or of the marches of the same ( which is the very point in question ) are now become very hard to be obteyned , except in cases , where those of that councell doe exceed the instructions set downe to them by your majestie . as also for that , in cases , where actions have been brought at the common law , whereby that question might haue come to dicision , the plaintifes haue been stopped , sometimes by injunctions out of your majesties court of chancery , from their proceedings sometime before , sometime after judgemēts , and some time also by imprisonment . the precedent of which proceedings doth concern all your majesties loyall and dutifull subjects of this kingdome , aswell in respect of the stopping of the free course of iustice : as also , by reason that if that kinde of jurisdiction were at first extended over those 4. counties , and be now still continued without warrant of law : then consequence of this example may , in future times , give countenance to the erecting of like jurisdictions in other places of this realme . and for asmuch as your majestie was pleased to commaund all the iudges to consider of this question , and that they thereupon bestowed very many dayes in hearing the cause argued by learned counsaile on both sides . and in viewing and considering of great numbers of recordes produced before them , concerning that cause : whereby , they have ( no doubt ) throughly informed themselves of the right . it is therefore the most humble petition of the commons in this present parliament assembled , that your most excellent majestie will also be pleased to commaund , that the iudges may deliver their opinion upon that so exact , and deliberate hearing , which was had before them , concerning the right of the foresayd jurisdiction over those 4. counties by force of that statute . and that the opinion which they shall deliver therein , may be in such sort published , as that all your majesties subjects whome it may concerne may have meanes to take knowledge thereof . and that your ma : will vouchsafe to declare it by your most princely pleasure , that any of your maiesties subiects who may have occasion thereof may trye his , or their right in that point by due , and ordinarie course of the common lawe , eyther by suing out of prohibitions , or any other your maiesties writs without restraint . and that if the sayd iurisdiction over those 4. counties shall appeare to your maiestie , by the opinion of the iudges , or otherwise , not to be warranted by law , that then your maiesty be pleased out of your most princely and gracious favour towards all your loyall , and dutifull subiectes , to order the ceasing of the sayde iurisdiction over those counties , to the great comfort of the inhabitants of those counties , and the rest of your maiesties subiects of all the kingdome . complaint was made , in all humble manner , the second session of this present parliament , of many disorders , outrages , & oppressions committed vpon occasion of letters patents granted to the duke of lenox , for the searching , and sealing of stufs , and manufactures , called by the name of new draperie : which patent wee held in all , or the most partes of it , to be questionable , and in many apparantly vnlawfull : and the execution thereof we found stretched by the farmers , and deputies beyond the extent of the sayd letters patents , as appeares in the particulars set downe in the said greivance . to which it pleased your majestie to give this gracious answer , that the validitie of the sayd patent should be left to be judged by the law . and whensoever any abuse arising in the execution thereof should appeare , it should be severely punished . which was , for that time , to our good satisfaction yet finding , by divers complaints made now in parliament , that not only the said letters patents are still in force , and the validity of them undecided by iudgement : but disorders in the execution of them are so farre off from being reformed , that they multiply every day to the grievance of your maiesties subiects . and those of the poorer sort , who exercising these manufactures are subiect to much oppressiō , to the great hindrāce of some , & utter undoing of many as hath appeared in the particularities of the complaints presented unto us . our humble desire is , that your ma : wil be pleased , according to your former resolutiō , to give order , that this cause , which hath thus long hung in suspence , be speedily brought to iudgement : and that before all the iudges , because it concernes all the subiects of the land . and , in the meane time , that the execution of the said letters patents , so farre forth as they concerne the said new draperies , may be suspended till iudgement be given : whereby your subiectes , who doe in all humilitie present this grievance unto your maiestie may be relieved , & haue no occasion to reiterate their complaints . whereas by ancient , and late statutes it hath been enacted , that wines should be retayled at such lowe rates , and prices , as for these 50 yeares last past they could not be affoarded . and for redresse thereof it was ordeyned by a statute , in the 5. yeare of the late queene elizabeth , that ( those former lawes notwithstanding ) wines might be solde at such prices , as by proclamation from time to time to be made by consent of divers great officers , should be published , and set downe : which proclamatiō neverthelesse , the late queen , & your most excellent ma : have been drawn to forbear , upō the earnest sute of certein persons , therein onely intended their private gaine ▪ by reason whereof , both great summs of mony in fines , rentes , and annuall payments have been gotten , and raysed vnto the said persons , and their assignes , and great damage and preiudice hath likewise fallen , and light vpon your people , not onely by inhancing the prices of wines , licencing over many tavernes , and appointing of vnmeet persons , in vnfit places , to keepe the same : but also by reason that corrupt , mingled , evill , and vnwholesome wines have been vttered , and solde to the great hurt of the health of your highnes people , one man sometimes ingrossing all the licences designed for that place : wherevpon complaint being made to your maiestie , amongst other grievances of your people , in the second session of this present parliament , your highnes was pleased to answer , that your grants in that behalfe were no other , then such as were warrantable by the law . whereas the greivance was the greater , for that all lawes , cōcerning the sale of wines , being intended , and conceived to stand , & be reptaled , there were neverthelesse , by the overfight of them which were trusted in that busienes , casually omitted , and left vnrepealed certaine absolute lawes impossible to be observed : as namely one made in the time of k. edward the first , commanding wines to be sold at 12. pence the sexterne , and one other made in the 28. of k. henry the eight prohibiting all persons , vnder penalty , to sell any french wines above 8. pence the gallon , and other wines , as secks , and sweet wines above 12. pence the gallon : and one branch of a statute made in the 7. yeare of k. edward the 6. prohibiting men to sell any wines by retaile in their howses . wherevpon your maiesty hath been induced and drawne to ground new patents of dispensation , and to grant the benefit thereof vnto the lord admirall : whereby the like discommodities and inconveniences have sithence insued vnto the common-wealth as formerly did arise and growe vpon the other repealed lawes , whereof , in the former petitions of your subiects exhibited vnto your maiesty in the sayd second session , your highnes never had any direct , and cleare information . may it therefore please your most excellent maiesty at the humble request of your commons ( who have taken into consideration the great charges , and expences , which the sayd l. admirall hath been at , in your maiesties service , and have considered likewise the present licences , and grants for valuable consideration vnto many hundreth of your highnes subiects , which without great losse to the sayd grantees , cannot be so suddenly made voide ) out of your princely wisdome , and goodnes , wherein you have professed not to extend , & straine your prerogative royall against the publique good of your people , for the particular gaine of any private persons , to vouchsafe , that from hench forwards , there may no mo grante ▪ of that nature , be made vnto any of your subiects whomsoever . but that the sayd statute of 5. elizabeth , for the apprising of wines , to be published by proclamation , a● time , and occasion shall require , may be put in execution . and that your maiesty will likewise vouchsafe to grant your royall assent to a bill of repeale of the sayd obsolete statutes , and all other , wherevpon any such , non obstantes , & dispensations might be grounded vpon . in which statute of repeale proviso shal be made for the indempnitie of all such , as vnder your maiesties great seale have alreadie procured licence for such sale of wines . whereas , by the lawes of this your maiesties realme of england no taxes , aides , or impositiōs of any kinde whatsoever , ought or can be laid , and imposed vpon your people , or upon any of their goods , or commodities , but onely by authority and consent of parliament . which being vndoubtedly the ancient , and fundamentall law of th●● land , is yet , for more abundant clearnes expresly declared in sundry acts of parliamēt made and inacted in the time of sundry your maiesties progenitors , the noblest , & most prudent kings of this realme . y●●r comōs with iust griefe doe complaine vnto your maiesty of the late taxe , and imposition laid , and imposed yearely vpon such , as are allowed to keep victualing houses , or sell ale , and beere bee retaile . which imposition not being taxed by assent of parliament , but commanded , and directed onely by letters , and instructions , your commons are perswaded that the same proceeded rather vpon misinformation , then by the direction , and judgement of your owne most noble & royall heart . wherefore your said commons knowing the griefe of your people in this behalfe , do ( according to their duties ) in all humilitie informe , and signify vnto your maiestie : first , that the said taxation being singular , and without example , is in it self a president of dangerous consequence , and ( as your people feare ) may easily ( in time ) be extended further , as to badgers of corne , makers of mal● , drovers of cattel , and such like , who , in such sort , are to be licenced by iustices of peace , as those persons are , upon whom , at this time , this present charg● and tax is layd . secondly such howses , being often times at ( the best ) the harbours of idlenes , drunkennes , whoredome , & all maner of felonies , the licences are now ( the honester sort , in most places , refusing to vndergo the new charge ) rented , & taken by the looser , and baser sort of people , who have no conscience how they gaine , by reason whereof all manner of vice , and evill behaviour is likely every day to encrease : neyther can the iustices of peace conveniently prevent the same : for that the persons licenced under the late contribution , affirme , with clamour , that they have a toleration for a yeare , and that such persons are not friends unto the crowne , that seeke to suppresse them , and thereby to diminish your highnes revenewes . thirdly many iustices of peace , ( being sworne to execute their office ) which for this particular they conceive to be , that alehouse keepers formerly licensed , are not to be suppressed without iust , and reasonable cause , cannot be satisfied touching their sayd oath , but are much distracted , and perplexed what to doe ( the late instructions notwithstanding ) against such persons , a● otherwise being not knowen to be of evi● behaviour , onely refuse to pay this late taxed and imposed some of money . in consideration whereof , your humble cōmons most instantly beseech your most excellent maiestie that the former letters , and instructions may be countermaunded , or stayed , and all further directions , and proceedings in that kinde forborne . among many resemblances , which are observed to be between naturall and politique bodies , there is none more apt , and naturall then this , that the diseases of both doe not , at one instant , cōmonly seise vpon all partes : but beginning in some one part , doe , by tract of time , and by degrees , get possession of the whole , unlesse by applying of wholesome and proper remedies , in due time , they be prevented . which as it is in many things very visible ▪ so it is in nothing more apparant , then in this matter of impositions : which beginning at the firste eyther with forreigne commodities brought in , or such of our owne , as were transported , is now extended to those cōmodities , which growing in this kingdome , are not transported , but uttered to the subjects of the same : for proofe whereof , wee doe , with all humilitie present unto your ma : view the late imposition of 12. pence the chalder of seacole rising in blith & sunderland , not by vertue of any contract , or grant ( as in the coales of new castle ) but under a meer pretext of your majesties most royall prerogative : which imposition is not onely grievous for the present ( especially to those of the poorer sort , the price of whose onely , and most necessarie fewell is thereby , to their great griefe , inhaunced ) but dangerous also for the future ; considering that the reason of this president may be extended to all the commodities of this kingdome . may it therefore please your most excellent maiestie , who is the great , and soveraigne physition of this estate , to apply such a remedie as this disease may be presently cured , and all diseases for tyme to come , of like nature , prevented . these grievances were presented to his maiesty with a speach of sir fr. bacon , by 12. of the lower house . 7. july 1610. in the 4. session of parliament ; because the king commanded 12. and no moe , &c. notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a69292-e790 new impositions . cōmission ecclesiasticall . proclamations . stay of writes of prohibition , &c. 4. shires . new drapery . license of wines . alehouses seacole . a declaration of the demeanor and cariage of sir walter raleigh, knight, aswell in his voyage, as in, and sithence his returne and of the true motiues and inducements which occasioned his maiestie to proceed in doing iustice vpon him, as hath bene done. 1618 approx. 67 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 34 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a10377 stc 20652.5 estc s115419 99850638 99850638 15854 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a10377) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 15854) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1151:2) a declaration of the demeanor and cariage of sir walter raleigh, knight, aswell in his voyage, as in, and sithence his returne and of the true motiues and inducements which occasioned his maiestie to proceed in doing iustice vpon him, as hath bene done. bacon, francis, 1561-1626. [4], 63, [1] p. printed by bonham norton and iohn bill, printers to the kings most excellent maiestie, london : m.dc.xviii. [1618] sometimes attributed to francis bacon, but in fact composed by the commissioners, including bacon, appointed to try raleigh. signatures: a² ² a-h⁴. the first leaf is blank except for signature-mark "a" in part of a woodcut frame. the colophon is from the same setting as stc 23401. identified as stc 20654 on umi microfilm. reproduction of the original in harvard university. library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng raleigh, walter, -sir, 1522?-1618. 2002-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-02 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-03 tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread 2002-03 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a declaration of the demeanor and cariage of sir walter raleigh , knight , asvvell in his voyage , as in , and sithence his returne ; and of the true motiues and inducements which occasioned his maiestie to proceed in doing iustice vpon him , as hath bene done . london , printed by bonham norton and iohn bill , printers to the kings most excellent maiestie . m.dc.xviii . although kings be not bound to giue account of their actions to any but god alone ; yet such are his maiesties proceedings , as hee hath alwayes beene willing to bring them before sunne and moone , and carefull to satisfie all his good people with his intentions and courses , giuing as well to future times as to the present , true and vndisguised declarations of them ; as iudging , that for actions not well founded , it is aduantage to let them passe in vncertaine reports ; but for actions , that are built vpon sure and solide grounds , ( such as his maiesties are ) it belongeth to them , to bee published by open manifests : especially his maiestie is willing , to declare and manifest to the world , his proceedings in a case of such a nature as this which followeth is ; since it not onely concernes his owne people , but also a forreine prince and state abroad . accordingly therefore , for that which concerneth sir walter raleigh late executed for treason ( leauing the thoughts of his heart , and the protestations that hee made at his death to god that is the searcher of all hearts , and iudge of all trueth ) his maiestie hath thought fit to manifest vnto the world , how things appeared vnto himselfe , and vpon what proofes and euident matter , and the examination of the commaunders that were employed with him , in the voyage , ( and namely of those which sir walter raleigh himselfe by his owne letter to secretarie winwood , had commended for persons of speciall worth and credit , and as most fit for greater employments ) his maiesties proceedings haue bin grounded , whereby it will euidently appeare how agreeable they haue beene in all points to honour and iustice. sir walter raleigh hauing beene condemned of high treason , at his maiesties entrance into this kingdome , and by the space of fourteene yeeres , by his maiesties princely clemency and mercy , not onely spared from his execution , but permitted to liue , as in liberâ custodiâ in the tower , and to enioy his lands and liuing , till all was by law euicted from him vpon another ground , and not by forfeiture ; ( which notwithstanding , his maiestie out of his abundant grace gaue him a competent satisfaction for the same ) at length , hee fell vpon an enterprise of a golden mine in guiana . this proposition of his , was presented and recommended to his maiestie by sir ralph winwood , then secretary of state , as a matter not in the aire , or speculatiue , but reall , and of certaintie ; for that sir w. raleigh had seene of the oare of the mine with his eyes , and tried the richnesse of it . it is true , that his maiestie , in his owne princely iudgement , gaue no beleefe vnto it ; aswell , for that his maiestie was verely perswaded , that in nature there are no such mines of gold entire , as they described this to bee ; and if any such had beene , it was not probable that the spaniards , who were so industrious in the chase of treasure , would haue neglected it so long ; as also for that it proceeded from the person of sir wal. raleigh , inuested with such circumstances both of his disposition and fortune : but neuerthelesse sir w. raleigh had so inchanted the world , with his confident asseueration of that which euery man was willing to beleeue , as his maiesties honour was in a manner ingaged , not to deny vnto his people the aduenture and hope of so great riches , to bee sought and atchieued , at the charge of voluntaries ; especially , for that it stood with his maiesties politique and magnanimous courses , in these his flourishing times of peace , to nourish and incourage noble and generous enterprises , for plantations , discoueries , and opening of new trades . heereupon the late spanish ambassadour , the count de gondomar , tooke great alarme , and represented vnto his maiestie by loud and vehement assertions , vpon iterated audiences , that he knew and had discouered the intention and enterprise of sir w. raleigh to bee but hostile and piraticall , and tending to the breach of the peace betweene the two crownes , and danger and destruction of the king his masters subiects in those parts ; protesting in a sort against the same . to which his maiesties answere alwayes was , that he would send sir walter raleigh with a limited commission , and that hee durst not vpon perill of his head attempt any such matter ; and if hee did , hee would surely doe iustice vpon him , or send him bound hand and foot into spaine , and all the gold and goods he should obtaine by robbery , and bring home , were they neuer so great . and for further caution , his maiesty enioyned secretary winwood , to vrge sir walter raleigh vpon his conscience , and alleageance to his maiestie , to deale plainely , and expresse himselfe , whether hee had any other intention , but onely to goe to those golden mines in guiana , which hee not onely solemnely protested vnto the saide sir ralph winwood , but by him writt a close letter to his maiestie , conteining a solemne profession thereof , confirmed with many vehement asseuerations , and that hee neuer meant or would commit any outrages or spoiles vpon the king of spaines subiects . but notwithstanding , his maiestie acquainted the spanish ambassadour with this his protestation ; yet the said ambassadour would neuer recede from his former iealousie , and importuning his maiestie to stay his voyage , alleadging that the great number of shippes that sir walter raleigh had prepared for that voyage , shewed manifestly , that hee had no such peaceable intent ; and offering ( vpon sir walter raleigh his answere thereunto , that those ships were onely prouided for his safe conuoy ) that if sir walter raleigh would goe with one or two ships onely to seeke the said mine , that hee would mooue the king of spaine to send two or three ships with him backe againe for his safe conuoy hither with all his gold ; and the said ambassadours person to remaine here in pledge for the king his master his performance thereof . but such were the constant faire offers of the said sir walter raleigh , and specious promises , as his maiestie in the end reiected the importunate suit of the said spanish ambassadour for his stay , and resolued to let him goe : but therewithall tooke order , both that hee , and all those that went in his company , should finde good securitie , to behaue themselues peaceably towards all his maiesties friends and allies ; and to obserue strictly all the articles of the commission , which his maiestie for that cause , had the greater care to haue it well and clearely penned , and set downe . and that his maiesties honest intention may heerein the better appeare , the words of the commission are heerein inserted , as followeth . iames , by the grace of god , &c. to all to whom these presents shall come , to bee read , heard , or seene , and to euery of them greeting . whereas sir w. raleigh knight , intendeth to vndertake a voyage by sea and shipping , vnto the south parts of america , or elswhere within america , possessed and inhabited by heathen and sauage people , to th' end to discouer and finde out some commodities and merchandizes in those countries , that be necessary and profitable for the subiects of these our kingdomes and dominions , whereof the inhabitants there make little or no vse or estimation ; wherevpon also may ensue by trade & commerce , some propagation of the christian faith , and reformed religion amongst those sauage and idolatrous people : and whereas we are crediblie informed that there are diuers merchants and owners of ships , and others , well disposed to assist the sayde sir vvalter raleigh in this his enterprise , had they sufficient assurance to enioy their due parts of the profits returned ( in respect of the perill of law wherein the saide sir vvalter raliegh now standeth : ) and wheras also we are informed , that diuers other gentlemen , the kinsmen and friendes of the sayde sir vvalter raleigh , and diuers captaines and other commanders are also desirous to follow him , and to aduenture their liues with him , in this his iourney , so as they might be commanded by no other then himselfe . know yee , that we , vpon deliberate consideration had of the premisses , being desirous by all wayes and meanes to worke and procure the benefit and good of our louing subiects , and to giue our princely furtherance to the sayde sir vvalter raleigh , his friendes and associates heerein , to the incouragement of others in the like laudable iourneys and enterprizes , to bee heereafter prosecuted and pursued ; and especially in aduancement and furtherance , aswell of the conuersion of sauage people , as of the increase of the trade , traffique , and merchandizes vsed by our subiects of this our kingdome , being most famous throughout all nations : of our speciall grace , certaine knowledge , and meere motion , haue giuen and granted , & by these presents for vs , our heires , and successours , doe giue and graunt vnto the saide sir w. raleigh , full power and authoritie , and free licence and libertie out of this our realme of england or any other our dominions , to haue , carry , take , and leade , for and towards his said intended voyage into the said south parts , or other parts of america ( possessed and inhabited , as aforesaide ) and to trauell thither , all such and so many of our louing subiects , or any others strangers that will become our louing subiects , and liue vnder our obeysance and alleageance as shall willingly accompany him , with sufficient shipping , armour , weapons , ordinance , munition , powder , shot , habiliments , victuals , and such wares and merchandizes , as are esteemed by the wilde people in those parts , clothing , implements , furniture , cattle , horses , and mares , and all other such things as he shall thinke most necessary for his voyage , and for the vse and defence of him and his company , and trade with the people there ; and in passing and returning to and fro , and in those parts to giue away , sell , barter , exchange , or otherwise dispose of the same goods , merchandizes and premisses to the most benefit , and at the will and pleasure of the saide sir walter raleigh and his company , and such other person or persons , as shal be aduenturers or assistāts with , or vnto him in this his intended voyage , & from thence to return , import , conuey , & bring into this our kingdom , or any other our dominions , such gold , siluer , bullion , or any other wares , or merchandizes , or commodities whatsoeuer , as they shall thinke most fit and conuenient ; and the same being so returned , imported , conueyed , and brought into this our kingdome , or any other our dominions , to haue , take , keepe , retaine , and conuert to the only proper vse , benefit , and behoofe of the sayd sir w. raleigh and his sayd company , and other persons aduenturers and assistants with or to him in this voyage , without the let , interruption , molestation , and disturbance of vs , our heires or successours , or any the officers or ministers of vs , our heires or successours whatsoeuer , paying and answering vnto vs , our heires , and successours the full fift part in fiue parts to be diuided , of all such gold , and siluer , and bullion , and oare of gold or siluer , and pearle , and precious stone , as shal be so imported ouer and besides , and together with such customes , subsidies and other duties , as shall bee due for or in respect of any other goods , wares , or merchandizes whatsoeuer to be imported by the true meaning of these presents . and to the end the sayd sir w. raleigh may be the more encouraged to go forward in this his enterprise , and all our louing subiects desirous to bee aduenturers with him or assistant vnto him , may bee the more incited to further his proceedings : we doe heereby in verbo regio , for vs , our heires and successours , couenant , promise , and grant , to and with the sayd sir w. raleigh and all other persons that shall accompany him or to bee attendant vpon him , or to bee aduenturers or assistants with or to him in this his voyage , that no gold , siluer , goods , wares , or merchandizes whatsoeuer of what kinde or sort soeuer , by him or them or any of them to bee imported into this our kingdome of england , or any other our dominions from any the sayd south or other parts of america , ( possessed or inhabited as aforesayd ) shal be attached , seized or taken by vs , our heires or successours , or to the vse of vs , our heires or successours , or by any the officers or ministers of vs , our heires or successours whatsoeuer ; but that the same and euery of them ( the fift part of the sayd gold , siluer or bullion , and oare of gold and siluer and pearle and precious stone , and other the customes and duties aforesayd being truly answered and payd ) shall bee , and remaine to the sole and proper vse and behoofe of the sayd sir w. raleigh and his sayd company , and such persons as shall be aduenturers with him , or assistant to him in this his voyage , any law , statute , act of parliament , proclamation , prouision , or restraint , or any right , title or clayme of vs , our heires or successours , or any other matter or thing whatsoeuer to the contrarie in any wise notwithstanding . and further , of our more especiall grace , certaine knowledge , and meere motion , wee doe hereby for vs , our heires , and successors , ordaine , constitute and appoint the sayd sir w. raleigh to be the sole gouernor and commaunder of all persons that shall trauell , or be with him in the sayd voiage , to the sayd south , or other parts of america ( so possessed and inhabited as aforesayd ) or in returning from thence . and we doe hereby giue vnto him , full power and authority to correct , punish , pardon , gouerne and rule them or any of them , according to such orders , ordinances , constitutions , directions , and instructions , as by the sayd sir w. raleigh shall bee from time to time established , aswell in cases capital and criminall , as ciuil , both marine and other ; so alwayes as the sayd statutes , ordinances and proceedings ( as neere as conueniently may be ) bee agreeable to the lawes , statutes , gouernment and policy of this our realme of england , and not against the true christian faith now professed in the church of england . and because that in such and the like enterprises and voyages , great inconueniences haue growne by the mutinous and disorderly carriage of the marriners and saylors imployed in the same , for want of sufficient authoritie to punish them according to their offences : we doe therefore by these presents for vs , our heires and successors , giue full power and authority to the said sir walter raleigh , in case of rebellion , or mutiny by sea or land , to vse and exercise marshall law ( vpon iust ground and apparent necessity ) in as large and ample manner as our lieutenant generall by sea or land , or our lieutenants in our counties , within our realm of england , haue , had , or ought to haue by force of their commission of lieutenancie . and wee doe further by these presents , giue full power and authoritie to the said sir walter raleigh , to collect , nominate and appoint such captaines and other inferior commanders and ministers vnder him , as shal be requisite for the better ordering and gouerning of his companie , and the good of the voyage . and further , we doe by these presents , for vs , our heires and successors , straightly charge and command the warden of our cinque-ports , and all the customers , comptrollers , surueyers , serchers , waiters and other officers and ministers of vs , our heires and successors for the time being , that they , and euerie of them doe quietly permit and suffer the said sir walter raleigh , and all person and persons that shal be willing to trauell and aduenture with him in this voyage with their ships , munition , goods , wares and merchandizes whatsoeuer out of this our realme , or any other our dominions , to passe into the said south or other parts of america , ( possessed and inhabited as aforesaid ) and from thence to returne and import into this our realme , or any other our dominions , any goods , wares or merchandizes whatsoeuer , and there to sell or otherwise to dispose of the same , to the best benefit and aduantage , and to the onely vse and behoofe of the said sir walter raleigh and his companie , and such other persons as shal be aduenturers with him in this voyage , paying the fift part of all gold and siluer , bullion , and oare of gold and siluer , and of pearle and pretious stone imported , and other the customes and duties aforesaid . and these presents , or the inrollement thereof shal be vnto the said warden of the cinque-ports , customers , comptrollers and other the officers & ministers aforesaid , for the time being a sufficient warrant and discharge in that behalfe . and our will and pleasure is ; and by these presents , for vs , our heires and successors , wee doe grant vnto the said sir vvalter raleigh , that these our letters patents , or the inrollement therof , and all and singular grants , clauses and things therein contained , shal be firme , strong , sufficient and effectuall in law , according to our gratious pleasure and meaning herein expressed ; any law , statute , act , prouision , ordinance or restraint , or anie other matter or thing to the contrarie thereof in any wise notwithstanding . although expresse mention &c. in witnesse whereof &c. witnesse our selfe at westminster , the sixe and twentieth day of august , in the fourteenth yeare of our reigne of england , france and ireland , and of scotland the fiftieth . per breue de priuato sigillo . this commission so drawne and framed ( as as you see ) his maiestie himselfe did oft peruse and reuise , as foreseeing the future euents ; the tenor whereof appeareth to be so farre from giuing sir walter raleigh warrant , or colour to inuade any of the territories , occupate and possest by the spaniards , as it tended to a direction , rather of commerce , then spoile , euen towards the sauages themselues . and the better to containe sir walter raleigh , and to hold him vpon his good behauiour , his maiestie denied ( though much sued vnto for the same ) to grant him pardon for his former treasons , both to disauthorise him with those , that were vnder his cōmand , ( in case he should attempt to exceede his commission ) and to reserue him to the iustice of the law , if by new offences hee should make himselfe indigne of former mercies . and as for the good securitie which his maiestie ordered to be taken , for their good and peaceable behauiour in the voyage ; his maiestie neuer heard any thing to the contrary but that it was performed till they were vpon their parting ; and then was it told him , that euery one of the principals that were in the voyage , had put in security one for another , which if his maiestie had knowen in time , hee would neuer haue accepted of . but howsoeuer the commission was penned ; and whatsoeuer the cautions were which his maiestie intended or vsed , and whatsoeuer the protestations and promises were , that sir walter raleigh made or exhibited , it appeareth plainely , by the whole sequell of his actions , that he went his owne way , and had his owne ends : first , to procure his libertie , and then to make new fortunes for himselfe , casting abroad onely this tale of the mine as a lure to get aduenturers and followers ; hauing in his eye the mexico fleete , the sacking and spoyle of townes planted with spaniards , the depredation of ships , and such other purchase ; and making account , that if he returned rich , hee would ransome his offences ( little looking into the nature and character of his maiesties iustice and gouernment ) and if otherwise , he would seeke his fortune by flight , and new enterprises in some forraine countrey . in execution therefore of these his designes , sir walter raleigh carrying the reputation of an actiue , wittie , and valiant gentleman , and especially of a great commander at sea , by the inticement of this golden baite of the mine , and the estimation of his owne name , drew vnto him many braue captaines , and other knights and gentlemen of great blood and worth , to hazzard and aduenture their liues , and the whole , or a great part of their estates and fortunes in this his voyage : whose ruines and decayes following , remaine as sad and grieuous reliques and monuments of his vnfortunate iourney , and vnfaithfull proceedings . but before hee went from london , hee was not so reserued , nor so constant vnto his pretence of the mine , but that some sparkes brake foorth of that light , which afterwards appeared . for hee cast foorth some words to some particular friends of his company , that hee knew a towne in those parts , vpon which hee could make a sauing voyage in tobacco , though there were no other spoile . neuerthelesse , to make the better faith of that he had giuen out touching the mine , he promised his companie at london , that when he came to plimouth , hee would take a great company of pioners out of the west , ( where best workemen are of that kind ) and hee maintained this his pretence so farre , as hee billited the sayd pioners for seuerall ships ; but when he came into the west this vanished . for it is testified of all parts , and by himselfe confessed , that he carried none at all , excusing it , that there were many other tall men of the mariners , and common souldiers , that he would haue made fall to worke ; which is a slender excuse of omitting so principall a point . as for pickeaxes , mattockes and shouels for the working of the mine , it is true he carried some small quantitie for a shew , but by the iudgement of all that were in his companie , nothing neere sufficient for that which had been requisite for the working of the mine , which be excused onely by saying , that his men neuer saw them vnpacked , and that the mine was not past a foote and a halfe vnder ground . after , when hee was once at sea , hee did not much labor to nourish and maintaine the beliefe , that be meant to make his voyage vpon the profite of the mine , but fell a degree , as if it were sufficient to bring home certainty and visible proofe , that such a mine there was , though hee brought not the riches of it . for soone after his setting foorth from ireland , hee professed , that if hee brought home but a handfull or basketfull of oare , to show the king , hee cared for no more , for it was enough to saue his credit ; and being charged therewith , hee confessed the speech , with this argument and inference , that if there had beene a handfull of the mine , it followed there was a mine to be confessed ; as if so many ships , so many liues of men , such charge of prouisions , and such an honourable commission , had beene but for an experiment . about the same time likewise , he began to forget his commission , aswell as his pretences of the mine ; for hee did declare himselfe to diuers of his company , that hee meant to take st. thomé , and that he would make his voyage good vpon that towne , for that it was very rich ; so as where it was blowne abroad , that the assault of saint thomé was inforced by a kinde of necessity , for that our troupes were first assailed , it appeareth manifestly , both by his speech at london , of a towne indefinitely , and by this his speech earely in his voyage at sea of st. thomé by name , that it was an originall designe of his from the beginning : and yet it is confessed by all , that the parts of guiana , where st. thomé was scituate , were planted by spaniards , who had diuers townes in the same tract , with some indians intermixed , that are their vassals , so as it is plaine , both place and persons were out of his commission . and that this was well knowne to him it appeares notably in a letter of his owne hand , written since his returne from his voyage , wherein hee complaines , that the spaniards of the same place did murder diuers of his men , which came in peace to trade with them , some seuen yeeres past ; neither doeth he in that letter , any way decline his knowledge , that those parts were inhabited by the spaniards , but stands vpon a former title , which hee would needs now haue strengthened by a new possession ; notwithstanding that this his pretence is no way competible with his commission , and that himselfe before his going neuer made ouerture , or allegation of any such pretext , nor so much as intimated , or insinuated any such designe or purpose . againe , before hee came to the islands , hee made no difficultie to tell many in expresse termes , that hee meant to surprise and set vpon the mexico fleete , though sometimes hee would quallifie it , by saying , if all failed , or if the action of the mine were defeated . and sir walter raleigh himselfe being charged with these speaches , confessed the words , but saith , that in time , they were spoken after the action of the mine was defeated ; and that it was propounded by him , to the end , to keepe his men together , and if he spake it before , it was but discourse at large . after , when hee began to be vpon the approaches of his pretended designe of the mine , and was come to trinidad , hee fell sicke in some extremitie , and in doubt of life ( as was thought ) at what time hee was mooued by some principall persons about him , vpon two points , in case hee should decease : the one , that hee would nominate a generall to succeed him ; the other , that hee would giue some direction for prosecution of the action of the mine . to the first hee made answere , that his commission could nor bee set ouer , and therefore left them to agree of that among themselues : but for the mine , hee profest hee could giue them no direction ; and stayed not there , but told them , there was another course ( which hee did particularize vnto them to bee a french commission , whereby they might doe themselues most good vpon the spaniards . when hee was vpon recouerie , he dispatched the land-forces pretended for the mine , and had designed captaine sentleger to command in that expedition : but by reason of sentlegers infirmitie at that time , he resorted to his kinseman captaine george raleigh , who was his sergeant maior ; in whose written commission which he gaue him , he was wary enough not to expresse the taking of st. thomé , but onely inserted a clause of commandement ; that they should in all things obey him , as they would doe to himselfe in person : yet in priuate directions and instructions , hee did open himselfe to diuers of his company , that in case they should not receiue some aduertisment , that the towne was reinforced by new supplies of men ( whereby the enterprise might bee of too great hazard for their number ) they should take the towne first , telling them , that the mine was but three miles distant short of the towne , and inferring ( as kemish expounded it afterwards ) that it was in vaine to meddle with the mine , except the towne were first taken , and the spaniards chased ; for that otherwise , they should but discouer it , and worke it for the spaniards : and when hee had opened himselfe thus farre , some of his company , of the more intelligent and duetifull sort , did in plain terms turn it vpon him , setting before him , that the taking of the towne , would breake the peace , and that they should goe against the commmission : whereupon , most falsly and scandalously , hee doubted not with confidence to affirme , that he had order by word of mouth from the king and his councell , to take the towne , if it were any hinderance to the digging of the mine . but the euent did sufficiently expound and manifest the direction ; and yet that kinde of interpretation little needed , for that yong m. raleigh , ( who was likest to know his fathers secret ) when he ledde his souldiers vpon the towne , vsed these or the like words , come on my hearts , here is the mine that ye must expect , they that looke for any other mine , are fooles ; and with this did well concurre that which followed , in the prosecution of the mine after the towne was taken ; for this mine was not onely imaginary , but moueable , for that which was directed to bee 3. miles short of saint thomé , was after sought 30. miles beyond s. thomé . all this while sir w. raleigh staied at pont degallo , by the space of some 9. weekes , during which time it was much noted by those that remained with him , that the speech of the mine was dead , ( wheras men in expectation do commonly feede themselues with the talke of that they long to heare of ; ) nay more , after he had receiued newes of the taking of the towne , which had beene the fittest time to pursue the enterprize of the mine , ( in regard the towne that might haue beene the impediment was mastered ) hee neuer entertained any such designe , but contrariwise , hauing knowledge at the same time , that his son was slaine , ( who as it seemes was his onely care amongst the land souldiers ) he did mooue very inhumanly , to remooue not a little from pont degallo to port-hercule in respect of the danger of the current ( as hee pretended ) but to goe for the charibes many leagues off ; accompting ( as it seemeth ) the land souldiers , but as fruges consumere natos , and hauing his thoughts onely vpon sea forces , which how they should haue beene imployed , euery man may iudge . and whereas some pretence is made by him , as if hee should leaue some word at pont degallo of direction , to what place the land souldiers should follow him ; it is plaine , he knew them at that time so distressed for victuall , as famine must haue ouertaken them , before they could ouertake him ; at which time one of his captaines told him , that he had deliuered out 52. men to that seruice , which were then at the enterprize on land , whose liues hee held at a deare rate , and that he would not weigh anchor , as long as he had a cable to ride by , or a cake of bread to eate : so sir w. raleigh finding no consent in that which hee propounded , that cruell purpose was diuerted . it was also much obserued , that after that vnfortunate returne of kemish , notwithstanding sir w. raleigh did publiquely giue out , that hee would question him for failing to prosecute the mine , hee had him at dinner , and supper , and vsed him as familiarly and as kindly as before . and to geo. raleigh the sergeant major , to whom he did vse the like discountenances in publique , who tooke it more tenderly , and complained , and brake with him about it ; he did open himselfe more plainely , telling him that hee must seeme to doe as much as he did , to giue satisfaction . after all this , when the prosecution of this imaginarie mine vanished , and was defeated , and that his company cast a sad eye homewards , finding they were but abused , sir walter raleigh called a councell of his captaines , and helde the same in his cabbine , where hee propounded to them , that his intention and designe was ; first , to make to the new-found lands , and there to revictuall and refresh his ships ; and thence to goe to the westerne islands , and there to lie in waite to meete with the mexico fleete , or to surprise some carrackes ; and so hauing gotten treasure , which might make him welcome into any forreine countrey , to take some newe course for his future fortunes , valuing himselfe as a man of great enterprise , and fame abroad ; but then and at diuers times , hee did directly , and openly declare , that it was no comming for england , for that he knew not how things would be construed , and that he ( for his part ) would neuer put his head vnder the kings girdle , except hee first saw the great seale for his pardon . at which time , his cogitations imbracing east and west , rather then any returne into his countrey , hee did in particular make promise to a principall commander in his company , to giue him a ship to goe into the east indies , if hee would accompanie him thither . but according to his first proiect , hee went to the new found land , which hee needed not to haue done , if his purpose had been for england , ( for that hee had victuals enough , and to spare , for that iourney ) and there at new found land his other company hauing formerly dispersed and forsaken him , his owne companie which was in his owne ship began likewise to mutine . and although some old pirates , either by his inciting , or out of feare of their owne case , were fierce and violent for the sea , and against the returne , yet the far greater number were for the return ; at which time himselfe got aland , and stood vpon the sea banke , ànd put it to a question , whether they should returne for england , or land at new found land : whereupon there was a diuision of voyces , the one part to the starreboard , and the other to the larboard ; of which that part which was for the returne for england , was two parts of three , and would by no meanes be drawen to set foote on land , but kept themselues in the ship , where they were sure they were masters ; which hee perceiuing , for feare of further mutinie , professed in dissimulation , that hee himselfe was for the returne into england , and came and stood amongst them that had most voyces ; but neuerthelesse , after that he despaired to draw his companie to follow him further , hee made offer of his owne ship ( which was of great value ) to his company , if they would set him aboard a french barque : the like offer he made , when hee came vpon the coast of ireland , to some of his chiefe officers there . but about the time of his arriuall vpon the coast of ireland , the forcing and sacking of saint thomé , and the firing of the towne , and the putting the spaniards to the sword , was noysed abroad in all parts , and was by speciall aduertisement comne vnto the knowledge of the count de gondomar , then ambassador for the king of spaine with his maiesty , who therevpon prayed audience of his maiesty , and with great instance demanded iustice against the persons , and their goods ( who had committed those outrages and made those spoyles vpon his maiesties subiects ) according to his maiesties promise , and the treaty of peace . whereupon his maiestie published his royall proclamation for the discouery of the truth of raleighs proceedings , and the aduancement of iustice. notwithstanding all which , his maiestie vsed a gracious and milde course towards sir walter raleigh , sending downe sir l. stucley vice-admirall of the countie of deuon , to bring sir walter raleigh in faire manner , and as his health would giue leaue , by easie iourneyes to london . for about this time sir walter raleigh was comne from ireland into england , into the port of plimouth , where it was easie to discerne with what good will hee came thither , by his immediate attempt to escape from thence ; for soone after his comming to plimouth , before hee was vnder guard , he dealt with the owner of a french barque ( pretending it was for a gentleman a friend of his ) to make ready his barque for a passage , and offered him twelue crownes for his paines : and one night he went in a little boate to haue seene the barque that should haue transported him , but the night being verie darke , hee missed of the barque , and came backe againe , nothing done ; wherein by the way appeares , that it was not any traine laide for him by sir lewis stucley or any other ( as was voyced ) to mooue or tempt him to an escape , but that hee had a purpose to flie , and escape from his first arriuall into england . but in this his purpose , he grew to be more resolute , and fixed , after that the lords of his maiesties councell , obseruing the delaies in his comming vppe , had sent vnto stucley , some quicke letters for the hastening thereof : but thereupon , as his desire of escape encreased , so did the difficulty thereof increase also ; for that stucley from that time foorth kept a better guard vpon him , whereof he tooke that apprehension , in so much as ( knowing stucley to bee witty and watchfull ) hee grew to an opinion that it would bee impossible for him to escape , except hee could winne one of these two points ; either to corrupt stucley , or at lest to get to haue some liberty , when he came to london , of remayning in his owne house ; for guiltinesse did tell him that vpon his comming to london , it was like hee should bee laid prisoner in the tower. wherefore he saw no other way , but in his iourney to london , to counterfeit sickenesse in such a manner , as might in commiseration of his extremity , moue his maiesty to permit him to remaine in his owne house , where he assured himselfe ere long , to plot an opportunity of an escape : and hauing in his company one mannowry a french man , a professor of physicke , and one that had many chymicall receipts , hee practised by crownes , and promised to draw him into his consort , the better to make faith of his counterfeiting to be sicke : the story whereof , mannowry himselfe reporteth to haue passed in this manner . vpon saturday the 25. of iuly , sir walter raleigh , sir lewis stucley , and mannoury went to lie at master drakes , where the letters of commission from the priuie councell were brought vnto sir lewis stucley , by one of his maiesties messengers , which caused a sudden departure , with much more haste then was expected before : and the countenance of sir walter raleigh was much changed after sir lewis stucley had shewed the commission ; for mannowry sawe him from the staire-head ( hee beeing alone in his chamber , the doore standing halfe open ) how hee stamped with his feete , and pulled himselfe by the haire , swearing in these words , gods wounds , is it possible my fortune should returne vpon me thus againe ? from master drakes they went on their iourney to the house of master horsey , distant from thence foure miles , or thereabouts . it was in that houre that sir walter raleigh began first to cause mannowry to bee sounded , what was in his heart , by an olde domesticke of his called captaine king , who there began to discourse vnto mannowry of the infortunitie of his master , and amongst other things , sayd thus ; i would wee were all at paris , to whome mannowry answered , i would wee were all at london , alas , what should wee doe at paris ? because , quoth king , that as soone as wee come to london , they will commit sir walter raleigh to the tower , and cut off his head : whereupon mannowry answered , that hee hoped better then so , and that hee was sorrie for his ill fortune ; and that according to his small abilitie , hee was ready to doe him all honest seruice hee could , so it might bee done without offence . after dinner , it being sunday , sir walter raleigh departed from master horsey his house , and went to sherburne , and in the way when hee came within view thereof , turning to mannowrie , and shewing him the place and the territorie about it , hee sayd vnto him sighing , that all that was his , and that the king had vniustly taken it from him . hee and stucley lay not at sherburne , but were inuited to the house of olde master parham : mannowry and their traine went to lie at sherburne , at the signe of the george . the next day , being munday , the seuen and twentieth of iuly , mannowry went to them , and from thence they tooke their way towards salisbury , fiue and thirty miles from sherburne ; and arriuing there , sir walter raleigh going afoote downe the hill , addressed himselfe vnto mannowry , and asked him if hee had any of his vomits , or other medicines ; which hee telling him that he had , he prayed him to make one ready against the next morning , and to tell no body therof . i know ( quoth he ) that it is good for me to euacuate many bad humours , & by this means i shall gaine time to worke my friends , giue order for my affaires , and , it may bee , pacifie his maiesty before my comming to london ; for i know well , that assoone as i come there , i shall to the tower , and that they will cut off my head , if i vse no meanes to escape it ; which i cannot doe , without counterfeiting to be sicke , which your vomits will effect , without suspicion . for which cause the same euening , as soone as he arriued , he laide him downe vpon a bedde , complayning much of his head , and blaming his great dayes iourney from sherborne to salisbury , ( notwithstanding he supped very well ) but after supper hee seemed to bee surprised with a dimnesse of sight , by a swimming or giddinesse in his head , and holding his hand before his face , hee rose from his bed , and being ledde by the arme by sir lewis stucley , hee staggered so , that hee strooke his head with some violence against a post of the gallery before his chamber , which made sir lewis stucley thinke that hee was sicke indeed ; in which beleefe mannowry left him for that time . the next day in the morning , he sent his lady his wife , and most of his seruants to london , and also captaine king : and cuthbert and mannowry , and sir lewis stucley being in stucleyes chamber , a seruant of the saide sir walter named robine , came and told them that his master was out of his wittes , and that hee was naked in his shirt vpon all foure , scratching and biting the rushes vpon the plankes , which greatly pitied sir lewis stucley , who rising in haste , sent mannowry to him , who when hee came , found him gotten againe to his bed , and asking him what he ailed , he answered , he ailed nothing , but that hee did it of purpose . and sir walter raleigh asking him for his vomit , hee gaue it him , who made no bones , but swallowed it downe incontinentlie : at which time sir l. stucley comming in , sir walter began againe to crie and raue ; then mannowry went out of the chamber , and the vomit which hee had giuen him was an houre and a halfe before it wrought , but in the meane time sir walter raleigh beganne to drawe vp his legges and armes all on a heape , as it had beene in a fit of conuulsions , and contractions of his sinewes ; and that with such vehemencie , that sir lewis stucley had much adoe with the helpe of others to pull out streight , sometimes an arme , sometimes a legge ; which against all the strength they had , he would draw vp againe as it was before ; whereat the sayd sir lewis stucley , tooke great compassion , causing him to be well rubbed and chafed ; which sir walter raleigh himselfe afterwards told vnto mannowry , laughing that he had well exercised sir lewis stucley , & taught him to be a physitian . this fained fitte being thus past , sir walter raleigh called mannowry , and when he came , hee prayed him to stay by him , and said hee would take some rest . mannowrie shut the doore , and being alone with him , sir walter raleigh tolde him , that his vomite had done nothing as yet , and said , that hee would take another more violent ; but mannowry assuring him , that without doubt it would worke , hee contented himselfe , and asked mannowry if hee could inuent any thing , that might make him looke horrible and loathsome outwardly , without offending his principall parts , or making him sicke inwardly : mannowry studied a little , and then tolde him , that hee would make a composition presently , of certaine things which would make him like a leper from head to foote , without doing him any harme , which at his intreatie hee effected speedily ; at which time sir walter raleigh gaue him the reason , why hee did it , telling him that his beeing in that case , would make the lords of the counsell affraide to come neere him , and mooue them with more pitie to fauour him . soone after that mannowry had put this composition vpon his brow , his armes , and his breast , sir lewis stucley came into the chamber , and mannowry went away , and sir lewis stucley perceiuing the places where mannowry had put this composition to be all pimpled , his face full of great blisters of diuers colours , hauing in the middest a little touch of yellow , and round about like a purple colour , and all the rest of his skinne as it were inflamed with heare , hee beganne to apprehend the danger of the disease , that it was contagious , and being very much astonished at the suddaine accident , he asked mannowry what he thought thereof , but mannowry iudged it fit to conceale it from him at that time , seeing sir walter raleigh had not yet tolde him , that hee meant to flie out of england , but that it was onely to gaine time to satisfie his maiestie . vpon mannowry his vncertaine answere to sir lewis stucley touching sir walter raleigh his maladie , stucley resolued to goe to my lord bishop of elie , now of winchester , to relate vnto him in what case sir walter raleigh was , and brought vnto raleigh two physicians to see and visite him ; who being come , could tell nothing of what humour the saide sickenesse was composed . there came also a third , a bachelour in physicke , who all could not by all that they could doe , discouer this disease ; onely they gaue their opinion and aduise , that the patient could not be exposed to the ayre , without manifest perill of his life , and thereof they made their report in writing , vnto which mannowry also set his hand . sir walter raleigh , seeing that all these things fell out according to his intention , was exceedingly contented thereat , especially that in the presence of the sayde physicians , the vomit beganne to worke both vpwards and downewards . and because he doubted that the physicians would aske to see his water , hee prayed mannowry to doe something to make it seeme troubled and badde ; which to content him , ( giuing him the vrinall into his bedde ) mannowry rubbed the inside of the glasse with a certaine drugge , which as soone as hee had made water therein , the vrine euen in the hands of the physicians , turned all into an earthy humour , of a blackish colour , and made the water also to haue an ill sauour , which made the physicians iudge the disease to be mortall and without remedy , but from heauen . hee made mannowry also to tie his armes about with blacke silke ribband , which hee tooke from his poyniard , to trie if it would distemper the pulse , but that succeeded not , as hee thought it would . the day following hee called mannowry , and prayed him to make some more such blisters vpon him , as vpon his nose , his head , his thighes , and his legges : which mannowry hauing done , it succeeded according to his desire , for which he was very iocund and merry with mannowry , and sayde vnto him , that the euacuation which his physicke had caused , had so opened his stomacke , that he was exceeding hungry , and prayed mannowry that hee would goe and buy him some meat secretly ; for , quoth he , if i eate publiquely , it will bee seene that i am not sicke ; so according to his request , mannowry went to the white-hart in salisbury , and bought him a legge of mutton and three loaues , which he ate in secret , and by this subtilty it was thought that he liued three dayes without eating , but not without drinke : thus hee continued vntill friday the last of iuly , seeming alwayes to be sicke in the presence of company , and neuerthelesse , beeing alone , hee writte his declaration or apology , and prayed mannowry to transcribe it , which was since presented to his maiestie . the same euening sir lewis stuckley discoursing vpon his sickenesse , and whence it should proceed , sir walter raleigh saide in these words , as god saue mee , i thinke i haue taken poyson where i lay the night before i came to this towne ; i know that master parham is a great louer of the king of spaine , and a papist , and that hee keepes alwayes a priest in his house ; but i will not haue any of you to speake of it , nor you mounsier ( quoth hee ) speaking to mannowry . also sir walter raleigh , his chamber doores beeing shutte , walked vp and downe , and only mannowry with him , there naked in his shirt , and tooke a looking glasse , and looking vpon the spots in his face , whereat he tooke great pleasure , and laughing , said vnto mannowry these words , we shall laugh well one day , for hauing thus cozened and beguiled the king , his councell , and the physitians , and the spaniards and all . vpon the saturday that his maiestie arriued at salisbury , which was the first of august , sir walter raleigh desired to speake with mannowry in secret , and seemed to haue a verie great apprehension of some thing , and hauing made him shut the doores , prayed him to giue him a redde leather coffer , which was within another coffer , which when hee had , hee was a good while looking in it , and then called mannowry , and putting nine peeces of spanish money of gold into his hand , hee saide thus ; there is twenty crownes in pistolets , which i giue you for your physicall receipts , and the victuall you bought mee ; and i will giue you fiftie pound a yeere , if you will doe that which i shall tell you , and if it happen that sir lewis stucley doe aske you what conference you had with mee , tell him that you comfort mee in mine aduersity , and that i make you no other answere then thus , as is here written , which hee had alreadie written with his owne hand in a little peece of paper for mannowries instruction , as followeth : vela m. mannowry l' acceptance de tout mes trauaus , pertie de mon estat , & demon fils , mes maladies & doleurs . vela l' effect de mon confidence au roy. which paper of raleighs hand writing mannowry produced . and now sir walter raleigh beganne to practise with mannowrie , and to tell him that hee would flie and get himselfe out of england , and that if mannowry would aide him in his escape , it was all in his power : and that sir lewis stucley trusted in no bodie but mannowry ; whereupon mannowry made him an ouerture , that at his comming to london he should keepe himselfe close in a friends house of mannowries in shire-lane in london , whereunto he seemed to encline , and found mannowries aduise good for a while ; but in the end hee told him , that hee was resolued otherwise , and that hee had alreadie sent captaine king to hire him a barke below grauelend , which would goe with all windes , and another little boate to carrie him to it ; for , quoth hee , to hide my selfe in london , i should be alwayes in feare to be discouered by the generall searchers that are there ; but to escape , i must get leaue to goe to my house , and being there , i will handle the matter so , that i will escape out of the hands of sir lewis stucley by a backe-doore , and get mee into the boate ; for no bodie will doubt that i can goe on foote , seeing mee so feeble , as i seeme to bee . and then raleigh hauing mused a while , without speaking . mannowrie asked him , sir , wherefore will you flie ? your apologie , and your last declaration , doe not they iustifie you sufficiently ? then all in choler , raleigh answered him in english thus ; neuer tell mee more ; a man that feares is neuer secure ; which fashion of his put mannowry to silence for that time . now there rested nothing but his maiesties licence , to permit him to goe to his owne house , without which ( hee sayde ) hee could nor possibly escape . this licence was after granted him by the meanes of master vice-chamberlaine , and master secretarie naunton ; which being obtained , mannowry tooke occasion to say to him , that heereby one might see , that his maiesty had no meaning to take his life , seeing that hee suffered him to goe to his owne house to recouer his health . no ( quoth raleigh ) they vsed all these kindes of flatteries , to the duke of byron , to draw him fairely to the prison , and then they cut off his head ; i knowe that they haue concluded amongst them , that it is expedient that a man should die , to reassure the trafficke which i haue broken in spaine . and thereupon brake foorth into most hatefull , and trayterous wordes against the kings owne person , ending in a menace and brauery , that if hee could saue himselfe for that time , hee would plot such plots , as should make the king thinke himselfe happy to send for him againe , and render him his estate with aduantage ; yea and force the king of spaine , to write into england in his fauour . mannowry at that time did aske him further , if hee escaped , what should become of sir lewis stucley ? and whether hee should bee put to death for him or not , and whether hee should loose his office and estate ? not to death ( quoth raleigh ) but hee will bee imprisoned for a while , but his landes the king cannot haue , for that they are already assured to his eldest sonne ; and for the rest , it was no part of his care . mannowry further asked him , if it were not treason in himselfe to be ayding to his escape ; no ( quoth hee ) for that you are a stranger ; neuerthelesse , you must not bee knowne of any thing , for then you will bee sure to bee put in prison . in conclusion , mannowry demaunded of him yet further , but what if it be discouered , that i had any hand in your escape ? why ( quoth hee ) follow mee into france , ( that is your countrey ) and quit all , and i will make you amends for all . after , raleigh went on his iourney to andolier , and so to hartford-bridge , and from thence to staines , during which time , sir lewis stucley being made acquainted by mannowry with raleigh his purpose to escape , vsed extraordinarie diligence in guards and watches vpon him ; which raleigh perceiuing , saide to mannowry at staines ; i perceiue well , it is not possible for mee to escape by our two meanes alone , stucley is so watchfull , and sets such strait guard vpon mee , and will bee too hard for vs , for all our cunnings ; therefore there is no way but to make him of our counsell ; and if wee can perswade him , to let mee saue my selfe , i wil giue him in hand two hundred pounds sterling worth : and thereupon drew forth a iewell , and shewed it to mannowrie , and gaue it into his hand , made in the fashion of haile powdered with diamonds , with a rubie in the middest , which hee valued at a hundred and fiftie pound sterling , and said , besides this iewell , hee shall haue fiftie pound in money ; i pray you goe tell him so from me , and perswade him to it , i know he will trust you . mannowrie went presently to stucley , and told him as before , and concluded with him , that mannowrie should report backe to raleigh , that hee would accept of his offer , and bade him tell raleigh also , that hee was content to doe as hee desired ; but hee would chuse rather to goe away with him , then to tarie behind with shame and reproach ; and hee bade mannowrie aske him further , how hee thought hee could doe this , without loosing his office of vice-admirall , which cost him sixe hundred pounds , and how they should liue afterwards ; and to what place they should go , and what meanes he would carie with him , to furnish this intended escape ; which mannowrie did , and was answered by the said raleigh , and prayed to tell stucley , that if hee would sweare vnto him , not to discouer him , hee would tell him his whole intent ; and that for the first point , though stucley should loose his office , yet hee should bee no looser vpon the matter ; and for afterwards , assoone as hee was gotten into france , or holland , his wife was to send him a thousand pounds sterling , and that hee caried with him onely a thousand crownes in money and iewells to serue for the present in his escape . but after supper , raleigh said vnto mannowrie , oh , if i could escape without stucley , i should doe brauely ; but it is no matter ( said hee ) i le carie him along , and afterwards i le dispatch my selfe of him well enough . and after , mannowrie relating all that had passed , to stucley , brought them together , at which time raleigh shewed the iewell to stucley ; and hee making shew to bee content , prayed him a little respite to dispose of his office ; whereupon mannowrie seeing them so accorded vpon the matter in appearance , tooke his leaue of them to goe to london ; and in the morning mannowrie vpon the taking of his leaue , said to raleigh , that hee did not thinke to see him againe while hee was in england ; whereupon raleigh gaue him a letter directed to mistris herrys of radford , that shee should deliuer him an yron fornace with a distillatory of copper belonging vnto it , and charged him to tell euery man hee mett , that hee was sicke , and that hee left him in an extreme loosenesse that very night . bvt raleigh hauing formerly dispatched a messenger to london , to prepare him a barque for his escape , came at last to london , and hauing wonne his purpose , ( by these former deuices of feigned sickenesse ) to bee spared from imprisonment in the tower , and to bee permitted to remaine at his owne house , till his better recouery ; there fell out an accident , which gaue him great hopes and encouragement speedily to facilitate his intended designe for escape . for as he came on his way to london , in his inne at brentford , there came vnto him a frenchman named la chesnay , a follower of le clere , last agent here for his maiesties dearest brother the french king ; who tolde him that the french agent was very desirous to speake with him as soone as might be after his arriuall at london , for matters greatly concerning the sayd sir walters weale and safetie ; as in effect it fell out , that the very next night after his arriuall at london , the said le clere , and la chesnay came vnto him to his house , and there did the said le clere offer vnto him a french barque , which hee had prepared for him to escape in , and withall his letters recommendatory for his safe conduct and reception to the gouernour of calis , and to send a gentleman expresly that should attend and meete him there ; to which offer of his , raleigh after some questions passed , finding the french barke not to bee so ready , nor so fit as that himselfe had formerly prouided , gaue him thanks , and told him that he would make vse of his owne barke , but for his letters , and the rest of his offer , he should be beholding to him , because his acquaintance in france was worne out . so passionately bent was hee vpon his escape , as that hee did not forbeare to trust his life , and to communicate a secret importing him so neere , vpon his first acquaintance , and vnto a stranger , whom he hath since confessed that he neuer saw before . and thus after two nights stay , the third night hee made an actuall attempt to escape , and was in boate towards his shippe , but was by stucley arrested , brought backe , and deliuered into the custodie of the lieutenant of the tower. for these his great and hainous offences , in actes of hostilitie vpon his maiesties confederates , depredations , and abuses , as well of his commission , as of his maiesties subiects vnder his charge , impostures , attempts of escape , declining his maiesties iustice , and the rest , euidently prooued or confessed by himselfe ; he had made himselfe vtterly vnwoorthy of his maiesties further mercy : and because he could not by law bee iudicially called in question , for that his former attainder of treason is the highest and last worke of the law ( whereby hee was ciuiliter mortuus ) his maiestie was inforced ( except attainders should become priuiledges for all subsequent offences ) to resolue to haue him executed vpon his former attainder . his maiesties iust and honourable proceedings being thus made manifest to all his good subiects by this preceding declaration , not founded vpon coniectures or likelyhoods ; but either vpon confession of the partie himselfe , or vpon the examination of diuers vnsuspected witnesses , he leaues it to the world to iudge , how he could either haue satisfied his owne iustice , ( his honourable intentions hauing bene so peruerted and abused by the sayd sir w. raleigh ) or yet make the vprightnesse of the same his intentions appeare to his dearest brother the king of spaine ; if he had not by a legal punishment of the offender , giuen an example , aswell of terrour to all his other subiects , not to abuse his gracious meanings , in taking contrary courses for the attaining to their owne vnlawfull endes ; as also of demonstration to all other forreigne princes and states , whereby they might rest assured of his maiesties honourable proceeding with them , when any the like case shall occurre : by which meanes his maiestie may the more assuredly expect and claime an honourable concurrence , and a reciprocall correspondence from them , vpon any the like occasion . but as to sir walter raleigh his confession at his death , what he confessed or denied touching any the points of this declaration , his maiestie leaues him and his conscience therein to god , as was said in the beginning of this discourse . for soueraigne princes cannot make a true iudgement vpon the bare speeches or asseuerations of a delinquent at the time of his death , but their iudgement must be founded vpon examinations , reexaminations , and confrontments , and such like reall proofes , as all this former discourse is made vp and built vpon ; all the materiall and most important of the said examinations being taken vnder the hands of the examinates that could write , and that in the presence of no fewer then sixe of his maiesties priuie counsell , and attested by their alike seuerall subscriptions vnder their hands , which were my lords , the archbishop of canterbury , the lord verulam lord chauncellor of england , the earle of worcester lord priuy seale , master secretary naunton , the master of the rolls , and sir edward coke . imprinted at london by bonham norton and iohn bill , printers to the kings most excellent maiestie . anno 1618. to the whole world. o world ! thou seest what contradiction these poor weak sermons have met withall ; how they have been , and are accused of falshood , envy , malice , peevishness : that the magistrates are standered in them ; and very lies uttered in the face of city , and country . i am necessitated to appeal to god , and the world. o world i hold forth unto thy view faithfully all that was ●●●ken , nothing omitted . i call unto thee , to be my true and impartial witness : and let the god of truth be iudg ! three speeches of the right honorable, sir francis bacon knight, then his majesties sollicitor generall, after lord verulam, viscount saint alban. concerning the post-nati naturalization of the scotch in england union of the lawes of the kingdomes of england and scotland. published by the authors copy, and licensed by authority. bacon, francis, 1561-1626. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a71317 of text r17387 in the english short title catalog (wing b337). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 100 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 37 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a71317 wing b337 estc r17387 99860182 99860182 130509 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a71317) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 130509) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 35:e199[1], 35:e199[2], 35:e199[3]) three speeches of the right honorable, sir francis bacon knight, then his majesties sollicitor generall, after lord verulam, viscount saint alban. concerning the post-nati naturalization of the scotch in england union of the lawes of the kingdomes of england and scotland. published by the authors copy, and licensed by authority. bacon, francis, 1561-1626. [2], 58, 57-88 p. printed by richard badger, for samuel broun, and are to be sold at his shop in st. pauls church-yard at the signe of the white lyon and ball, london : 1641. the words "post-nati .. scotland." are bracketed together on title page. annotation on thomason copy: "july 20th". there exist two states of this edition. in state #1: the word "chancecellor" appears on page 1, line 5. in state #2: the word is spelled "chancellor". --cf. gibson, r.w. bacon. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng speeches, addresses, etc., english -early works to 1800. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649 -early works to 1800. england -foreign relations -scotland -early works to 1800. scotland -foreign relations -england -early works to 1800. a71317 r17387 (wing b337). civilwar no three speeches of the right honorable, sir francis bacon knight, then his majesties sollicitor generall, after lord verulam, viscount saint bacon, francis 1641 18657 21 0 0 0 0 0 11 c the rate of 11 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2000-00 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2001-07 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-03 melanie sanders sampled and proofread 2005-03 melanie sanders text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion three speeches of the right honorable , sir francis bacon knight , then his majesties sollicitor generall , after lord verulam , viscount saint alban . concerning the post-nati naturalization of the scotch in england vnion of the lawes of the kingdomes of england and scotland . published by the authors copy , and licensed by authority . london , printed by richard badger , for samuel broun , and are to be sold at his shop in st. pauls church-yard at the signe of the white lyon and ball . 1641. 15. may . 1641. at a committee appointed by the honourable house of commons in parliament for examination of books , & of the licensing and suppresing of them , it is ordered that these three speeches or treatises be published in print . edward dering . the argument of s r. francis bacon knight , his majesties sollicitor generall , in the case of the post-nati of scotland , in the exchequer chamber , before the lord chancellor and all the iudges of england . may it please your lord-ships , this case your lord-ships doe well perceive to be of exceeding ' great consequence . for whether you doe measure that by place , that reacheth not onely to the realme of england , but to the whole iland of great-brytaine ; or whether you measure that by time , that extendeth not onely to the present time , but much more to future generations , et natinatorum , et qui nascentur ab illis : and therefore as that is to receive at the barre a full and free debate : so i doubt not but that shall receive from your lord-ships a sound and iust resolution according to law and according to truth . for my lords , though he were thought to have said well that said that for his word , rex fortissimus ; yet he was thought to have said better , evenin the opinion ofa king him selfe that said , veritas fortissima et pravalet . and i doe much rejoyce to observe such a concurrence in the whole carriage of this cause , to this end that truth may prevaile . the case no fained , or framed case ; but a true case betweene true partyes . the title handled formerly in some of the kings courts , and free-hold upon it : used indeed by his majesty , in his high wisedome to give an end to this great question , but not raysed : occasio , as the schoole-men say , arrepta non porrecta . the case argued in the kings bench by m. walter with great liberty , and yet with good approbation of the court . the persons assigned to be of counsell on that side , inferiour to none of their quality and degree in learning ; and some of them most conversant and exercised in the question . the iudges in the kings bench have adjourned it to this place , for conference with the rest of their brethren . your lord-ship , my lord chancellor , though you be absolute iudg in the court where you sit , and might have called to you such assistance of iudges as to you had seemed good : yet would not fore-run or leade in this case by any opinion there to be given ; but have chosen rather to come your selfe to this assembly , all tending ( as i sayd ) to this end , whereunto i for my part doe heartily subscribe , ut vincat veritas , that truth may first appeare , and then prevaile . and i doe firmely hold and doubt not but i shall well maintaine , that this is the truth , that calvin the plaintiefe is ipso iure by the law of england a naturall borne subject , to purchase free-hold and to bring reall actions within eugland . in this case i must so consider the time , as i must much more consider the matter . and therefore though it may draw my speach into further length ; yet i dare not handle a case of this nature confusedly , but purpose to observe the ancient and exact forme of pleadings , which is , first , to explaine or induce . then , to confute , or answere objections . and lastly , to prove , or confirme . and first for explanation . the outward question in this case is no more , but whether a child borne in scotland since his majesties happy comming to the crowne of england , be naturalized in england or no ? but the inward question or state of the question evermore beginneth , where that which is confessed on both sides doth leave . it is confest , that if these two realmes of england and scotland were united under one law and one parliament , and thereby incorporated and made as one kingdome , that the post-natus of such an union should be naturalized . it is confessed , that both realmes are united in the person of our soveraigne ; or ( because i will gaine nothing by surreption , in the putting of the question ) that one & the same naturall person , is king of both realmes . it is confessed , that the lawes and parliaments are severall . so then , whether this priviledge and benefit of naturalization be an accessory or dependancy up on that which is one and joint , or upon that which is severall , hath beene and must be the depth of this question . and therefore your lord-ships doe see the state of this question doth evidently lead me by way of inducement to speake of three things . the king , the law , and the priviledge of naturalization . for if you well understand the nature of the two principals , and againe the nature of the accessory ; then shall you discerne , to whether principal the accessory doth properly referre , as a shadow to a body , or iron to an adamant . and there your lord-ships will give me leave in a case of this quality , first to visit and open the foundations and fountaines of reason ; and not to begin with the positions , and eruditions of a municipall law ; for so was that done in the great case of mines ; and so ought that to be done in all cases of like nature . and this doth not at all detract from the sufficiency of our lawes , as incompetent to decide their owne cases ; but rather addeth a dignity unto them when their reason appearing as well as their authority , doth shew them to be as fine moneyes , which are currant not onely by the stampe because they are so received , but by the naturall metall , that is the reason and wisedome of them . and master littleton himselfe in his whole booke doth commend but two things to the professors of the law by the name of his sonnes ; the one the inquiring and searching out the reasons of the law , and the other , the observing of the formes of pleadings . and never was there any case that came in iudgement , that required more that littletons advice should be followed in those two points , then doth the present case in question . and first of the king . it is evident that all other common-wealths ( monarchies onely excepted ) doe snbsist by a law preceedent . for where authority is divided amongst many officers , and they not perpetuall , but annuall or temporary , and not to receive their authority but by election , and certaine persons to have voice onely to that election , and the like : these are busie and curious frames : which of necessity doe presuppose a law precedent written or unwritten to guide and direct them . but in monarchies , especially hereditary , that is when severall families , or ilneages of people doe submit themselves to one line , imperiall or royall , the submission is more naturall and simple , which afterwards by lawes subsequent is perfected and made more formall : but that is grounded upon nature . that this is so , it appeareth notably in two things , the one , the platformes and patternes which are found in nature of monarchies , the original submissions , & their motives and occasions . the platformes are three . the first is that of a father , or chiefe of a family : who governing over his wife by prerogative of sexe , over his children by prerogative of age , and because he is author unto them of being ; and over his servants by prerogative of vertue and providence , for he that is able of body , and improvident of mind , is natura servus ) that is a very modell of a king . so that is the opinion of aristotle , lib. 3. pol. cap. 14 , where he saith : verum autem regnum est , cum penes unum est rerum summa potestas : quod regnum procurationem familia imitatur . and therefore lyeurgus , when one counselled him to dissolve the kingdome and to establish another forme of estate , he answered , sir begin to doe that which you advise first at home in your owne house noting that the chief of a family is as a king ; and that those that can least endure kings abroad ; can be content to be kings at home , & this is the first platforme , which we see is meerely naturall . the second is , that of a shepheard and his flocke ; which zenophon saith , cyrus had ever in his mouth . for shepheards are not owners of the sheepe , but their office is to feede and governe : no more are kings , proprietaries , or owners of the people , for god is sole owner of people . the nations , as the scripture saith , are his inheritance : but the office of kings is to governe , maintaine , and protect people . and that is not without a mystery , that the first king that was instituted by god , david , ( for saul was butan untimely fruit ) was translated from a shepheard , as you have it in the 78. psal. et elegit david servum suum , de gregibus ovium sustulit eum , pascere iacob servum suum israel hereditatem suam . this is the second platforme , a worke likewise of nature . the third platforme is the government of god himselfe over the world , whereof lawfull monarchies , are a shadow . and therefore both amongst the heathen , and amongst the christians the word ( sacred ) hath beene attributed unto kings , because of the conformity of a monarchy , with the divine majesty ; never to a senate or people . and so you finde it twice in the lord cookes reports : once in the second booke , the bishop of winchesters case ; and his first booke . cawdries case , and more anciently in the 10. of h. 7. fo. 18. rex est persona mixta cam sacerdote ; an attribute which the senate of venice , or a canton of swisses , can never challenge . so we see there be presidents , or platformes of monarchies , both in nature and above nature : even from the monarch of heaven and earth ; to the king ( if you will ) in an hive of bees . and therefore other states are the creatures of the law ; and this state onely subsisteth by nature . for the originall submissions , they are foure in number : i will briefly touch them : the first is paternity or patriarchy , which was when a family growing so great as it could not containe it selfe within one habitation , some branches of the descendents were forced to plant themselves into new families , which second families could not by a naturall instinct , and inclination , but beare a reverence and yeeld an obeyseance to the eldest line of the ancient family , from which they were derived . the second is , the admiration of vertue , or gratitude towards merit , which is likewise naturally infused into all men . of this aristotle putteth the case well , when it was the fortun of some one man , either to invent some arts of excellent use towards mans life ; or to congregate people that dwelt scattered , into one place , where they might cohabite with more comfort ; or to guide them from a more barrenland to a more fruitful , or the like : vpon these deserts , and the admiration and recompence of them , people submitted themselves . the third , which was the most usuall of all , was conduct in warre , which even in nature induceth as great an obligation , as paternity . for as men owe their life and being to their parents , in regard of generation : so they owe that also to saviours in the warres , in regard of preservation . and therefore we finde in the 18. chap. of the booke of iudges , verse 22. dixerunt omnes ●iri ad cedeon dominare nostri , tu et filij tui , quoniam servasti nos de manu madian . and so we reade when it was brought to the eares of saul that the people sung in the streets , saul hath kild his thousand , & david his ten thousand of enemies ; he said straightwaies : quid ei superest nisi ipsum regnū ? for whosoever hath the military dependance , wants little of being king . the fourth is an enforced submission , which is conquest , whereof it seemed nymrod was the first president , of whom it is said , ipse caepit potens esse in terra , et erat robustus venator coram domine . and this likewise is upon the same root , which is the saving or gift as it were of life , and being , for the conqueror hath power of life and death over his captives , and therefore where he giveth them themselves , he may reserve upon such a gift , what service and subjection he will . all these foure submissions are evident to be naturall and more ancient than law . to speake therefore of law , which is the second part of that which is to be spoken of , by way of inducement . law no doubt is the great organ by which the soveraigne power doth move , and may be truly compared to the sinewes in a naturall body , as the soveraignty may be compared to the spirits , for if the sinewes be without the spirits , they are dead and without motion , if the spirits move in weake sinewes it causeth trembling : so the lawes with out the kings power , are dead ; the kings power except the lawes be corroborate , will never move constantly , but be full of staggering and trepidation . but towards the king himself , the law doth a double office or operation : the first is to entitle the king , or designe him ; and in that sense bracton saith well . lib. 1. fol. 5. and lib. 3. fol. 107. lex facit quod ipse sit rex , that is it defines his title , as in our law , that the kingdome shall goe to the issue female : that it shall not be departable amongst daughters : that the halfe bloud shall not be respected , and other points differing from the rules of common inheritance . the second is ( that whereof we need not feare to speake in good and happy times , such as these are ) to make the ordinary power of the king more definite or regular , for it was well said by a father , plenitudo potestatis , est pleuitudo tempest at is . and although the king , in his person , be solutus legibus ; yet his acts and grants are limited by law , and we argue them every day . but i demand , do these offices or operations of law evacuate or frustrate the originall submission , which was naturall ? or shall it be said that all allegiance is by law ? no more than it can be said , that potest potest●● patris , the power of the father over the child , is by law : and yet no doubt lawes do diversely define of that also ; the law of some nations having given fathers power to put their children to death ; others , to sell them thrice , others to disinherit them by testament at pleasure , and the like . yet no man will affirm , that the obedience of the child is by law , though lawes in some points doe make it more positive . and even so it is of allegiance of subjects to hereditary monarches , which is corroborate and confirmed by law , but is the worke of the law of nature . and therefore you shall finde the observation true , and almost generall in all states , that their law-givers were long after their first kings , who governed for a time by naturall equity without law ; so was theseus long before salo● in a●h●m : for was e●●iti●● and 〈◊〉 long before lycurgus in sparta . so was romulus long before the decemviri . and even amongst our selves , there were more ancient kings of the saxons ; and yet the lawes ran under the name of edgars lawes . and in the refounding of the kingdome in the person of william the conqueror , when the lawes were in some confusion for a time , a man may truly say , that king edward the first , was the first law-giver , who enacting some laws , and collecting others , brought the law to some perfection . and therefore i will conclude this point with the style which divers acts of parliaments do give unto the king : which terme him very effectually and truly , our naturall sove , raigne liege lord . and as it was said by a principall judge here present when he served in another place , and question was moved by some occasion of the title of bulleins lands : that he would never allow , that queene elizabeth . ( i remember it for the efficacy of the phrase ) should bee a statute queene , but a common law queen : so surely i shall hardly consent , that the king shall be esteemed or called only , our rightfull soveraigne , or our lawfull soveraigne , but our naturall liege soveraigne ; as acts of parliament speake : for as the common law is more worthy than the statute law : so the law of nature is more worthy than them both . having spoken now of the king and the law : it remaineth to speake of the priviledge and benefit of naturalization it selfe , and that according to the rules of the law of england . naturalization is best discerned in the degrees whereby the law doth mount and ascend thereunto . for it seemeth admirable unto mee , to consider with what a measured hand , and with how true poportions our law doth impart and conferre the severall degrees of this benefit : the degrees are foure . the first degree of persons , ( as to this purpose ) ●hat the law takes knowledge of , is an alien enemy : that is such a one as is borne under the obeisance of a prince or state that is in hostility with the king of england . to this person the law giveth no benefit or protection at all , but if hee come into the realme after war proclaimed , or war in fact , he comes at his own perill , hee may be used as an enemy : for the law accounts of him , but ( as the scripture saith ) as of a spye that comes to see the weaknesse of the land . and so it is 2. of ric. the 3 , fo. 2. neverthelesse , this admitteth a distinction . for if he come with safe conduct , otherwise it is . for then he may not be violated , either in person or goods . but yet hee must fetch his justice at the fountaine head , for none of the conduit pipes are open to him , he can have no remedy in any of the kings courts : but he must complain himselfe before the kings privy councell : there he shall have a proceeding summary from houre to houre , the cause shall be determined by naturall equity , and not by rules of law , and the decree of the councell shall be executed by ayde of the chauncery , as is 13. edw. 4. an this is the first degree . the second person , is an alien friend , that is such a one as is borne under the obeisance of such a king or state , as is confederate with the king of england , or at least not in war with him . to this person the law allotteth this benefit , that as the law accounts that the hold it hath over him , is but a tranfitory hold ( for he may be an enemy ) so the law doth indu● him , but with a transitory benefit , that is of moveable goods and personall actions . but for free-hold , or lease , or actions reall , or mixt : he is not inabled , except it be in auter droit and so it is 9 , e. 4 , fo. 7. 19. e. 4 ; fo. 6. 5. ma. and divers other books . the third person is a denizon , using the word properly ; ( for sometime it is confounded with a naturall borne subject . ) this is one , that is but subditus insitivus , or adoptivus , and is never by birth , but only by the kings charter , and by no other meane ; come he never so young into the realme , or stay he never so long . mansion or habitation will not indenise him , no nor swearing obedience to the king in a leete , which doth in-law the subject ; but only ( as i said ) the kings grace and gift . to this person the law giveth an ability and capacity abridged , not in matter but in time . and as there was a time , when hee was not subject : so the law doth not acknowledge him before that time . for if he purchase free-hold after his denization , he may take it ; but if he have purchased any before , he shall not hold it : so if hee have children after , they shall inherit , but if hee have any before , they shall not inherit : so as he is but priviledged à parte post , as the schoole-men say , and not à parte ante . the fourth and last degree , is a naturall borne subject , which is evermore by birth , or by act of parliament ; and he is compleate and entire . for in the law of england , there is nil ultra , there is no more subdivision or more subtile division beyond these : and therein it seemeth to mee that the wisdome of the law ( as i said ) is to be admired both ways , both because it distinguisheth so far , and because it doth not distinguish further . for i know that other lawes do admit more curious distinction of this priviledge ; for the romanes had besides 〈◊〉 civitatis , which answereth to naturalization , ius suffragii . for although a man were naturalized to take lands and inheritance ; yet he was not inabled to have a voyce at passing of laws , or at election of officers . and yet further they have ius petitionis , or ius honorum . for though a man had voyce , yet he was not capable of honour , and office . but these be the devises commonly of popular or free estates , which are jealous whom they take into their number , and are unfit for monarchies : but by the law of england the subject that is naturall borne , hath a capacity or ability to all benefits whatsoever ; i say capacity or ability . but to reduce potentiam in actum , is another case . for an earle of ireland , though he be naturalized in england , yet hath so voyce in parliament of england , except he have either a call by writ , or a creation by patent , but he is capable of either . but upon this quadripartite division of the ability of persons , i doe observe to your lordships three things , being all effectually pertinent to the question in hand . the first is , that if any man conceive that the reasons for the post-nati might serve as well for the ante-nati ; he may by the distribution which wee have made , plainly perceive his error . for the law looketh not back , and therefore cannot by any matter ex post facto , after birth , after the state of the birth ; wherein no doubt the law hath a grave and profound reason , which is this in few words , nemo subito fingitur ; aliud est nasci , aliud fieri : wee indeed more respect and affect thse worthy gentlemen of scotland whose merits and conversations we know : but the law that proceeds upon generall reason and looks upon no mens faces , affecteth and priviledgeth those , which drew their first breath under the obeisance of the king of england . the second point is , that by the former distribution , it appeareth that there be but two conditions by birth , either alien or naturall borne ( nam tertium penitus ignor amus . ) it is manifest then , that if the post . nati of scotland , be not naturall borne , they are alien born and in no better degree at all , than flemmings , french , italians , spanish , germans , and others ; which are all at this time alien friends , by reason his majesty is in peace with all the world . the third point seemeth to mee very worthy the consideration , which is , that in all the distribution of persons , and the degrees of abilities or capacities , the kings act is all in all , without any manner of respect to law or parliament . for it is the king , that makes an alien enemy , by proclaiming a war , wherewith the law , or parliament intermeddles not : so the king only grants safe-conducts , wherewith law and parliament intermeddle not . it is the king likewise that maketh an alien friend , by concluding a peace , wherewith law and parliament intermeddle not . it is the king that makes a denizon , by his charter absolutely of his prerogative and power , wherewith law and parliament intermedle not . and therefore it is strongly to be inferred , that as all these degrees depend wholly upon the kings act , and no wayes upon law or parliament : so the fourth , although it cannot by the kings patent , but by operation of law : yet that the law , in that operation , respecteth onely the kings person , without respect of subjection to law or parliament . and thus much by way of explanation , and inducement : which being all matter in effect confessed , i● the strongest ground-worke to that which is contradicted or controverted . there followeth the confutation of the arguments on the contrary side . that which hath beene materially objected may be reduced to foure heads . the first is , that the priviledge of naturalization , followeth allegeance , and that allegeance followeth the kingdome . the second is drawne from that common ground , cum duo jura concarrunt in una persona , aquum est , ac si essent in duobus ; a rule , the words whereof are taken from the civill law ; but the matter of it is received in all lawes ; being a very line or rule of reason to avoyd confusion . the third consisteth of certaine inconveniencies conceived to ensue of this generall naturalization ipso jure . the fourth is not properly an objection , but a preoccupation of an objection or proofe on our part , by a distinction devised betweene countries devolute by descent , and acquired by conquest . for the first , it is not properly to observe that those which maintaine this new opinion , whereof there is altum silentium in our bookes of law , are not well agree in what forme to utter and expresse that : for some said that allegeance hath respect to the law , some to the crowne , some to the kingdome , some to the body politique of the king , so there is confusion of tongues amongst them , as it commonly commeth to passe in opinions , that have their foundations in subtilty , and imagination of mans wit , and not in the ground of nature . but to leave their words and to come to their proofes , they endeavour to prove this conceipt , by three manner of proofes . first by reason , then by certaine inferences out of statutes , and lastly , by certaine booke-cases mentioning and reciting the formes of pleadings . the reason they bring is this ; that naturalization is an operation of the law of england , and so indeed it is , that may bee the true genus of it . then they adde ( that granted ) that the law of england is of force onely within the kingdome and dominions of england , and cannot operate , but where it is in force . but the law is not in force in scotland , therefore that cannot endure this benefit of naturalization by a birth in scotland . this reason is plausible and sensible , but extreamely erronious . for the law of england , for matters of benefit , or forfeitures in england , operateth over the world . and because it is truely said , that respublica continetur poena , & praemio . i will put a case or two of either . it is plaine that if a subject of england had conspired the death of the king in forraine parts , it was by the common law of england treason . how prove i that ? by the statute of 35. of h. 8. ca. 2. wherein you shall find no words at all of making any new case of treason which was not treason before , but onely of ordaining a forme of triall , ergo it was treason before . and if so , then the law of england workes in forraine parts . so of contempts , if the king send his privy seale to any subject beyond the seas , commanding him to returne , and hee disobey ; no man will doubt , but there is a contempt , and yet the fact enduring the contempt was committed in forraine parts . therefore the law of england , doth extend to acts or matters done in forraine parts . so of reward , priviledge or benefit wee need seeke no other instance ; then the instance in question , for i will put you a case that no man shall deny , where the law of england doth worke and conferre the benefit of naturalization upon a birth neither within the dominions of the kingdome , nor king of england . by the statute of 25. e. 3. which , if you will beleeve hussey , is but a declaration of the common law , all children borne in any parts of the world , if they be of english parents , continuing at that time , as liege subjects to the king , and having done no act to forfeit the benefit of their allegeance are ipso facto naturalized . nay if a man looke narrowly into the law in this point , he shall find a consequence , that may seeme at the first strange , but yet cannot well be avoided ; which is that it divers families of english-men and women plant themselves at middleborough or at roane , or at lysoone , and have issues , and their deseendents doe intermarry , amongst themselves without any intermixture of forraine blood ; such descendents are naturalized to all generations , for every generation is still of liege parents , and therefore naturalized . so as you may have whole tribes , and lineages of english in forraine countries . and therefore it is utterly untrue that the law of england cannot operate , of conferre naturalization , but onely within the bounds of the dominions of england . to come now to their inferences upon statutes . the firstis out of this statute which j last recyted . in which statute it is said , that in foure severall places , there are words ; borne within the allegeance of england ; or againe borne without the allegeance of england , which ( say they ) applies the allegeance to the kingdome , and not to the person of the king . to this the answer is easie : for there is not trope of speech more familiar then to use the place of addition for the person . so we say commonly the lyne of yorke , or the lyne of lancaster , for the lynes of the duke of yorke or the duke of lancaster . so we say the possessions of sommerset or warmick intending the possessions of the dukes of sommerset , or earles of warmick . so we seeearles signe , salisbury , northampton , for the earles of salisbury or northampton . and in the very same manner , the statute speakes , allegeance of england , for allegeance of the king of england . nay more if there had been no variety in the penning of that statute , this collect on had had a little more force , for those words might have beene thought , to have been used of purpose , and in propriety ; but you may find in three other severall places of the same statute , allegeange and obeysance of the king of england , and specially in the materiall and concluding place , that is to say , children whose parents were at the time of their birth , at the faith and obeysance of the king of england , so that is manifest by this indifferent and indifferent use of both phrases , the one proper , the other unproper , that no man can ground any inferēce upon these words without danger of cavillation . the second statute out of which they inferre , is a statute made in 32. of h. 8. ca. touching the policy of strangers trades men within this realme . for the parliament finding , that they did eate the englishmen out of trade , and that they entertained no apprentizes , but of their o vne nation , did prohibite that they should receive any . apprentize , but the kings subjects . in which statute is said , that in 9. severall places , there is to be found this context of words , aliens 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the kings obedience ; which is pregnant ( say they ) and doth imply that there bee aliens borne within the kings obedience . touching this inference i have heard it said q●i haeret in litera , baeret in cortice , but this is not worthy the name , of cortex , it is but muscus 〈◊〉 , the mosse of the barke . for it is evident that the statute meant to speake clearely and without equivocation , and to a common understanding . now then there are aliens in common reputation & aliens in precise construction oflaw , the statute then meaning not to comprehend irish-men , or ge●sie-men , or calize-men , for explanation sake , left the word alien might be extended to them in a vulgar acceptance , added those further words , borne out of the kings obedience ? nay , what if we should say , that those words according to the received lawes of speech , are no words of difference or limitation , but of declaration or description of an alien , as if it had beene said with a videlicet , aliens ; that is such as are borne out of the kings obedience : they cannot put us from that construction . but sure i am , if the barke make for them , the pyth makes for us , for the priviledge or liberty which the statute meanes to deny to aliens of entertaining apprentizes is denyed to none , borne within the kings obedience , call them aliens or what you will . and therefore by their reason a post-natus of scotland shall by that statute keepe what stranger apprentizes he will , and so is put in the degree of an english . the third statute out of which inference is made , is the statute of 14. e. 3. ca. solo , which hath been said to be our very case , and i am of that opinion too , but directly the other way , therefore to open the scope and purpose of that statute . after that the title to the crowne of france , was devolute to k. e. 3. & that he had changed his stile , changed his armes , changed his seale , ( as his majestie hath done ) the subject of england ( saith the statute ) conceived a feare that the realme of england might become subject to the realme of france , or to the k. as k. of france . and i will give you the reasons of the double feare , that it should become subject to the realme of france they had this reason of feare : normandy had conquered england ; normandy was feudall of france , therefore because the superiour seignery of france was now united in right with the tenancy of normandy , and that england , in regard of the conquest might be taken as a perquisite to normandy , they had propable reason to feare , that the kingdome of england might be drawne to be subject to the realme of france . the other feare that england might become subject to the k. as k. of france grew no doubt of this fore-sight , that the kings of england might be like to make their mansion and seate of their estate in france , in regard of the climate , wealth , and glory of that kingdome ; and thereby the kingdome of england might be governed by the kings mandates and precepts issuing , as from the king of france . but they will say what soever the occasion was , here you have the difference authorised of subjection to a k. generally , and subjection to a king , as k. of a certaine kingdome , but to this i give an answer three-fold . first , it preffeth not the question ; for doth any man say that a post-natus of scotland is naturalized in england , because he is a subject of the king , as k. of england ? no , but generally , because he is the k. subject . secondly , the scope of this law is to make a distinction between crown , and crown ; but the scope of their argument is to make a difference betweene crowne and person . lastly , this statute ( as i said ) is our very case retorted against them , for this is a direct statute of separation , which presupposeth that the common law had made an union of the crownes in some degree , by vertue of the vnion in the kings person ● if this statute had 〈◊〉 beene made to stop & crosse the course of the common law in that point , as if scotland now should be suitors to the king , that an act might passe to like effect , and upon like feare . and therefore if you will make good your distinction , in this present case ; shew us a statute for that . but i hope you can shew no statute of separation betweene england and scotland . and if any man say , that this was a statute declaratory of the cōmon law , he doth not marke how that is penned : for after a kind of historicall declaration in the preamble , that england was never subject to france , the body of the act is penned thus : the king doth grant and establish , which are words meerly introductive novae legis as if the king gave a charter of franchise , and did invest by a donative , the subjects of england with a new priviledge or exemption , which by the cōmon law they had not . to come now to the booke-cases which they put : which i will couple together because they receive one joynt answere . the first is 42. of e. 3. fo. where the booke saith : exception was taken that the plaintife was borne in scotland at rosse , out of the allegeance of england . the next is 22. h. 6. fo. 38. adrians case , where it is pleaded that a woman was borne at burgis , out of the allegeance of england . the third is 13. eliz. dyer fo. 300 where the case begins thus : doctor story qui notorie dignoscituresse subditus regni angliae . in all these three ( say they ) that is pleaded that the party is subject of the kingdome of england , and not of the king of england . to these bookes i give this answer , that they be not the pleas at large , but the words of the reporter , who speakes compendiously and narrative , and not according to the solemne words of the pleading . if you find a case put , that it is pleaded , a man was seized in fee . simple , you will not inferre upon that , that the words of the pleading were in fe●do simplici ; but sibi & haeredibus suis . but shew mee some president of a pleading at large of natus sub legeantia regni angliae ; for whereas mr. vvalter said that pleadings are variable in this point , he would faine bring it to that ; but there is no such matter : for the pleadings are constant , and uniforme in this point ; they may vary in the word fides , or legeantia , or obedientia , and some other circumstances , but in the forme of regni and regis , they vary not : neither can there , as j am perswaded be any one instance shewed forth to the contrary . see 9. eliz. 4. baggots assize , f. 7. where the pleading at large is entred in the booke ; there you have , alienigena natus extra legeantiam domini regis angliae . see the presidents in the booke of entries , pl. 7. and two other places ; for there be no more , and there you shall find still sub legeantia domini regis , or extra legeantiā domini regis . and therefore the formes of pleading , which are things so reverend , and are indeed towards the reasons of the law , as palma , and pugnus , conteyning the reason of the law , opened or unfolded , or displayed , they makeall for us . and for the very words of reporters in bookes , you must acknowledge and say , ilicet obruimur numera . for you have 22 ass. pl. 25. 27. 〈◊〉 . the pryor of ske●●es case pl. 48. 14. h. 4. f. 19. 3. h. 6. f. 35. 6. h. 8. in my lord dyer , fol. 2. in all these bookes , the very words of the reporters have the allegeance of the king , and not the allegeance of england . and the booke in the 24. of eltz. 3. which is your best booke , although while it is tossed at the bar , you have sometimes the word allegeance of england , yet when it comes to thorpe chiefe iustice to give the rule , he faith ; we will be certified by the role , whether scotland be within the allegeance of the king . nay that further forme of pleading beateth downe your opinion . that it sufficeth not to say , that he is borne out of the allegeance of the king , and stay there , but he must shew in the affirmative under the allegeance of what king , or state he was borne . the reason whereof cannot be because it may appeare , whether he be a friend or an enemy , for that in a reall action is all one : not it cannot be because issue shal be taken thereupon ; for the issue must arise on the other side upon indigena pleaded and traversed . and therefore it can have no other reason , but to apprise the court more certainly , that the countrey of the birth is none of those , that are subject to the king . as for the tryall , that it should be impossible to de tryed ; i hold it not worth the answering ; for the ovenire facias , shall goe either where the naturall birth is laid , although it be but by fiction , or if it be laid according to the truth , it shal be tryed where the action is brought , otherwise you fall upon a maine : rock , that breaketh your argument in pieces , for how should the birth of an irish-man be tryed , or of 2 gersie man ? nay how should the birth of a subject be tryed that is borne of english parents in spain or florence , or any part of the world ? for to all these the like objection of tryall may be made , because they are within no counties , and this receives no answer . and therefore i will now passe on to the second maine argument . it is a rule of the civill law , say they , cum duo jura , &c. when two rights doe meete in one person there is no confusion of them , but they remain still in eye of law distinct , as if they were in severall persons , and they bring examples of one man bishop of two seas , or one person that is rector of two churches . they say this unity in the bishop , or the rector doth not create any privity between the parishioners or dioceseners , more then if there were severall bishops , or severall parsons . this rule i allow ( as was said ) to be a rule not of the civill law onely , but of common reason , but receiveth no forced or coyned , but a true and sound distinction , or limitation , which is , that it evermore faileth and deceiveth in cases , where there is any vigor , or operation of the naturall person ; for generally in coporations the naturall body is but suffulcimentum corporis corporati , it is but as a stock to uphold and beare out the corporate body , but otherwise it is in the case of the crown , as shall be manifestly proved in due place . but to shew that this rule receiveth this distinction , i will put but two cases . the statute of the 21. hen. 8. ordaineth that a marquesse may retaine sixe chaplaines qualified , a lord treasurer of england foure , a privie counsellour three . the lord treasurer paulet was marqueffe of winchester , lord treasurer of england and privie counsellor all at once . question was whether hee should qualifie 13. chaplaines . now by the rule cum duo iura , he should ; but adjudged , he should not . and the reason was because the attendance of chaplaines concerned and respected his naturall person , he had but one soule , though he had three offices . the other case which i will put , is the case of homage , a man doth homage to his lord for a tenancie held of the mannor of dale , there descendeth unto him afterwards a tenancie held of the mannor of sale , which mannor of sale is likewise in the hands of the same lord . now by the rule cum duo jura , he should doe homage againe , two tenancies and two seignories , though but one tenant , and one lord , aequum est ac si esset in duobus . but ruled that he should not doe homageagaine : nay in the case of the king , hee shall not pay a second respect of homage , as upon grave and deliberate consideration it was resolved , 24. h. 8. and vsus scaccarii ; as is there said accordingly . and the reason is no other but because when a man is sworne to his lord , hee cannot be sworne over againe , he hath but one conscience , and the obligation of this oatli , trencheth betweene the naturall person of the tenant , and the naturall person of the lord . and certainly the case of homage and tenure , and of homage liege , which is one case , are things of a neere nature , save that the one is much inferiour to the other , but it is good to behold these great matters of state in cases of lower element , as the eclipse of the sun is used to be in a paile of water . the third maine argument conteyneth certain supposed inconveniences , which may ensue of a generall naturalization ipso jure , of which kind three have bin specially remembred . the first is the losse of profit , to the king upon letters of denization , and purchases of aliens . the second is the concourse of scottishmen into this kingdome , to the infeebling of that realme of scotland in people , and the impoverishing of this realme of england in wealth . the third is , that the reason of this case stayeth not within the compasse of the present case ; for although it were some reason that scottishmen were naturalized being people of the same iland and language , yet the reason which we urge , which is , that they are subject to the same king , may be applyed to persons every way more estranged from us then they are , as if in future time in the kings descendents , there should be a match with spaine , and the dominions of spaine should bee united with the crowne of england by one reason ( say they ) all the vvest-indies should be naturalized ; which are people not onely , alterius soli but alterius caeli . to these conceits of inconvenience , how easie it is to give answer , and how weake they are in themselves , i thinke no man that doth attentively ponder them can doubt ; for how small revenue can arise of such denizations , and how honourable it were for the king to take escheats of his subjects , as if they were forreyners ( for seisure of aliens lands are in regard the king hath no hold or command of their persons , and services ) every one may perceive . and for the confluence of scottishmen , i thinke wee all conceive the spring-tide is past at the kings first comming in . and yet wee see very few families of them , throughout the cities & boroughes of england . and for the naturalizing of the indies , we can readily helpe that , when the case comes ; for we can make an act of parliament of separation if we like not their consort . but these being reasons politique , and not legall ( and we are not now in parliament , but before a judgment seate ) i will not meddle with them , specially since i have one answer which avoids and confounds all their objections in law , which is that the very self-same objections doe hold in countreyes purchased by conquest . for in subjects obtained by conquest , it were more profit to indenizate by the poll , in subjects obteyned by conquest , they may come in too fast . and if king hen. 7. had accepted the offer of christopher columbus , whereby the crowne of england had obteyned the indies by conquest or occupation , all the indies had bin naturalized by the confession of the adverse part . and therfore since it is confessed , that subjects obteyned by conquest are naturalized , & that all these objections are common and indifferent , as well to case of conquest , as case of descent , these objections are in themselves destroyed . and therefore to proceed now to overthrow that distinction of descent and conquest . plato saith well , the strongest of all authorities is , if a man can alledge the authority of his adversaries against him selfe , we doe urge the confession of the other side , that they confessed the irish are naturalized , that they confesse the subjects of the iles of gersie and garnsey , and barwick to be naturalized , and the subjects of calice and tourney when they were english were naturalized , as you may find in the 5. e. in dyer , upon the question put to the judges by sir nicholas bacon lord keeper . to avoid this , they flye to a difference , which is new coyned , and is ( i speake not to the disadvantage of the persons that use it ; for they are driven to it tanquam ad ultimum refugium , but the difference it selfe ) it is i say full of ignorance and error . and therefore to take a view of the supports of this difference , they alledge foure reasons . the first is , that countreyes of conquest , are made parcell of england ; because they are acquired by the armes and treasure of england . to this i answer , that it were a very strange argument , that if i waxe rich upon the mannor of dale , and upon the revenue thereof purchase a close by it , that it should make that parcell of the mannor of dale . but i will set this new learning on ground with a question or case put . for j oppose them that hold this opinion with this question , if the king should conquer any forreigne countrey by an army compounded of english-men and scottish-men , as it is like whensoever warres are , so it will be . i demand whether this countrey conquered shall qe naturalized both in england and scotland , because it was purchased by the joynt armes of both ? and if yea , whether any man will thinke it reasonable , that such subjects bee naturalized in both kingdomes , the one kingdome not being naturalized towards the other ? these are the intricate consequences of conceits . a second reason they alledge , is , that countreyes won by conquest become subject to the lawes of england , which countries patrimoniall are not , and that the law doth draw the allegeance , and allegeance naturalization . but to the major proposition of that argument , touching the dependancy of aliegeance upon law , somewhat hath bin already spoken , and full answer shal be given when we come to it . but in this place it shall suffice to say , that the minor proposition is false , that is , that the lawes of england are not superinduced upon any countrey by conquest ; but that the old lawes remaine untill the king by his proclamation or letters pattents declare other lawes , and then if he will , hee may declare lawes which be utterly repugnant , and differing from the lawes of england . and hereof many antient presidents and records may be shewed ; that the reason why ireland is subject to the lawes of england is not ipso jure upon conquest ; but grew by acharter of k. john , and that extended but to so much as was then in the kings possession , for there arerecords in the time of king . s. 1 and 2 of divers particular grants to sundry subjects of ireland , and their heires , that they might use and observe the lawes of england . the third reason is , that there is a politique necessity of intermixture of people in case of subjection , by conquest to remove alienations of mind , & to securo the stato , which holdeth not in case of descent . here i perceive mr. 〈◊〉 hath read somewhat in matter of state , and so have i likewise , though we may both quickly lose ourselves in cause of this nature . i find by the best opinions , that there bee two meanes to assure and retaine in obedience countreyes conquered , both very differing , almost in extreames the one towards the other . the one is by colonies , and intermixture of people , and transplantation of families , which mr. walter spoke off , and it was indeed the romane manner but this is like an old relique , much reverenced and almost never used . but th'other which is the modern manner , and almost wholly in practice & use , is by garrisons and citadelles , and lists or companies of men of warre , and other like matters of terrour and bridle . to the first of these ( which is little used ) it it true that naturalization doth conduce , but to the latter it is utterly opposite , as putting too great pride , and meanes to do hurt , in those that are meant to be kept short and low . and yet in the very first case of the romane proceeding , naturalization did never follow by conquest , during all the growth , of the romane empire , but was ever conferred by charters , or donations , sometimes to cities , and townes , sometimes to particular persons , & sometimes to nations , untill the time of adrian the emperour , and the law in orbe romano , and that law or constitution is not referred to title of conquest and armes onely , but to all other titles ; as by the donation and testament of kings , by submission and dedition of states , or the like . so as this difference was as strange to them , as to us . and certainly i suppose it will sound strangely in the hearing of forreigne nations , that the law of england should ipso sacto , naturalize subjects of conquest , and should not naturalize subjects , which grow unto the king by descent ; that is , that it should conferre the benefit and priviledge of naturalization upon such , as cannot at the first but beare hatred and rancor to the state of england , and have had their hands in the bloud of the subjects of england , and should deny the like benefit to those that are conjoyned with them by a more amiable meane : and that the law of england , should conferre naturalization upon slaves and vassals ( for people conquered are no better in the beginning ) and should deny it to free-men : i say it will be marvelled at abroad , of what complexion the lawes of england bee made , that breedeth such differences . but there is little danger of such scandals ; for this is a difference , that the law of england never knew . the fourth reason of this difference is , that in case of conquest , the territory united can never be separated againe . but in case of descent , there is a possibility , if his majesties line should faile , the kingdomes may severe againe to their respective heires , as in the case of 8. h. 6. where it is said , that if land descend to a man , from the ancestor , on the part of his father , and a rent issuing out of it , from an ancestor , on the part of the mother , if the party dye without issue , the rent is revived . as to this reason , i know well the continuance of the kings line , is no lesse deare to those , that alleadge the reason , then to us that confute it . so as i doe not blame the passing of the reason ; but it is answered with no great difficulty ; for first the law doth never respect remote and forrein possibilities , as noteably appeared in the great case betweene sir hugh cholmley , and houlford in the exchequer , where one in the remainder , to the end to bridle tenant in tayle from suffering a common recovery , granted his remainder to the king , and because he would be sure to have it out again , without charge or trouble , when his turne was served ; he limitted it to the king , during the life of tenant in tayle . question grew whether this grant of remainder were good , yea or no . and it was said to be frivolous and void , because it could never by any possibility execute ; for tenant in tayle cannot surrender , and if he dyed , the remainder likewise ceased . to which it was answered , that there was a possibility , that it might execute , which was thus ; put case that tenant in tayle should enter into religion having no issue : then the remainder should execute , and the king should hold the land during the naturall life of tenant in tayle , notwithstanding his civill death . but the court una vate exploded this reason , and said , that monasteries were downe , and entries into religion gone ; and they must be up againe ere this could be , and that the law did not respect such remote , and forreine possibilities , & so we may hold this for the like ; for i think we all hope , that neither of those days shall ever come , either for monasteries to be restored , or for the k. line to faile , but the true answer is , that the possibility subsequēt , remote , or not remote doth not alter the operatiō of law for the present . for that should be , as if in case of the rent which you put , you should say , that in regard , that the rent maybe severed , it should be said , to be in esse in the meane time , and should be grantable , which is cleerely otherwise . and so in the principall cafe , if that should be ( which god of his goodnesse forbid ) cessante causa , cessat effectus , the benefit of naturalization for the time to come is dissolved . but that altereth not the operation of the law . rebus sic stantibus . and therefore i conclude , that this difference is but a devise full of weaknesse and ignorance : and that there is one , and the same reason of naturalizing subjects by descent , and subjects by conquest , and that is the union in the person of the king ; and therefore that the 〈◊〉 of scotland is as cleere , as that of ireland , and they that grant the one , cannot deny the other . and so i conclude the second part , touching confutation . to proceed therefore to the prooses of our part , your lordships cannot but know many of them must be already spent , in the answer which we have made to the objections . for corruptio unius , generatio alterius , holdes aswell in arguments , as in nature , the destruction of an objection begets a proofe . but neverthelefse , i will avoid all iteration , least i should seem either to distract your memories , or to abuse your patience ; but will hold my selfe onely to these proofs , which stand substantially of themselves , and are not intermixed with matter of confutation . i will therefore prove unto your lordships , that the post-natus of scotland is by the law of england nat●rall , and ought fo to be adjudged by three courses of proofe . 1. bi●●t upon point of favour of law . 2. secondly , upon reasons and authorities of law . 3. and lastly , upon former presidents & examples . favour of law , what meane j by that ? the law is equall , and favoureth not : it is true , not persons : but things or matters it doth favour . is it not a common principle , that the law favoureth three things , life , liberty , & dower ? and what is the reason of this favour ? this , because our law is grounded upon the law of nature . and these three things doe flow from the law of nature , preservation of life naturall , liberty , which every beast or bird seeketh and affecteth naturally , the society of man and wife , whereof dower is the reward naturall . it is well , doth the law favour liberty so highly , as a man shall infranchise his bondman , when hee thinketh not of it , by granting to him , lands or goods ? and is the reason of it , quia natura omnes homines erant liberi ? and that servitude or villenage , doth crosse and abridge the law of nature ? and doth not the selfe-same reason hold in the present case ; for my lords by the law of nature , all men in the world are naturalized one towards another , they were all made of one lumpe of earth , of one breath of god , they had the same common parents . nay at the first they were , as the scripture sheweth , unius labii , of one language , untill the curse , which curse ( thankes be to god ) our present case is exempted from . it was ciuill and nationall lawes , that brought in these words , and differences of civis and exterus , alien & native and therefore because they tend to abridge the law of nature , the law favoureth not them , but takes them strictly , even as our law hath an excellent rule , that customes of townes & burroughes shall be taken and construed strictly & precisely , because they doe abridge and derogate from the law of the land . so by the same reason all nationall lawes whatsoever , are to be taken strictly and hardly in any point wherein they abridge , and derogate from the law of nature . whereupon i conclude that your lordships cannot judge the law for the other side , except the case be luce clarius . and if it appeare to you but doubtfull , as i thinke no man in his right senses but will yeeld it , to be at least doubtfull , then ought your lordships ( under your correction be it spoken ) to pronounce for us because of the favour of the law . furthermore as the law of england must favour naturalization , as a branch of the law of nature : so it appeares manifestly , that it doth favour it accordingly . for is it not much to make a subject naturalized ? by the law of england , it should suffice , either place or parents , if he be born in england , it is matter no though his parents be spanyards , or what you will . on th'other side , if he be borne of english parents , it skilleth not though he be borne in spaine , or in any other place of the world . in such sort doth the law of england open her lappe to receive in people to be naturalized , which indeed sheweth the wisedome and excellent composition of our law . and that it is the law of a warlike and magnanimous nation , sit for empire . for looke , and you shall find that such kind of estates have been ever liberall in point of naturalization : whereas marchant-like and envious estates have bin otherwise . for the reasons of law joyned with authorities , i doe first observe to your lordships , that our assertion or affirmation is simple and plaine : that it sufficeth to naturalization , that there be one king , and that the party be , natus ad sidem regis , agreeable to the definition of littleton : which is . alien is he which is born out of the allegeance of our lord the king . they of th'other side speak of respects , and quoad and quatenus , and such subtilties and distinctions . to maintaine therefore our assertion , j will use three kindes of proofes . the first is , that allegeance cannot be applyed to the law or kingdome , but to the person of the king , because the allegeance of the subject is more large and spatious , and hath a greater latitude , and comprehension , then the law or the kingdome . and therefore it cannot be a dependency of that , without the which it may of it selfe subsist . the second proofe which i will use , is , that the naturall body of the king hath an operation and influence into his body politique , aswell as his body politique hath upon his body naturall , and therefore that although his body politique of king of england , and his body politique of king of scotland be soverall and distinct : yet neverthelesse , his naturall person , which is one , hath an operation upon both , and createth aprivity betweene them . and the third proofe is the binding text of five severall statutes . for the first of these i shall make it manifest , that the allegeance is of a greater extent , and dimension , then lawes or kingdome , and cannot confist by the lawes meerely , because it began before laws , it continueth after lawes , and it is in vigour where lawes are suspended , and have not their force . that it is more antient then law , appeareth by that which was spoken in the beginning by way of inducement where i did endeavour to demonstrate , that the originall age of kingdomes was governed by naturall equity , that kings were more antient then law-givers , that the first submissions were simple , and upon confidence to the person of kings , and that the allegeance of subjects to hereditary monarchies , can no more be said to consist by lawes , then the obedience of children to parents . that allegeance continueth after lawes , i will onely put the case , which was remembred by two great judges in a great assembly , the one of them now with god , which was : that if a king of . england should be expalsed his kingdome , and some particular subjects should follow him in flight , or exile in forreigne parts , and any of them there should conspire his death , that upon his rocoveryof his kingdome ; such a subject might by the law of england be proceeded with ; for treason committed and perpetrated at what time he had no kingdome , and in place wher ethe law did not bind . that allegeance is in vigour and force , where the power of law hath a cessation appeareth notably in time of warres , for silent leges inter arma . and yet the soveraignty , and imperiall power of the king , is so farre , from being then extinguished , or suspended ; as contrariwsse it is raised , and made more absolute , for then he may proceed by his supreame authority , and martiall law without observing formalities of the lawes of his kingdome . and therefore whosoever speaketh of lawes , and the kings power by lawes , and the subjects obedience , or allegeance to lawes , speake but of one halfe of the crowne . for bracton out of justinian doth truly define , the crowne to consist of lawes and armes , power civill and martiall , with the latter whereof the law doth not intermeddle , so as where it is much spoken that the subjects of england are under one law , and the subjects of scotland are under another law , it is true at edenborough or sterling , or againe in london , or yorke ; but if englishmen and scottishmen meet in an army royall before calice . i hope then they are under one law . so likewise not onely in time of warre , but in time of peregrination : if a king of england travaile , or passe through forraine territories ; yet the allegeance of his subjects followeth him , as appeareth in that not able case which is reported in 〈◊〉 , where one of the traine of k. ed. i. as be past through france from the holy land , imbezelled some silver plate at paris , and jurisdiction was demanded of this crime by the french kings counsell at law . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and demanded likewise by the officers of k. edw. ratione personae , and after much solemnity and contestation and interpleading , it was ruled and determined for king edward , and the party tryed and judged before the knight marshall of the kings house , and hanged after the english law , and execution in st. germaines meadovves : and so much for my first proofe . for my second maine proofe ; that is drawn from the true & legall distinction of the kings severall capacities ; for they that maintaine the contrary opinion , doe in effect destroy the whole force of the kings naturall capacity , as if it were drowned and swallowed up by his politique . and therefore i will first prove to your lordships , that his two capacities are in no sort confounded ; and secondly , that as his capacity politique worketh so upon his naturall person , as it makes it differ from all other the naturall persons of his subjects : so è converso , his naturall body worketh so upon his politique , as the corporation of the crowne utterly differeth from all other corporations within the realme . for the first i will vouch you the very words which i find in that notable case of the dutchie , where the question was , whether the grants of king ed. 6. for dutchy lands should be avoyded in points of nonage . the case , as your lordships know well , is reported by mr. plowden , as the generall resolution of all the judges of england , and the kings learned counsell , ruswell the solicitour , onely except , there i find the said words , comment . fol. 215. there is in the king not a body naturall alone , nor a body politique alone , but a body naturall and politique together , ●●●pus corporatum in corpore naturali , & corpus naturale in corpore corporato . the like i find in the great case of the lord barkeley set downe by the same reporter , comment fol. 234. though there be in the king two bodies , and that those two bodies are conjoyned ; yet are they by no meanes confounded the one by the other . now then to see the mutuall and reciprocall entercourse , as i may terme it , or influence , or communication of qualities that these bodies have one upon the other . the body politique of the crowne indueth the naturall person of the king with these perfections . that the king in law shall never be said to be within age ; that his blood shall never be corrupted ; and that , if he were attainted before , the very assumption of the crown purgeth it . that the k. shall not take but by matter of record , although he take in his naturall capacity , as upon a guift in taile . that his body in law shall be said to be as it were immortall , for there is no death of the king in law , but a demise as it is tearmed ; with many other the like priviledges , and differences from other naturall persons too long to rehearse , the rather because the question laboureth not in that part . but on the contrary part , let us see what oporations the kings naturall person hath upon his crowne and body politique : of which the chiefest and greatest is , that it causeth the crowne to goe by descent , which is a thing strange , and contrary to the course of all corporations , which evermore take in succession , and not by descent , for no man can shew mee in all the corporations of england , of what nature soever , vvhether they consist of one person , or of many : or whether they be temporall or ecclesiasticall , any one takes to him and his heires , but all to him and his successours ; and therefore here you may see what a weake course that is , to put cases of bishops and parsons , and the like , and to apply them to the crowne . for the king takes to him and his heires in the manner of a naturall body , and the word successours is but superfluous , and where that is used that is ever duly placed after the words heires . the king , his heires and successours . againe no man can deny but vxor & filius sunt nomina naturae . a corporation can have no wife ; nor a corporation can have no sonne ; how is it then , that it is treason to compasse the death of the queene , or of the prince . there is no part of the body politique of the crovvne in either of them , but it is entirely in the king . so likewise we find in the case of the lord barkeley , the question was whether the statute of 35. h. 8. for that part which concerned queene katherine pars joynture were a publique act or no , of which the judges ought to take notice , not being pleaded : and judged a publique act. so the like question came before your lordship , my lord chancellour , in serjeant . heales case : whether the statute of 11. of ed. 3 concerning the intayling of the dukedome of cornewall to the prince vvere a publique act or no ; and ruled likewise a publique act. why ? no man can affirme , but these be operations of lavv , proceeding from the dignity of the naturall person of the king : for you shall never find that another corporation vvhatsoever of a bishop or master of a colledge , or major of london , vvorketh any thing in lavv upon the vvife , or sonne of the bishop or the major . and to conclude this point and vvithall to come neere to the case in question , i will shew you where the naturall person of the king hath not onely an operation in the case of his wife and children , but likewise in the case of his subjects , which is the very question in hand : as for example , i put this case , can a scottishman who is a subject to the naturall person of the king , and not to the crowne of england , can a scottishman , i say , be an enemy by the lavv to the subjects of england , or must he not of necessity , if he should invade england , be a rebell , and no enemy not onely as to the king , but as to the subject ? or can any letters of marte or reprisall be granted against a scottishman , that should spoyle an english-mans goods at sea , and certainly this case doth presse exceeding neere the principall case , for it prooveth plainly , that the naturall person of the king , hath such a communication of qualities with his body politique ; as it makes the subjects of either kingdomes stand in another degree of privity one towards the other ; then they did before . and so much for the second proofe . for the five acts of parliament which i spoke of which are concluding to this question ? the first of them is , that concerning the banishment of hugh spencer in the time of king ed. 2. in which act there is contained , the charge , and accusation whereupon his exile proceeded . one article of which charge is set downe in these words . homage and oath of the subject is more by reason of the crowne , then by reason of the person of the king . so that if the king doth not guide himselfe by reason in right of the crowne , his lieges are bound by their oath to the crowne to remoove the king . by which act doth plain'y appeare the perilous consequence of this distinction concerning the person of the king , and the crowne . and yet j doe acknowledge justice , and ingeruously a great difference betweene that assertion and this , which is now maintained : for it is one thing to make things distinct , another thing to make them separable , aliud est distinctio , aliud separatio , and therefore j assure my selfe , that those , that now use and urge that diftinction dee as firmely hold , that the subjection to the kings person , and to the crowne , are inseparable , though distinct , as i doe . and it is true that the poyson of the opinion , & assertion of spencer is like the poyson of a scorpion , more in the taile then in the body : for it is the inference that they make which is , that the king may be deposed or removed , that is , the treason and dislayalty of that opinion : but by you leave the body is never a whit the more wholesome meare , for having such a tayle belonging to it : therefore we see that is locus lubricus , an opinion from which a man may ea●ly slide into an absurdity . but upon this act of parliament , i will onely note one circumstance more , and so leave it , which may adde authority unto it in the opinion of the wisest , and that is , that these spencers , were not ancient nobles or great patriots that were charged and prosecuted by upstarts and favourites : for then that might be said that it was but the action of some flatterers , who use to extoll the power of monarches to be infinite , but it was contrary ; a prosecution of those persons being favourites by the nobility , so as the nobility themselves which seldome doe subscribe to the opinion of an infinite power of monarches . yet even they could not endure , but their blood did rise to heare that opinion : that subjection is owing to the crowne , rather then to the person of the king . the second act of parliament which determined this case , is the act of recognition in the first yeare of his majestie , wherein you shall find , that in two severall places , the one in the preamble , the other in the body of the act , the parliament doth recognize , that these two realmes of england and scotland are under one imperiall crowne . the parliament doth not say under one monarchie or king which mought referre to the person , but under ono imperiall crowne , which cannot be applyed but to the soveraigne power of regiment , comprehending both kingdomes . and the third act of parliament is the act made in the fourth yeare of his majesties raigne for the abolition of hostile lawes , wherein your lordships shall find likewise in two places , that the parliament doth acknowledge , that there is an union of these two kingdomes already begun in his majesties person . so as by the declaration of that act , they have not onely one king , but there is an union in inception in the kingdomes , themselves . these two are judgements in parliament by way of declaration of law , against which no man can speake . and certainly these are righteous and true iudgements to be relyed upon ; not onely for the authority of them , but for the verity of them , for to any that shall well , and deeply weigh the effects of law upon this conjunction , it cannot but appeare , that although partes integrales of the kingdome ( as the philosophers speake ) such as the lawes , the officers , the parliament are not yet commixed ; yet neverthelesse there is but one , and the selfe-same fountaine of soveraigne power depending upon the ancient submission , whereof i spake in the beginning , and in that sense , the crownes and the kingdomes are truly said to be united . and the force of this truth is such , that a grave and learned gent. that defended the contrary opinion , did confesse thus farre : that in ancient times when monarchies ( as he said ) were but heapes of people , without any exact forme of policy , that the naturalization and communication of priviledges did follow the person of the monarch . but otherwise since states were reduced to a more exact forme : so as thus farre we did consent ; but still i differ from him in this , that those more exact formes wrought by time , and custome , and lawes , are neverthelesse still upon the first foundation , and doe serve onely to perfect and corroborate the force and bond of the first submission , and in no sort to disanullor destroy it . and therefore with these two acts doe j likewise couple the act of 14. ed. 3. which hath beene alleadged of the other side . for by collating of that act with this former too , the truth of that we affirme will the more evidently appeare , according unto the rule of reason : opposita juxta se posita magis elucescunt . that act of 14. is an act of separation . these two acts formerly recited are acts tending to union . this act is an act that maketh a new law , it is by the words of grant and establish , these two acts declare the common law , as it is , being by words of recognition and confession . and therefore upon the difference of these lawes you may fubstantially ground this position . that the common-law of england upon the adjunction of any kingdome unto the king of england , doth make some degree of union in the crownes , and kingdomes themselves : except by a speciall act of parliament they be dissevered . lastly , the 5. act of parliament , which i promised is the act made in the 42. of e. 3. cap. ● . 10. which is expresse decision of the point in question . the words are , item , ( upon the petition put into parliament by the commons , ) that infants borne beyond the seas in the seignories of callice , and elsewhere within the lands and seignories that pertain to our soveraign lord the king beyond the seas , bee as able and inheritable of their heritage in england , as other infants borne within the realme of england , it is accorded that the common-law and the statute formerly made be holden . upon this act , j inferre thus much , first that such as the petition mentioneth , were naturalized , the practice shewes ; then , if so , it must be either by common-law , or statute ; for so the words report , not by statute ; for there is no other statute , but 25. of e. 3. and that extends to the case of birth out of the kings obedience , where the parents are english , ergo it was by the common-law , for that onely remaines . and so by the declarations of this statute at the common-law . all infants borne within the lands and seignories ( for i give you the very words againe ) that pertaine to our soveraigne lord the king , it is not said , as are the dominions of england , are as able and inheritable of their heritage in england , as other infants borne within the realme of england : what can be more plaine ? and so i leave statutes , and goe to presidents ; for though the one doe bind more , yet the other sometimes doth satisfie more . for presidents in the producing & using of that kind of proofe , of all others it behoveth them to be faithfully vouched ; for the suppressing or keeping back of a circumstance may change the case , and therefore j am determined to urge only such presidents , as are without all colour or scruple of exception , or objection , even of those objections which i have , to my thinking fully answered & confuted . this is now , by the providence of god the fourth time that the line , and kings of england have had dominions & seignories united unto them , as patrimonies , and by descent of bloud ; foure unions i say there have bin inclusive with this last . the first was of normandy in the person of william commonly called the conqueror . the 2d . was of gascoyne , and guienne , and anjou in the person of k. hen. the 2d . in his person i say , though by severall titles . the 3. was of the crowne of france , in the person of k. edw. the third . and the 4th . of the kingdome of scotland in his majesty . of these i will set aside such , as by any cavillation can be excepted unto . first , j will set aside normādy , because it will be said , that the difference of countryes accruing by conquest , from countryes annexed by descent in matter of communication of priviledges holdeth both wayes , as well of the part of the conquering kingdome , as the conquered . and therfore that although normandy was not conquest of england , yet england was a conquest of normandy , and so a communication of priviledges between them . againe , set aside france , for that it will be said , that although the king had a title in bloud , and by descent , yet that title was executed and recovered by armes : so as it is a mixt title of conquest & descent , and therefore the president not so cleare . there remaines then gascoyne & anjou , and that president , likewise i will reduce and abridge to a time to avoid all question . for it will bee said of them also , that after they were lost and recovered in ore gladii , that the antient title of bloud was extinct & that the king was in upon his new title by conquest , & mr. walter had found a book case , in 13. of h. 6. abridged by mr. fitz-herbert , in title of protection , placito 56. where a protection was cast , ●uia profecturus in gasconiam with the earlo of huntingdon , and challenged because it was not a voyage royall , & the justices thereupon required the sight of the cōmission , which was brought before them , & purported power to pardon felouies , & treason , power to coyn money , & power to conquer them that resist , wherby m. walter finding the word conquest , collected that the kings title at that time was reputed to bee by conquest , wherein i may not omit to give obiter that answer , which law and truth provideth , namely that when any king obreyneth by warre a countrey , whereunto he hath right by birth , that hee is ever in upon his antient right , not upon his purchase by conquest ; and the reason is , that there is as well a judgement and recovery by warre and armes , as by law and course of justice ; for war is a tribunall seat , wherein god giveth the judgment , & the tryall is by battaile , or duell , as in the case of tryall of private right , and then it followes , that whosoever commeth in by eviction , comes in his remitter : so as there will bee no difference in countreyes whereof the right commeth by descent , whether the possession be obtained peaceably or by war , but yet neverthelesse , because i will utterly take away all manner of evasion , & subterfuge , i will yet set apart that part of time in and during , the which , the subjects of gascoyne & guyenne might bee thought to be subdued by a reconquest . and therefore i will not meddle with the prior of shellies case , though it be an excellent case ; because it was in that time , 27. of e. 3. neither will i meddle with any cases , records , or presidents , in the time of king h. 5. or king h. 6. for the same reason , but will hold my selfe to a portion of time , from the first uniting of these provinces in the time of king h. 2. untill the time of k. iohn . at what time those provinces were lost , and from that time againe unto the 17. yeere of the reigne of k. edw. 2. at what time the statute of proerogativa rogis was made , which altered the law in the point in hand . that both in these times , the subjects of gascoyn and guyenne , and anjou , were naturalized for inheritance in england by the lawes of england . i shall manifestly prove , and the proofe proceeds , as to the former time ( which is our case ) in a very high degree , a minore ad majus , and as we say , a multo fortiore for if this priviledge of naturalization remained unto them when the countreyes were lost , and became subjects in possession to another king : much more did they enjoy it , as long as they continued under the kings subjection . therefore to open the state of this point . after these provinces were through the perturbations of the state in the infortunate time ofk. iohn lost , and severed , the principall persons which did adhere unto the french were attainted of treason , and their efcheats here in england taken and seized . but the people that could not resist the tempest , when their heads and leaders were revolted , continued inheritable to their possessions in england , and reciprocally the people of england inherited and succeeded to their possessions in gascoyne , and were both accounted , ad fidem utriusque regis , untill the statute of proerogativa regis , wherein the wisdome and justice of the law of england is highly to be commended . for of this law , there are two grounds of reason , the one of equity , the other of policy . that of equity was because the common people were in no fault , but as the scripture saith in a like case , quid fecerunt oves iftoe ? it was the cowardise and disloyalty of their governours that deserved punishmēt , butwhat had these sheep done , and therefore to have punish't them , and deprived them of their lands & fortunes had bin unjust . that of policy was , because if the law had forthwith upon the losse of the countreyes by an accident of time pronounced the people for aliens , it had been a kind of cession of their right , and a diselaymer in them , and so a greater difficulty to recover them . and therefore we see the statute , which altered the law in this point , was made in the time of a weake king , that , as it seemed , despaired ever to recover his right , and therefore thought better to have a little present profit by escheats , then the continuance of his claime , and the countenance of his right by the admitting of them to enjoy their inheritances , as they did before . the state therefore of this point , being thus opened , it resteth to prove our assertion that they were naturalized ; for the clearing whereof , i shall need but to reade the authorities , they be so direct and pregnant . the first is the very text of the statute of praerogativa regis . rex habebit escaetas de terris normannorum cujuscunque feodi fuerint , salvo servitio , quod pertinet ad capitales dominos feodi illius , & hoc similiter intelligendum est , si aliqua haereditus descendat alicui nato in partibus transmarinis , & cujus antecefsores fuerunt ad fidem regis franciae , ut tempore regis iohannis , & non ad fidem regis angliae , sicut contigit de baronia monumetae , &c. by which statute it appeares plainly that before the time of king iohn , there was no colour of any escheare , because they were the kings subjects in possession , as scotland now is , but onely it determines the law , from that time forward . this statute if it had in it any obscurity , it is taken away by two lights , the one placed before it , and th'other placed after it , both authors of great credit the 〈◊〉 for antient , th'other for late times . the former is 〈◊〉 in his cap. de exception 〈…〉 , lib. 5. fol. 427. and his words are these , est etiam & alia exceptie quae tenenti competitex persona petentis propter defectum nationis , quae dilatoria est , & nonperimit actionem , ut si qnis alienigena qui fuerit ad fidem regis franciae , & actionem instituat versus aliquem qui fuerit ad fidem regis angliae , tali nonrespondeatur saltem donec terrae fuerint communes . by these words it appeareth , that after the losse of the provinces beyond the seas , the naturalization of the subjects of those provinces was in no sort extinguished , but onely was in suspence during time of warre and no longer ; for he saith plainly , that the exception which we call plea to the person of alien , was not peremptory but onely dilatory , that is to say , during the time of war , and untill there were peace concluded , which hee tearmes by these words , donec terrae fuerint communes , which though the phrase seeme somewhat obscure is expounded by bracton himselfe in his fourth booke , fol. 297. to be of peace made and concluded whereby the inhabitants of england , and those provinces might enjoy the profits and fruits of their lands in either place communiter , that is respectively , or as well the one as th'other : so as it is cleere , they were no aliens in right , but onely interrupted and debarred of suites in the kings courts in time of warre . the authority after the statute , is , that of master stamfords , the best expositor of a statute that hath bin in our law , a man of reverend judgment , & excellent order in his writings , his words are in his expositiō upon the branch of that statute which we read before . by this branch it should appeare , that at this time men of normandy , gascoyne , guienne , anjou , and brittaine were inheritable within this realme , aswell as english-men , because that they were sometimes subjects to the kings of england and under their dominion , untill k. johns time , as is aforesaid , & yet after his time , those men ( saving such whose lands were taken away for treason ) were still inheritable within this realme , till the making of this statute , and in the time of peace betweene the two kings of england , and france , they were answerable within this realme , if they had brought any action for their lands and tenements . so as by these three authorities , every one so plainly pursuing th'other , we conclude that the subjects of gascoyne , guienne , anjou , and the rest from their first union by descent , untill the making of the statute , of praerogativa regis , were inheritable in england , and to be answered in the kings courts in all actions , except it were in time of warre . nay more ( which is de abundante ) that when the provinces were lost , and disannexed , and that the king was but king de jure over them , and not de facto : yet neverthelesse , the priviledge of naturalization continued . there resteth yet one objection , rather plausible to a popular understanding , then any waies forcible in law , or learning , which is a difference taken between the kingdome of scotland , and these dutchies , for that the one is a kingdome , and th'other was not so , and therefore that those provinces being of an inferiour nature , did acknowledge our lawes , and seales , and parliament which the kingdome of scotland doth not . this difference was well given over by mr. walter , for it is plaine , that a kingdome and absolute dukedome , or any other soveraigne estate doe differ honore , and not potestate ; for divers dutchies , and countries that are now , were sometimes kingdomes ; and divers kingdomes that are now , were sometimes dutchies , or of other inferiour style , wherein we neede not travaile abroad since we have in our owne state so notorious an instance of the countrey of ireland , whereof king h. 8. of late time was the first that writ himselfe king the former style being l. of ireland and no more , and yet kings had the same authority before , that they have had since and the same nation the same marks of a soveraigne state , as their parliaments , their armes , their coynes , as they now have , so as this is too superficiall an allegation labour upon . and if any doe conceive , that gascoyne and guyenne were governed by the lawes of england . first , that cannot be in reason , for it is a true ground , that wheresoever any princes title unto any countrey is by law , he can never change the lawes , for that they create his title : and therefore no doubt those dutchies retained their owne lawes , which if they did , then they could not be subject to the lawes of england and next againe the fact or practize was otherwise , as appeareth by all consent of story and record : for those dutchies continued governed by the civill law , their tryalls by witresses and not by jurie , their lands testamentary , and the like . now for the colours , that some have endeavoured to give , that they should have beene subordinate to the government of england , they were partly weake , and partly such as make strongly against them , for as to that , that writs of habeas corpus under the great seale of england have gone to gascoyne , it is no manner of proofe , for that the kings writs which are mendatory and not writs of ordinary justice may goe to his subjects into any forraine parts whatsoever , and under what seale it pleaseth him to use ; and as to that , that some acts of parliament have beene cited , wherein the parliaments of england have taken upon them to order matters of gascoyne , if those statutes be well looked into , nothing doth more plainly convince the contrary , for they intermeddle with nothing but that that concerneth either the english subjects personally , or the territories of england locally , and never the subjects of gascoyne , for looke upon the statute of 27. of ed. 3. ca. 5. there it is said , that there shall be no fore-stasting of wines , but by whom ? onely by english merchants , not a word of the subjects of gascoyne , and yet no doubt they mighr be offenders in the same kind . so in the sixt chapter it is said , that all marchants , gascoyoes may safely bring wines into what part it shall please them , here now are the persons of gascoynes , but then the place whether● into the realme of england , and in the 7. chap. that erects the ports of burdeaux and bayonne , for the staple townes of wine , the statute ordaines that if any , but who ? english marchant or his servants shall buy or bargaine other where , his body shall be arrested by the steward of gascoyne , or the constable of burdeaux : true , for the officers of england could not catch him in gascoyne , but what shall become of him , shall he be proceeded with within gascoyne ? no , but he shall be sent over into england into the tower of london . and this doth notably disclose the reason of that custome , which some have sought to wrest the other way , that custome , i say , whereof a forme doth yet remaine , that in every parliament the king doth appoint certaine committees in the upper-house to receive the petitions of normandy , guyenne and the rest , which as by the former statute doth appeare could not be for the ordering of the governments there , but for the liberties , and good usage of the subjects of those parts , when they came hither , or via versa , for the restraining of the abuses and misdemeanors of our subjects when they went thither . wherefore i am now at an end . for us to speake of the mischiefes , i hold it not fit for this place , left we should seeme to bend the lawes to policy and not to take them in their true and naturall sense . it is enough that every man knowes , that it is true of these two kingdomes , which a good father said of the churches of christ : si inseparabiles insuperabiles . some things i may have forgot , and some things perhaps i may forget willingly ; for i will not presse any opinion or declaration of late time which may prejudice the liberty of this debate , but ex dictis , & ex non dictis , upon the whole matter i prove judgement for the plaintiffe . new atlantis a work unfinished / written by the right honourable francis, lord verulam, viscount st. alban. bacon, francis, 1561-1626. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a28291 of text r21978 in the english short title catalog (wing b307). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 99 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 21 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a28291 wing b307 estc r21978 12619150 ocm 12619150 64462 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a28291) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 64462) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 342:5) new atlantis a work unfinished / written by the right honourable francis, lord verulam, viscount st. alban. bacon, francis, 1561-1626. [4], 36 p. s.n., [london : 1658?] "magnalia naturæ, præcipue quoad usus humanos": p. 21 [i.e. 35]-36. imprint from nuc pre-1956 imprints. reproduction of original in library of congress. eng utopias. a28291 r21978 (wing b307). civilwar no new atlantis. a vvork unfinished. vvritten by the right honourable, francis, lord uerulam, viscount st. alban. bacon, francis 1658 18580 198 0 0 0 0 0 107 f the rate of 107 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the f category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2002-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-04 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-05 tcp staff (oxford) sampled and proofread 2002-05 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-06 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion new atlantis . a vvork unfinished , written by the right honourable , francis , lord verulam , viscount st. alban . to the reader . this fable my lord devised , to the end that he might exhibit therein , a modell or description of a college , instituted for the interp●eting of nature , and the producing of great and marvellous works , for the benefit of men ; vnder the name of salomons house , or the college of the six dayes works . and even so farre his lor●ship hath proceeded , as to finish that part. certainly the modell is more vast , and high , than can possibly be imitated in all things ; notwithstanding most things therein are within mens power to effect . his lordship thought also in this present fable , to have composed a frame of lawes , or of the best state or mould of a common-wealth ; but foreseeing it would be a long work , his desire of collecting the natural history diverted him , which he preferred many degrees before it . this work of the new atlantis ( as much as concerneth the english edition ) his lordship designed for this place ; in regard it hath so near affinity ( in one part of it ) with the preceding natural history . vv. rawley . new atlantis . we sailed from peru , ( where we had continued by the space of one whole year ) for china and iapan , by the south sea ; taking with us victuals for twelve months ; and had good winds from the east , though soft and weak , for five mo●ths space and more . but then the wind came about , and setled in the west for many daies , so as we could make little or no way , and were sometimes in purpose to turn back . but then again there arose strong and great vvinds from the south , with a point east ; which carried us up , ( for all that we could do ) towards the north : by which time our victuals failed us , though we had made good spare of them . so that finding our selves , in the midst of the greatest vvilderness of waters in the world , without victuall , we gave our selves for lost men , and prepared for death . yet we did lift up our hearts and voices to god above , who sheweth his wonders in the deep ; beseeching him of his mercy , that as in the beginning he discovered the face of the deep , and brought forth drie-land : so he would now discover land to us , that we might not perish . and it came to pass , that the next day about evening , we saw within a kenning before us , towards the north , as it were thicker clouds , which did put us in some hope of land : knowing how that part of the south-sea was utterly unknown : and might have ●slands or continents , that hitherto were not come to light . vvherefore we bent our course thither , where we saw the appearance of land , all that night . and in the dawning of the next day , we might plainly discern that it was a land flat to our sight , and full of boscage : which made it shew the more da●k . and after an hour and a halfes sayling , we entred into a good haven , being the port of a fair city . not great indeed , but well built , and that gave a pleasant view from the sea . and we thinking every minute long , till we were on land , came close to the shore , and offered to land . but straight waies we saw divers of the people , with bastons in their hands , ( as it were ) forbidding us to land : yet without any cries or fiercenesse , but only as warning us off , by signes that they made . whereupon being not a little discomforted , we were advising with our selves , what we should do . during which time , there made forth to us a small boat , with about eight persons in it , whereof one of them had in his hand a tip-staffe of a yellow cane , tipped at both ends with blew , who made aboard our ship , without any shew of distrust at all● and when he saw one of our number , present himself somewhat afore the rest , he drew forth a little scroul of parchment ( somewhat yellower than our parchment , and shining like the leaves of vvriting tables , but otherwise soft and flexible , ) and delivered it to our formost man . in which scroul were written in antient hebre● , and in antient greek , and in good latine of the school , and in spanish , these words ; land ye not , none of you ; and provide to be gone from this coast , within sixteen daies , except you have further time given you : mean while , if you want fresh water , or victual , or help for your sick , or that your ship needeth repair , write down your wants , and you shall have that which b●longeth to mercy . this scroul was signed with a stamp of cherubims wings , not spread but hanging downwards ; and by them a crosse . this being delivered , the officer returned , and left only a servant with us to receive our answer . consulting ●●reupon amongst our selves , we were much perplexed . the deniall of landing , and hasty vvarning us away , troubled us much : on the other side , to find that the people had languages , and were so full of humanity , did comfort us not a little . and above all , the sign of the crosse to that instrument , was to us a great rejoycing , and as it were a certain presage of good . our answer was in the spanish tongue ; that for our ship , it was well ; for we had rather met with calmes and contrary winds , than any tempests . for our sick , they were many , and in very ill case ; so that if they were not permitted to land , they ran in danger of their lives . our other vvants wee let down in particular , adding ; that we had some little store of merchandize , which if it pleased them to deal for , it might supply our wants , without being chargeable unto them . vve offered some reward in pistolets unto the servant , and a piece of crimson velvet to be presented to the officer : but the servant took them not , nor would scarce look upon them ; and so left us , and went back in another little boat which was sent for him . about three hours after we had dispatched our answer , there came toward us , a person ( as it seemed , ) of place . he had on him a gown with wide sleeves , of a kind of vvater chamolet , of an excellent azure colour , far more glossy than ours : his under apparell was green , and so was his hat , being in the form of a turban , daintily made , and not so huge as the turkish turbans ; and the locks of his hair came down below the brims of it . a reverend man was he to behold . he came in a boat , gilt in some part of it , with four persons more onely in that boat ; and was followed by another boat , wherein were some twenty . vvhen he was come within a flight-shot of our ship , signes were made to us , that we should send forth some to meet him upon the water , which we presently did in our ship-boat , sending the principal man amongst us save one , and four of our number with him . vvhen we were come within six yards of their boat , they called to us to stay , and not to approach further , which we did . and thereupon the man , whom i before described , stood up , and with a loud voyce in spanish , asked , are ye christians ? vve answered , we were ; fearing the lesse , because of the crosse we had seen in the subscription . at which answer the said person lift up his right hand towards heaven , and drew it softly to his mouth ( which is the gesture they use , when they thank god ; ) and then said : if you will swear , ( all of you ) by the merits of the saviour , that ye are no pirates ; nor have shed bloud , lawfully , nor unlawfully , within forty daies past ; you may have license to come on land . we said , we were all ready to take that oath . vvhereupon one of those that were with him , being ( as it seemed ) a notary , made an entry of this act. which done , another of the attendants of the great person , which was with him in the same boat , after his lord had spoken a little to him , said aloud : my lord would have you know , that it is not of pride , or greatnesse , that he commeth not aboard your ship : but for that , in your answer , you declare , that you have many sick amongst you , he was warned by the conservatour of health , of the city , that he should keep a distance . vve bowed our selves towards him , and answered : we were his humble servants ; and accounted for great honour , and singular humanity toward us , that which was already done● but hoped well , that the nature of the sicknesse , of our men , was not infectious . so he returned ; and a while after came the notary to us aboard our ship ; holding in his hand a fruit of that country , like an orenge , but of colour between orenge-tawny and scarlet : which cast a most excellent odour . he used it ( as i● seemeth ) for a preservative against infection . he gave us our oath ; by the name of iesus and his merits ; and after told us , that the next day by six of the clock in the morning , we should be sent to , and brought to the strangers house , ( so he called it ) where we should be accommodated of things , both for our vvhole , and for our sick . so he left us ; and when we offered him some pistolets , he smiling , said : he must not be twice paid for one labour : meaning ( as i take it ) that he had salary sufficient of the state for his service . for ( as i after learned ) they call an officer that taketh rewards , twice paid . the next morning early , there came to us the same officer , that came to us at first with his cane , and told us : he came to conduct us to the strangers house : and that he had prevented the hour , because we might have the whole day before us , for our businesse . for ( said he ) if you will follow my advice , there shall first go with me some few of you , and see the place , and how it may be made convenient for you : and then you may send for your sick , and the rest of your number , which ye will bring on land . vve thanked him , and said : that this care , which he took of desolate strangers , god would reward . and so six of us went on land with him : and when we were on land , he went before us , and turned to us , and said ; he was but our servant , and our guide● he led us through three fair streets ; and all the vvay we went , there were gathered some people on both sides , standing in a row : but in so civil a fashion , as if it had been , not to wonder at us , but to wel●om us ; and divers of them , as we passed by them , put their armes a little abroad , which is their gesture , when they bid any welcom . the strangers house is a fair and spacious house , built of brick , of somewhat a blewer colour than our brick : and with handsome vvindows , some of glasse , ●ome of a kind of cambrick oyled . he brought us first into a fair parlour above stairs , and then asked us : what number of persons we were ? and how many sick ? we answered , we were in all ( sick and whole ) one and fifty persons , whereof our sick were seventeen . he desired us to have patience a little , and to stay till he came back to us ; which was about an hour● after ; and then he led us to see the chambers , which were provided for us , being in number nineteen . they having cast it ( as it seemeth ) that four of those chambers , which were better than the rest , might receive fo● of the principal men of our company● and lodge them alone by themselves ; and the other fifteen chambers were to lodge us , two and two together . the chambers were handsome and chearfull chambers , and furnished civilly . then he led us to a long gallery , like a dorture , where he shewed us all along the one side ( for the other side was but wall and window ) seventeen cells , very neat ones , having partitions of cedar wood . vvhich gallery , and cells , being in all 40● ( many more than we needed , ) were instituted as an infirmary for sick persons . and he told us withall , that as any of our sick waxed well , he might be removed from his cell , to a chamber : for which purpose there were set forth ten spare chambers , besides the number we spake of before . this done , he brought us back to the parlour , and lifting up his cane a littl● ( as they do when they give any charge or command ) said to us ; yee are to know that the custome of the land requireth , that after this day , and to morrow , ( which we give you for removing your people from your ship , ) you are to keep within doores for three daies . but let it not trouble you , nor do not think your selves restrained , but rather le●t to your rest and ease . you shall want nothing ; and there are six of our people appointed to attend you , for any businesse you may have abroad . we gave him thanks with all affection and respect , and said ; god surely is manifested in this land . vve offered him also twenty pistolets ; but he smiled , and only said ; what ? twice paid ! and so he left us . soon after our dinner was served in ; vvhich was right good viands , both for bread and meat : better than any collegiate diet , that i have known in europe . vve had also drink of three sorts , all wholsome and good ; wine of the grape ; a drink of grain , such as is w●th us our ale , but more clear : and a kind o● sider made of a fruit of that countrey ; a wonderfull pleasing and refreshing drink . besides , there were brought in to us , great store of those scarlet orenges , for our sick ; which ( they said ) were an assured remedy for sicknesse taken at sea . there was given us also , a box of small gray , or whitish pills , which they wished our sick should take , one of the pills every nigh● before sleep ; which ( they said ) would hasten their recovery . the next day , after that our trouble of carriage , and removing of our men , and goods out of our shipp , was som●what setled and quiet , i thought good to call our company together ; and when they were assembled , said unto them ; my dear friends , let us know our 〈◊〉 , and how it standeth with us . we are men cast on land , as jonas was , out of the whales belly , when we were as buried in the deep : and now we are on land , we are but between death and life ; for we are beyond , both the old world and the new ; and whether ever we shall see europe , god only knoweth . it is a kind of miracle hath brought us hither : and it must be little lesse that shall bring us hence . therefore in regard of our deliverance past , and our danger present , and to come , let us look up to god , and every man reform his own waies . besides , we are come here amongst a christian people , full of pietie and humanity : let us not bring that confusion of ●ace upon our selves , as to shew our vices , or unworthinesse before them . yet there is more : for they have by commandement , ( though in form of courtesie ) cloystred us within these walls for three daies : who knoweth , whether it be not , to take some taste of our manners and conditions ? and if they find them b●d , to banish us straightwaies ; if good , to give us further time . for these men , that they have given us for attendance , may withall have an eye upon us . therefore for gods love , and as wee love the weal of our soules and bodies , let us so behave our selves , as we may be at peace with god , and may find grace in the eyes of this people . our company with one voyce thanked me for my good admonition , and promised me to live soberly and civilly , and without giving any the least occasion of offence . so we spent our three daies joyfully , and without care , in expectation what would be done with us , when they were expired . during which time , we had every hour joy of the amendment of our sick ; who thought themselves cast into some divine pool of healing ; they mended so kindly , and so fast . the morrow after our three daies were past , there came to us a new man , that we had not seen before , clothed in blew as the former was , save that his turban was white with a small red crosse on the top. he had also a tippet of fine linnen . at his comming in , he did bend to us a little , and put his a●ms abroad . we of our parts saluted him in a very lowly and submissive manner ; as looking that from him we should receive sentence of li●e , or death . he desired to speak with some few of us ; vvhereupon six of us only stayed , and the rest avoided the room . he said ; i am by office governour of this house of strangers , and by vocation i am a christian priest ; and therefore am come to you , to offer you my service , both as strangers , and chiefly as christians . some things i may tell you , which i think you will not be unwilling to hear . the state hath given you licence to stay on land for the space of six weeks : and let it not trouble you , if your occasions ask further time , for the law in this point is not precise ; and i do not doubt , but my self shall be able to obtain for you such further time as shall be convenient . ye shall also understand , that the strangers house , is at this time rich , and much aforehand ; for it hath laid up revenew these 37 yea●● : for so long it is since any stranger arived in this part : and therefore take ye no care● the state will defray you all the time you stay : neither shall you stay one day lesse for that . as for any merchandize you have brought , ye shall be well used , and have your return , either in merchandize , or in gold and silver : for to ●s it is all one . and if you have any other request to make , hide it not . for ye shall find , we will not make your countenance to fall , by the answer ye shall receive . only this i must tell you , that none of you must go above a karan , ( that is with them a mile and an half ) from the wa●ls of the city , without special leave . vve answered , after we had looked a while upon one another , admiring this gracious and parent-like usage ; that we could not tell what to say : for we wanted words to expresse our thanks ; and his noble free offers left us nothing to ask . it seemed to us , that we had before us a picture of our salvation in heaven : for we that were a while since in the iaws of death , were now brought into a place , where we found nothing but consolations . for the command●ment laid upon us , we would not fail to obey it , though it was impossible but our hearts should be enflamed to tread further upon this happy and holy ground . vve added ; that our tongues should first cleave to the roofes of our mouths , ere we should forget , either this reverend person , or this whole nation , in our prayers . vve also most humbly besought him to accept of us as his true servants , by as just a right , as ever men on earth were bounden ; laying and presenting , both our persons , and all we had at his feet . he said ; he was a priest , and looked for a priests reward ; which was our brotherly love , and the good of our souls and bodies . so he went from us , not without tears of tendernesse in his eyes ; and left us also confused with joy and kindnesse , saying amongst our selves ; that we were come into a land of angels● which did appear to us daily , and prevent us with comforts , which we thought not of , much less expected . the next day about ten of the clock , the governour came to us again , and after salutations said familiarly ; that he was come to visit us ; and called for a chair , and sate him down : and we being some ten of us ( the rest were of the meaner sort , or else gone abroad , ) sate down with him : and when we were set , he began thus . we of this island of bensalem ( for so they call it in their language ) have this : that by means of our solitary situation , and of the laws of secrecy , which we have for our travellers , and our rare admission of strangers ; we know well most part of the ●●bitable world , and are our selves unknown . therefore because he that knoweth least is fittest to ask questions , it is more reason , for the entertainment of the time , that ye ask me questions , than that i ask you . vve answered , that we humbly thanked him , that he would give us leave so to do : and that we conceived by the taste we had already , that there w●s no worldly thing on earth , more worthy to be known , than the state of that happy land . but above all ( we said ) since that we were met from the several ends of the world , and hoped assuredly , that we should meet one day in the kingdom of heaven ( for that we were both parts christians ) we desired to know ( in respect that land was so remote , and so divided by vast and unknown seas from the land where our saviour walked on earth ) who was the apostle of that nation , and how it was converted to the faith ? it appeared in his face , that he took great contentment in this our question : he said , ye knit my heart to you , by asking this question in the first place : for it sheweth , that you first seek the kingdom of heaven : and i shall gladly , and briefly , satisfie your demand . about twenty years after the ascension of our saviour , it came to pass , that there was seen by the people of renfusa , ( a city upon the eastern coast of our island , ( within night , ) the night was cloudy and calm , ) as it might be some mile in the sea , a great pillar of light ; not sharp , but in form of a column , or cylinder , rising from the sea , a great way up towards heaven : and on the top of it was seen a large crosse of light , more bright and resplendent than the body of the pillar . upon which so strange a spectacle , the people of the city gathered apace together upon the sands , to wonder ; and so after put themselves into a number of small boats to go nearer to this marvellous sight . but when the boats were come within ( about ) sixty yards of the pillar , they found themselves all bound , and could go no further , yet so as they might move to go about , but might not approach nearer : so as the boats stood all as in a theater , beholding this light , as an heavenly sign . it so fell out , that there was in one of the boats , one of the wise men , of the society of salomons house : which house or college ( my good brethren ) is the very eye of this kingdome ; who having a while attentively and devoutly viewed , and contemplated this pillar and crosse , fell down upon his face : and then raised himself upon his knees , and lifting up his hands to heaven , made his prayers in this manner . lord god of heaven and earth , thou hast vouchsafed of thy grace , to those of our order , to know thy works of creation , and true secrets of them ; and to discern ( as far as appertaineth to the generations of men ) between divine miracles , works of nature , works of art , and impostures , and illu●ions of all sorts . i do here acknowledge and testifie before this people , that the thing we now see before our eyes , is thy finger , and a true miracle●and for as-much , as we learn in our books , that thou never workest miracles , but to a diviue and excellent end , ( for the laws of nature are thine own laws , and thou exceedest them not but upon good cause ) we most humbly beseech thee , to prosper this great sign , and to give us the interpretation and use of it in mercy ; vvhich thou dost in some part secretly promise , by sending it unto us . when he had made his prayer , he presently found the boat he was in , moveable and unbound ; whereas all the rest remained still fast ; and taking that for an assurance of leave to approach , he caused the boat to be softly , and with silence rowed towards the pillar . but ere he came near it , the pillar and crosse of light brake up ; and cast it self abroad , as it were into a firmament of many starres ; which also vanished soon after , and there was nothing left to be seen , but a small ark , or chest of cedar , dry , and not wet at all with water , though it swam . and in the fore-end of it , which was towards him , grew a small green branch of palm ; and when the wise man had taken it with all reverence into his boat , it opened of it self , and there was found in it a book , and a letter ; both written in fine parchment , and wrapped in sindons of linnen . the book contained all the canonical books of the old and new testament , according as you have them ; ( for we know well what the churches with you receive ; ) and the apocalypse it self ; and some other books of the new testament , which were not at that time written , were neverthelesse in the book . and for the letter , it was in these words . i bartholomew , a servant of the highest , and apostle of iesvs christ , was warned by an angel that appeared to me , in a vision of glory , that i should commit this ark to the flouds of the sea . therefore i do testifie and declare , unto that people , where god shall ordain this ark to come to land , that in the same day is come unto them salvation , and peace , and good vvill from the father , and from the lord iesvs . there was also in both these writings , as well the book , as the letter , wrought a great miracle , conform to that of the apostles , in the original gift o● tongues . for there being at that time , in thi● land , hebrews , persians , and indians , besides the natives , every one read upon the book , and letter , as if they had been written in his own language . and thus was this land saved from infidelity ; ( as the remain of the old world was from water ) by an ark , through the apostolical and miraculous evangelisme of s. bartholomew . and here he paused , and a messenger came , and called him forth from us . so this was all that passed in that conference . the next day , the same governor came again to us , immediately after dinner , and excused himself , saying ; that the day before be was called from us somewhat abruptly , but now he would make us amends , and spend time with us , if we held his company and conference agreeable ; vve answered ; that we held it so agreeable and pleasing to us , as we forgot both dangers past , and fears to come , for the time we heard him speak ; and that we thought a hour spent with him , was worth years of our former life . he bowed himself a little to us , and after we were set again , he said ; well , the questions are on your part . one of our number said , after a little pause ; that there was a matter , we were no lesse desirous to know , than fearfull to ask , lest we might presume too far . but incouraged by his rare humanity toward us , ( that could scarce think our selves strangers , being his vowed and professed servants , ) we would take the hardnesse to propound it : humbly beseeching him , if he thought it not fit to be answered , that he would pardon it , though he rejected it . vve said ; we well observed those his words , which he formerly spake , that this happy island , where we now stood , was known to few , and yet knew most of the nations of the world ; which we fou●d to be true , considering they had the languages of europe , and knew much of our state and businesse : and yet we in europe ( notwithstanding all the remote discoveries , and navigations of this last age ) never heard any of the least inkling or glimpse of this island . this we found wonderfull strange ; for that all nations have enterknowledge one of another , either by voyage into forein parts , or by strangers that come to them : and though the traveller into a forein country , doth commonly know more by the eye , than he that stayed at home can by relation of the traveller ; yet both waies suffice to make a mutual knowledge , in some degree , on both parts . but for this island , we never heard tell of any ship of theirs , that had been seen to a●ive upon any shore of europe ; no , nor of either the east , or vvest indies , nor yet of any ship of any other part of the world , that had made return for them . and yet the marvell rested not in this . for the situation of it ( as his lordship said ) in the secret conclave of such a vast sea mought cause it . but then , that they should have knowledge of the languages , books , affairs , of those that lye such a distance from them , it was a thing we could not tell what to make of ; for that it seemed to us a condition and propriety of divine powers and beings , to be hidden and unseen to others , and yet to have others open , and as in a light to them . at this speech the governour gave a gracious smile , and said ; that we did well to ask pardon for this questi●n we now asked ; for that it imported , as if we thought this land a land of magicians , that sent forth spirits of the ayr into all parts , to bring them news , and intelligence of other countries . it was answered by us all , in all possible humblenesse , but yet with a countenance taking knowledge , that we knew that he spake it but merrily . that we were apt enough to think , there was somewhat supernatural in t●is island , but yet rather as angelical , than magical . but to let his lordship know truly , what it was that made us tender and doubtfull to ask this question , it was not any such conceit , but because we remembred , hee had given a touch in his former speech , that this land had laws of secrecy touching strangers : to this he said ; you remember it aright : and therefore in that i shall say to you , i must reserve some particulars , which it is not lawful● for me to reveal ; but there will be enough left to give you satisfaction . you shall understand ( that which perhaps you will scarce think credible ) that about three thousand years ago , or somewhat more , the navigation of the world ( specially for remote voyages ) was greater than at this day . do not think with your se●ves , that i know not how much it is increased with you , within these threescore years : i know it well● and yet i say , greater then , than no● : whether it was , that the example of the ark , that saved the remnant of men , from the universal deluge , gave men confidence to adventure upon the waters ; or what it was ; but such is the truth . the phoeniceans , and specially the tyrians , ●ad great fleets . so had the carthaginians their colony , which is yet further west . toward the east the shipping of egypt , and of palestina , was likewise great . china also , and the great atlantis , ( that you call america ) which have now but iunks , and canoas , abounded then in tall ships . this island , ( as appeareth by faithfull registers of those times ) had then fifteen hundred strong ships● of great content . of all this , there is with you sparing memory , or none ; but we have large knowledge thereof . at that time , this land was known and frequented by the ships and v●ss●●s of all the nations beforenamed . and ( as it commeth to passe ) they had many times men of other countries , that were no saylers , that came with them ; as persians , chaldeans , arabians ; so as almost all nations of might and fame r●sorted hither ; of whom , we have some stirps , and little tribes with us , at this day . and for our own ships , they went sundry voyages , as well to your streights , which you call the pillars of hercules , as to other parts in the atlantique and mediterrane seas ; as to paguin , ( which is the same with cambalaine ) and quinzy , upon the oriental seas , as far as to the borders of the east tartary . at the same time , and an age a●ter , or more , the inhabitants of the great atlantis did flourish . for though the narration and description which is made by a great man with you , that the descendents ●f neptune planted there ; and of the magnificent temple , palace , city , and hill ; and the manifold streams of goodly navigable rivers , which ( as so many chains ) invironed the same site , and temple ; and the several degrees of ascent , whereby men did climbe up to the same , as i● it had been a scala coeli ; be all poeticall and fabulous : yet so much is true , that the said country of atlantis ; as well that of peru then called coya , as that of mexico , then named tyrambel , were mighty and proud kingdomes , in arms , shipping , and riches : so mighty , as at one time ; ( or at least within the space of ten years , ) they both made two great expeditions ; they of tyrambel through the atlantique to the mediterrane sea ; and they of coya , through the south sea upon this our island : and for the former of these , which was into europe , the same author amongst you ( as as it seemeth ) had some relation from the aegyptian priest , whom he citeth . for assuredly , such a thing there was . but whether it were the antient athenians , that had the glory of the repulse , and resistance of those forces , i can say nothing : but certain it is , there never came back either ship , or man from that voyage . neither had the other voyage of those of coya upon us , had better fortune , if they had not met with enemies of greater clemency . for the king of this island , ( by name altabin ) a wise man , and a great warrier ; knowing well ●oth his own strength , and that of his enemies ; handled the matter so , as he cut off their land-forces , from their ships , and entoyled both their navy , and their camp , with a greater power than theirs , both by sea and land : and compelled them to render themselves without striking stroke : and after they were at his mercy , contenting himself only with their oath , that they should no more bear arms against him , dismissed them all in safety . but the divine revenge overtook not long after those proud enterprises . for within lesse than the space of one hundred years , the great atlantis was utterly lost and destroyed : not by a great earthquake , as your man saith ; ( for that whole trac● is little subject to earth-quakes ; ) but by a particular deluge , or inundation ; those countries having , at this day , farre greater rivers , and farre higher mountains , to pour down waters , than any part of the old world . but it is true , that the same inundation was not deep ; not past forty foot , in most places , from the ground ; so that although it destroyed man and beast generally , yet some few wild inhabitants of the wood escaped . birds also were saved by flying to the high trees and woods . f●r as for men , although they had buildings in many places , higher than the depth of the water ; y●● that inundation , though it were shallow , had a long continuance ; whereby they of the vale , that were not drowned , perished for want of food , and other things necessary . so as marvell you not at the thin population of america , nor at the rudenesse and ignorance of the people ; for you must account your i●habitants of america as a young people ; younger a thousa●d years , at the least , than the rest of the world : for that there was so much time , between the universal flood ; and their particular inundation . for the poor r●mnant of humane seed , which remained in their mountains , pe●pled the countrie again slo●ly , by little and little ; and being simple and a savage people ( not like noah and his sons , which was the chief family of the earth ) they were not able to leave letters , arts , and civility to their posterity ; and having likewise in their mountainous habitations been used , ( in respect of the extreme cold of those regions ) to cloath themselves with the skinnes of tygers , beares , and great hairy goats , that they have in those parts ; when afer they came down into the valley , and fo●nd the intolerable heats which are there , and knew no means of lighter apparell ; they were forced to begin the custo●e of going naked , which continueth at this day . only they take great pride and delight , in the feathers of birds ; and this al●o they took from those their ancestors of the mountains , who wer● invited unto it , by the infinite flight of birds , that came up to the high grounds , while the waters stood below . so you see , by this main . accident of time , we lost our traffique with the amercians , with whom , of all others , in regard , they lay nearest to us , we had most commerce . as for the other parts of the world , it is most manifest , that in the ages following , ( whether , it were in respect of warres , or by a natural revolution of time , ) navigation did eve●y where greatly decay ; and specially , farre voyages , ( the rather by the use of gallies , and such vessels as could hardly brook the ocean ) were altogether left and omitted . so then , that part o● entercourse , which could be from other nations , to sayl to us ; you see how it hath long since ceased ; except it were by some rare accident , as this of yours . but now of the cessation of that other part of entercourse , which mought be by our sayling to other nations , i must yield you some other cause . for i cannot say , ( if i should say truly , ) but our shipping , for number , strength , mariners , pylots , and all things that appertain to navigation , is as great as ever ; and therefore why we should sit at home , i shall now give you an account by it self ; and it ●ill draw nearer , to give you satisfaction , to your principal question . there reigned in this island , about 1900 years ago , a king , whose memory of all others we most adore ; not superstitiously , but as a divine instrument , though a mortal man : his name was salomona : and we esteem him as the law-giver of our nation . this king had a large heart , inscrutable ●or good ; and was wholly bent to make his kingdome and people happy . he therefore taking into consideration , how sufficient and substantive this land was , to maintain it self without any ayd ( at all ) of the foreiner ; being 5600 mile in circuit , and of rare fertility of soyl , in the greatest part thereof ; and finding also the shipping of this country mo●ght be plentifully set on work , both by fishing , and by transportations from port to port , and likewise by sayling unto some small islands that are not farre from us , and are under the crown and laws of this state ; and recalling into his memory , the happy and flourishing estate , wherein this land then was ; so as it mought be a thousand waies alte●e● to the worse , but scarce any one way to the better ; thought nothing wanted to his noble and heroical intentions , but only ( as farre as humane foresight mought reach ) to give perpetuity to that , which was in his time so happily established● therefore amongst his other fundamental laws of this kingdome , he did ordain , the interdicts and prohibitions , which we have touching entrance of strangers ; which at that time ( though it was after the calamity of america ) was frequent ; doubting novelties and commixture of manners . it is true , the like law , against the admission of strangers without licence , is an antient law , in the kingdome of china , and yet continued in use . but there it is a poor thing ; and hath made them a curious , ignora●t , fearf●ll foolish nation . but our law-giver made his law of an●ther temper . for fi●st , he hath preserved all points of humanity , in taking order , and making provision for the relie● of strangers distressed ; whereof you have t●sted . at which speech ( as reason was ) we all rose up● and bowed our selves . he went on . that king also still desiring to joyn humanity and policy together ; and thinking it against humanity , to detein strangers here against their wills ; and against policy , that they should return , and discover their knowledge of this estate , hee took this course : h● did ordain , that of the strangers , that should be permitted to land● as many ( at a●l times ) might depart as would ; but as man● as would stay , should have very good conditions , and means to live , from the state . wherein he saw so farre , that now in so many ages since the prohibition , we , have memory , not of one ship that ever returned , and but of thirteen persons only , at several times , that chose to return in our bottomes . what those few that returned , may have reported abroad , i know not . but you must think , whatsoever they have said , could be taken where they came , but for a dream . now for our travelling from hence into parts abroad , our law-giver thought fit , altogether to restrein it . so is it not in china . for the chineses sail where they will , or can ; which sheweth , that their law of keeping out strangers , is a law of pusillanimity and fear . but this restraint of ours , hath one only excep●ion , which is admirable ; preserving the good which commeth by communicating with strangers , and avoiding the hurt : and i will now open it to you . and here i shall seem a little to digresse , but you will by and by find it pertinent . ye shall understand , ( my dear friends , ) that amongst the excellent acts of that king , one above all hath the preheminen●e . it was the erection , and institution of an order , or society , which we call salomons house ; the noblest foundation , ( as we think , ) that ever was upon the earth : and the lanthor●e of this kingdome . it is dedicated to the study of the vvorks and creatures of god . some think it beareth the founders name a little corrupted , as if it should be solamon's house . but the records write it , as it is spoken . so as i take it to be denominate of the king of the hebrews , which is famous with you , and no stranger to us ; for we have some parts of his works , which with you are lost ; namely that natural history , which he wrote of all plants , from the cedar of libanus , to the mosse that groweth out of the vvall . and of all things that have life and motion . this maketh me think that our king finding himself to symbolize , in many things , with that king of the hebrewes ( which lived many years before him ) honoured him with the title of this foundation . and i am the rather induced to be of this opinion , for that i find in antient records , this order or society is sometimes called salomons house ; and sometimes the college of the six daies vvorks ; whereby i am satisfied , that our excellent king had learned from the hebrews , that god had created the world , and all that therein is , within six daies ; and therefore he instituted that house , for the finding out of the true nature of all things ( whereby god mought ●ave the more glory in the workmanship of them , and men the more fruit in their use of them , ) did give it also that second name . but now to come to our present purpose . when the king had forbidden , to all his people , navigation in any part , that was not under his crown , he made neverthelesse this ordinance ; that every twelve years there should be set forth , out of this kingdom , two ships , appointed to several voyages ; that in either of these ships , there should be a mission of three of the fellows , or brethren of salomons house , whose errand was only to give us knowledge of the affairs and state of those countries , to which they were designed ; and especially of the sciences , arts , manufactures , and inventions of all the world ; and withall to ●ring unto us , books , instruments , and paterns , in every kind : that the ships , after they had landed the brethren , should return ; and that the brethren should stay abroad till the new mission . the ships are not otherwise fraught than with store of victuals , and good quantity of treasure to remain with the brethren , for the buying of such things , and rewarding of such persons , as they should think fit . now for me to tell you , how the vulgar sort of mariners are contained from being discovered at land ; and how they that must be put on shore for any time , colour themselves under the names of other nations ; and to what places these voyages have been designed ; and what places of rendezvous are appointed for the new missions ; and the like circumstances of the practique ; i may not do it ; neither is it much to your desire . but thus you see we maintain a trade , not for gold , silver , or iewels , nor for silks , nor for spices ; nor any other commodity of matter ; but only for gods first creature , which was light : to have light ( i say ) of the growth of all parts of the world . and when he had said this , he was silent ; and so were we all . for indeed we were all astonished , to hear so strange things so probably told . and he perceiving that we were willing to say somewhat , but had it not ready , in great courtesie took us off , and descended to ask us questions of our voyage and fortunes , and in the end concluded that we mought do well , to think with our selves , what time of stay we would demand of the state ; and bad us not to scant our selves : for he would procure such time as we desired . vvhereupon we all rose up and presented our selves to kisse the skirt of his tippet , but he would not suffer us ; and so took his leave . but when it came once amongst our people , that the state used to offer conditions to strangers , that would stay , we had work enough to get any of our men to look to our ship ; and to keep them from going presently to the governor , to crave conditions . but with much ado we refrained them , till we mought agree what course to take . we took our selves now for freemen , seeing there was no danger of our utter perdition ; and lived most joyfully , going abroad , and seeing what was to be seen , in the city and places adjacent● within our tedder ; and obtaining acquaintance with many of the city , not of the meanest quality ; at whose hands we found such humanity , and such a freedome and desire to take strangers , as it were , into their bosome , as was enough to make us forget all that was dear to us , in our own countries : and continually we met with many things , right worthy of observation , and relation : as indeed , if there be a mi●our in the world , worthy to hold mens eyes , it is that country . one day there were two of our company bidden to a feast , of the family , as they call it . a most natural , pious , and reverend custom it is , shewing that nation to be compounded of all goodnesse . this is the manner of it . it is granted to any man , that shall live to see thirty persons , descended of his body , alive together , and all above three years old , to make this feast , which is done at the cost of the state . the father of the family , whom they call the tirsan , two daies before the ●east , taketh to him three of such friends as he liketh to chuse ; and is assisted also by the governour of the city , or place , where the feast is celebrated ; and all the persons of the family , of both sexes , are summoned to attend him . these two daies the tirsan sitteth in consultation , concerning the good estate of the family . there , if there be any discord or sutes between any of the family , they are compounded and appeased . there , if any of the family be distressed or decayed , order is taken for their relief , and competent means to live . there , if any be subject to vice , or take ill courses , they are reproved , and censured . so likewise , direction is given touching mariages , and the courses of life , which any of them should ●ake , with divers ot●er the like orders and advices . the governour assisteth to the end , to put in execution , by his publike authority , the decrees and orders of the tirsan , if they should be disobeyed , though that se●dome needeth ; such reverence and obedience they give , to the order of nature . the tirsan doth also then ever chuse one man from amongst his sons , to live in house with him : who is called , ever after , the son of the vine . the reason will hereafter app●●● . on the feast day , the father , or tirsan , commeth forth 〈◊〉 divine service into a large room where the feast is celebrated ; which room hath an half-pace at the upper ●nd . against the wall , in the middle of the half-pace , is a chair placed for him , with a table and carpet before it . over the chair is a state , made round or ovall , and it is of ivy ; an ivy somewhat whiter than ours , like the leaf of a silver aspe , but more shining ; for it is green all winter . and the state is curiously wrought with silver and silk of divers colours , broiding or binding in the ivy ; and is ever of the work , of some of the daughters of the family ; and veiled over at the top , with a fine net of silk and silver . but the substance of it is true ivy ; whereof , after it is taken down , the friends of the family are desirous to have some leaf or sprig to keep . the tirsan commeth forth with all his generation or linage , the males before him , and the females following him ; and if there be a mother , from whose body the whole linage is descended , there is a traverse placed in a loft above on the right hand of the chair , with a privy dore , and a carved vvindow of glasse , leaded with gold and blew ; where she sitteth , but is not seen . vvhen the tirsan is come forth , he sitteth down in t●e chair ; and all the linage place themselves against the vvall , both at his back , and upon the return of the half-pace , in order of their years , without difference of sex , and stand upon their feet . vvhen he is set , the room being alwaies full of company ; but well kept , and without disorder ; after some pause there commeth in from the lower end of the room , a taratan , ( which is much as an herald ) ●●d on either side of him two young lads ; whereof one carr●●●h a scrowl of their shining yellow parchment ; and the other a cluster of grapes of gold , with a long foot or stalk . the herald , and children , are chothed with mantles of sea-water green sattin ; but the heralds mantle is streame● with gold , and hath a train . then the herald with three courtesies , or rather inclinations , commeth up as far as the half-pace ; and there first taketh into his hand the scrowl . this scrowl is the kings charter , containing gift of revenew , and many privileges , exemptions and points of honour , granted to the father of the family ; and it is ever stiled and directed , to such an one , our well-beloved friend and creditour : which is a title proper only to this case . for they say , the king is debter to no man , but for propagation of his subjects ; the seal set to the kings charter , is the kings image , imbossed or moulded in gold ; and though such charters be expedited of course , and as of right , yet they are varied by discretion , according to the number and dignity of the family . this charter the herald readeth aloud ; and while it is read , the father or tirsan , standeth up , supported by two of his sons● such as he chooseth . then the herald mou●teth the half-pace , and delivereth the charter into his hand : and with that there is an acclamation , by all that are present , in their language , which is thus much ; happy are the people of bensalem . then the herald taketh into his hand from the other child , the cluster of grapes , which is of gold ; both the stalk , and the grapes . but the grapes are daintily enamelled ; and if the males of the family be the greater number , the grapes are enamelled purple , with a little sun set on the top ; if the females , then they are enamelled into a greenish yellow , with a cressant on the top . the grapes are in number as many as there are descendants of the family . this golden clusture , the herald delivereth also to the tirsan ; who presently delivereth it over to that son , that he had formerly chosen , to be in house with him : vvho beareth it before his father , as an ensign of honour , when he goeth in publike ever after ; and is thereupon called the son of the vine . after this ceremony ended , the father or tirsan retireth● and after some time commeth forth again to dinner , where he sitteth alone under the state , as before ; and none of his descendants sit with him , of what degree or dignity so ever , except he hap to b●●f salomons house . he is served only by his own children , 〈◊〉 as are male ; who perform unto him all service of the table upon the knee ; and the vvomen only stand about him , leaning against the vvall . the room below his half-pace , hath tables on the sides for the guests that are bidden ; who are served with great and comely order ; and toward the end of dinner ( which in the greatest feasts with them , lasteth never above an hour and an half ) there is an hymn sung , varied according to the invention of him that composed it ; ( for they have excellent poesie , ) but the subject of it is ( alwaies ) the praises of adam , and noah , and abraham ; vvhereof the former two peopled the vvorld , and the last was the father of the faithfull . concluding ever with a thanksgiving for the nativity of our saviour , in whose birth , the births of all are only blessed . dinner being done , the tirsan retireth again ; and having withdrawn himself alone into a place , where he maketh some private prayers , he commeth forth the third time , to give the blessing ; with all his descendants , who stand about him as at the first . then he calleth them forth by one and by one , by name , as he pleaseth , though seldome the order of age be inverted . the person th●t is called , ( the table being before removed , ) kneeleth down before the chair , and the father layeth his hand upon his head , or her head , and giveth the blessing in these words ; son of bensalem , ( or daughter of bensalem , ) thy father saith it ; the man by whom thou hast breath and life speaketh the word ; the blessing of the everlasting father , the prince of peace , and t●e holy dove be upon thee , and make the daies of thy pilgrimage good and many . this he saith to every of them ; and that done , if there be any of his sons of eminent merit and vertue , ( so they be not above two , ) he calleth for them again ; and saith , laying his arm over their shoulders , they s●anding ; sonnes , it is well you are born , give god the pra●se , and persevere to the end . and withall delivereth to either of them a jewell , made in the figure of an ear of vvheat , which they ever after wear in the front of their turban , or hat . this done , they fall to musick and dances , and other recreations , after their manner , for the rest of the day● this is the full order of that feast . by that time , six or seven daies were spent , i was fallen in●to straight acquaintance , with a merchant of that city , whose name was ioabin . he was a iew and circumcised : for they have some few stirps of iews , yet remaining among them , whom they leave to their own religion . vvhich they may the better do , because they are of a farre differing disposition from the iews in other parts . for whereas they hate the name of christ ; and have a secret inbred rancour against the people among whom they live ; these ( contrariwise ) give unto our saviour many high attributes , and love the nation of bensalem , extremely . surely this man , of whom i speak , would ever acknowledge , that christ was born of a virgin , and that he was more than a man ; and he would tell how god made him ruler of the seraphims , which guard his throne ; and they call him also the milken way , and the eliah of the messiah ; and many other high names ; which though they be inferiour to his divine majesty , yet they are far from the language of other iews . and for the country of bensalem , ●hi● man would make no end of commending it , being desirous by tradition among the iews there , to have it beleeved , that the people thereof were of the generations of abraham , by another son , whom they call nachoran ; and that moses by a secret cabala ordained the laws of bensalem which they now use ; and that when the messia should come , and sit in his throne at hierusalem , the king of bensalem should sit at his feet , whereas other kings should keep a great distance . but yet setting aside these iewish dreams , the man was a wise man , and learned , and of great policy , and excellently seen in the laws and customes of that nation . amongst other discourses , one day i told him , i was much affected with the relation i had , from some of the company , of their custome● in holding the feast of the family ; for that ( me thought ) i had never heard of a solemnity , wherein nature did so much preside . and because propagation of families , proceedeth from the nuptial copulation , i desired to know of him , what laws and customes they had concerning mariage ; and whether they kept mariage well ; and whether they were tyed to one wife ? for that where population is so much affected , and such as with them it seemed to be , there is commonly permission of plurality of wives . to this he said ; you have reason for to commend that excellent institution of the feast of the family ; and indeed we have experience , that those families that are partakers of the blessings of that feast , do flourish and prosper ever after , in an extraordinary manner . but hear me now , and i will tell you what i know . you shall understand , that there is not under the heavens so chaste a nation , as this of bensalem ; nor so free from all pollution or foulness● . it is the virgin of the world . i remember , i have read in one of your europaean books , of an holy hermit amongst you , that d●sired to see the spirit of fornication , and there appeared to him , a little foule ugly aethiope : but if he had desi●ed to see the spirit of chastity of bensalem , it would have appeared to him , in the likenesse of a fair beautifull cherubine . for there is nothing , amongst mortall men , more fair and admirable , than the chaste minds of this people . know therefore , that with them there are no stewes , no dissolute houses , no curtisans , nor any thing of that kind . nay they wonder ( with detestation ) at you in europe , which permit such things . they say you have put mariage out of office : for mariage is ordained a remedy for unlawfull concupiscence ; and natural concupiscence seemeth as a spurre to mariage . eut when men have at hand a remedy , more agreeable to their corrupt will , mariage is almost expulsed . and therefore there are with you seen infinite men , that mary not , but chuse rather a libertine and impu●e single life , than to be yoaked in mariage ; and many that do mary , mary late , when the prime and strength of their years is past . and when they do mary , what is mariage to them , but a very bargain ; wherein is sought alliance , or portion , or reputation , with s●me desire ( almost indifferent ) of issue ; and not the faithfull nuptial union of man and wife , that was first instituted . neither is it possible , that those that have cast away so basely , so much of their strength , should greatly esteem children ( being of the same matter ) as chaste men do . so likewise during mariage is the case much amended , as it ought to be if those things were tolerated only for necessity ; no , but they remain still as a very affront to mariage : the haunting of those dissolute places , or resort to courtezans , are no more punished in maried men , than in batchelers . and the depraved custome of change , and the delight in meretricious embracements , ( where sinne is turned into art , ) maketh mariage a dull thing , and a kind of imposition , or tax . they hear you defend these things ; as do●e to avoid greater evils ; as advoutries , deflouring of virgins , unnatural lust , and the like . but they say , this is a preposterous wisdome ; and they call it lots offer , who to save his guests from abusing , offered his daughters : nay they say further , that there is little gained in this ; for that the same vices and appetites , do still remain and abound , unlawfull lust being like a furnace , that if you stop the flames altogether , it will quench , but if you give it any vent , it will rage ; as for masculine love , they have no touch of it ; and yet there are not , so faithfull and inviolate friendships , in the world again , as are there ; and to speak generally , ( as i said before , ) i have not read of any such chastity , in any people , as theirs . and their usual saying is● that whosoever is unchaste cannot reverence himself : and they say , that the reverence of a mans self , is , next religion , the chiefest bridle of all vices . and when he had said this , the good iew paused a little ; whereupon i far more willing to hear him speak on , than to speak my self ; yet thinking it decent , that upon his pawse of speech , i should not be altogether silent , said only this ; that i would say to him , as the widow of sarepta said to elias ; that he was come to bring to memory our sinnes ; and that i confess the righteousnesse of bensalem , was greater than the righteousnesse of europe . at which speech he bowed his head , and went on this manner . they have also many wise and excellent laws touching mariage , they a●low no poligamie . they have ordained that none do intermary or contract , untill a month be past from their first intervie● . mariage without consent of parents they do not make void , but they mu●ct it in the inheritors : for the children of such mariages , are not admitted to inherit , above a third part of their parents inheritance : i have read in a book of one of your men , of a feigned common-wealth , where the maried couple are permitted , before they contract , to see one another naked . this they dislike : for they think it a scorn , to give a refusal after so fam●liar knowledge● but because of many hidden defects in men and womens bodies , they have a more civil way : for they have near every town , a couple of pools , ( which they call adam and eves pools ) where it is permit●ed to one of the friends of the man , and another of the friends of the woman , to see them severally bath naked . and as we were thus in conference , there came one that seemed to be a messenger , in a rich huke , that spake with the iew : whereupon he turned to me and said ; you will pardon me , for i am commanded away in hast . the next morning he came to me again , joy●ull , as it seemed , and said ; there is word come to the governor of the city , that one of the fathers of salomons house , will be here this day seven●night : we have seen none of them this dozen years : his comming is in state ; but the cause of his comming is secret . i will provide you , and your fellows of a good standing to see his entry . i thanked him and told him : i was most glad ●f the news . the day being come he made his entry . he was a man of middle stature , and age , comely of person , and had an aspect as if he pitied men . he was cloathed in a robe of fine black cloath , with wide sleeves , and a cape . his under garment was of excellent whi●e linnen down to the foot , girt with a girdle of the same ; and a sindon or tippet of the same about his neck . he had gloves , that were curious , and set with stone ; and shoes of peach-coloured velvet . his neck was bare to the shoulders . his hat was like a helmet , or spanish montera ; and his locks curled below it decently : they were of colour brown . his beard was cut round , and of the same colour with his hair , somewhat ligher . he was carried in a rich chariot , without wheeles , litter-wise , with two horses at either end , richly trapped in blew velvet embroydered ; and two footmen on each side in the like attire . the chariot was all of cedar , gilt and adorned with christal ; save that the fore-end had pannels of sapphires , set in borders of gold , and the hinderend the like of emarauds of the pe●u colour . there was also a sun of gold , radiant upon the top , in the midst ; and on the top before , a small cherub of gold , with vvings displayed . the chariot was covered with cloth of gold ●issued upon blew . he had before him fifty attendants , young men all , in white satten loose coats up to the mid leg , and stockings of white silk ; and shoes of blew velvet ; and hats of blew velvet ; with fine plums of divers colours , set round like hatbands . next before the chariot , went two men , bare headed , in linnen garments down to thefoot , girt , and shoes of blew velvet , who carried the one a crosier , the other a pastoral staff like a sheep-hook ; neither of them of metal , but the crosier of balm-wood , the pastoral staff of cedar . horsemen he had none , neither before nor behind his chariot : as it seemeth , to avoid all tumult and trouble . behind his chariot , went all the officers and principals of the companies of the city . he sate alone upon cushions , of a kind of excellent plush , blew ; and under his foot curious carpets of silk of divers colours , like the persian , but far finer . he held up his bare hand as he went , as blessing the people , but in silence . the street was wonderfully well kept ; so that there was never any army had their men stand in better battel-array , than the people stood . the vvindows likewise was not crouded , but every one stood in them , as if they had been placed . vvhen the shew was past , the iew said to me ; i shall not be able to attend you as i would , in regard of some charge the city hath laid upon me for the entertaining of this great person . three daies after the iew came to me again and said ; ye are happy men ; for the father of salomons house taketh knowledge of your being here , and commanded me to tell you , that he will admit all your company to his presence , and have private conference with one of you , that yee shall choose : and for this hath appointed the next day after to morrow . and because he meaneth to give you his blessing , he hath appointed it in the fore-noon . vve came at our day and hour , and i was chosen by my fellows for the private accesse . vve found him in a fair chamber , richly hanged , and carpetted under foot , without any degrees to the state , he was set upon a low throne richly adorned , and a rich cloth of state over his head of blew sattin embroidered . he was alone , save that he had two pages of honor , on either hand one , finely attired in vvhite . his under-garments were the like that we saw him wear in the chariot ; but insteed of his gown , he had on him a mantle with a cape , of the same fine black , fastened about him . vvhen we came in , as we were taught , we bowed low at our first entrance ; and when we were come near his chair , he stood up , holding forth his hand ungloved , and in posture of blessing ; and we every one of us stooped down , and kissed the hem of his tippet . that done , the rest departed , and i remained . then he warned the pages forth of the room , and caused me to sit down beside him , and spake to me thus in the spanish tongue . god blesse thee , my son ; i will give thee the greatest iewel i have . for i will impart unto thee , for the love of god and men , a relation of the true state of salomons house . son , to make you know the true state of salomons house , i will keep this order . first , i will set forth unto you the end of our foundation . secondly , the preparations and instruments we have for our works . thirdly , the ●●veral employments and functious whereto our fellows are assigned . and fourthly the ordinances and rites which we observe . the end of our foundation is the knowledge of causes , and secret motions of things ; and the enlarging of the bounds of humane empire , to the effecting of all things possible . the preparations and instruments are these . we have large and deep caves of several depths : the deepest are sunk 600 fathome : and s●me of them are digged and made under great hills and mountains : so that if you reckon together the depth of the hill , and the depth of the cave , they are ( some of them ) above three miles deep . for we find , that the depth of an hill , and the depth of a cave from the flat , is the same thing ; both remote alike , from the sun , and heavens beams , and from the open air● these caves we call the lower region . and we use them for all coagulations , indurations , refrigerations , and conservations of bodies . we use them likewise for the imitation of natural mines ; and the producing , also of new artificial metals , by compositions and materials which we use and lay there for many years . we use them also sometimes , ( which may seem strange ) for curing of some diseases , and for prolongation of life , in some hermits that choose to live there , well accomodated of all things necessary , and indeed live very long ; by whom also we learn many things . we have burials in several earths , where we put divers cements , as the chineses , do their porcellane . but we have t●em in greater variety , and some of them more fine . we also have great variety of composts , and soils , for the making of the earth fruit●full . we have high towers ; the highest about half a mile in height and some of them ●ikewise set upon high mountains : so that the vantage of the hill with the tower , is in the highest of them thr●e miles at least . and these places we call the upper region ; accounting the air between the high places , and the low , as a middle region . we use these towers , according to their several heights , and situations , for insolation , refrigeration , conse●vation , and for the view of divers meteors ; as winds , rain , snow , ha●l ; and some of the fiery meteors also . and upon them , in some places , are dwellings of hermits , whom we visit sometimes , and instruct what to observe . we have great lakes , both salt , and fresh , whereof we have use for the fish , and fowl . vve use them also for burials , of some natural bodies : for we find a difference in things buried in earth , or in air bel●w the earth ; and things buried in vvater . vve have also pools , of which some do strain fresh vvater out of salt ; and others by art do turn fresh vvater into salt . we have also some rocks in the midst of the sea ; and some bayes upon the shore for some vvorks , wherein is required the air and vapour of the sea . we have likewise violent streams and cataracts ; which serve us for many motions : and likewise engines for multiplying and enforcing of vvinds , to set also on going divers motions . we have also a number of artificial vvells and fountains , made in imitation of the natural sources and bathes ; as tincted upon vitrioll , sulphur , steel , brasse , lead , nitre , and other minerals : and again , we have little wells for infusions of many things , where the waters take the vertue quicker and better , than in vessels or basins . and amongst them we have a vvater , which we call water of paradise , being , by that we do it ; made very soveraign for health and prolongation of life . vve have also great and spacious houses , where we imitate and demonstrate meteors ; as snow , hail , rain , some artificial rains of bodies , and not of vvater , thunders , lightnings ; also generations of bodies , in air ; as frogs , flies , and divers others . we have also certain chambers , which we call chambers of health , where we qualifie the air as we think good and proper for the cure of divers diseases , and preservation of health . we have also ●air and large baths , of several mixtures , for the cure of d●seases●and the restoring of mans body from arefaction : and other for the confiming of it in strength of sinews , vital parts , and the very juyce and substance of the body . we have also large and various orchards , and gardens ; wherein we do not so much respect beauty , as variety of ground and soil , proper for divers trees and herbs : and some very spacious , wh●re trees and berries are set , whereof we make divers kinds of drinks , besides the vine-yards . in these we practise likewise all conclusions of graf●ing , and inoculating , as well of wild-trees , as fruit-trees , which produceth many effects : and we make ( by a●t ) in the same orchards , and gardens , trees , and flowers , to come earlier or later than their seasons ; and to come up and bear more speedily than by their natural course they do . we make them also by art greater much than their nature ; and their fruit greater , and sweeter , and of differings taste , smell , colour , and figure , from their nature . and many of them we so order , that they become of medicinal use . we have also means to make divers plants rise , by mixtures of earths without seeds ; and likewise to make divers new plants , differing from the vulgar ; and to make one tree or plant turn into another . we have also parks , and enclosures of all sorts of beasts , and birds●which we use not only for view or rarenesse , but likewise for dissections and trials●that thereby we may take light , what may be wrought upon the body of man . wherein we find many strange effects ; as continuing life in them , though divers parts , which you account vital , be perished , and taken forth ; resuscitating of some that seem dead in appearance ; and the like . we try also all poysons , and other medicines upon them , as well of chirurgery , as physick . by art likewise we make them greater or taller , than their kind is ; and contrariwise dwarf them and stay their growth : vve make them more fruitfull and bearing than their kind is ; and contrary wise barren and not generative . also we make them differ in colour , shape , activity many waies . vve find means to make commixtures and copulations of diverse kinds ; which have produced many new kinds , and them not barren , as the general opinion is . vve make a number of kinds of serpents , worms , flies , fishes , of putrefaction ; whereof some are advanced ( in effect ) to be perfect creatures , like beasts , or birds ; and have sexes , and do propagate . neither do we this by chance , but we know before hand , of what matter and commixture , what kind of those creature will arise . we have also particular pools , where we make trials upon fishes , as we have said before of beasts and birds . we have also places for breed and generation of those kinds of worms , and flies , which are of speciall use ; such as are with you your silkworms and bees . i will not hold you long with recounting of our brew-houses bake-houses , and kitchins , where are made divers drinks , breads , and meats , rare and of special effects . wines we have of grapes ; and drinks of other juyce , of fruits , of grains , and of roots ; and of mixtures with honey , sugar , manna , and fruits dryed and decocted : also of the tears or woundings of trees ; and of the pulp of canes . and these drinks are of severall ages , some to the age or last o● forty years . we have drinks also brewed with severall herbs , and roots , and spices ; yea , with several fleshes , and vvhite-meats ; whereof some of the drinks are such as they are in effect meat and drink both : so that divers , especially in age , doe desire to live with them , with little or no meat , or bread . and above all we strive to have drinks of extreme thin parts ; to insinuate into the body , and yet without all biting , sharpnesse , or fretting●insomuch as some of them put upon the back of your hand , will , with a little stay passe thorow to the palme , and yet tast mild to the mouth . we have also vvaters , which we ripen in that fashion , as they become nourishing ; so that they are indeed excellent drink ; and many will use no other . breads we have of several grains , roots , and kernels ; yea , and some of flesh , and fish , dried ; with divers kinds of leavings , and seasonings : so that some doe extremely move appetites ; some doe nourish so , as divers doe live of them , without any other meat ; who live very long . so for meats , we have some of them so beaten , and made tender , and mortified , yet without al● corrupting , as a vveak heat of the stomack will turn them into good chilus ; as well as a strong heat would meat otherwise prepared . vve have some meats also , and breads , and drinks , which taken by men , enable them to fast long after● and some other , that used make the very flesh o● mens bodies , sensibly more hard and tough ; and their strength far● greater , than otherwise it would be . vve have dispensatories , or shops of medicines . vvherein you may easily think , if we have such varietie of plants , and diving creatures , more than you have in europe , ( for we know what you have , ) the simples , druggs , and ingredients of medicines , must likewise be in so much the greater variety . vve have them likewise of divers ages , and long fermentations . and for their preparations , we have not only all manner of exquisite distilla●ions , and separations , and especially by gentle heats , and percolations through divers strainers , yea , and substances ; but also exact forms of composition , whereby they incorp●rate almost as they were natural simples . we have also divers mechanical arts , which you have not ; and stuffs made by them ; as papers , linnen , silks , tissues , dainty works of feathers of wonderfull lustre ; excellent dies , and manie others : and shops likewise as well for such as are not●●rought into vulgar use amongst us ; as for those that are . for you must know , that of the things before recited , many of them are grown into use throughout the kingdome ; but yet , if they did flow from our invention , we have of them also for patterns , and principals . we have also furnaces of great diversities , and that keep great diversitie of heats : fierce and quick● strong and constant ; so●●and mild● blown , quiet drie , mo●st ; and the like . but above all we have heats , in imitation of the sunns and heavenly bodies heats , that passe divers inequalities , and ( as it were ) orbs , progresses , and returns , wher●by we may produce admirable effects . besides , we have heats of dungs ; and of bellies and mawes of living creatures and of their bloods , and bodies ; and of hayes and herbs laid up moist ; of lime unquenched ; and such like . instruments also which generate heat only by motion . and further , places for strong insolations ; and ●gain , places under the earth , which by natu●e , or art yeeld heat . t●ese d●vers heats we use , as the natu●e of the operation which we intend● requireth . we have a●so perspective-houses , where we make demonstration of all lights , and radiations : and of all colours : and out of things uncoloured and transparent , we can represent unto you all seve●all colours ; not in rain-bows , ( as it is in gemms , and prisms , ) but of themselves single . we represent also all multiplications o● light , which we carry to great distance : and make so sharp , as to discern small points and lines . also all colourations of light . all delusions and deceits of the sight , in figures , magnitudes , motions , colours : all demonstrations of shadows . wee find also divers means yet unknown to you , of producing of light , originally , from divers bodies . we procure means of seeing objects a-farr off ; as in the heaven , and remote places : and represent things near as a-farr off ; and things a-farr off as near ; making●e●igned distances . we have also helps so the sight far above spectacles and glasses in use ; we have also glasses and means to see small and minute bodies , perfectly and distinctly ; as the shapes and colours of small flies and vvorms , grains , and flaws , in gemmes , which cannot otherwise he seen , observations in urine and bloud not otherwise to be seen . we make artificial rain-bows , helo's , and circles ab●ut light . we represent also all manner of reflexions , refractions , and multiplication of visual beams o● objects . we have also pretious stones , of all kinds , many of them of great beauty and to you unknown : chrystals likewise ; and glasses of divers kinds ; and amongst them some of metals vitrificated , and other materials , beside those of which you make g●asse . also a number of fossiles , and imperfect minerals which you have not . likewise loadstones of prodigious vertue : and other rare stones , both natural and artificial . we have also sound houses , where we practise and demonstrate all sounds , and their generation . we have harmonies which you have not , of quarter-sounds , and lesser slides of sounds●diverse instruments of musick likewise to y●u unknown , some sweeter than any you have● with bells and rings that are dainty and sweet . we represent small sounds as great and deep ; likewise great sounds , ●xtenuate and sharp ; we make diverse tremblings and vvarblings of sounds , which in their original are entire . we represent and imitate all articulate sounds and letters , and the voices and notes of beasts and birds . we have certain helps , which set to the eare do further the hearing greatly . we have also diverse strange and artificial ecchoes reflecting the voice many times , and as it were tossing it : and some that give back the voice lowder than it came , some shriller , and some deeper , yea some rendring the voice , differing in the letters or articulate sound , from that they receive . vve have all means to convey sounds in trunks and pipes , in strange lines and distan●es . vve have also perfume-houses ; wherewith we joyn a●so practices of taste . vve multiply smells , which may seem strange . vve imitate smells , making all smells to breath out of other mixtures than those that give them . vve make diverse imitations of taste likewise , so that they will deceive any mans taste . and in this house we contain also a confi●ure house ; where we make all sweet-meats drie and moist ; and divers pleasant wines , milks , broaths , an● sallets , far in greater variety than you have . vve have also engine-houses , where are prepared engines and instruments for all sorts of motions . there we imitate and practise to make swifter motions , than any you have , either out of your muskets , or any engine that you have : and to make them , and multiply them more easily , and with small force , by vvheeles and other means : and to make them stronger and more violent , than yours are ; exceeding your greatest cannons and basilisks . vve represent also ordinance and instruments of war , and engines of all kinds and likewise new mixtures and compositions of gun-powder , wild-fires burning in water , and unquenchable : also fire-works of all variety , both for pleasure , and use . vve imitate also flights of birds ; vve have some degrees of flying in the ayr . we have ships and boats for going under vvater , and brooking of seas ; also swimming-girdles , and supporters . we have divers curious clocks ; and other like motions of return : and some perpetual motions . we imitate also motions of living creatures , by images of men , beasts , birds , fishes , and serpents ; we have also a great number of other various motions , strange for equality , finenesse●and subtility , we have also a mathematical-house , where are represented all instruments , as well of geometry , as astronomy , exquisitely made . vve have also houses of deceits of the senses ; where we represent all manner of feats of jugling , false apparitions , impostures , and illusions ; and their fallacies . and surely you will easily beleeve that we that have so many things truly natural , which induce admiration , could in a world of particulars deceive the senses , if we would disguise those things , and labour to make them more miraculous . but we do hate all impostures , and lies : insomuch as we have severely forbidden it to all our fellows , under pain of ignominy and fines , that they do not shew any natural vvork or thing , adorned or swelling ; but only pure as it is , and without all affectation of strangenesse . these are ( my son ) the riches of salomons house . for the several employments and offices of our fellows , vve have twelve that sayl into forein countries under the names of other nations ( for our own we conceal ; ) vvho bring us the books , and abstracts , and patterns of experiments of all other parts . these we cal● merchants of light . vve have three that collect the experiments which are in all books , these we call deprepators . vve have three that collect the experiments of all mechanical arts●and a●so of liberal sciences ; and also of practices which are not brought into arts . these we call mystery-men . we have three that trie new experiments . such as themselves think good . these we call pioneers or miners . we have three that draw the experiments of the former four into titles and tables , to give the better light for the drawing of observations and axiomes out of them . these we call compilers● we have three that bend themselves , looking into the experiments of their fellows , and cast about how to draw out of them things of use , and practice for mans life , and knowledge , as well for works as for plain demonstration of causes , means of natural divinations , and the easie and clear discovery of the vertues and parts of bodies . these we call dowry-men or bene●actors . then after diverse meetings and consults of our whole number , to consider of the former labours and collections , we have three that take care , out of them , to direct new experiments , of a higher light , more penetrating into nature than the former . these we call lamps . we have three othe●s t●at do execute the experiment , so directed , and report them . these we call inoculators . lastly , we have three that raise the former discoveries by experiments , into greater observations , axiomes , and aporismes . these we call interpreters of nature . we have also , as you must think , novices and apprentices , that the succession of the former employed men do not fail ; besides a great number of servants and attendants , men , and vvomen . and this we do also : we have consultations , which of the inventions and experiences , which we have discovered shall be published , and which not : and take all an oath of secrecy , for the concealing of those which we think meet to keep secret : though some of those we do reveal sometime to the state , and some not . for our ordinances and rites●we have two very long , and fair galleries : in o●e of these we place patterns and samples of all manner of the more rare and excellent inventions : in the other we place the statuaes of all principal inventours . there we have the statua of your columbus , that discovered the vvest-indies : also the inventour of ships : your monk that was the inventour of ordinance , and of gunpowder : the inventour of musick : the inventour of letters : the inventour of printing : the inventour of observations of astronomy : the inventour o● vvorks in metall : the inventour of glasse : the inventour of silk of the vvorm : the inventour of vvine : the inventour of corn and bread : the inventour of sugars : and all these , by more certain tradition , than you have . then we have divers inventours of our own , of excellent vvorks ; which since you have not seen , it were too long to make descriptions of them ; and besides , in the right understanding of those descriptions , you might easily erre . for upon every invention of value , we erect a statua to the inventour , and give him a liberal and honourable reward . these statuaes are , some of brass ; some of marble and touchstone ; some of cedar and other special vvoods gilt and adorned ; some of iron ; some of silver ; some of gold . we have certain hymns and services , which we say daily , of laud and thanks to god for his marvellous vvorks : and forms of prayers , imploring his aide and blessing for the illumination of our labours ; the end turning them into good and holy uses . lastly , we have circuits or visits , of divers principal cities of the kingdome ; where as it commeth to passe , we do publish such new profitable inventions , as we think good . and we do also declare natural divinations of diseases , plagues , swarms of hurtfull creatures , scarcity , tempest , earthquakes , great inundations , comets , temperature of the year , and divers other things ; and we give counsel thereupon , what the people shall do , for the prevention and remedy of them . and when he had said this , he stood up : and i , as i had been taught , kneeled down : and he laid his right hand upon my head , and said ; god blesse thee my son , and god bless this relation , which i have made . i give thee leave to publish it , for the good of other nations ; for we hear are in gods bosome , a land unknown . and so he left me ; having assigned a value of about two thousand duckets , for a bounty to me and my fellows . for they give great largesses , where they come , upon all occasions . the rest was not perfected . magnalia natvrae praecipve qvoad vsvs humanos . the prologation of life . the restitution of youth in some degree . the retardation of age . the curing of diseases counted incurable . the mitigation of pain . more easie and less loathsome purgings . the encreasing of strength and activity . the encreasing of ability to suffer torture or pain . the altering of complexions : and fatness , and leanesse . the altering of statures . the altering of features . the encreasing and exalting of the intellectual parts . version of bodies into other bodies . making of new species . transplanting of one species into another . instruments of destruction , as of warre and poyson . exhilaration of the spirits , and putting them in good disposition . force of the imagination , either upon another body , or upon the body it self . acceleration of time in maturations . acceleration of time in clarifications . acceleration of p●trefaction . acceleration of decoction . acceleration of germination . making rich composts for the earth . impressions of the air , and raising of tempests . great alteration ; as in induration , emollition , &c. turning crude and watry substances , into oyly and vnctuous substances . drawing of new foods out of substances not now in vse . making new threds for apparell ; and new stuffs , such as are paper , glass , &c. natural divinations . deceptions of the senses . greater pleasures of the senses . artificial minerals and cements . finis . the novum organum of sir francis bacon, baron of verulam, viscount st. albans epitomiz'd, for a clearer understanding of his natural history / translated and taken out of the latine by m.d. novum organum bacon, francis, 1561-1626. 1676 approx. 112 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 19 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a28309 wing b310 estc r38681 17890949 ocm 17890949 106723 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a28309) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 106723) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1115:7) the novum organum of sir francis bacon, baron of verulam, viscount st. albans epitomiz'd, for a clearer understanding of his natural history / translated and taken out of the latine by m.d. novum organum bacon, francis, 1561-1626. m. d. [4], 32 p. printed for thomas lee ..., london : 1676. reproduction of original in the huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng science -methodology. natural history -pre-linnean works. 2000-00 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2001-09 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-06 kirk davis sampled and proofread 2002-06 kirk davis text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-07 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the novum organvm of sir francis bacon , baron of verulam , viscount st. albans . epitomiz'd : for a clearer understanding of his natural history . translated and taken out of the latine by m. d. b. d. london , printed for thomas lee at the turks-head in fleetstreet . 1676. licens'd jan. 26. 1675. roger l'estrange the preface to the reader . i need not recommend to your perusal this useful treatise , seeing that it proceeds from such a genius , whose most trivial conceptions have obtained the esteem of his age , not inferiour in learning to any of the former . he was a person of a sound judgement , sharp wit , vast comprehension , and of extraordinary abilities both natural and acquir'd . but i need not run over the praises of a person so well known amongst us to oblige my reader to a kind reception , and favourable interpretation of this obscure , but useful book : for the things therein contained are so excellent in themselves , and so well designed , that we may be inclinable of our own accord to embrace and peruse them . the authors purpose , as you may 〈◊〉 , is to censure the limitations of sciences to the bounds prescribed to us , by the shallow pates of some of former ages , to discover the mistakes of our understandings , to point at the sources from whence they proceed , to rectifie the common errours of men , backed by ill grounded axioms , to direct us to a right interpretation of nature's mysteries , and oblige us to settle our judgements , upon better and sounder principles than ordinary ; his purpose is to open to us a gate to a greater proficiency and improvement in all kind of learning , to pull down the wals of partition , and remove the non plus ultra , that we might sail to those indies full of gold and jewels . i mean the sciences not yet discovered to our world , and fetch from thence all the rarities , the knowledges , and inventions , that might pleasure and benefit our humane life . for that purpose he adviseth us not to take things and notions too much upon trust , but to ground our belief upon practice , and well ordered experience . he layes down several principles , which may seem strange and new ; but if they be rightly examined , we shall find them naturally proceeding from the nature of things . i confess the most excellent conceptions are wrapped up in obscure terms , and in such new contrived expressions , that king james at the first perusal judged this novum organum to be past all mans understanding . but we may consider , that a new method , and new things and principles deserve new expressions , and that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 speaks not to the vulgar , but unto the 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he 〈◊〉 other lands never found out 〈◊〉 and adviseth them in 〈◊〉 to seek and to proceed on without minding the discourage 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 of our predecessors in learning . this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was 〈◊〉 upon as a seasonable addition to his matural history , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 have made it too 〈◊〉 , i have been desired to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and directions as might be answerable to that subject . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , after a serious perusal , i did scarce know what was to be set aside ; for all the things things therein contained , are so material and seasonable , that i have wondred , that our english curiosi have not had the desire to study and understand the directions that are 〈◊〉 given 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 their mistaken 〈◊〉 . in such a case , that this novum organum might be the better intelligible , a meer interpretation is not sufficient , in regard of the authors difficult and new found expressions , a comment weuld be required , which if it were well and judiciously composed according to the authors true meaning and intent , i am perswaded every one 〈◊〉 be of my judgement , that it is the best and most useful treatise of our dayes for the purpose that is designed . i am perswaded that it might be of a singular use to such vertuosi amongst us , as are not perfectly acquainted with the latine tongue , and yet imploy their time and studies in the improvement of their abilities , and finding out inventions useful to the life of man , for it would supply them with such principles as their 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 might wonderfully improve in new discoveries . i was sorry 〈◊〉 my , pen was limited to so few sheets , and that i had not the liberty to make the whole organum appear in our language . for brevity sake therefore i have in some places shortened the authors expressions . 〈◊〉 this will be sufficient to give a taste of the whole , which such 〈◊〉 understand the language of the learned may peruse at their leasure , vale. m. d. part of the novum organum , or , aphorisms of the interpretation of nature and kingdome of man. taken out of the first book . man , natures minister and interpreter , acts and understands only so much of the ordering of nature , as he hath observed by the assistance of experience and reason : more he neither doth , nor can apprehend . neither the hand alone , nor an understanding eft to it self , can do much . things are performed by instruments and helps , which the 〈◊〉 needs as much as the hand . now as 〈◊〉 instruments assist and govern the hands motion , likewise the instruments of the understanding prompt and advise it . humane knowledge and power are co-incident in the same , or happen to be alike , because ignorance of the cause renders the effect unintelligible : for nature is not overcome without submission , and that , which in contemplation stands instead of the cause , in operation serves as a rule . as to operation , man can do no more but only apply or remove natural bodies . the rest nature willingly compleats . the mechanick , the mathematician , the physitian , the chymist , and the magician are variously concerned in natural operations , but as it happens at present their attempts are but slight , and their successes inconsiderable . it were an extravagancy , and a plain contradiction to expect the accomplishment of those things , which were never yet done unless by means never yet attempted . even those operations which are found out are rather to be ascribed to chance and experience than to sciences ; for the sciences , which are now professed amongst us , are nothing else , but an adorning and a setting forth of things formerly invented , not the modes of invention or the desigments of new operation . the cause and origine almost of all the mischiefs , that happen in sciences , is this alone , that we too much admire and set up the strength and power of our understanding , and we neglect the true helps and aids thereof . natures subtilty far exceeds the subtilty of our sense , or that of our understanding ; so that the delicate meditations of mankind , their speculations and inventions are but foolish things , if they were narrowly searched into . as siences commonly so called are unprofitable for the invention of operations , so the logick now in use is not conducible to the finding out of true sciences . the logick , which we now use tends to the establishment and confirmation of errours , which are founded in vulgar notions rather than to a serious enquiry after truth , therefore it is more hurtful than profitable . a syllogisme is not used amongst the principles of sciences , and in medial axioms it is imployed in vain , for it falls much short of natures subtility . it hath therefore a command over assent , not over the things themselves . a syllogisme consists of propositions , propositions of words , words interpret notions , therefore if notions , the basis of things be confus'd , and rashly abstracted from things , nothing will be firm that is built upon them , therefore our only assurance is in a right induction . there is no soundness in logical and physical notions , neither substance , nor quality , action , passion , nor being it self , are proper notions , much less heavy , light , thick , thin , moist , dry , generation , corruption to attract , to expel element , matter , form , &c. all these are phantastical and ill designed . the notions of the lower species , as a man , a dog , a dove , and the immediate apprehensions of our senses ; namely , hot , cold , white , black , don't much deceive us , and yet nevertheless by the fluidity of matter and m●xture of things they are sometimes confounded . all other notions , which men have hitherto used are aberrations , and are neither duely nor truely abstracted , and raised from the very things themselves . the things that are already invented in sciences , are such as most commonly depend on vulgar notions . if any will search into the more inward , and remote mysteries of nature , he must make use of notions and axioms , abstracted from things in a more certain and solid manner , that the working of the understanding may be better and surer . there are and may be two ways of searching and finding out truth : one from sense and perticulars leads to the most general axioms , and out of those principles and their unquestionable authority judges and finds out middle axioms . this way is much in use . the other raiseth axioms from sense , and perticulars by a continual and gradual ascent it proceeds at last to generals . this is a true way but not yet attempted . the understanding left to it self goes the former way , observing a logical method ; for the mind delights to leap to generals , that it might acquiesce there , and after a little stay it loaths experience . but these evils are now at length augmented by logick for the pomp of disputations . an understanding left to it self , accompanied with sober , patient , and grave wit , if not hindred by former 〈◊〉 , essays the other way , which is right but not successful ; because when the understanding is not directed and assisted , is but weak , and unable to overcome the obscurity of things . either way derives its beginning from sense and perticulars , and acquiesces in things most general . but yet they differ very much , for the one does lightly run over experience and perticulars ; the other converses in them in a right and methodical manner . again the one layes down at first , certain abstract and un profitable generals . the other rises by degrees to these things , which indeed are more known to nature . it can never be that axioms framed by arguing , for finding out new operations , should be of any value , because the subtilty of nature doth far surprise the acuteness of disputation . but axioms rightly abstracted in order from perticulars , do easily discover and shew forth other new perticulars , and therefore by that means sciences became active . the axioms now in use sprang from small and slender experience , and a few common perticulars , they are for the most part made and enlarged according to their measure , so that it is no wonder , if they lead not to new perticulars . now if by chance any instance not observed or known before , offer it self , the axiome is salved by some friviolous distinction ; whereas it is more proper , that the axiom it self should be mended . that humane reason , which we use in natures assistance , we are wont to call anticipations of nature , because it is rash and hasty . but that reason , which is rightly extracted out of things , we call interpretation of nature . an icipations are strong enough to gain consent , seeing that if all men were equally and conformably made , they would agree well enough among themselves . to speak plainly , no right judgement can be made of our way , nor of those things which are found out agreeable unto it by anticipations , i mean by the reason now in use : because we cannot desire any one to stand to the judgement of that thing which is it self called in question . it is no easie matter to deliver , or explain those things which we have produc'd ; because things new in themselves are to be understood by the analogy they have with old ones . borguas tells us of the french expedition into italy , that they came with chalk in their hands to mark out their inns , and not with arms to break through them . our design is the same , that our doctrines might be admitted by well disposed and capacious souls , for there is no need of confutations , where we disagree in the very principles , notions , and forms of demonstration . their reason , who held non-comprehension , and our way do in some sort agree in the beginning , but they vastely differ and are opposite in the end , for they absolutely affirm , that nothing can be be known , but we say not much can be known in nature , in that way as it is now handled . they by their assertion destroy the authority of sense and understanding , we study and give remedies to help them . idols , mistakes , and mis-apprehensions , which now possesse , and are deeply rooted in mans understanding , so besiege the minds of men that truth can hardly get admission , but if it should they would hinder and disturb the restoration of sciences , unless men being fore warned would arm themselves against them , as much as they could . there are four sorts of idols or false images , which besiege mens minds : we , for distinction sake , have called them first idola tribus . 2. idola specus . 3. idola fori . 4. 〈◊〉 theatri . the raising notions and axioms by true induction is doubtless a proper remedy to drive away and remove these idols , yet their indication is of great use , for the doctrine of idols conduces to the interpretation of nature ; even as the doctrine of sophistical arguments doth to vulgar logick . idola 〈◊〉 are founded in humane nature it self , and in every family and stock of mankind . for humane sense is safely affirm'd to be the measure of things . on the contrary , all the conceptions both of sense and reason are taken from the analogy of man , not the analogy of the universe . humane understanding is like an unequal looking-glass to the rayes of things , which mixing its own nature with the nature of things , doth wrest and infect it . idola specus are the mis-apprehensions of every individual man. for every one hath besides the mistakes of humane nature in genéral , a den or individual cave , where the hight of nature is obscured and corrupted . this happens either through every mans singularity ; or through education and conversation among others , or by reading of books and the authorities of them who are honoured and admired by every one , or through the different impressions which occur in a prepossessed and predisposed , or in a calm and equal mind , or the like : so that the spirit of man , as it is placed or qualified in every man , is a various , a troubled , and a fortuitous thing ; wherefore heraclitus said well , that men sought after siences in lesser worlds , and not in the great and common world. there are also idols or mis-apprehensions arising from the mutual contracts , and also ciations of men , which by reason of humane commerce and society we call idola fori : for men are associated by speech , but words are imposed according to the vulgar capacity ; therefore a vitious and an improper imposition of words doth wonderfully mislead and clog the understanding . neither the definitions and explications , wherewith learned men are wont to defend and vindicate themselves in some things , do mend the matter for words , do plainly force the understanding and disturb all things , they lead men into many idle controversies and foolish inventions . lastly there are idols or misapprehensions , which are entered into mens minds from divers opinions of the philosophers , as also from the 〈◊〉 laws of demonstrations : these we call idola theatri . because all the kinds of philosophy , which have been invented and received we look upon as so many fables produced and acted to make fictitious and senical worlds . neither speak we of those amongst us , or only of the ancient philosophers and sects ; seeing many the like fables may be composed and made , because the causes of the different errours are for the most part common ; neither do we understand this only of universal philosophy , but also of many principles and axioms of sciences which have prevailed by tradition , credulity and neglect . but of all these kinds of idols we must speak more largely and distinctly , that so the humane intellect may take more heed . humane understanding is inclinable of it self to suppose a greater order and equality in things than it finds . and whereas many things in nature are monodical and altogether unlike , yet it appropriates to them parallels , correspondencies , and relatives , which are not from hence , are derived those figments . in coelestial bodies all things are moved by perfect circles . in the mean time they reject spiral and serpentine lines , retaining yet the names : from hence it is , that the element of fire is introduced to make a quaternion with the other three , which are within the reach of our senses . to the elements also , as they call them , fancy ascribes to them a double proportion of excess in their mutual rarefaction , and such like dreames are invented . nor is this vanity predominant in opinions only , but also in simple notions the humane understanding attracts all other things to give its suffrage and consent unto those things which once please it , either because they are received and believed , or because they delight . and though a greater strength and number of contrary instances occur , yet it doth either not observe , or contemn them , or remove , or reject them by a distinction not without great and dangerous prejudice , by which an inviolable authority remains in those former conceptions . therefore he gave a right answer , who , when a list of the names of such as had paid there their vows for escaping the danger of shipwrack , was shewn to him hung up in a temple , and when he was questioned whether he did not acknowledge the deity of the gods ? he in answer demanded what was become of their pictures who had perished after that they had paid their vows ? there is almost the same reason for all superstition , as in astrological dreams , presages , &c. men delight in such vanities , they mind the events when they come to pass , but when they fail , which is very often , they neglect and pass them by . but this evil more subtilly invades philosophy and sciences , wherein that which once takes , infects and corrupts the rest , though more firm and better . but in case this delight and vanity were wanting , yet it is a proper and perpetual error in humane understanding , to be rather moved and stirred up by affirmatives than by negatives , although in truth it ought to be indifferent to both : yet on the other hand the strength of a negative instance is greater in constituting every axiom . humane understanding is for the most part moved with those things , which suddenly and at once effect and reach the mind , and wherewith the fancy is wont to be filled and puffed up . as for the rest it supposes and fancies to have them in a kind of inperceptible manner , even like those few things that possess the mind . but as to that quick running over remote and heterogeneous instances , whereby axioms are tried as it were by fire , the understanding is altogether slow and unable , unless severe laws and violent commands be imposed upon it . humane understanding cannot rest , but still desires more and more , though all in vain . therefore it is not to be imagined that heaven should hear any extream or extime parts ; for it may be alwayes necessarily urged , that there is something further . again it cannot be conceived how eternity hath run along until now , because there is a common distinction usually admitted , that it is infinite a parte ante & a parte pòst , which can in no wise be proved , for then it would follow that one infinite is greater than another , and that an infinite consumeth and tends to a finite . the like nicety occurs through the weakness of our imagination concerning lines alwayes divisible , but this mental infinity more dangerously interposes in the invention of causes : for whereas universals chiefly ought to be in a positive nature , as they are found out , being not really causable , yet the humane understanding being unable to rest , still desires things more known , but whiles it tends to further things it falls back to nearer ones , viz. final causes , which indeed arise rather from humane nature , than the nature of the universe . out of this fountain philosophy is strangely corrupted . but he is equally an unskilful and a slight philosopher , who seeks out a cause in primary universals , as he who desires it not in subordinate and subaltern things . humane understanding is not an ignis fatuus a meer light , but it receives an impression from the will and the affections , which produces the reason why it desires sciences , for what a man had rather have true , that he resolves to believe . therefore he rejects difficult things , through impatiency of inquiry ; sober things , because they confine the hope ; the high mystery of nature , because of our natural superstition ; the light of experience , because of an arrogancy and pride , least the mind should seem to converse in vile and transitory affairs , he rejects paradoxes being too much over-ruled by the mistakes of the vulgar . lastly affection qualifies and infects the soul many wayes which cannot be conceived . but the greatest hinderance of the humane understanding , and its most dangerous errors proceed from the dulness , unsufficiency , and deceptions of the senses : those things which make impressions on the senses are of a greater weight than others of a higher nature , that do not affect them : therefore contemplation most commonly ends with the sight , insomuch that there is little or no observation made of invisible things . therefore the actings of the spirits shut up in sensible bodies are hid from us . and all subtil transformation , that happens in the parts of the grosser things , which we commonly stile alteration , but is in truch a subtil metaschematism escapes also our knowledge . nevertheless , if these two that we have named be not found out , there can be no great matter performed in the works of nature . again the nature of common air , and of all bodies which in thinness surpass the air , they being many in number are almost unknown , for sense in it self is a weak and an erroneous thing , nor do the organs conduce much to enlarge or sharpen the senses , but the truest interpretation of nature is made by instances , and by fit and proper experiments , when sense judges of the experiment , the experiment of nature , and of the thing it self . the humane intellect is by its own nature carried on to abstracts , and those things which are unstable it fancies to be constant . but it is better to dissect nature than abstract her , which was done by democritus's school . by that means he searched further than the rest into nature . for that purpose we must rather examine matter , its schemes and transformations , its pure acts and the law of action and motion . forms are but the invention of mens brains , unless you will call the laws of the act forms . of this kind are those false imaginations , which we call idola tribus , they proceed , either from the equality of the substance of the humane spirits or the prepossessions , coarctations , and turbulent motions thereof , or from the inspirations of the passions , or disagreement of the senses , or the manner of impression . idola specus proceed from the proper nature of every individual mind or body , as also from education , custome or other casualties , which kind though various and manifold , yet more especially we propound those which require most caution , and have greatest power to defile the understanding , and render it 〈◊〉 contemplations of nature and most simple bodies only disturb and impair the understanding , but contemplation of nature and of bodies compound , and in their configuration astonish and dissolve the intellect , this is most evident in the school of hencippus and democritus compared with other philosophy , for it so much considers the particles of things , that it almost neglects their frames : and others so amazedly behold them , that they cannot arrive to natures simplicity . these contemplations therefore are to be altered and interchangeably assumed , that the understanding at the same time , may be made penetrating and capable , and those inconveniencies we speak of be avoided with the false notions proceeding from them . let therefore your speculative prudence be so disposed in expelling and removing the idola specus , which proceed either from the predominancy , or excess of composition and division , or from our affection to the times , or from large and small objects . in general let every one , who studies the nature of things , chiefly suspect that which captivates his understanding , and so much the greater heed is to be taken in these opinions , that the understanding may be kept equal and pure . but idola fori are the most troublesome of all , which , by a confederacy of words and names , have 〈◊〉 themselves into the understanding . for men believe that their reason governs words , but so it happens that words retort and reflect their power upon the understanding . this hath made philosophy and sciences sophistical and unactive . now words are for the most part accommodated to vulgar capacities , and by lines most apparent to common apprehensions they divide things . but when a sharper intellect , or more diligent observation would transfer those lines , that they might be more agreeable to nature ; words make a noise : from hence it comes to pass , that the great and solemn disputations of learned men , often end in controversies concerning words and names , with which , according to the custome and prudence of mathematicians 't were a wiser way to begin , and to reduce them into order by definitions . and yet definitions in natural and material beings cannot remedy this evil because they also consist of words , and words beget words , so that it is necessary to have recourse to perticular instances , and their ranks and orders , as we shall presently shew , when we come to the manner and reason of constituting notions and axioms . mis-apprehensions forced by words upon the understanding are of two sorts . 1. the names of things which are not : for as there are things which through inadvertency wanting a name , so are there names without things , through a phantastical supposition . 2. or the names of things which are but confused , ill determined , rashly , and unequally abstracted from things . of the first sort are fortune , the primum mobile , the planetary orbs , the element of fire , and such like fictions arising from vain and false speculations . this kind is easier cast out , because it is exterminable by a continued abnegation and antiquation of such speculations . but the other sort is perplex'd and deeply rooted , proceeding from an ill and unskilful abstraction . for example sake , take any word , humidum if you please , and let us see how its various significations agree , and we shall find this word humidum to be nothing else but a confused note of divers actions enduring no constancy or reduction ; for it signifies that which easily circumfunds it self about another body , and is in it self indeterminable and inconsistent , that which easily gives place on all sides , and easily divides and dissipates , and as easily collects , and reunites it self , that which easily flowes and moves , easily adheres to another body and moistens it , that which is easily reduced into a liquid , or melts , having been before consistent or solid : therefore if you consider the predication and imposition of this word taken in one sense the flame is moist , in another sense the air is not moist . in one sense again small dust is moist , in another glass is so . whence it is evident , that this notion was only rashly abstracted from waters and common liquors without any due verification . in words also there are certain degrees of pravity and error , less vitious are the names of some substances , especially the lowest species well deduced , for the notion of chalk and clay is good , the notion of earth bad , more vitious are the actions of generation , corruption , alteration : the most vitious qualities , excépt the immediate objects of sense , are heavy , light , rare , dense , &c. and yet even among these it cannot be helped but some notions will be better than others , accordingly as more copious matter supplies humane sense . the other mistakes named idola theatri , are not innate , nor secretly wrought in the understanding , but by fabulous speculations , and the perverse laws of demonstrations plainly infused and received . but in these to undertake or endeavour a confutation is not agreeable to what we have spoken . for seeing that we neither agree in our principles nor demonstrations all disputation it taken away . but this is good luck for the ancients , that they may preserve their reputation , for nothing is detracted from them , seeing the way is so questionable . because a lame man , as they say , in the way , out goes a racer out of the way , for t is evident the stronger and nimbler he is , the greater is his aberration , whiles he is out of the way . but such is our manner of inventing sciences , that we attribute not much to the sharpness and strength of wit , and yet we almost equalize them , for even as the describing of a right line or perfect circle much depends on the 〈◊〉 and exercise of the hand , 〈◊〉 it be done meerly by the hand , but if a rule or compasses be used , there is little or no such dependancy upon the hand : so fares it exactly with our reason , although there be no particular use of confutations , 〈◊〉 yet we must say something of the sects and kinds of these theories , and afterwards of their outward signs , because they are in a bad condition , and lastly of the causes of so much unhappiness , and so long and general a consent in error , that truth may have an easier access , and the humane understanding may be more throughly purged , and rid of these mistakes . idola theatri or theoretical mistakes are many , and may be more , and in time to come will be , for unless mens wits had been employed about religion and divinity during many ages , and also about civil governments , especially monarchies , they had 〈◊〉 such novelties in contemplations . so that men addicted unto them , ran the hazard of their fortunes , not only deprived of a reward , but also exposed to contempt and envy . doubtless many more sects of philosophy , and theories like to those , which once in great varieties flourished amongst the grecians , had been introduced : for as upon the etherial phoenomena's more figures of heaven may be formed , likewise many more various opinions may be as easily founded and established upon the phenomena's of philosophy : now the fables of this theater are like those that are acted on the poetical stage , whence it comes to pass , that scenical and 〈◊〉 narrations are more quaint and elegant than those taken out of true history , and better please the readers . in general either much out of little , or little out of much is assumed into philosophical matter , so that on all sides , philosophy is founded on the too narrow basis of experience , and natural history , and determines out of fewer things than it ought ; for the rational sort of philosophers snatch from experience several vulgar things , and they to neither certainly found out , nor diligently examined or tried , the rest they place in meditation , and the exercise of wit. there is another sort of philosophers , who have bestowed a great deal of pains in few experiments , and from thence have presumed to draw and frame a philosophy strangely wresting all other things thereunto . there is also a third sort of them , who intermingle divinity , and traditions of faith and adoration amongst whom the vanity of some has inclined them to seek and derive sciences from spirits and demons . therefore the stock of errours and false philosophy is threefold , namely sophistical , emperical , and superstitious . of the first kind aristotle is an evident example . by his logick he corrupted natural philosophy made the world consist of categories attributed to the humane soul , a most noble substance , a genus made up ofsecondary notions , transacted the business of dense and rare , whereby bodies under go greater or 〈◊〉 dimensions or spaces by the cold distinction of act and power . he asserted only one proper motion to be in all bodies , and if they had any other , that he said was from another ; many more things he affirmed according to his fancy , which he imposed upon nature , being every where more solicitous how he might explain himself in answers , and make any thing positive in words , than of the internal truth of things . this plainly appears if you compare his philosophy with others famous amongst the grecians , for the homoiomera of anaxagoras , the atoms of lencippus , and democritus , the heaven and earth of 〈◊〉 , the discord and concord of empedocles , heraclitus's resolution of bodies into the adiaphorous nature of fire , and the replication of them to density , have something of natural philosophy in them , and a relish of nature and experience : whereas aristotles physicks are nothing but logical notions , which under a more specious name , not nominal but more real he retracts in his metaphysicks , nor let not that move any one , that in his books of animals , in his problems and other treatises he frequently useth experiments . for he first decreed them , neither did he rightly consult experience in establishing his determinations and axioms , but after he had determined them according to his pleasure , he made experience a slave to his fancies : and upon this account he is more to be blamed than his modern followers , i mean a sect of scholastical philosophers , who have altogether forsaken experiments . but the emperical kind of philosophy brings forth more deformed and monstruous opinions than the sophistical or rational , because it is not founded in the light of common notions , which though slender and superficial is notwithstanding in some measure universal and conducive to many things , but in a few narrow and obscure experiments . and therefore to those who daily converse in such experiments , and have thereby corrupted their fancy , this philosophy seems probable and certain , but to others incredible and vain . a notable example whereof we find in the chymists and their opinions , but now scarcely any where else , unless in gilberts philosophy . however we must by no means omit a caution concerning this philosophy , because we inwardly foresee and presage that if men awakened by our precepts , shall at last betake themselves to experience , bidding adieu to sophistical doctrines , they will sustain some damage , through a praemature and inconsiderate haste of the understanding , by soaring too soon to generals and principles , which evil we ought to prevent . but the corruption of philosophy through superstition and intermixed divinity extends it self further , and works much mischief , both to philosophy in general and particular . for the humane understanding is no less obnoxious to the impressions of fancy , than to the impressions of vulgar notions . for the contentious and fallacious kind of philosophy ensnares the understanding , but the other kind being phantastical , swoln and poetical doth rather flatter it . for there is in man a certain ambition of the understanding as well as in the will , especially in sublime and elevated wits . of this kind you have an example amongst the grecians , especially in pythagoras , but joyned with gross superstition , but more dangeroufly and subtilly in plato , and his school . this kind of evil is found in the parts of other philosophers ; by the introduction of abstract formes , final causes , first causes , and frequent omitting the medial , and the like . wherefore take great heed to this matter , for it is the worst of evils to defie errors , and to adore vain things may be well accounted the plague of the understanding . some modern men guilty of much levity , have so indulged this vanity , that they have essayed to found natural philosophy in the first chapter of genesis , the book of job , and other places of holy writ , seeking the living among the dead . now this vanity is so much the more to be check'd and restrained , because by unadvised mixture of divine and humane things , not only a phantastical philosophy is produced , but also an heretical religion . therefore it is safe to give unto faith with a sober mind , the things that are faiths . hitherto our excellent author hath spoken of the bad authority of philosophy , founded in vulgar notions , a few experiments , or in superstition : he examines next the depraved matter of contemplation especially in natural philosophy . he proceeds next to discover to us by what means demonstrations lead us into errors and mistakes , and concludes that experience is the best demonstration , if it be founded upon mature experiments . he discourses afterwards of the several sorts of philosophers among the greeks , and takes notice of their imperfections , of their ignorance in ancient history , and in cosmography , so that they could not be acquainted with so many experiments , as the learned of our dayes . afterwards he discourseth of the causes of errors , and of their long continuance in credit in the world , that none might wonder how it comes to pass that some in these last ages , find so many mistakes in the learning and wit admired in former ages . the first cause of the small prosiciency in sciences , he saith , is the streights of time , and their ignorance of former times : for their observation had not scope enough , nor sufficient assistance from true history , to gather right and judicious experiments . in the second place another cause of great moment certainly offers it self ; namely that in those times , when the wits of men and learning flourished most or but indifferently , natural philosophy had the least share in humane contemplations : nevertheless this ought to be accounted the great mother of sciences : for all arts and sciences , pluck'd away from this root . may perhaps be polished and accommodated to use , but they will never grow . now it is evident , that since the christian faith was embrac'd and encreas'd the most part of the rarest wits applied themselves to divinity . to this end large rewards were propounded , and all manner of helps plentifully afforded . this study of divinity took up the third part or period of time amongst us europeans , and the more because about that time learning began to flourish , controversies touching religion did wonderfully increase : but in the preceding age , during the second period among the romans , the chiefest meditations and studies of philosophers were imployed and spent in moral philosophy , which was then the heathens divinity . moreover the greatest wits in those dayes for the most part applied themselves to civil affairs , by reason of the roman empires greatness , which required the labours of many men . but that age wherein natural philosophy seem'd chiefly to flourish among the grecians was a parcel of time of small continuance , for even in ancienter times , those seven , called wisemen , all except thales , applied themselves to moral philosophy and politicks . and in after times , when isocrates had brought down philosophy from heaven upon earth , moral philosophy prevailed further still , and diverted mens thoughts from physiological speculations . that very period of time also , wherein physick enquiries flourished was corrupted and spoiled with contradictions , and new determinations . wherefore natural philosophy in every one of those periods , being greatly neglected or hindred , 't is no wonder men profited so little in it , seeing they altogether minded other things . add moreover , that those who studied natural philosophy , especially in these modern times , did not wholly addict themselves thereunto , unless perhaps you may alledge the example of some monk in his cell , or nobleman in his country house . so at length it was made but a passage and draw-bridge to other things . this , this famous mother of sciences , was basely thrust down into servile offices , and made a drudge to wait upon medicine , or the mathematicks ; and again to wash the immature wits of young men , and give them a superficial mixture , that they might afterwards be the better qualified to receive of another . in the mean while let no man expect a great progress in sciences , especially in the practical part , unless natural philosophy be produced to particular sciences , and those again reduced to natural philosophy : for hence it comes to pass , that astronomy , opticks , musick , many mechanichal arts , physick it self , and what is more wonderful , even moral philosophy , politicks , and logick , have for the most part no considerable depth , but languish in the surface and variety of things , because when once these particular sciences are divided , they are no longer nourished by natural philosophy , which out of the fountains and true contemplations of motions , rayes , sounds ; texture and figuration of bodies , affections , and intellectual apprehensions , communicates new strength and augmentation to them . and therefore 't is no wonder , that sciences grow not since they are separated from their roots . another great and powerful cause , why sciences are so little advanced , is this , that race cannot rightly be run , where the goal is not rightly placed and fixed . now the true and legitimate mark of sciences is to enrich mans life with new inventions and forces . but the greater number of men know nothing of this , because they are mercenary and professory , unless it happens that some artist of a sharper wit , and ambitious of glory , studies some new inventions , which commonly tends to his own undoing . therefore most men are so far from propounding to themselves the advancement of arts and sciences , that even out of those things that they have , they seek no more than what may be converted into professory use , gain , reputation , or the like advantages . and if any one amongst the multitude seeks knowledge ingeniously and for it self , yet you will find he doth this rather to obtain variety of contemplations and precepts , than for the rigid and severe inquiry of truth . again suppose another more severely enquires after truth , yet even he propounds to himself such conditions of truth as may satisfie his mind and understanding in reference to the causes of things known long ago , not those which may give fresh pledges of operations or new light to axioms , the end therefore of sciences being not yet rightly defined , or well assigned by any body , no wonder if error and mistakes attend those things which are subordinate thereunto . the noble author condemns next the erroneous wayes which conduct to sciences ; namely obscure traditiòns , giddy arguments , the windings of chance or unclean experience ; and wonders that none yet have recommended sense , and well ordered experience , which he supposes to be partly caused by a great mistake . that the majesty of humane understanding is impaired with long conversing in experiments and particular things , subject to sence , and determined to matter ; especially seeing these things are laborious in the inquiry , ignoble in the meditation , harsh in discourse , illiberal in the practice , infinite in number , and full of subtilty . again the reverence of antiquity , and the authority and consent of those who have been accounted great men in philosophy , has detained and inchauted men from making any progress in sciences . as for antiquity the opinion which men entertain of it , is idle and incongruous to the word it self , for the old age , and great age of the world are terms equivolent to antiquity , and ought to be attributed to our times , not to the youthful age of the world , that wherein the ancients lived . for that age in respect of ours was greater and ancienter , in respect of the world it self , lesser and younger : and therefore in like manner , as we expect a greater knowledge in humane affairs , a more mature and a riper judgement from an old man than from a young man , by reason of his experience , and the variety and plenty of things which he hath seen , heard , observed , and understood , so also far greater matters may rationally be expected from our age , than from the ancient times , if it would but know its strength , and were willing to try and mind things , because we live in the worlds old age , and are stored with infinite experiments , and advanced in our noble observations . the discoveries of other lands unknown to former ages are no small helps to our experience . besides it is a great weakness to attribute so much to ancient authors , for truth is the daughter of time not of authority , and the ancientest times are the youngest in respect of the world. the other cause of mens mistakes is their admiring the operations which can shew grey hairs , and a too great esteem of liberal arts and learning already found out , which is an act of simplicity and childishness . but the greatest damage hath happened to sciences through pusilanimity ; and the smalness of those tasks , which humane industry hath proposed to it self , and yet , what is worst of all , that pusilanimity is accompanied with arrogance and disdain . moreover natural philosophy in all ages hath had a troublesome and harsh enemy ; namely superstition , and a blind immoderate zeal of religion . lastly the way to all reformed philosophy hath been blocked up by the unskilfulness of some divines , who were afraid least a deeper enquiry should dive into nature beyond the bounds of sobriety , traduce and falsly wrest those things , which are spoken of divine mysteries in the sacred writings , against searchers of divine secrets : others cunningly conceive , if the means be unknown , which they think greatly concerns religion , all things may more easily be referred to the deity . others from their example fear least motions and mutations in philosophy should terminate in religion . again all things in the manners and institutions of schools , universities , colledges ; and the like places destimated for learned men , and getting learning , are found to be against the advancement of sciences , &c. but the greatest obstacle in the progress of sciences , and new undertakings thereof is discerned in the dispairing of men , and a supposed impossibility , for even wise and grave men are wont to diffide in these things , pondering with themselves the obscurity of nature , shortness of life , deception of the sences , weakness of judgement , difficulty of experiments , and the like , &c. we must take our beginnings from god , in what we are about , for the excellent nature of good therein it manifestly from god , who is the author of good , and father of lights . the foundations of experience , for we must descend to them , have hitherto been either none at all or very weak ; neither hath a sufficient system of particulars been any wayes as yet found outand congested , either in number , kind , or certainty , able to inform the understanding . in the plenty of mechanical experiments , there is discovered a great want of such as assist or tend to the information of the understanding , &c. not onely a greater plenty of experiments is to be sought , and procured , differing in kind from what ever was yet done . but also another method , order and process are to be introduc'd , for the continuing and promoting of experience . for wandring experience , guided by it self , is a meer cheat , and doth rather amaze men than inform them . but when experience proceeds regularly , orderly , and soberly , there may be some better hope of sciences . seeing there is such a great number , and as it were an army of particulars , but so scattered and diffused , that they disgregate and confound the understanding , we can expect no good from the skirmishes , light motions , and transcursions of the understanding , unless by fit , well disposed , and exact tables , there be an instruction , and co-ordination of those things which appertain to the subject of our enquiry : and the mind be applyed to the preparatory and digested helps of these tables . but when this plenty of particulars is rightly and orderly placed before our eyes we must not presently pass to the inquisition , and invention of new particulars or operations , or if we do we must not rest in them , &c. we must not permit the understanding to leap or fly from particulars to remote and general axioms , such as are called the principles of arts and things , or by their constant verity to prove or discuss medial axioms . but then men may hope well of sciences , when by a true scale , and continual not intermitted degrees , we ascend from particulars to lesser axioms , then to medial , for some are higher than others ; and lastly to universals ; for the lowest axioms differ not much from naked experience , but the supressive and more general which occur , are rational and abstracted , and have no solidity . the medial therefore are those true solid and lively axioms , wherein mens fortunes and estates are placed , and above those also are those more general , if not abstracted , but truely limited by these medial or middle axioms . therefore the humane understanding needs not feathers but lead and weights to hinder its leaping and flying . but this is not yet done , when it is we may have better hope of sciences . now in constituting an axiom another form of induction contrary to what was formerly , or is now used , is found out , and that not onely to prove or invent principles , as they call them , but also lesser and medial axioms , ye all . for that induction , which proceeds by simple enumeration , is a childish thing , and concludes precariously , being exposed to the danger of a contradictory instance . and yet most commonly it gives judgement from fewer instances than it ought , or from those onely which are at hand . but that induction which would induce to the invention and demonstration of arts and sciences , must separate nature by due rejections and separations , and , after sufficient negatives , conclude upon affirmatives , which thing is not yet done , nor so much as attempted , unless by plato only , who indeed , to examine definitions and ideas , doth in some measure use this form of induction . but for the good and lawful institution of such an induction or demonstration . many things are to be used , which never yet entered into any mortal mans heart , so that greater pains is to be taken herein than was ever yet spent in a syllogism . now the help of this induction is not onely to be used in finding out axioms , but also in terminating motions , for certainly in this induction our greatest hope is placed . far more and better things , yea and in shorter time , are to be expected from the reason , industry , direction , and intention of men , than from chance the instinct of animals , which hitherto have given the beginning to inventions . this also may be brought as an encouragement , that some things which are found out , are of that kind , that before their production it could not easily come into mans mind to imagine any thing of them , for every body despised them as impossible , as the use of guns the invention of silk , the seamans needle , &c. therefore we hope there are in natures bosome many secrets of excellent use , which have no alliance nor paralellism , with the things already invented , but are placed out of fancies road , not as yet found out , which doubtless after many revolutions of ages shall at last come forth , even as those former did . but by the way we now declare , they may speedily and suddenly be both anticipated and represented . we must not omit another thing , which may raise up our hope . let men reckon the infinite expence of wit , time , and money , which they are at in things and studies of far lesser use and value ; the least part whereof , were it converted to sound and solid things , would conquer all difficulty . had we a man among us , who would de facto answer nature's queries , the invention of all causes and sciences would be the study but of a few years . some without doubt , when they have read over our history and tables of invention , may object that something is less certain , or altogether , false in our experiments , and therefore perhaps will think with himself , that our inventions are founded on false foundations , and dubious principles . but this is nothing , for such things must needs happen at first , for it is all one as though in writing or printiug some one letter or other should be misplaced , which does not usually hinder the reader , for such errors are easily corrected by the sence , &c. many things also will occur in our history and experience , first slight and common , then base and mechanical , lastly too curious , meerly speculative , and of no use , which kind of things may divert and alienate the studies of men . now for those things which seem common , let men consider , that they themselves are wont to do no less than refer and accommodate the causes of rare things to these which are frequently done , but of things daily happening they enquire not the causes , but take them for granted . and therefore they inquire not into the causes of weight , coelestial rotation , heat , cold , light , hard , soft , slender , dense , liquid , concistent or solid , animate and inanimate , similar dissimilar , nor lastly organical , but dispute and judge of other things , which happen not so frequently and familiarly by these as being evident , manifest , and received . but we , who know well enough , that no judgement can be made of rare and notable things , much less new things be brought to light without the causes of vulgar things , and the causes of causes rightly examined and found out are forced necessarily to receive the most vulgar things into our history : furthermore we perceive nothing has hindred philosophy more , than because things familiar and frequently happening do not stay and detain the contemplation of men , but are entertained by the by , and their causes not inquired into , so that information of unknown matters is not oftner required than attention in known things . now as touching the vileness and dishonesty of things , they are no less to be entertained in natural history than the richest and most precious things , nor is natural history thereby polluted , for the sun does equally visit pallaces and sinks , and yet is not defiled . again we do not build or dedicate a capitol or pyramid to the pride of men , but we found an holy temple for the worlds pattern in humane understanding . therefore we follow our copy for whatsoever is worthy of essence is worthy of science , which is the image of science , but vile things subsist as well as costly ones . moreover , as out of some putrid matters , as musk and civet , sometimes the best odours come , even so from low and sordid instances sometimes excellent light and information flowes . before all things we have and must speak first of this thing , viz. that we how at first setting out , and for a time , seek only lociferous not fructiferous experiments , according to the examples of divine creation , which only produced light on the first day , and bestowed a whole day upon it , not intermingling with it , in that day , any material work. if any one therefore think these things are of no use , it is all one as if he should think light useless , because it is indeed no solid nor material being ; for we may truely affirm , that the light of simple natures being well examined and defined , is like light which affords passage to all the secret rooms of operations , drawing after it all the companies and troops of operations , and potentially comprizing the fountains of most noble axioms , yet in it self it is not of so great use : thus the elements of letters of themselves and separately signifie nothing , neither are of any use , but yet are like the first matter in the composition , and preparation of every word . thus the seeds of things strong in power are as to use , except in their increase of no value , and the scattered beams of light unless they unite together , become unbeneficial to men . some also will doubt rather than object , whether we speak only of natural philosophy , or else of other sciences ; namely , logick , ethicks and politicks to be perfected according to our way . but we surely understand what we have said of all this , and as vulgar logick , which rules things by syllogism , belongs not onely to natural , but to all sciences . so ours , which proceeds by induction , compriseth all things ; for we make an history and inventory tables , as well of anger , fear , modesty , &c. as of politick examples , and so of the mental motions of memory , composition and division , judgement and the rest , no less than of heat and cold , or light and vegetation , &c. but as our method of interpretation after history is prepared and ordered , doth not only behold mental motions and discourses , as common logick , but also the nature of things . so we govern the understanding , that it may apply it self in a perfect and apt manner to the nature of things . but that ought by no means to be doubted , whether we desire to destroy and demolish the philosophy , arts , and sciences which we use , for we on the contrary willingly allow their use , cultivation , and honour ; nor do we any wayes hinder , but that those which have been in credit , may nourish disputations , adorn orations , be used in professory employments . lastly , like currant money , be received among men by consent . but how truely we profess this very thing , which we mention concerning our affection and good will towards allowed sciences , our publick writings , especially our books of the advancement of learning declare and attest . it remains that we now speak somewhat cóncerning the excellency of the end. had we before treated 〈◊〉 these things , our expectations probably had better succeeded , but now we are in hopes , that all prejudices being removed , these matters may perhaps be of more weight . for though we had perfected and compleated all things , nor had called others to share in our labours , yet should we have refrained these words lest we might be thought to proclaim our own merits , but seeing the industry of others is to be sharpened , and their minds to be stirred up and inflamed , 't is fit we put men in remembrance of some things . first then the introduction of noble inventions seems to carry the greatest sway amongst humane actions , as former ages also have judged ; for they gave divine honor to the inventors of things , but to those who were meritorious in civil affairs , as the founders of cities and empires , lawgivers , 〈◊〉 of their countreys from temporal evil , destroyers of tyranny &c. they only decreed heroick honor . inventions also , are the new creations , they are man's glory , they cause him to be a god to the rest of mankind . new inventions are of a wonderful consequence as the art of printing , gun-powder , and the sea mens compass . these three have changed the face and state of affairs in the whole world. first , in learning . secondly , in warfare . thirdly , in navigation . there are three sorts of ambition , the first desires to enlarge man's own power over countries and people , this is common and ignoble , the second , endeavours to enlarge other mens , as our prince's dominions , this hath more dignity , but no less desire . but if any one endeavours to restore and inlarge 〈◊〉 power and dominion of mankind , over the university of things , doubtless this ambition is sounder , and nobler than the other two : now mans dominion over things consists onely in arts and sciences , for nature is not trusted , but by obedience . it is now high time that we propound this art it self of interpretating nature , wherein though we suppose we have given most true and profitable precepts , yet we do not attribute unto it any absolute necessity or perfection , as though nothing could be done without it . for we are of opinion if men had by them a just history of nature and experience , and would diligently study it , and could command themselves in two things ; first in putting away received opinions and notions . secondly , in forbearing a while generals and subgenerals , they would by the proper and genuine strength of the understanding , without any art , light upon our form of interpretation ; for interpretation is the true and natural work of the mind , all obstacles being first removed : but certainly our presents will make all things more ready and sure . nevertheless we do not affirm that nothing can be added unto them . on the contrary we , who consider the mind not only in its own faculty , but as it is united with things ought to determine , that the art of invention may grow and increase with things invented . part of the novum organum , or , aphorisms of the interpretation of nature and kingdome of man. taken out of the second book . it is the business and intent of humane power to produce and superinduce a new nature , and new things upon a body given to it ; but it is the business and purpose of humane science , to find out the true form of this body , or the right difference , or the essence of nature , called natura naturans , or the fountain of emanation : these words we use , because they express the thing , and discover it best . now to these works of the first rank there be two of a second and inferior sort , that are subordinate . to the first , the transformation of concrete bodies from one to another within possible limits . to the second , invention in all generation and motion of a secret proceeding continued from an apparant efficient and vissible matter to a new form ; as also the invention of an hidden schism of resting bodies not in motion . although the ways leading to the power and humane science , be nearly allied and almost the same , nevertheless it is the safest , because of that old and pernicious custome , of spending time in abstracts to begin and raise sciences from their very foundations , which look upon the active part in order , that it might consume and determine the active part , therefore we must see to some nature to be superinduced upon another body , what precept or direction any should require for that purpose , and that in an easie and plain expression . for example , suppose any should desire to cover over silver with the yellow colour of gold , or give unto it an increase of weight , with a regard to the laws of matter , or to make an obscure stone become transparant , or glass gluttinous , or to cause a body not vegetable to grow ; we must see in such a case what direction or deduction may cheifly he desired , first a person would doubtless wish for something of a like experiment to be shewn unto him , which might not fail in the operation , nor deceive in the undertaking . secondly , he would desire some directions which might not bind him , and force him to certain mediums , and particular ways of acting , for it may be , that he may be unable to purchase , and procure unto himself such mediums , therefore if there be any other mediums and other methods of acting , besides that direction of producing such a nature , it may perhaps be of such things , as are in the power of the worker ; yet notwithstanding he may be excluded from the 〈◊〉 of such , things by the narrowness of the rule , so as that he shall meet with no 〈◊〉 . thirdly , he may desire , that 〈◊〉 may be shewn unto him , which may not be altogether so difficult , as the operation that is in question , but that comes nearer to the practise . therefore it is 〈◊〉 , that every true and perfect rule of working be certain , 〈◊〉 , and well designing , or in order to action : therefore this is the same as the invention of a true form , for the form of any nature is such , that when it is supposed the nature it self must needs follow , therefore it is always present , wherever that nature is , it be speaks it in general and 〈◊〉 it . such is the form of a thing that when it is taken away the 〈◊〉 of the thing is removed . therefore it is always 〈◊〉 from it , when that nature is absent , and is in it alone . 〈◊〉 , a true form is such , that it deduceth the nature of a thing out of the fountain of being , which is common to many , and more 〈◊〉 than the nature , as they speak , than the form . therefore the rule of knowing a true and perfect axiom is this , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 found out which might be convertible with the nature given , and yet be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of a more known nature , like as of a true genus . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the one active , the other speculative , are the same in effect , and what is most useful in operation is most true in speculation . but the rule or axioms of transforming bodies are two fold . the 〈◊〉 consider'd a body , as a troop or conjugation of simple 〈◊〉 , as in 〈◊〉 these things do meet , that it is yellow , weighty , and of such 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may be beaten thin and drawn into wire , of such a bigness that it is not volatile , and that it loseth nothing by fire , that it is to be run in such a manner , that it is to be separated and loosned by such means , and the like of the other natures or properties of gold. therefore such an axiom deduceth the thing from the forms of the simple 〈◊〉 or properties , for he that knows how to bring new forms and methods of yellow , of weight , of fluidity , &c. he will see and take care of their graduations and means , that all these be conjoined in one body from whence transformation into gold may be expected . therefore this manner of marking belongs to the primary action , for there is the same method required in bringing forth one simple nature , as many ; onely man meets with more difficulty in working , when he is to joyn together many natures , which meet not of themselves unless by the ordinary and usual ways of nature ; nevertheless we may affirm that the method of working , which considers the 〈◊〉 natures , though in a concrete body , proceeds from those things , which in nature are constant , eternal , and universal , and open a wide door to mans ability , which as affairs are now manag'd our humane understanding can scarce comprehend or represent . but the second kind of axioms , which depends from the invention of a secret proceeding , acts not by simple natures , but by concrete bodies , as they are found in natures ordinary course ; for example , suppose an inquisition is made from what beginnings , how , and in what manner gold , or any other metal , or stone is generated from its first matter and deform substance until it comes to a perfect mineral , likewise in what manner herbs grow , form their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the sap in the earth , or from the seed until it riseth up to be a plant with all the succession of motion , and the divers , and continued endeavours of nature . likewise of the ordinary generation of animals from their conception to their birth , in like manner of all other bodies . but this inquisition relates not onely to the generation of bodies , but also to other motions and workings of nature ; for example , suppose an inquisition be made into the universal series , and continued manner of nourishment , from the 〈◊〉 reception of the food , until it turns into the substance of the body ; likewise of the voluntary motion in animals , from the 〈◊〉 impression of the fancy , and repeated endeavours of the spirits , to the movings and turnings of the arters , or of the outward motion of the tongue , and lips , and other instruments to the giving of articulate 〈◊〉 ; for these things relate to concrete or collegious bodies , and in operations they are lookt upon as particular and special custom of nature , not as fundamental , and common laws , which constitute forms . but we must needs 〈◊〉 , that this method seems to be the most expedite , the most likely and 〈◊〉 and more than the other primary . 〈◊〉 wise the operative part , which answers this speculative , doth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , working from those things , which are commonly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 things near at hand , or from those things to other 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 highest and radical operations upon nature depend 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 axioms . moreover , when man hath not the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but onely of knowing and beholding , as in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are not within mans reach he cannot change nor alter them . 〈◊〉 the inquisition of the fact it self , or of the truth of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as the knowledge of causes and agreements , relates to the primary and universal axioms of simple 〈◊〉 as the nature of voluntary relation , or the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the load stone , and many others ; which are more common than the 〈◊〉 : neither can any body hope to terminate the question , whether in the daily motion , the earth doth in truth come round , or the heavens unless he understands 〈◊〉 the nature of voluntary rotation . the hidden proceeding , which we have mentioned , is otherwise , so that our humane understanding , as it is now wrapt up in 〈◊〉 , cannot easily search into it ; neither do we 〈◊〉 certain measures , 〈◊〉 , or degrees of proceeding visible in bodies , but that continued proceeding , which for the most part is not subject to our senses . for example , in all generation and transformation of bodies , we must inquire what is last , and what flies away , what remains , what is added , what dilates it self , what is drawn to it , what is united , what is separated , what is continued , what is cut off , what means , what hinders , what commands , and what yields , and many other things . again , neither are we to enquire after these things in 〈◊〉 and transformation of bodies , but in all other alterations and motions we are likewise to enquire , what proceeds , and what succeeds , what is most fierce , and what is most remiss , what gives the motion , what commands , and the like . all these things are unknown to , and never handled by the sciences , which are composed by the grossest and the unablest wits . seeing 〈◊〉 natural action is transacted by the least beginnings , or by such as are so small , that they are not to be perceived by our senses , no body can hope to rule or turn nature , unless he can comprehend and take notice of them in a due manner . out of the two kinds of axioms , which are already mentioned , philosophy and sciences are to be divided , ( the common received words which approach the nearest to the discovery the of things , being applied to our meaning ) namely that the inquisition of forms , which in reason according to their own laws are eternal and unmovable , constitutes the metaphysicks ; but the inquisition of the efficient , of the matter , of the secret proceeding , and hidden schismatism , all which things regard the common and ordinary course of nature , not the foundamental and eternal laws , should constitute the physicks . now to these are subordinate two practical sciences , to physick the mechanick is subordinate , and to the metaphysicks , the better sort of magick , in regard of its large ways and greater command in nature . now that we have thus described our doctrine we must proceed to the precepts in a right and orderly manner ; therefore the discovery of the interpretation of nature contains chiefly two parts . the first tends to the drawing out and raising axioms from experience ; the second teacheth how to take and derive experiments from new axioms . the first part is divided in a threefold manner into three ministrations ; into that which relates to sense , into that which relates to the memory , and to that which relates to the mind or understanding . first we must have a natural and experimental history ; sufficient and good , which is the foundation of the thing : it must not be feigned or contrived onely , but we must find what nature doth , or bears . but the natural and experimental history is so various and scattered that it confounds and disturbs the understanding ; unless it be limited and placed in a right order ; therefore we must form some tables and ranks of instances in such a manner and order , that the understanding may work upon them . which , when it is done , the understanding left to it self , and moving of it self , is not sufficient , but unable , for the working of axioms , unless it be ruled and assisted ; therefore in the third place a lawful and true induction is to be brought in , which is the key of the interpretation ; we must begin at the end and proceed back-wards to the rest . an inquisition of forms proceeds in this manner , first , upon nature given , we must bring to the understanding all the instances of notes , that agree in the same nature , though by different matters ; therefore such a collection is to be historical , without any hasty contemplation or greater subtilty than ordinary , for example in the inquisition of the form of hot. convenient instances in the nature of hot. 1. the sun beams chiefly in summer ; and at noon . 2. the sun beams beaten back and pressed together ; specially between mountains , walls , and through burning-glasses . 3. all fiery meteors . 4. fiery thunderbolts . 5. the bursting forth of flames out of the caves of mountains , &c. 6. all flame . 7. all solid bodies of fires 8. hot and natural baths . 9. all liquids heated or boiling . 10. vapors and hot smoak , and the air it self , which receives a strong and furious heat , when it is shut up , as in all places of reflection . 11. some kind of storms , by the constitution of the air , when there is no respect to the time of the year . 12. the air shut up in subterraneous caves , chiefly in winter . 13. all hair and shag , as wooll , the skins of beasts , feathers , have something of heat . 14. all bodies , as well solid as liquid , as well thick as thin , as the air , may be heated for a time . 15. sparks of fire out of iron or steel , when they are struck out . 16. all bodies rubb'd together as a stone , wood , cloth , &c. so that the axle-trees , and wheels of carts sometimes are enflamed . and the custome amongst the western indians is to make fire by rubbing . 17. all green herbs , and moist , shut up close together , as roses , pease in a basket , and hay , if it he laid up wet will often take fire . 18. lime watered . 19. iron when it is first dissolved by strong waters , in glass without any assistance of fire , and likewise pewter , &c. which is not so hot . 20. all animals chiefly in their inwards , though the heat in insects , because of the smalness of their bodies cannot be perceived by our feeling . 21. horse-dung and the new excrements of such like creatures . 22. strong oil of sulphur and vitriol performs the office of heat in burning linning . 23. the oyl of wilde majoram , and the like , doth the office of heat in burning bones and teeth . 24. the strong spirit of wine well rectified performs the office of heat , so that if the white of an egg be cast into it , it will thicken and whiten almost in the same manner , as when it is boiled , and cloth being cast into it will burn , and be brown as a toasted piece of bread . 25. all sweet sents , and hot herbs , as dragon wort , cresses , &c. although the hand feels not their heat , neither when they are entire , nor when reduced to ashes , but when they are chewed a little , they heat the tongue , and the pallet , as if they did burn . 26. strong vinegar , and all things acide or sharp , are hot in a member , where there is no * epidermis , as in the eye and tongue , and in a wounded part , or where the skin is taken off , they cause pain like to that of heat . 27. also extroardinary cold seems to be burning . 28. garlick . this list we are want to name the table essence and presence . secondly , we must examine with our understanding the instances which are deprived of * nature given . the instances at hand which have not the nature of heat . the beams of the moon , of the stars , and of the comets seem not to be hot to our feeling , for we may observe that the greatest frosts are in the full moon , but the fixed and bigger stars , when the sun goes under them , or draws near them , they are thought to be heated by the heat of the sun , as when the sun is in leo , or in the dog days . the sun beams , in the middle region of the air , are not hot : the reason is , because that region is not near enough to the body of the sun , from whence the beams burst forth , nor to the earth that reflects them back ; therefore this is plain , upon the tops of mountains , which are not the highest , snow abides upon them alwayes . but on the contrary , some have taken notice , that on the top of the pick of tenerif , and on the top of the mountains of peru , there is no snow to be seen , but upon the sides of these hills snow remains ; therefore the air on the top of those mountains is not cold , but subtil and sharp , so that in the mountains of peru it pricks and offends the eyes with its sharpness , and the stomack , so that it makes men inclinable to vomit . the ancients have taken notice , that , on the top of mount olympus , the air is so subtil , that such as climb up to the top , must carry with them spunges dipt in water and vinegar , and often put them to their mouths and noses , because the air is there so subtil , that it sufficeth not for respiration . they say also that there is there so great a calm , free from all rain , storms , snow and winds , that some who sacrificed there , upon jupiters altar , having made with their fingers an impression in the ashes upon the altar , the next year the same letters and impression were to be seen without the least alteration . and such as venture up to the top of the pick of tenerif go by night and not by day , they are called upon a little after the rising of the sun by their guides to hasten down again , because of the danger , as it seems , caused by the subtilty of the air , for fear that it should stiffle the spirits . the reflection of the sun beams near the northern pole are very weak and inefficacious in matter of heat . let this experiment be tried , take a looking gloss made contrary to the burning-glasses , and put it between your hand , and the sun beams , and take notice whether it don't diminish the heat of the sun , as the burning-glass increaseth it . try this other experiment , whether by the best and strongest burning-glasses it is not possible to gather together the beams of the moon in one point , and cause thereby a small degree of warmth . try also a burning-glass upon any thing that is hot , but not luminous or shining , as upon hot urine , or hot stone , which is not fiery or upon boiling water or the like , and see whether it increaseth not the heat , as at the rayes of the sun. try also a burning glass before the flame of the fire . the comets have not always the same effects in encreasing the heat of the year , though some have observed that grievous droughts have succeeded them . bright beams , and columns , and * chasmata , and such like meteors appear more frequently in the winter than in the summer , and especially in great frosts , when the air is very dry . thunder and lightnings seldom happen in winter , but in the time of great heats . but falling stars are thought to consist for the most part of a thin substance , bright and kindled , near a kin to the strongest fire . there are some lightnings that yield light but don't burn , such happen alwayes without thunder . the breaking out , and eruptions of flames are to be seen in cold regions as well as in hot , as in istandia , greenland , as the trees which grow in cold countreys are more combustible , more full of pitch , and rosom , than others that grow in hot regions . all flame is hot , more or less : nevertheless , they say , that ignus fatuus , which lights sometimes against a wall , hath but little heat : it may be like the flame of the spirit of wine , which is mild and soft ; but that flame is yet milder , which some credible and discreet historians affirm to have been seen about the hair and heads of boys and girls , which did not so much as singe the hair , but did softly wave above them . every thing that is fiery , when it turns into a fiery red , when it should not yield any flame , it is always hot . of hot baths , which happen by the scituation and nature of the sun , there hath not been sufficient inquiry . all boiling liquors in their own nature are cold , for there is no liquor to be toucht , which is so naturally , which remains always hot ; heat therefore is given to it for a time , as an acquired nature or quality ; so that the things themselves , which are in their operations most hot , as the spirit of wine , some chymical oiles , and the oyl of vitriol , and of sulphur , and the ike , which at the first touching are cold , but soon after they burn . there is a doubt whether the warmth of wool , of skins , and of feathers , and the like , proceed not from some small inherent heat , as it riseth from animals , or whether it proceeds not from a fatness and oyliness , which is agreeable to warmth , or whether it comes not from the inclusion and fraction of the air. there is nothing tangible , or yielding spirit , but is apt to take fire : yet many things differ in this , that some receive heat sooner , as air , oyl , and water ; ohers not so quickly , as stone , and metals . there can be no sparks struck out of stone , or steel , or out of any other hard substance , unless some minute parts of the substance of the stone or metal be also struck out . there is no tangible body to be found , but becomes warm by rubbing ; therefore the ancients did fancy , that the heavenly globes had no other warmth or vertue to cause heat , but that which was derived to them from the 〈◊〉 of the air , when they were rowled about in their swift and surious course . some herbs and vegetables , when they are green and moist , seem to have in them some secret heat ; but that heat is so small , that it is not to be perceived by feeling when they are single , but when they are heaped together , and shut up , that their spirits cannot escape out into the air , but encourge one another , then the heat appears , and sometimes a flame in convenient matter . new lime becomes hot when it is sprinkled with water , either because of the union of heat , which before was dispersed . or by the irritation and exasperation of the spirits of water and of fire ; for there is a kind of conflict and antiperistasis . how the heat is caused will easily appear , if instead of water , oyl be cast into it , for oyl , as well as water , unites the spirits shut up , but it will not irritate or anger them . all dung of animals , when it is old , hath the power of heating , as we may see in the fatting of ground . aromatick substances , and herbs sharp at the taste , are much hotter when they are taken inwardly ; we may try upon what other substances they discover any hot vertue . the seamen tell us , that when heaps and lumps of spices or aromatick substances , are long shut up closs , and then opened , there is some danger for such as stir them , or take them out first ; for the fumes that arise from them are apt to inflame the spirits , and to give feavers . likewise an experiment may be tried , whether their dust will not be able to dry bacon , and other flesh hung over it , as over the smoak of a fire . there is an accrimony or penetration in cold things , as vinegar , and oyl , of 〈◊〉 , as well as in hot , as in the oyl of wilde marjoram , and the like ; therefore they cause a like pain in animals , and in inanimate substances they dissolve , and confirm the parts . in animals there is no pain but is accompanied with a certain sense of heat . cold and hot have many effects common to them both , tho produced in a different manner ; for snow seems to burn the hands of children , and cold preserves flesh from putrefaction , as well as fire , and heat draws together some substances to a lesser bulk as well as cold . a table of degrees , or of such things as are comparatively hot . we must first speak of those things , which seem not to the feeling to be hot , and yet are so potentially afterwards : we shall descend to mention such things as are actually , or at the feeling hot ; and to examine their strength and degrees of heat . 1. amongst the solid and tangible bodies , there is none found , which is hot naturally or originally , neither stone , nor metal , nor sulphur , nor any mineral , nor wood , nor water , nor the carcase of any anima ; but in baths there is hot water by accident , either by subterraneous flames , as fire ; such as is in etna , and many other mountains , or by the conflict of bodies , as heat is produced in the dissolution of iron and pewter . therefore our feeling cannot be sensible of any degree of heat in inanimate substances , but they differ in their degrees of cold , for wood is not so cold as metals . 2. but touching things that have heat potentially in them , and that are ready to kindle , there are many inanimate substances of that nature , as sulphure , naptha , salt-peter , &c. 3. those things which before were inflamed , as the horse dung , by an animal heat , or lime , ashes , and soot ; by the fire they yet retain certain relicks of their former heat . therefore there are certain distillations , and separations of bodies , effected by the heat of horse dung ; and the heat is raised in lime by water , as we have already said . 4. amongst the vegetables there is no plant , nor part of a plant as the droppings , or sap , which seems to our feeling to be hot . 5. there is no part of dead animals nor any thing separated from them , which appears hot , nor the horse dung it self , unless it be shut up , and buried close . but nevertheless all dung seems to have heat potentially in it , as may appear by the improvement of the ground . likewise the corpses of dead animals have the same secret heat potentially ; therefore in church-yards , where they are daily buried , the ground hath by that means acquired a secret heat , which soon consumes a carcase newly buried , and sooner than other earth . 6. whatsoever fatness the ground , as all sorts of dung , chalk , sea-sand , salt , and the like have a secret disposition and tendency to heat . 7. all putrefaction hath some beginnings of a little heat , though not to that degree as to be perceived by feeling 8. the first degree of heat of those things , which are to be felt . to be hot by feeling is the heat of animals , that have a great latitude of degrees ; for the lowest degree , as in insects , is not to be perceived by touching . the highest degree scarce attains to the degrèe of heat of the sun beams in the hottest regions and times : nevertheless it is reported of constantine and of several others , that they were naturally so hot , and their constitution so dry , that in several violent feavers their bodies did burn so much , that when any did but touch them with the hand it would seem to burn a while after . 9. all animals do encrease their heat by motions and exercise , by wine , good chear , and venery , and in burning feavers , and pain . 10. all animals in the intervals of feavers are ceased with cold and shivering at first , but a little after they burn the more . 11. we may further inquire and compare the heat of several animals , as of fishes , four footed beasts , serpents , birds , and according to their several species , as in a lyon , in a kite , or a man ; for , according to the common opinion , fishes are inwardly less hot , birds most , especially , pigeons , hawks , and austriches . 12. let us inquire further of the heat compared in the same animal with the several parts and members , for milk , blood , seed , eys , are of a moderate degree of warmth , and less hot then the exterior flesh of animals , when it moves and is stirred about , but what degree of heat is in the brain , stomack , heart , and other parts , was never yet found out . 13. all animals , during the winter and in cold storms , are outwardly cold , but inwardly they are thought to be hotter than in summer . 14. the coelestial heat , in the hottest regions , times of the year , and day , is not so hot as burning wood , straw , or linnen , neither doth it burn but through a glass . 15. the astrologers inform us , that some stars are hotter th another , amongst the planets , next to sol , mars is the hotest , afterwards jupiter , then venus , but luna is thought to be cold , and saturn colder : amongst the fixed stars sirius is the hottest , then cor leonis or regulus , afterwards the dog star , &c. 16. the sun warms most when he is nearest to our zenith , over our heads ; the same we may think of the other planets , according to their degree of heat , for example , jupiter is hotter when he is under cancer or leo , than when he is under capricornius or aquarius . 17. the coelestial heat is increased three several ways , namely , when the globe is over our heads , when it draw near by proplnquity , and by a conjunction or association of several stars . 18. there are several degrees of heat in flames , and fires in strength and weakness . 19. i judge that the flame , that bursts forth and proceeds from certain imperfect metals , is very strong and fierce . 20. but the flame of thunder seems to be fiercer than all other flames , for sometimes it hath dissolved iron it self into drops , which all other flames cannot do . 21. in things set a fire there is also a different degree of heat , we esteem the weakest to be burn'd linnen , or tinder , touch wood or match ; after them the weakest fire is that of a burnt coal , and laths set a fire : but the hottest we think to be metal inflamed , as iron and copper , &c. 22. motion increaseth heat , as we may perceive by blowing with bellows : for some of the harder sort of metals are not to be dissolved , or liquefied by a dead fire , unless it be stirred up by blowing . 23. we judge that the great fires that happen , when the wind blows hard , do struggle and strive more against the wind than they do yield to it , for the flame in such a case flies back with a greater fierceness when the wind yeilds than when it drives it . by the common fire , especially by the subterraneous fires , which are the remotest and shut up clossest from the rayes of the sun , you may expel the caelestial nature from the form of hot . by the heating of bodies of all sorts , i mean of minerals , of vegetables , and of the exterior parts of animals , of water , of oile , &c. in drawing them nearer to the fire or any hot body you may expel all variety , and subtil texture of bodies . by iron or other fiery metals , which may heat other bodies without minishing ought of the weight or substance , expel the mixture of the substance of another hot thing . here follows several other directions and precepts most useful , if well understood ; but because i am limited i proceed to the other helps of natures interpretation recommended by the worthy author . first , he placeth prerogatives of instances . secondly , helps of induction . thirdly , arectification of induction , &c. amongst the prerogatives of instances the solitary instances are first . they are such as discover the nature , which is inquired after in such subjects , which have nothing common with other subjects , except that nature . and again , such as discover not the nature inquired for in such subjects , which are like in all things with other subjects , unless it be in the nature it self , for example , if the nature of colour , is inquired into , the solitary instances are gems of christal , which yeild not not only a color in themselves , but cast it upon a wall. they have nothing common with the fired colours in flowers , coloured gems , metals , wood , &c. unless it be the colour ; from whence it may easily appear , that colour is nothing else but a modification of the image of light cast into , and received in the first kind , by divers degrees of lightning upon the body ; in the second , by the textures and various schesmatisms of the body . the second are the instances called migrantes , they are such in which the nature inquired for passeth to the generation , when before it was not , or contrariwise passeth to corruption , when it was before these instances are useful for a right understanding of the nature of things , and to direct us to practise ; for example , suppose the nature of whiteness be inquired into , the instance putting to generation is whole glass , and glass beaten to with powder , likewise simple water , and water stirred about into froth , for whole glass and water are transparent , not white , but glass beaten and water turned into froth , are not transparant , but white ; therefore we must inquire what happens from that change or passage to glass or water ; for it is evident that the form of whiteness is conveighed in by the contusion of the glass , and the stirring of the water , and there seems to be nothing added besides the communition of the parts of glass and water , and the mixture of the air . by these instances we may understand such as pass , not onely to generation and privation , but such as proceed to majoration and minoration ; for they tend also to discover to us the true forms of things . the third assistances are named offensive , they are such as discover the nature inquired , for nakedly and in it self also , in its rise , and highest degree of power , free from all impediments ; for as every body receives the forms of many natures conjoyned , so as that in the concrete one weakness depresseth , breaks , and binds another , by that means every form is obscured : now there are some subjects to be found in which the nature sought for is above the rest in its full vigor , either by the absence of the impediment , or by the predominancy of its vertue . these instances do chiefly discover the nature of forms . for example , if you inquire for the nature of weight take quick-silver , which is the heaviest of all other things beside gold , which is not much heavier : but the instance of quick-silver is more proper to discover the nature of weight , than gold ; because gold is solid and close , but quick-silver is liquid and full of spirits ; nevertheless it is heavier than diamonds , and the most solid things , from whence we may understand the form of weight , which consists in the abundance of the matter , not in the compactness and closeness of the thing . the fourth instances are named clandestine . they shew the nature inquired for in its lowest power , and as it were in the cradle and beginning , rising and hid under a contrary nature that domineers over it . these instances are of great consequence to find out the forms of things , for example , if we inquire for the nature of solid ; the clandestine instances are such as discover a weak , and lowest degree of consistency , a solidity in a fluide substance , as in a buble of water , which is as a thin skin of solidity determined and made of a watery body . by this example , and by snow , froth , and melted metals , we may understand that liquid and solid , are but ordinary notions , agreeable to the sense , for in truth there is in every body a liquidity which is weaker and more infirm in bodies homogeneous , as water , but stronger in heterogenious , therefore the conjunction to an heterogeneous body unites and joyns together , but the insinuation of the homogeneous dissolves and loosens . the fifth sort of instances are named constitutive . they are such as constitute a species of the nature inquired into , as a lesser form , for as the lawful forms which are convertible with the natures sought for , are hid in secret , & are not easily to be found , the thing it self and the weakness of our intellect requires that the particular forms be not neglected , but be diligently inquired into , for whatsoever unites nature , although in an imperfect manner , it shews a way to find out forms . for example , if any desires to understand nature of memory , or that which excites or helps memory , the constitutive instances are order and distribution , which evidently help our memory , also places in an artificial memory , &c. so that there are six lesser forms of those things which help memory ; namely ; limitation , a reducement of intellectual matters , to a sensibility an impression into a strong affection , an impression into a pure and disingaged mind , a multitude of helps and a former expectation . the sixth are consormable instances or proportioned , for they shew similitudes , agreements , and conjugations of things , not in the lesser forms , as the constitutive instances do , but in a concrete body . they shew and discover a certain agreement between bodies , although they don't much 〈◊〉 to find out 〈◊〉 , nevertheless they are very beneficial to reveal the fabrick of several parts of the universe , and in its members they make a kind of dissection , and therefore they lead us , as it were , by the hand to high and noble axioms . for example , these are conformable instances , a looking glass and an eye , the make of the ear , and the places where the eccho sounds , but of which conformity , besides the observation of resemblance , which is very useful for many things , it is easie to gather and form this axiom , viz. that the organ for the senses , and the bodies , that send back the sounds to the sense , are much alike . again , the understanding being from hence informed , may easily rise to another axiom higher and more noble ; namely , that there is no 〈◊〉 between the consents , or sympathies , of sensible bodies , and such as are inanimate without sense , unless it be that in the former , there is an animal spirit in the body , fitted to receive and entertain it , but in the latter there is none . therefore as many consents as there are in inanimate bodies , so many senses there might be in animals , if there were as many holes or perforations in the animate body , for the animal spirit to move and fly to the member rightly disposed , as a right organ , &c. another conformable instance is the root of a plant , and the branches . every vegetable swells and pushes out its parts round about as well downwards as upwards neither is there any difference between the roots and branches , but only that the root is shut up in the earth and the branches , spread in the air and the sun , for if any one will but take a tender branch that grows , and turn the top towards the ground , though it toucheth not the earth , it will push forth a root and not a branch . and on the contrary , if the earth be put upon a plant , and be prest with a stone or other hard substance that might hinder the plant from spreading up , it will bring forth branches in the ground and underneath . other conformable instances are the gum of trees , and the most part of the gems of rocks , for either of them are but the exudations and sweatings , the first out of the sap of trees , the second out of rocks , from hence proceeds the clearness and splendor of both . namely from the thin and subtil percolation from hence it is also that the hairs of animals are not so beautiful and of such a lively colour as the plumes of birds , for their sweat is not so fine when it issues out of their skin as when it comes out of a feathers . other conformable instances are the fins of fishes , and the feet of four footed beasts , or the feet and wings of birds unto which aristotle adds four circles in the motion of serpents . therefore in this great fabrick of the world the motion of living creatures seems to be performed by four arters or flexions . also in terrestrial animals the teeth , and in birds , their bills are alike , from whence it is evident that in all perfect animals there is a certain hard substance that draws to the mouth . the seventh are irregular instances , such as discover bodies in their whole , which are extravagant and broken off in nature , and do not agree with other things of the same gender , but are only like to themselves , therefore stiled monodicae . they are useful to raise and unite nature , to find out the genders and common natures , to limit them by their true differences . neither are we to desist from an inquisition until the properties and qualities , which are found in such things as are thought to be miracles in nature , may be reduced , and comprehended under some form or certain law , that all irregularity and singularity might be found to depend upon some common form . such instances are the sun and moon amongst the stars , the loadstone among the stones , quick-silver amongst metals , the elephant , amongst the four footed beasts , &c. the eighth sort of instances are named diviantes , because they are natures errors , and monsters , when nature declines and goes aside from its ordinary course . the use of these is to rectifie the understanding , to reveal the common forms ; neither in these ought we to desist from the inquisition until we have found out the cause of the deviation . but this cause doth not rise properly to any form , but onely to the hidden proceeding to a form , for he that knows the ways of nature , he shall with more ease observe its deviations . and again , he that understands its deviations can better discover its ordinary ways and methods . the ninth sort of instances are named limitanea , such as discover the species of bodies , which seem to be composed of two species , or the rudiments between one species and another : such are flies between rottenness and a plant , certain comets between stars and fiery meteors , flying , fishes , between birds , and fishes , &c. the tenth are instances of power , which are the noblest , and the most perfect , as the most excellent in every art ; for as this is our business chiefly , that nature should be obedient and yield to the benefits of men ; it is fitting , that the works , which are in the power of men , as so many provinces , be overcome and subdued , should be taken notice of , and reckoned specially such as are most plain and perfect , because from them there is an easier and a nearer way to new inventions , never found out before . the eleventh instance are stiled comitatus and hostiles . they are such as discover a concrete body such in which the nature inquired after , doth always follow it as an individual companion , and on the contrary , in which the nature required doth always fly from it , & is excluded out of its company as an enemy : for out of such instances propositions may be formed , which may be certain , universal , affirmative , and negative , in which the subject shall be such a body in concrete , & the predicate the nature it self that is sought , for example if you seek for hot the iustantia comitatus is the flame , &c. the twelth are subjunctive , &c. the thirteenth are instances of union which confound and joyn together natures , which are esteemed to be heterogeneous , and for such are noted and confirmed by the received divisions . for example , if the nature required is hot . that division seems to be good and authentick , that there are three kinds of heat ; the coelestial , the animal , and that of the fire . these heats especially one of them being compared with the other two , are , in essence and species , or by a specifick nature , differing and altogether heterogeneous ; for the heat of the coelestial globes , and the animate heat , encourage and help generation ; but the heat of the fire corrupts and destroyes . it is therefore an instance of union . this experiment , is common enough when the branch of a vine is brought into the house , where there is a continual fire , by which the grapes will ripen a month sooner than those that are in the air : so that fruits may be brought to maturity when they hang upon the tree by the fire , whereas , this seems to be a work proper only to the sun. therefore the understanding is perswaded from hence to inquire , what are the differences which are really between the heat of the sun and that of the fire ; from whence it happens that their operations are so unlike , and they nevertheless partake of the same common nature . the differences are found to be four . first , that the heat of the sun in respect of the heat of the fire is a degree much milder and more favourable . secondly , that it is conveyed , to us through the air , which of it self is humide . thirdly , and chiefly that it is very unequal , sometimes drawing near and increasing in strength , anon departing and diminishing , which very much contributes to the generation of bodies . fourthly , that the sun works upon a body in a long space of time ; but the working of the fire , through mens impatiency , performs the business in a shorter time . if any will be careful to attemper and reduce the heat of the fire to a more moderate and milder degree ; which may be done several ways , if he will besprinkle it , and cause it to send forth something of humidity ; cheifly if he imitates the suns inequality . lastly , if he stayes a little , by this means , he shall imitate or equal , or in some things cause the fires heat to be better than the suns . the fourteenth sort of instances are the judicial , which is when an inquisition is made , and the understanding is placed in an equilibrium , in an uncertainty where to assign the cause of the nature inquired for . for example , suppose any man seeks the cause of the flux and reflux of the sea twice a 〈◊〉 . this motion must needs proceeds from the progress and regress of the waters , in the manner of water troubled up and down in a bason , which when it toucheth the one side of the bason , it leaves the other . or it must proceed from the rising and falling of the waters in the bottom , as boiling water : now there is a doubt unto which of these causes the ebbing and flowing , or flux and reflux of the sea is to be assigned ; which if the first of these be asserted , then it will follow , that when the flux is on this side , the 〈◊〉 will be at the sametime on the other . but acosco with some others have found after a diligent inquiry , that upon the coast of florida , and upon the coast of spain , and africa , the ebbing and flowing of the sea happens at the same moment of time . this question is further examined in the original . the fifteenth sort of instances are of divorce , because they discover the separations of those 〈◊〉 which often meet . the sixteenth are the instances of the lamp , or of the first information , which assist the sense , for as all interpretation of nature begins by the sense , and from the perception of the sense leads by a right and straight-way to inform the understanding , which are the true notions and axioms ; it must needs be , that the more copious and exact the representations of the senses are , so much the better and the happier all things must succeed . the seventeenth sort of instances are stiled of the gate , because they help the immediate actions of the senses . amongst the senses , it is certain that the sight is the chief , in regard of information ; therefore we must seek assistances to this sight . the eighteenth are instances called citantes , which deduce that which is not sensible to be sensible . the nineteenth are named instances of supplement , because they supply the understanding with a right information when the senses fail , therefore we must fly to them , when we have no proper instances . this is done in a two fold manner , either by gradation , or by analogy . for example , the medium is not to be found which stop the load-stone in moving the iron , neither gold , if we put it between , nor silver , nor stone , nor glass , nor wood , &c. nevertheless after an exact tryal , there may be a certain medium sound , which might dull its vertue more than any thing else comparatively , and in some degree , as that the loadstone should not be able to drawiron to it self through gold of such a thickness , &c. the twentieth sort are stiled instances persecantes , because they cut nature asunder , &c. the one and twenty sort are instances of the rod , or of non ultra . the two and twentieth are called instances curriculi . they measure nature by the moments of time , as the instances of the rod measure it by the degrees of space . for all motion and natural action is performed in a time , some quicker , some softer , &c : the three and twentieth sort are instances quanti , &c. the four and twentieth sort are instances of predominancy , the 25. sort are called innuentes , because they discover and design the benefits of men . the six and twentieth sort are named instantiae polychrestas . the seven and twentieth are the magick instances . they are such in which the matter or the officient is but little and slender , if compared with the greatness of the work , or of the effect that follows , in somuch that though they are common , they are looked upon as miracles , &c. i am forced to out short , and abbreviate many excellent directions , and to pass over several weighty observations , because i am limited . however this abbreviation may give the reader 〈◊〉 of the whole . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a28309-e2080 * or skin to cover such as covers the body . * natura data . * gaping of the firmament . the union of the two kingdoms of scotland and england, or, the elaborate papers of sir francis bacon ... bacon, francis, 1561-1626. 1670 approx. 124 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 36 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a28517) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 40105) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 163:24) the union of the two kingdoms of scotland and england, or, the elaborate papers of sir francis bacon ... bacon, francis, 1561-1626. irvine, christopher, fl. 1638-1685. [8], 63 p. [s.n.], edinburgh : 1670. edited by c. irvine. reproduction of original in the huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng 2000-00 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2001-00 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2001-00 tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread 2001-00 tcp staff (michigan) text and markup reviewed and edited 2001-11 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the union of the two kingdoms of scotland and england : or , the elaborate papers of sir francis bacon , lord verulam , viscount of st. alban , sometime high chancellor of england ; the greatest sates-man of his nation , and schollar of his age , concerning that affair . published in this form , for publick satisfaction . nullum numen abest . edinburgh , printed in the year , 1670. for the right honourable , sir andrew ramsay knight , barron of abbots-hall , &c. lord provost of edinburgh , and one of his majesties most honourable privy council . my lord , of the union of the two kingdoms now happily intended , these being the elaborate and most learned thoughts and resolutions of that great states-man , yet more great lawyer , but most of all , the far greatest schollar of his age and nation , sir francis bacon , lord verulam , viscount of st. alban , presented to our sometimes great soveraign , king james , the most wise and learned ; i have advised them again to the press , for the satisfaction of divers noble and worthy persons , the book in which they first came to light , being too voluminous for ordinary use , and rarely to be found in this kingdom . and now , my lord , i have made bold to give you the trouble of this address , and present these few papers , though small in bulk , yet vast in matter , to your hands , both upon my own , and the authors account . upon mine own , who have ever been your most humble client , and have had your noble friendship and favour to countenance me in all my private concerns : and moreover , you do as chief magistrate , govern that city in which i was first educate in the peripatetickwalks , and under , and in which , i have for divers years profest letters , or practised chyrurgery and physick ; and with the rest of my fellow citizens , have found such refreshment under your shade and care , that i thought it my duty to signifie it by this small testimony of my thankfulness . and i am sure , that upon the authors account , there is not a fitter person , to whom these papers could be committed . the great prudence and knowledge he had in state affairs , made him very acceptable to the kings and people of his own nation ; and the great moderation , watchfulness and wisdom you have used in governing this city , one of the greatest interests of this kingdom , hath endeared you to all the princes and chiefs of this people . what labour and trouble you put upon your self to preserve it under the late usurpers , your very enemies do acknowledge and praise . how your care and resolution preserved it from ruine , when the vvest male-contents came marching to its very gates , all that were faithful to his majesties service are ready to witness . and with what sweetness and calmness you have keeped together the union of the burgesses , who were ready , through heat and unadvisedness , to divide themselves , your late appearance before the right honourable committee of trade , and your oppose to those that were ready to violate the old sett of the good-town , is a testimony above exception . i could add many more evidences of your great prudence and moderation ; but i will rather forbear them , then give the least blush or trouble to your modesty : only this i must add , that as your lordship hath been a great preserver of the union of this burgh ; so i do not doubt , but you , who are the most eminent member of a party not least concerned in this affair , i mean the burroughs , will with your good advices , endeavour such an union of the two kingdoms , as shall most advance the glory and prerogative of our gracious king , and promove most the honour , trade and safety of both people . this and your preservation , shall ever be the sincere devotion of , my lord , your most humble servant , c. irvin . a speech used by sir francis bacon in the lower house of parliament , 50. jacobi , concerning the article of general naturalization of the scots nation . it may please you ( mr. speaker ) preface i will use none , but put my self upon your good opinions , to which i have been accustomed beyond my deservings . neither will i hold you in suspence , what way i will choose ; but now at the first , declare my self , that i mean to counsel the house to naturalize this nation . wherein , nevertheless , i have a request to make unto you ; which is of more efficacy to the purpose i have in hand , then all that i shall say afterwards . and it is the same which demosthenes did , more then once in great causes of estate , to the people of athens , ut cum calcul● suffragiorum , sumant magnanimitatem reip. that when they took into their hands , the balls whereby to give their voices , ( according as the manner of them was ) they would raise their thoughts , and lay aside those considerations which their private vocations and degrees mought minister and represent unto them ; and would take upon them cogitations and minds , agreeable to the dignity and honour of the estate . for , ( mr. speaker ) as it was aptly and sharply said by alexander to parmenio ; when upon the recital of the great offers which darius made , parmenio said unto him , i would accept these offers , were i as alexander : he turned it upon him again , so would i ( saith he ) were i as parmenio . so in this cause , if an honest english merchant ( i do not single out that state in disgrace , for this island ever held it honourable , but only for an instance of a private profession ) if an english merchant should say , surely i would proceed no further in the union , were i as the king ; it mought be reasonably answered , no more would the king , were he as an english merchant . and the like may be said of a gentleman of the countrey , be he never so worthy and sufficient ; or of a lawyer , be he never so wise and learned ; or of any other particular condition in this kingdom . for certainly ( mr. speaker ) if a man shall be only or chiefly sensible of those respects , which his particular vocation and degree shall suggest and infuse into him , and not enter into true and worthy considerations of estate , he shall never be able aright to give counsel , or to take counsel in this matter . so that it this request be granted , i account the cause obtained . but to proceed to the matter it self . all consultations do rest upon questions comparative . for when a question is de vero , it is simple , for there is but one truth : but when a question is de bono , it is for the most part comparative : for there be differing degrees of good and evil ; and the best of the good is to be preferred and chosen , and the worst of the evil is to be declined and avoided . and therefore , in a question of this nature , you may not look for answers proper to every inconvenience alledged ; for somewhat that cannot be specially answered , may nevertheless be encountred and overweighed , by matter of greater moment . and therefore , the matter which i shall set forth unto you , will naturally receive this distribution of three parts . first , an answer unto those inconveniences which have been alledged to ensue , if we should give way to this naturalization ; which , i suppose , you will find not to be so great as they have been made ; but that much dross is put into the ballance , to help to make weight . secondly , an encounter against the remain of those inconveniences which cannot properly be answered , by much greater inconveniences which we shall incur , if we do not proceed to this naturalization . thirdly , an encounter likewise , but of another nature ; that is , by the gain and benefit which we shall draw and purchase to our selves , by proceeding to this naturalization . and yet to avoid confusion , which evermore followeth of too much generality , it is necessary for me , before i proceed to perswasion , to use some distribution of the points or parts of naturalization : which certainly can be no better nor none other , than the ancient distribution of jus civitatis , jus suffragii , vel tribus , and petitionis , sive honorum . for all ability and capacity is either of private interest , of meum & tuum , or of publick service : and the publick consisteth chiefly , either in voice or in office. now it is the first of these ( mr. speaker ) that i will only handle at this time , and in this place ; and reserve the other two for a committee , because they receive more distinction and restriction . to come therefore to the inconveniences alledged on the other part . the first of them is , that there may ensue of this naturalization , a surcharge of people upon this realm of england , which is supposed already to have the full charge and content ; and therefore , there cannot be an adm●ssion of the adoptive , without a diminution of the fortunes and conditions of those that are native subjects of this realm . a grave objection ( mr. speaker ) and very dutiful ; for it proceedeth not of any unkindness to the scots nation , but of a natural fastness to our selves . for that answer of the virgins , ne forte non sufficiat vobis & nobis , proceeded not out of any envy or malign humour , but out of providence , and that original charity which begins with our selves . and i must confess ( mr. speaker ) that as the gentleman said , when abraham and lot , in regard of the greatness of their families , grew pent and straitned ; it is true , that ( brethren though they were ) they grew to difference , and to those words , vade tu ad dextram , & ego ad sinistram , &c. but certainly , i should never have brought that example on that side ; for we see what followed of it , how that this separation , ad dextram and ad sinistram , caused the miserable captivity of the one brother , and the dangerous , though prosperous war , of the other , for his rescous and recovery . but to this objection ( m. speaker ) being so weighty and so principal , i mean to give three several answers ; every one of them being , to mine understanding , by it self sufficient . the first is , that this opinion of the numbers of the scots nation , that should be likely to plant themselves here amongst us , will be found to be a thing rather in conceit then in event . for ( mr. speaker ) you shall find these plausible similitudes , of a tree that will thrive the better if it be removed into the more fruitful soil ; and of sheep or cattel , that if they find a gap or passage open , will leave the more barren pasture , and get into the more rich and plentiful ; to be but arguments meerly superficial , and to have no sound resemblance with the transplanting or transferring of families . for the tree , we know , by nature , as soon as it is set in the better ground , can fasten upon it and take nutriment from it ; and a sheep , as soon as he gets into the better pasture , what should let him to graze and feed ? but there belongeth more ( i take it ) to a family or particular person , that shall remove from one nation to another : for if ( mr. speaker ) they have not stock , means , acquaintance and custom , habitation , trades , countenance and the like ; i hope , you doubt not but they will starve in the midst of the rich pasture , and are far enough off from grazing at their pleasure . and therefore , in this point which is conjectural , experience is the best guide ; for the time past is a pattern of the time to come . i think no man doubteth ( mr. speaker ) but his majesties first coming in was as the greatest spring-tide , for the confluence and entrance of that nation . now i would fain understand , in these four years space , and in the fulness and strength of the current and tide , how many families of the scots men are planted in the cities , burroughs and towns of this kingdom ? for i do assure my self , that , more then some persons of quality about his majesties person here at the court and in london , and some other inferiour persons that have a dependancy upon them ; the return and certificate , if such a survey should be made , would be of a number extremely small . i report me to all your private knowledges , of the places where you inhabite . now ( mr. speaker ) as i said , si in ligno viridi it a fit , quid fiet in arido ? i am sure there will be no more such spring-tides . but , you will tell me of a multitude of families of the scots nation in polonia ; and if they multiply in a country so far off , how much more here at hand ? for that , ( mr. speaker ) you must impute it , of necessity , to some special accident of time and place , that draweth them thither . for you see plainly , before your eyes , that in germany , which is much nearer , and in france , where they are invited with priviledges , and with this very priviledge of naturalization , yet no such number can be found : so as it cannot be either nearness of place or priviledge of person , that is the cause . but shall i tell you ( mr. speaker ) what i think ; of all the places in the world , near or far off , they will never take that course of life in this kingdom , which they content themselves with in poland : for we see it to be the nature of all men , that they will rather discover poverty abroad then at home . there is never a gentleman that hath over-reached himself in expence , and thereby must abate his countenance , but he will rather travel and do it abroad then at home . and we know well , they have good high stomachs , and have ever stood in some terms and emulation with us ; and therefore they will never live here , except they can live in good fashion . so as i assure you ( mr. speaker ) i am of opinion , that the strife which we have now to admit them , will have like sequel as that contention had between the nobility and people of rome , for the admitting of a plebeian consul ; which while it was in passing , was very vehement and mightily stood upon : and when the people had obtained it , they never made any plebeian consul , no not in sixty years after . and so will this be for many years , as i am perswaded , rather a matter in opinion , then in use or effect . and this is the first answer that i give to this main inconvenience pretended , of surcharge of people . the second answer which i give to this objection , is this . i must have leave to doubt , ( mr. speaker ) that this realm of england is not yet peopled to the full . for certain it is , that the territories of france , italy , flanders and some parts of germany , do in equal space of ground bear and contain a far greater quantity of people , if they were mustered by the poll. neither can i see , that this kingdom is so much inferiour unto those forraign parts in fruitfulness , as it is in population ; which makes me conceive , we have not our full charge . besides , i do see manifestly among us , the badges and tokens rather of scarceness then of press of people ; as drowned grounds , commons , wastes and the like : which is a plain demonstration , that howsoever there may bean over swelling throng and press of people here about london ; which is most in our eye , yet the body of the kingdom is but thin sown with people . and whosoever shall compare the ruines and decayes of ancient towns in this realm , with the erections and augmentations of new ; cannot but judge , that this realm hath been far better peopled in former times , it may be , in the heptarchy or otherwise : for generally the rule holdeth , the smaller state , the greater population , proratd . and whether this be true or no , we need not seek further then to call to our remembrance , how many of us serve here in this place , for desolate and decayed burroughs . again ( mr. speaker ) whosoever looketh into the principles of estate , must hold it , that it is the mediterrane countries , and not the maritime , which need to fear surcharge of people . for all sea-provinces , especially islands , have another element besides the earth and soil , for their sustentation . for what an infinite number of people are and may be sustained by fishing , carriage by sea and merchandizing ? wherein i do again discover , that we are not at all pinched by multitude of people : for if we were , it were not possible that we should relinquish and resign such an infinite benefit of fishing to the flemmings , as it is well known we do . and therefore , i see that we have wastes by sea , as well as by land : which still is an infallible argument , that our industry is not awaked to seek maintainance , by any over great press or charge of people . and lastly ( mr. speaker ) there was never any kingdom , in the ages of the world , had , i think , so fair and happy means to issue and discharge the multitude of their people ( if it were too great ) as this kingdom hath ; in regard of that desolate and avasted kingdom of ireland , which ( being a countrey blessed with almost all the dowries of nature , as rivers , havens , woods , quarries , good soil and temperate climate , and now at last , under his majesty , blessed also with obedience ) doth , as it were , continually call unto us for our colonies and plantations . and so i conclude my second answer to this pretended inconvenience of surcharge of people . the third answer ( mr. speaker ) which i give is this . i demand , what is the worst effect which can follow of surcharge of people ? look into all stories , and you shall find it none other then some honourable war , for the enlargement of their borders , which find themselves pent , upon foreign parts . which inconvenience , in a valourous and warlike nation , i know not whether i should term an inconvenience or no : for the saying is most true , though in another sense , omne solum forti patria . it was spoken indeed of the patience of an exil'd man ; but it is no less true of the valout of a warlike nation . and certainly ( mr. speaker ) i hope i may speak it without offence , that if we did hold our selves worthy , whensoever just cause should be given , either to recover our ancient rights , or to revenge our late wrongs , or to attain the honour of our ancestors , or to enlarge the patrimony of our posterity ; we would never in this manner forget considerations of amplitude and greatness , and fall at variance about profit and reckonings ; fitter a great deal for private persons , then for parliaments and kingdoms . and thus ( mr. speaker ) i leave this first objection , to such satisfaction as you have heard . the second objection is , that the fundamental laws of both these kingdoms of england and scotland , are yet divers and several ; nay more , that it is declared by the instrument , that they shall so continue , and that there is no intent in his majesty to make innovation in them : and therefore , that it should not be seasonable to proceed to this naturalization , i hereby to endow them with our rights and priviledges , except they should likewise receive and submit themselves to our laws . and this objection likewise ( mr. speaker ) i allow to be a weighty objection , and worthy to be well answered and discussed . the answer which i shall offer , is this . it is true , for mine own part ( mr. speaker ) that i wish the scots nation governed by our laws ; for i hold our laws , with some reducement , worthy to govern , if it were the world . but , this is that which i say , and i desire therein your attention ; that , according to the true reason of estate , naturalization is , in order , first and precedent to union of laws ; in degree , a less matter then union of laws ; and in nature , separable , not inseparable , from union of laws . for , naturalization doth but take out the marks of a forraigner ; but union of laws makes them entirely as our selves : naturalization taketh away separation , but union of laws doth take away distinction . do we not see ( mr. speaker ) that in the administration of the world , under the great monarch , god himself , that his laws are divers ; one law in spirits , another in bodies ; one law in regions coelestial , another elementary ; and yet the creatures are all one mass and lump , without any vacuum or separation ? do we not see likewise , in the state of the church , that amongst people of all languages and linages , there is one communion of saints ; and that we are all fellow citizens , and naturalized of the heavenly hierusalem : and yet , nevertheless , divers and several ecclesiastical laws , policies and hierarchies ? according to the speech of that worthy father , in veste varietas sit , scissura non sit . and therefore , certainly ( mr. speaker ) the bond of law is the more special and private bond ; and the bond of naturalization the more common and general . for the laws are rather figura reip. then forma ; and rather bonds of perfection , then bonds of entireness . and therefore , we see in the experience of our own government , that in the kingdom of ireland , all our statute-laws , since poyning-laws , are not in force ; and yet we deny them not the benefit of naturalization . in gersey , guernsey and the isle of man , our common laws are not in force ; and yet they have the benefit of naturalization . neither need any man doubt , but that our laws and customs must in small time gather and win upon theirs . for , here 's the seat of the kingdom , whence come the supreme directions of estate ; here is the kings person and example , of which the verse saith , regis ad exemplum tot us componitur orbis . and therefore , it is not possible , although not by solemn and formal act of estates , yet by the secret operation of no long time , but they will come under the yoke of our laws ; and so , dulcis tractus pari jugo . and this is the answer i give to this second objection . the third objection is , some inequality in the fortunes of these two nations , england and scotland ; by the commixture whereof , there may ensue advantage to them , and loss to us : wherein ( mr. speaker ) it is well , that this difference or disparity consisteth but in external goods of fortune . for indeed , it must needs be confessed , that for the goods of the mind and body , they are alteri nos , other our selves . for , to do them but right , we know in their capacity and understanding , they are a people ingenious ; in labour industrious ; in courage valiant ; in body hard , active and comely . more might be said , but in commending them , we do but in effect commend our selves : for they are of one piece and continent with us ; and the truth is , we are participant both of their virtues and vices . for , if they have been noted to be a pople not so tractable in government , we cannot without flattering our selves , free our selves altogether from that fault , being a thing indeed incident to all martial people . as we see it evident by the example of the romans and others : even like unto fierce horses , that though they be of better service then others , yet are they harder to guide and to mannage . but for this objection ( mr. speaker ) i purpose to answer it , not by authority of scripture , which saith , beatius est dare quam accipere ; but by an authority , framed and derived from the judgement of our selves and our ancestors , in the same case as to this point . for ( mr. speaker ) in all the line of our kings , none useth to carry greater commendation then his majesties noble progenitour , king edward , the first of that name : and amongst his other commendations both of war and policy , none is more celebrated then his purpose and enterprise for the conquest of scotland ; as not bending his designs to glorious acquests abroad , but to solid strength at home : which nevertheless , if it had succeeded well , could not but have brought in all those inconveniences , of the commixture of a more opulent kingdom , with a less , that are now alledged . for it is not the yoke either of our armes or of our laws , that can alter the nature of the climate , or the nature of the soil : neither is it the manner of the commixture , that can alter the matter of the commixture . and therefore ( mr. speaker ) if it were good for us then , it is good for us now ; and not to be prised the less because we paid not so dear for it . but a more full answer to this objection , i refer over to that which will come after to be spoken , touching surety and greatness . the fourth objection ( mr. speaker ) is not properly an objection , but rather a pre-occupation of an objection of the other side : for it may be said , and very materially , whereabout do we contend ? the benefit of naturalization is by the law , in as many as have been , or shall be born since his majesties coming to the crown , already settled and invested . there is no more then , but to bring the ante-nati into the degree of the post-nati ; that men grown that have well-deserved , may be in no worse case then children which have not deserved ; and elder brothers in no worse case then younger brothers . so as we stand upon quiddam , not quantum ; being but a little difference of time , of one generation from another . to this ( mr. speaker ) it is said by some , that the law is not so , but that the post-nati are aliens as well as the rest . a point that i mean not much to argue ; both because it hath been well spoken to , by the gentleman that spoke last before me ; and because i do desire in this case and in this place , to speak rather of convenience than of law. only this will i say , that that opinion seems to me contrary to reason of law , contrary to form of pleading in law , and contrary to authority and experience of law. for reason of law , when i meditate of it , methinks the wisdom of the common laws of england , well observed , is admirable , in the distribution of the benefit and protection of the laws , according to the several conditions of persons , in an excellent proportion . the degrees are four , but bipartite ; two of aliens , and two of subjects . the first degree is of an alien , born under a king or state that is an enemy . if such an one come into this kingdom without safe conduct , it is at his peril : the law giveth him no protection , neither for body , lands nor goods ; so as if he be slain , there is no remedy by any appeal at the parties sute , although his wife were an english woman : marry at the kings sute the case may be otherwise , in regard of the offence to the peace . the second degree , is of an alien that is born under the faith and allegiance of a king or state that is a friend . unto such a person , the law doth impart a greater benefit and protection ; that is , concerning things personal , transitory and moveable ; as goods and chattels , contracts and the like : but not concerning freehold and inheritance : and the reason is , because he may be an enemy , though he be not . for the state , under the obeysance of which he is , may enter into quarrel and hostility ; and therefore , as the law hath but a transitory assurance of him , so it rewards him but with transitory benefits . the third degree is of a subject , who having been an alien , is by charter made denizen . to such an one , the law doth impart yet a more ample benefit : for , it gives him power to purchase free-hold and inheritance to his own use , and likewise enables the children , born after his denization , to inherit : but yet , nevertheless , he cannot make title , or convey pedegree from any ancestour paramount . for the law thinks not good to make him in the same degree with a subject born ; because he was once an alien , and so mought once have been an enemy . and nemo subitò fingitur : mens affections cannot be so settled by any benefit , as when from their nativity they are inbred and inherent . and the fourth degree , which is the perfect degree , is of such a person that neither is enemy , nor can be enemy in time to come , nor could have been enemy at any time past ; and therefore , the law gives unto him the full benefit of naturalization . now ( mr. speaker ) if these be the true steps and paces of the law , no man can deny , but whosoever is born under the kings obedience , never could , in aliquo puncto temporis , be an enemy ; ( a rebel he mought be , but no enemy ) and therefore , in reason of law , is naturalized : nay , contrary-wise , he is bound , jure nativitatis , to defend this kingdom of england against all invaders or rebels : and therefore , as he is oblieged to the protection of arms , and that perpetually and universally ; so he is to have the perpetual and universal benefit and protection of law , which is naturalization . for form of pleading , it is true , that hath been said , that if a man would plead another to be an alien , he must not only set forth negatively and privatively , that he was born out of the obedience of our soveraign lord the king , but affirmatively , under the obedience of a forreign king or state in particular ; which never can be done in this case . as for authority , i will not press it ; you know all what hath been published by the kings proclamations . and for experience of law , we see it in the subjects of ireland , in the subjects of gersey and guernsey , parcels of the dutchy of normandy ; in the subjects of calleis ( when it was english ) which was parcel of the crown of france . but , as i said , i am not willing to enter into an argument of law , but to hold my self to point of convenience . so as for my part , i hold all post-nati naturalized , ipso jure . but yet , i am far from opinion , that it should be a thing superfluous to have it done by parliament ; chiefly , in respect of that true principle , principum actiones praecipuè ad famam sunt componendae . it will lift up a sign to all the world , of our love towards them , and good agreement with them . and these are ( mr. speaker ) the matterial objections which have been made of the other side , whereunto you have heard mine answers : weigh them in your wisdoms . and so i conclude that general part . now ( mr. speaker ) according as i promised , i must fill the other ballance , in expressing unto you the inconveniencies which we shall incur , if we shall not proceed to this naturalization : wherein , that inconvenience , which of all others and alone by it self , if there were none other , doth exceedingly move me , and may move you , is a position of estate , collected out of the records of time ; which is this , that wheresoever several kingdoms or estates have been united in soveraignty , if that union hath not been fortified and bound in with a further union , and namely that which is now in question , of naturalization ; this hath followed , that at one time or other they have broken again , being upon all occasions apt to revolt , and relapse to the former separation . of this assertion , the first example which i will set before you , is of that memorable union which was between the romans and the latines , which continued from the battail at the lake of regilla , for many years , untill the consulships of t. manlius and p. decius . at what time , there began about this very point of naturalization , that war which was called , bellum sociale ; being the most bloody and pernicious war , that ever the roman state endured ; wherein , after numbers of battails , and infinite sieges and surprises of towns , the romans in the end prevailed , and mastered the latines . but assoon as ever they had the honour of the war , looking back into what perdition and confusion they were near to have been brought , they presently naturalized them all . you speak of a naturalization in blood ; there was a naturalization indeed in blood . let me set before you again , the example of sparta , and the rest of peloponnesus their associats . the state of sparta was a nice and jealous state in this point , of imparting naturalization to their confederates : but what was the issue of it ? after they had held them in a kind of society and amity for divers years , upon the first occasion given ( which was no more , then the surprize of the castle of thebes , by certain desperate conspirators in the habit of masquers ) there ensued immediatly a general revolt and defection of their associats ; which was the ruine of their state , never afterwards to be recovered . of later time , let me lead your consideration to behold the like events in the kingdom of arragon ; which kingdom was united with castille and the rest of spain , in the persons of ferdinando and isabella , and so continued many years ; but yet so , as it stood a kingdom severed and divided from the rest of the body of spain in priviledges ; and directly in this point of naturalization , or capacity of inheritance . what came of this ? thus much ; that now of fresh memory , not past twelve years since , only upon the voice of a condemned man , out of the grate of a prison towards the street , that cried , fueros , ( which is as much as liberties , or priviledges ) there was raised a dangerous rebellion , which was suppressed with difficulty with an army royal , and their priviledges disannulled , and they incorporated with the rest of spain . upon so small a spark , notwithstanding so long continuance , were they ready to break and severe again . the like may be said of the states of florence and pisa ; which city of pisa being united unto florence , but not endued with the benfite of naturalization , upon the first light of forraign assistance , by the expedition of charles the eighth of france into italy , did revolt ; though it be since again re-united and incorporated . the same effect we see in the most barbarous government ; which shews it the rather to be an effect of nature . for , it was thought a fit policy by the council of constantinople , to retain the three provinces of transilvania , valachia and moldavia , ( which were as the very nurses of constantinople , in respect of their provisions ) to the end , they moght be the less wasted , only under vayvods as vaslals and homagers , and not under bassa's and provinces of the turkish empire ; which policy we see , by late experience , proved unfortunate , as appeared by the revolt of the same three provinces , under the arms and conduct of sigismund prince of transilvania , a leader very famous for a time ; which revolt is not yet fully recovered . whereas we seldom or never hear of revolts of princes incorporate to the turkish empire . on the other part ( mr. speaker ) because it is true which the logicians say , opposita , juxta se posita , magis elucescunt : let us take a view and we shall find , that wheresoever kingdoms and states have been united , and that union corroborate by the bond of mutual naturalization ; you shall never observe them afterwards , upon any occasion of trouble or otherwise , to break and severe again : as we see most evidently before our eyes , in divers provinces of france ; that is to say , guien , provence , normandy , brittain , which , notwithstanding the infinite infesting troubles of that kingdom , never offered to break again . we see the like effect in all the kingdoms of spain , which are mutually naturalized ; as leon , castile , valencia , andaluzia , granada and the rest ; except arragon , which held the contrary course , and therefore had the contrary successe , as we said ; and portugal , of which there is not yet sufficient trial. and lastly , we see the effect in our own nation , which never rent assunder , after it was once united ; so as we now scarce know whether the heptarchy were a story or a fable . and therefore ( mr. speaker ) when i revolve with my self these examples and others , so lively expressing the necessity of a naturalization , to avoid a relapse into a separation , and do hear so many arguments and scruples made on the other side ; it makes me think on the old bishop , which upon a publick disputation of certain divines , christians , with some learned men of the heathens , did extremely press to be heard ; and they were loath to suffer him , because they knew he was unlearned , though otherwise an holy and well-meaning man : but at last , with much ado , he got to be heard ; and when he came to speak , in stead of using arguments , he did only say over his belief ; but did it with such assurance and constancy , as did strike the minds of those that heard him , more then any argument had done . and so ( mr. speaker ) against all these witty and subtile arguments , i say that i do believe , and would be sorry to be found a prophet in it , that except we proceed with this naturalization ( though not perhaps in his majesties time , who hath such interest in both nations ) yet in the time of his descendants , these realms will be in continual danger to divide and break again . now if any man be of that careless mind , — — maneat nostras ca cura nepotes ; or of that hard mind , to leave things to be tryed by the sharpest sword ; sure i am , he is not of st. paul's opinion , who affirmeth , that whosoever useth not fore-sight and provision for his family , is worse then an unbeliever : much more , if we shall not use fore-sight for these two kingdoms , that comprehend so many families , but leave things open to the peril of future divisions . and thus have i expressed unto you , the inconvenience which of all other sinketh deepest with me , as the most weighty . neither do their want other inconveniences ( mr. speaker ) the effect and influence whereof , i fear , will not be adjourned to so long a day , as this that i have spoken of . for , i leave it to your wisdom to consider , whether you do not think , in case by the denyal of this naturalization , any pike of alienation or unkindness ( i do not say where ) should be thought to be , or noised to be , between these two nations , whether it will not quicken and excite all the envious and malicious humours wheresoever ( which are now covered ) against us , either forraign or at home ; and so open the way to practices and other engines and machinations , to the disturbance of this state ? as for that other inconvenience of his majesties engagement into this action , it is too binding and pressing to be spoken of , and may do better a great deal in your minds , then in my mouth , or in the mouth of any man else ; because , i say , it doth press our liberty too far . and therefore ( mr. speaker ) i come now to the third general part of my division , concerning the benefits which we shall purchase , by this knitting of the knot surer and streighter between these two kingdoms , by the communicating of naturalization . the benefits may appear to be two ; the one surety , the other greatness . touching surety ( mr. speaker ) it was well said by titus quintius the roman , touching the state of peloponnesus , that the tortois is safe within her shell ; testudo intra tegumen tuta est ; but if there be any parts that lye open , they endanger all the rest . we know well , that although the state at this time , be in a happy peace ; yet , for the time past , the more ancient enemy to this kingdom hath been the french , and the more late the spaniard ; and both these had , as it were , their several postern gates , whereby they mought have approach and entrance to annoy us . france had scotland , and spain had ireland . for these were the two accesses which did comfort and encourage both these enemies , to assail and trouble us . we see that of scotland is cut off , by the union of both these kingdoms , if that it shall now be made constant and permanent . that of ireland is likewise cut off , by the convenient situation of the north of scotland toward the north of ireland , where the sore was : which we see , being suddainly closed , hath continued closed by means of this salve ; so as now , there are no parts of this state exposed to danger , to be a temptation to the ambition of forraigners , but the approaches and avenues are taken away . for , i do little doubt , but those forraigners , which had so ill success when they had these advantages , will have much less comfort now , that they be taken from them . and so much for surety . for greatness ( mr. speaker ) i think a man may speak it soberly , and without bravery ; that this kingdom of england , having scotland united , ireland reduced , the sea provinces of the low-countreys contracted , and shipping maintained , is one of the greatest monarchies in forces , truly esteemed , that hath been in the world . for certainly , the kingdoms here one earth , have a resemblance with the kingdom of heaven ; which our saviour compareth , not to any great kernel or nut , but to a very small grain ; yet such an one , as is apt to grow and spread . and such , do i take to be , the constitution of this kingdom ; if indeed we shall refer our counsels to greatness and power , and not quench them too much with consideration of utility and wealth . for ( mr. speaker ) was it not , think you , a true answer that solon of greece made to the rich king cresus of lydia , when he shewed unto him a great quantity of gold that he had gathered together , in ostentation of his greatness and might ? but solon said unto him , contrary to his expectation ; why , sir , if another come that hath better iron then you , he will be lord of all your gold. neither is the authority of machiavel to be despised , who scorneth the proverb of estate , taken first from a speech of mucianus , that moneys are the sinews of war ; and saith , there are no true sinews of war , but the very sinews of the arms of valiant men . nay more ( mr. speaker ) whosoever shall look into the seminaries and beginnings of the monarchies of the world , he shall find them founded in poverty . persia , a countrey barren and poor , in respect of the medes whom they subdued . macedon , a kingdom ignoble and mercenary , until the time of philip , the son of amyntas . rome had poor and pastoral beginnings . the turks , a band of sarmatian scythes , that in a vagabond manner , made impression upon that part of asia , which is yet called turcomania . out of which , after much variety of fortune , sprung the ottoman family , now the terrour of the world . so we know the goths , vandals , alanes , huns , lombards , normans , and the rest of the northern people , in one age of the world made their descent or expedition upon the roman empire ; and came not as rovers , to carry away prey and be gone again , but planted themselves in a number of fruitful and rich provinces ; where not only their generations , but their names , remain till this day : witness lombardy , catalonia , a name compounded of goth and alane ; andaluzia , a name corrupted from vandelicia ; hungary , normandy and others . nay , the fortune of the swizzes of late years , ( which ate bred in a barren and mountainous countrey ) is not to be forgotten , who first ruined the duke of burgandy , the same who had almost ruined the kingdom of france ; what time , after the battail of granson , the rich jewel of burgandy , prized at many thousands , was sold for a few pence by a common souldier , that knew no more what a jewel meant , then did aesops cock. and again , the same nation , in revenge of a scorn , was the ruine of the french kings affairs in italy , lewis the 12 th . for , that king , when he was pressed somewhat rudely by an agent of the swizzes to raise their pensions , brake into words of choller , what ( said he ) will these villains of the mountains put a tax upon me ? which words lost him his dutchy of millain , and chased him out of italy . all which examples ( mr. speaker ) do well prove solons opinion , of the authority and mastery that iron hath over gold. and therefore , if i shall speak unto you mine own heart , methinks we should a little disdain , that the nation of spain ( which , howsoever of late it hath grown to rule , yet of ancient time served many ages , first , under carthage , then under rome , after under saracens , goths and others ) should of late years , take unto themselves that spirit , as to dream of a monarchy in the west , according to that devise , video solem orientem in occidente ; only because they have ravished from some wild and unarmed people , mines and store of gold : and on the other side , that this island of brittany , seated and manned as it is , and that hath ( i make no question ) the best iron in the world , ( that is , the best souldiers of the world ) should think of nothing but reckonings and audits , and meum and tuum , and i cannot tell what . mr. speaker , i have ( i take it ) gone through the parts which i propounded to my self ; wherein , if any man shall think that i have sung placebo , for mine own particular , i would have him know , that i am not so unseen in the world , but that i discern it were much alike , for my private fortune , to rest a tacebo , as to sing a placebo , in this business . but i have spoken out of the fountain of my heart , credidi , propter quod locutus sum ; i believed therefore i spake . so as my duty is performed , the judgement is yours . god direct it for the best . a speech used by sir francis bacon in the lower house of parliament , by occasion of a motion concerning the union of laws . and it please you ( mr. speaker ) were it now a time to wish , as it is to advise , no man should be more forward or more earnest then my self in this wish , that his majesties subjects of england and scotland were governed by one law ; and that for many reasons : first , because it will be an infallible assurance , that there will never be any relapse in succeeding ages to a separation . secondly , dulcis tractus pari jugo ; if the draught lye most upon us , and the yoke lightest upon them , it is not equal . thirdly , the qualities , and ( as i may term it ) the elements of their laws and ours are such , as do promise an excellent temperature in the compounded body : for if the prerogative here be too indefinite , it may be the liberty there is too unbounded : if our laws and proceedings be too prolix and formal ; it may be theirs are too informal and summary . fourthly , i do discern , to my understanding , there will be no great difficulty in this work . for their laws , by that i can learn , compared with ours , are like their language compared with ours : for , as their language hath the same roots that ours hath , but hath a little more mixture of latine and french ; so their laws and customs have the like grounds that our have , with a little more mixture of the civil law , and french customs . lastly , the mean to this work seemeth to me no less excellent then the work it self ; for if both laws shall be united , it is of necessity , for preparation and inducement thereunto , that our own laws be reviewed and compiled ; then the which , i think , there cannot be a work that his majesty can undertake , in these times of peace , more politick , more honourable , nor more beneficial to his subjects for all ages ; pace datâ terris , animum ad civilia vertit fura suum , legesque tulit justissimus auctor . for this continual heaping up of laws , without digesting them , maketh but a chaos and confusion , and turneth the laws many times , to become but snares for the people , as is said in the scripture , pluet super eos laqueos . now , non sunt pejores laquei , quam laquei legum : and therefore , this work , i esteem to be indeed a work ( rightly to term it ) heroical . so that for this good wish of union of laws , i do consent to the full ; and i think , you may perceive by that which i have said , that i come not in this to the opinion of others , but that i was long ago settled in it my self . nevertheless , as this is moved out of zeal , so i take it to be moved out of time , as commonly zealous motions are ; while men are so fast carried on to the end , as they give no attention to the mean. for , if it be time to talk of this now , it is either because the business now in hand cannot proceed without it ; or because in time and order , this matter should be precedent ; or because we shall leese some advantage , towards this effect so much desired , if we should go on in the course we are about . but none of these three , in my judgement , are true ; and therefore , the motion , as i said , unseasonable . for first , that there may not be a naturalization , without an union in laws , cannot be maintained . look into the example of the church , and the union thereof , you shall see several churches that joyn in one faith , one baptism , ( which are the points of spiritual naturalization ) do many times in policy , constitutions and customs , differ . and therefore , one of the fathers made an excellent observation , upon the two mysteries ; the one , that in the gospel , where the garment of christ is said to have been without seam ; the other , that in the psalm , where the garment of the queen is said to have been of divers colours ; and concludeth , in veste variet as sit , scissura non sit . so in this case , ( mr. speaker ) we are now in hand to make this monarchy of one piece , and not of one colour . look again into the examples of forraign countries , and take that next us of france ; and there you shall find , that they have this distribution , pais du droit escript , and pais du droit constumier . for gascoign , languedock , provence , daulphenie , are countries governed by the letter or text of the civil law ; but the isle of france , tourrain , berry , anjou and the rest , and most of all britain and normandy , are governed by customs , which amount unto a municipal law , and use the civil law but only for grounds , and to decide new and rare cases ; and yet , nevertheless , naturalization passeth through all . secondly , that this union of laws should precede the naturalization , or that it should go on , pari passu , hand in hand , i suppose likewise can hardly be maintained ; but the contrary , that naturalization ought to precede . of which my opinion , as i could yield many reasons , so because all this is but a digression , and therefore ought to be short , i will hold my self now only to one , which is briefly and plainly this ; that the union of laws will ask a great time to be perfected , both for the compiling , and for the passing ; dureing all which time , if this mark of strangers should be denyed to be taken away , i fear it may induce such a habit of strangeness , as will rather be an impediment than a preparation to further proceeding . for he was a wise man that said , opportuni magnis conatibus transitus rerum . and in those cases , non progredi est regredi . and like , as in a pair of tables , you must put out the former writing , before you can put in new ; and again , that which you write in , you write letter by letter ; but that which you put out , you put out at once : so we have now to deal with the tables of mens hearts , wherein it is in vain to think you can enter the willing acceptance of our laws and customs ; except you first put forth all notes either of hostility or forraign condition . and these are to be put out simul & semel , at once , without gradations ; whereas the other points are to be imprinted and engraven distinctly and by degrees . thirdly , whereas it is conceived by some , that the communication of our benefits and priviledges is a good hold that we have over them , to draw them to submit themselves to our laws . it is an argument of some probability , but yet to be answered many wayes : for first , the intent is mistaken , which is not , as i conceive it , to draw them wholly to a subjection to our laws ; but to draw both nations to one uniformity of law. again , to think that there should be a kind of articulate and indented contract , that they should receive our laws to obtain our priviledges , it is a matter , in reason of estate , not to be expected ; being that which scarcely a private man will acknowledge , if it come to that , whereof seneca speaketh , beneficium accipere , est libertatem vendere : no , but courses of estate do describe and delineat another way ; which is , to win them either by benefit or custom . for , we see in all creatures , that men do feed them first , and reclaim them after : and so in the first institution of kingdoms , kings did first win people by many benfits and protections , before they prest any yoke . and for custom , which the poets call , imponere morem ; who doubts , but that the seat of the kingdom , and the example of the king resting here with us , our manners will quickly be there , to mak all things ready for our laws : and lastly , the naturalization which is now propounded , is qualified with such restrictions , as there will be enough kept back , to be used at all times , for an adamant of drawing them further on to our desires . and therefore , to conclude , i hold this motion , of union of laws , very worthy , and arising from very good minds , but not proper for this time . to come therefore to that which is now in question ; it is no more , but whether there should be a difference made in this priviledge of naturalization , between the ante-nati and the post-nati ; not in point of law ( for that will otherwise be decided ) but only in point of convenience [ as if a law were now to be made , de novo ] in which question , i will at this time , only answer two objections , and use two arguments , and so leave it to your judgement . the first objection hath been , that if a difference should be , it ought to be in favour of the ante-nati ; because they are persons of merit , service and proof ; whereas the post-nati are infants , that ( as the scripture saith ) know not the right hand from the left . this were good reason ( mr. speaker ) if the question were , of naturalizing some particular persons by a private bill ; but it hath no proportion with the general . for now , we are not to look to respects that are proper to some , but to those which are common to all . now then , how can it be imagined , but that those that took their first breath , since this happy union , inherent in his majesties person , must be more assured and affectionat to this kingdom , then those generally can be presumed to be , which were sometimes strangers . for , nemo subitò fingitur ; the conversions of minds are not so swift as the conversions of times . nay , in effects of grace , which exceed far the effects of nature , we see st. paul makes a difference between those he calls neophites , that is , newly grafted into christianity ; and those that are brought up in the faith. and so we see , by the laws of the church , that the children of christians shall be baptized , in regard of the faith of their parents ; but the child of an ethnick may not receive baptism , till he be able to make an understanding profession of his faith. another ojection hath been made , that we ought to be more provident and reserved , to restrain the post-nati then the ante-nati ; because , during his majesties time , being a prince of so approved wisdom and judgement , we need no better caution , then the confidence we may repose in him : but in the future reigns of succeeding ages , our caution must be in re , and not in persona . but , ( mr. speaker ) to this i answer , that as we cannot expect a prince hereafter , less like to erre in respect of his judgement ; so again , we cannot expect a prince so like to exceed ( if i may so term it ) in this point of benificence to that nation , in respect of the occasion . for , whereas all princes and all men are won , either by merit or conversation , there is no appearance that any of his majesties descendents , can have either of these causes of bounty towards that nation , in so ample degree as his majesty hath . and these be the two objections which seemed to me most material , why the post-nati should be left free , and not be concluded in the same restrictions with the ante-nati , whereunto you have heard the answers . the two reasons which i will use on the other side , are briefly these ; the one being a reason of common sense , the other a reason of estate . we see ( mr. speaker ) the time of the nativity is , in most cases , principally regarded . in nature , the time of planting and setting is chiefly observed . and we see , the astrologers pretend to judge of the fortune of the party , by the time of the nativity . in laws , we may not unfitly apply the case of legitimation , to the case of naturalization . for , it is true , that the common canon law doth put the ante-natos and the post-natos in one degree ; but when it was moved to the parliament of england , barones unâ voce responderunt , nolumus leges angliae mutare . and though it must be confessed , that the ante-nati and post-nati are in the same degree in dignities , yet were they never so in abilities : for , no man doubts , but the son of an earl or baron , before his creation or call , shall inherite the dignity , as well as the son born after . but the son of an attainted person , born before the attainder , shall not inherite as the after-born shall , notwithstanding charter of pardon . the reason of estate is , that any restriction of the ante-nati is temporary , and expireth with this generation : but if you make it in the post-nati also , you do but in substance , pen a perpetuity of separation . mr. speaker , in this point i have been short , because i little expected this doubt , as to point of convenience ; and therefore , will not much labour , where , i suppose , there is no greater opposition . a brief discourse , of the happy union of the kingdomes of england and scotland . dedicated in private to his majesty . i do not find it strange ( excellent king ) that when heraclitus ( he that was surnamed , the obscure ) had set forth a certain book ( which is not now extant ) many men took it for a discourse of nature , and many others took it for a treatise of policy . for there is a great affinity and consent between the rules of nature , and the true rules of policy . the one being nothing else , but an order in the government of the world ; and the other , an order in the government of an estate . and therefore , the education and erudition of the kings of persia was in a science , which was termed by a name then of great reverence ; but now degenerate , and taken in the ill part . for the perasin magick , which was the secret literature of their kings , was an application of the contemplations and observations of nature , unto a sense politick ; taking the fundamental laws of nature , and the branches and passages of them , as an original or first model , whence to take and describe a copy and imitation for government . after this manner , the foresaid instructers set before their kings , the examples of the celestial bodies , the sun , the moon and the rest , which have great glory and veneration , but no rest or intromission , being in a perpetual office of motion , for the cherishing ( in turn and in course ) of inferiour bodies : expressing likewise the true manner of the motions of government ; which though they ought to be swift and rapide , in respect of dispatch and occasions ; yet are they to be constant and regular , without wavering or confusion . so did they represent unto them , how the heavens do not enrich themselves by the earth and the sea ; nor keep no dead stock nor untouched treasures of that they draw to them from below : but whatsoever moisture they do levy and take from both elements in vapours , they do spend and turn back again in showers ; only holding and storing them up for a time , to the end , to issue and distribute them in season . but , chiefly , they did expresse and expound unto them , that fundamental law of nature , whereby all things do subsist and are preserved ; which is , that every thing in nature , although it hath his private and particular affection and appetite , and doth follow and pursue the same in small moments , and when it is free and delivered from more general and common respects ; yet , neverthelesse , when there is question or case , for sustaining of the more general , they for sake their own particularities , and attend and conspire to uphold the publick . so we see , the iron , in small quantity , will ascend and approach to the load-stone , upon a particular sympathy ; but , if it be any quantity of moment , it leaveth his appetite of amity to the load-stone , and like a good patriot , falleth to the earth ; which is the place and region of massy bodies . so again , the water , and other like bodies , do fall towards the center of the earth , which is ( as was said ) their region or countrey : and yet , we see nothing more usual in all water-works and engines , then that the water ( rather then to suffer any distraction or dis-union in nature ) will ascend , for saking the love to his own region or countrey , and applying it self to the body next adjoyning . but , it were too long a digression to proceed to more examples of this kind . your majesty your self , did fall upon a passage of this nature , in your gracious speech of thanks unto your council ; when acknowledging princely , their vigilancies and well-deservings , it pleased you to note , that it was a success and event above the course of nature , to have so great change , with so great a quiet ; forasmuch as suddain mutations , as well in state as in nature , are rarely without violence and perturbation . so as still i conclude , there is ( as was said ) a congruity between the principles of nature and policy . and lest that instance may seem to oppone to this assertion , i may , even in that particular , with your majesties favour , offer unto you a type or pattern in nature , much resembling this event in your state : namely earthquakes , which many of them bring ever much terrour and wonder , but no actual hurt ; the earth trembling for a moment , and suddenly stablishing in perfect quiet , as it was before . this knowledge then , of making the government of the world a mirrour for the government of a state , being a wisdom almost lost ( whereof the reason i take to be , because of the difficulty for one man to imbrace both philosophies ) i have thought good to make some proof ( as far as my weakness , and the straights of my time will suffer ) to revive in the handling of one particular , wherewith now i most humbly present your majesty : for surely , as hath been said , it is a form of discourse anciently used towards kings ; and to what king should it be more proper , then to a king that is studious to conjoin contemplative vertue and active vertue together ? your majesty is the first king that had the honour to be lapis angularis , to unite these two mighty and warlike nations of england and scotland , under one soveraignty and monarchy . it doth not appear , by the records and memories of any true history , or scarcely by the fiction and pleasure of any fabulous narration or tradition , that ever , of any antiquity , this island of great britain was united under one king before this day . and yet there be no mountains or races of hills , there be no seas nor great rivers , there is no diversity of tongue or language , that hath invited or provoked this ancient separation or divorce . the lot of spain was , to have the several kingdoms of that continent ( portugal only except ) to be united in an age not long past ; and now in our age , that of portugal also , which was the last that held out , to be incorporate with the rest . the lot of france hath been , much about the same time , likewise to have re-annexed unto that crown , the several dutchies and portions which were in former times dismembred . the lot of this island is the last , reserved for your majesties happy times , by the special providence and favour of god ; who hath brought your majesty to this happy conjunction with great consent of hearts , and in the strength of your years , and in the maturity of your experience . it resteth but , that ( as i promised ) i set before your majesties princely consideration , the grounds of nature touching the union and commixture of bodies ; and the correspondence which they have with the grounds of policy , in the conjunction of states and kingdoms . first , therefore , that position , vis unita fortior , being one of the common notions of the mind , needeth not much to be induced or illustrate . we see the sun , when he entereth , and while he continueth , under the sign of leo , causeth more vehement heats then when he is in cancer ; what time , his beams are nevertheless more perpendicular . the reason whereof , in great part , hath been truly ascribed to the conjunction and corradiation , in that place of heaven , of the sun , with the four stars of the first magnitude ; syrius , canicula , cor leonis , and cauda leonis . so the moon likewise , by ancient tradition , while she is in the same sign of leo , is said to be at the heart ; which is not for any affinity which that place of heaven can have with that part of mans body ; but only , because the moon is then , by reason of the conjunction and nearness with the stars aforenamed , in the greatest strength of influence ; and so worketh upon that part in inferiour bodies , which is most vital and principal . so we see , waters and liquors , in small quantity , do easily putrifie and corrupt ; but in large quantity , subsist long , by reason of the strength they receive by union . so in earthquakes , the more general do little hurt , by reason of the united weight which they offer to subvert ; but narrow and particular earthquakes have many times overturned whole towns and cities . so then , this point , touching the force of union , is evident . and therefore , it is more fit to speak of the manner of union ; wherein again , it will not be pertinent to handle one kind of union , which is union by victory , when one body doth meerly subdue another , and converteth the same into his own nature , extinguishing and expulsing what part soever of it it cannot overcome . as when the fire converteth the wood into fire , purging away the smoak and the ashes , as unapt matter to enflame : or , when the body of a living creature doth convert and assimilate food and nourishment , purging and expelling whatsoever it cannot convert . for , these representations do answer , in matter of policy , to union of countries by conquest , where the conquering state doth extinguish , extirpate and expulse any part of the state conquered , which it findeth so contrary , as it cannot alter and convert it . and therefore , leaving violent unions , we will consider only of natural unions . the difference is excellent , which the best observers in nature do take between compositio and mistio , putting together and mingling ; the one being but a conjunction of bodies in place , the other in quality and consent ; the one the mother of sedition and alteration ; the other of peace and continuance ; the one rather a confusion then an union , the other properly an union . therefore , we see those bodies , which they call imperfectè mista , last not , but are speedily dissolved . for , take for example , snow or froath , which are compositions of air and water , and in them you may behold , how easily they severe and dissolve , the water closing together and excluding the air. so those three bodies , which the alchymists do so much celebrate , as the three principles of things ; that is to say , earth , water and oyl , ( which it pleaseth them to term , salt , mercury and sulphur ) we see , if they be united only by composition or putting together , how weakly and rudely they do incorporate : for water and earth maketh but an unperfect slime ; and if they be forced together by agitation , yet by a little settling , the earth resideth in the bottom . so water and oyl , though by agitation it be brought into an oyntment ; yet , after a little settling , the oyl will float on the top : so as such imperfect mistures continue no longer then they are forced ; and still in the end , the worthiest getteth above . but otherwise it is of perfect mistures . for we see these three bodies of earth , water and oyl , when they are joined in a vegetable or mineral , they are so united , as without great subtilty of art and force of extraction , they cannot be separated and reduced into the same simple bodies again . so as the difference between compositio and mistio , clearly . set down is this ; that compositio is the joining or putting together of bodies , without a new form ; and mistio is the joining or putting together of bodies , under a new form. for , the new form is commune vinculum ; and without that , the old form will be at strife and discord . now , to reflect this light of nature upon matter of estate : there hath been put in practice , these two several kinds of policy , in uniting and conjoining of states and kingdoms : the one to retain the ancient form still severed , and only conjoined in soveraignty ; the other to superinduce a new form , agreeable and convenient to the entire state. the former of these hath been more usual , and is more easie ; but the latter is more happy . for , if a man do attentively revolve histories of all nations , and judge truly thereupon , he will make this conclusion , that there was never any states that were good commixtures , but the romans . which because it was the best state of the world , and is the best example of this point , we will chiefly insist thereupon . in the antiquities of rome , virgil bringeth in jupiter by way of oracle or prediction , speaking of the mixture of the trojans and the italians : sermonem ausonii patrum , moresque tenebant , utque est nomen erit ; commixti corpore tantum , subsident teucri , morem , ritusque sacrorum , adjiciam ; faciamque omnes uno ore latinos . hinc genus ausonio mistum , quod sanguine surget , supra homines , supra ira deos , pietate videbis . wherein jupiter maketh a kind of partition or distribution , that italy should give the language and the laws ; troy should give a mixture of men , and some religious rites ; and both people should meet in one name of latines . soon after the foundation of the city of rome , the people of the romans and the sabines mingled upon equal terms . wherein the interchange went so even , that ( as livy noteth ) the one nation gave the name to the place , the other to the people . for , rome continued the name , but the people were called quirites ; which was the sabine word , derived of cures , the countrey of tatius . but that which is chiefly to be noted , in the whole continuance of the roman government , they were so liberal of their naturalizations , as in effect , they made perpetual mixtures . for the manner was , to grant the same , not only to particular persons , but to families and linages ; and not only so , but to whole cities and countries . so as in the end , it came to that , that rome was communis patria , as some of the civilians call it . so we read of saint paul , after he had been beaten with rods , and thereupon charged the officer with the violation of the priviledge of a citizen of rome ; the captain said to him , art thou then a romane ? that priviledge hath cost me dear . to whom saint paul replyed , but i was so born . and yet in another place , saint paul professeth himself that he was a jew by tribe : so as it is manifest , that some of his ancestors were naturalized ; and so it was conveyed to him and their other descendants . so we read , that it was one of the first despites that was done to julius casar ; that whereas he had obtained naturalization for a city in gaule , one of the city was beaten with rods of the consul marcellus . so we read in tacitus , that in the emperor claudius time , the nation of gaule , ( that part which is called comata , the wilder part ) were suiters to be made capable of the honour of being senators and officers of rome . his words are these : cum de supplendo senatu agitaretur , primoresque galliae , quae comata appellatur , faedera & civitatem romanam pridem assecuti , jus adipiscendorum in urbe honorum , expeterent ; multus , eâsuper re , variusque rumor , & studiis diversis , apud principem , certabatur . and in the end , after long debate , it was ruled they should be admitted . so likewise , the authority of nicholas matchiavel seemeth not to be contemned ; who enquiring the causes of the growth of the roman empire , doth give judgement , there was not one greater then this , that the state did so easily compound and incorporate with strangers . it is true , that most estates and kingdoms have taken the other course . of which this effect hath followed , that the addition of further empire and territory hath been rather matter of burthen then matter of strength unto them : yea , and further , it hath kept alive the seeds and roots of revolts and rebellions for many ages : as we may see , in a fresh and notable example of the kingdom of arragon ; which though it were united to castile by marriage , and not by conquest , and so descended in hereditary union , by the space of more then one hundred years ; yet , because it was continued in a divided government , and not well incorporated and cemented with the other crowns ; entred into a rebellion , upon point of their fueros , or liberties , now of very late years . now , to speak briefly of the several parts of that form , whereby states and kingdoms are perfectly united , they are ( besides the soveraignty it self ) four in number ; union in name , union in language , union in laws , union in employments . for name , though it seem but a superficial and outward matter , yet it carrieth much impression and enchantment : the general and common name of grecia made the greeks alwayes apt to unite ( though otherwise full of divisions amongst themselves ) against other nations , whom they called barbarous . the helvetian name is no small band , to knit together their leagues and confederacies the faster . the common name of spain ( no doubt ) hath been a special means of the better union and conglutination of the several kingdoms of castile , aragon , granada , navarrc , valentia , catalonia and the rest ; comprehending also now lately portugal . for language , it is not needful to insist upon it , because both your majesties kingdoms are of one language , though of several dialects ; and the difference is so small between them , as promiseth rather an enriching of one language , then a continuance of two . for laws , which are the principal sinews of government , they be of three natures ; jura , which i will term freedoms or abilities , leges and mores . for abilities and freedoms , they were amongst the romans of four kinds , or rather degrees . jus connubii , jus civitatis , and jus suffragii , jus petitionis , or honoram . jus connubii is a thing in these times , out of use ; for marriage is open between all diversities of nations . jus civitatis answereth to that we call denization or naturalization . jus suffragii answereth to the voice in parliament . jus petitionis answereth to place in council or office. and the romans did many times severe these freedoms , granting jus connubii , sine civitate ; and civitatem , sine suffragio ; and suffragium , sine jure petitionis , which was commonly with them the last . for those we called leges , it is a matter of curiosity and inconveniency , to seek either to extirpate all particular customs , or to draw all subjects to one place or resort of judicature and session . it sufficeth there be an uniformity in the principal and fundamental laws , both ecclesiastical and civil : for in this point , the rule holdeth which was pronounced by an ancient father , touching the diversity of rites in the church ; for , finding the vesture of the queen in the psalm ( which did prefigure the church ) was of divers colours ; and finding again , that christs coat was without a seam , he concludeth well , in veste varietas sit , scissura non sit . for manners , a consent in them is to be sought industriously , but not to be enforced : for nothing amongst people breedeth so much pertinacy in holding their customs , as suddain and violent offer to remove them . and as for employments , it is no more but in indifferent hand , and execution of that verse , tyrôs , triusque mihi nullo discrimine agetur . there remaineth only to remember , out of the grounds of nature , the two conditions of perfect mixture ; whereof the former is time. for the natural philosophers say well , that compositio is opus hominis ; and mistio , opus naturae . for it is the duty of man , to make a fit application of bodies together : but the perfect fermentation and incorporation of them , must be left to time and nature ; and unnatural hasting thereof , doth disturb the work , and not dispatch it . so we see , after the graft is put into the stock and bound , it must be left to time and nature to make that continuum , which at the first was but contiguum . and it is not any continual pressing or thrusting together that will prevent natures season , but rather hinder it . and so in liquors , those commixtures which are at the first troubled , grow after clear and settled , by the benefit of rest and time . the second condition is , that the greater draw the less . so we see , when two lights do meet , the greater doth darken and dim the less . and when a smaller river runneth into a greater , it loseth both his name and stream . and hereof , to conclude , wee see an excellent example in the kingdoms of judah and israel . the kingdom of judah contained two tribes ; the kingdom of israel contained ten : king david raigned over judah for certain years ; and after the death of isbosheth , the son of saul obtained likewise the kingdom of israel . this union continued in him , and likewise in his son salomon , by the space of seventy years at least , between them both : but yet , because the seat of the kingdom was kept still in judah , and so the lesse sought to draw the greater ; upon the first occasion offered , the kingdoms brake again , and so continued ever after . thus having , in all humbleness , made oblation to your majesty of these simple fruits of my devotion and studies ; i do wish , and do wish it , not in the nature of an impossibility ( to my apprehension ) that this happy union of your majesties two kingdoms of england and scotland , may be in as good an hour , and under the like divine providence , as that was between the romans and the sabines . certain articles or considerations , touching the union of the kingdoms of england and scotland . collected and dispersed for his majesties better service . your majesty being ( i do not doubt ) directed and conducted by a better oracle , then that which was given for light to aeneas in his peregrination , ( antiquam exquirite matrem ) hath a royal , and indeed an heroical desire , to reduce these two kingdoms of england and scotland , into the unity of their ancient mother kingdom of britain . wherein , as i would gladly applaud unto your majesty , or sing aloud that hymn or anthem , sic itur ad astra ; so in a more soft and submiss voice , i must necessarily remember unto your majesty , that warning or caveat , ardua , quae pulchra ; it is an action that requireth , yea , and needeth much , not only of your majesties wisdom , but of your felicity . in this argument , i presumed , at your majesties first entrance , to write a few lines indeed scholastically and speculatively , and not actively or politickly , as i held it fit for me at that time , when neither your majesty was , in that your desire , declared , nor my self in that service , used or trusted . but now , that both your majesty hath opened your desire and purpose , with much admiration , even of those who give it not so full an approbation ; and that my self was by the commons , graced with the first vote of all the commons , selected for that cause ; not in any estimation of my ability ( for therein so wise an assembly could not be so much deceived ) but in an acknowledgement of my extream labours and integrity in that business , i thought my self every wayes bound , both in duty to your majesty , and in trust to that house of parliament , and in consent to the matter it self , and in conformity to my own travails and beginnings ; not to neglect any pains that may tend to the furtherance of so excellent a work : wherein i will indeavour , that that which i shall set down be nihil minus quam verba : for length and ornament of speech are to be used for perswasion of multitudes , and not for information of kings ; especially such a king , as is the only instance that ever i knew , to make a man of plato's opinion , that all knowledge is but remembrance , and that the mind of man knoweth all things , and demandeth only to have her own notions excited and awaked . which your majesties rare and indeed singular gift and faculty of swift apprehension , and infinite expansion or multiplication of another mans knowledge by your own , as i have often observed , so i did extremely admire in goodwins cause , being a matter full of secrets and mysteries of our laws , meerly new unto you , and quite out of the path of your education , reading and conference : wherein , nevertheless , upon a spark of light given , your majesty took in so dexterously and profoundly , as if you had been indeed anima legis , not only in execution , but in understanding : the remembrance whereof , as it will never be out of my mind , so it will alwayes be a warning to me , to seek rather to excite your judgement briefly , then to inform it tediously ; and if in a matter of that nature , how much more in this , wherein your princely cogitations have wrought themselves and been conversant , and wherein the principal light proceeded from your self . and therefore , my purpose is only to break this matter of the union into certain short articles and questions ; and to make a certain kind of anatomy or analysis of the parts and members thereof ; not that i am of opinion , that all the questions which i now shall open , were fit to be in the consultation of the commissioners propounded . for i hold nothing so great an enemy to good resolution , as the making of too many questions ; specially in assemblies , which consist of many . for princes , for avoiding of distraction , must take many things by way of admittance ; and if questions must be made of them , rather to suffer them to arise from others , then to grace them and authorize them , as propounded from themselves . but unto your majesties private consideration , to whom it may better sort with me , rather to speak as a remembrancer , then as a counceller , i have thought good to lay before you , all the branches , lineaments and degrees of this union , that upon the view and consideration of them and their circumstances , your majesty may the more clearly discern , and more readily call to mind , which of them is to be imbraced , and which to be rejected ; and of these which are to be accepted , which of them is presently to be proceeded in , and which to be put over to further time ; and again , which of them shall require authority of parliament , and which are fitter to be effected by your majesties royal power and prerogative , or by other policies or means ; and lastly , which of them is liker to pass with difficulty and contradiction , and which with more facility and smoothness : first therefore , to begin with that question , that i suppose will be out of question . whether it be not meet , that the statutes which were made touching scotland , or the scots nation , while the kingdoms stood severed , be repealed ? it is true , there is a diversity in these ; for some of these laws consider scotland as an enemy countrey ; other laws consider it , as a forraign countrey only : as for example , the law of rich. 2. anno 70. which prohibiteth all armour or victual to be carried to scotland ; and the law of 70. of k. h. the 7. that enacteth all the scots men to depart the realm , within a time prefixed ; both these laws and some others , respect scotland as a countrey of hostility : but the law of 22. of ed. 4. that endueth barwick with the liberty of a staple , where all scots merchandizes should resort , that should be uttered for england ; and likewise all english merchandizes that should be uttered for scotland : this law beholdeth scotland only as a forraign nation , and not so much neither ; for there have been erected staples in towns in england for some commodities , with an exclusion and restriction of other parts of england . but this is a matter of the least difficulty ; your majesty shall have a calendar made of the laws , and a brief of the effect , and so you may judge of them : and the like , or reciproque , is to be done by scotland , for such laws as they have concerning england and the english nation . the second question is , what laws , customs , commissions , officers , garrisons and the like , are to be put down , dis-continued or taken away , upon the borders of both realms ? this point , because i am not acquainted with the orders of the marches , i can say the less . herein falleth that question , whether that the tennants , who hold their tennant-rights in a greater freedom and exemption , in consideration of their service , upon the borders ; and that the countreys themselves , which are in the same respect , discharged of subsidies and taxes , should not now be brought to be in one degree with other tennants and countreys ? nam cessante causâ , tollitur effectus ; wherein , in my opinion , some time would be given , quia adhuc corum messis in herbâ est : but some present ordinance would be made , to take effect at a future time ; considering it is one of the greatest points and marks of the division of the kingdoms . and because reason doth dictate , that where the principal solution of continuity was , there the healing and consolidating plaister should be chiefly applyed ; there would be some further device , for the utter and perpetual confounding of those imaginary bounds ( as your majesty termeth them ) and therefore , it would be considered , whether it were not convenient to plant and erect at carleil or barwick , some council or court of justice , the jurisdiction whereof might extend part into england , and part into scotland ; with a commission , not to proceed precisely , or meerly according to the laws and customs either of england or scotland , but mixtly , according to instructions by your majesty to be set down , after the imitation and precedent of the council of the marches here in england , erected upon the union of wales . the third question is , that which many will make a great question of , though perhaps , your majesty will make no question of it ; and that is , whether your majesty should not make a stop , or stand here , and not to proceed to any further union , contenting your self with the two former articles or points ? for it will be said , that we are now well ( thanks be to god ) and your majesty and the state of neither kingdom is to be repented of ; and that it is true which hippocrates saith , that , sana corpora difficilè medicationes ferunt ; it is better to make alterations in sick bodies , then in found . the consideration of which point , will rest upon these two branches ; what inconveniencies will ensue with time , if the realms stand as they are divided , which are yet not found nor sprung up . for it may be , the sweetness of your majesties first entrance , and the great benefit that both nations have felt thereby , hath covered many inconveniencies ; which nevertheless , be your majesties government never so gracious and politick , continuance of time and the accidents of time may breed and discover , if the kingdoms stand divided . the second branch is , allow no manifest or important peril or inconvenience should ensue , of the continuing of the kingdoms divided ; yet , on the other side , whether that , upon the further uniting of them , there be not like to follow that addition and encrease of wealth and reputation , as is worthy your majesties vertues and fortune to be the author and founder of , for the advancement and exaltation of your majesties royal posterity , in time to come . but , admitting that your majesty should proceed to this more perfect and entire union , wherein your majesty may say , majus opus moveo ; to enter into the parts and degrees thereof , i think fit , first , to set down , as in a brief table , in what points the nations stand now at this present time already united , and in what points yet still severed and divided ; that your majesty may the better see what is done , and what is to be done ; and how that which is to be done , is to be inferred upon that which is done . the points wherein the nations stand already united are , in soveraignty . in the relative thereof , which is subjection . in religion . in continent . in language . and now lastly , by the peace your majesty concluded with spain in leagues and confederacies ; for now both nations have the same friends and the same enemies . yet notwithstanding , there is none of the six points wherein the union is perfect and consummate ; but every of them hath some scruple , or rather grain of separation , enwrapped and included in them . for the soveraignty , the union is absolute in your majesty and your generation ; but if it should so be , ( which god of his infinite mercy defend ) that your issue should fail , then the descent of both realms doth resort to the several lines of the several blouds royal. for subjection , i take the law of england to be clear , ( what the law of scotland is , i know not ) that all scots men , from the very instant of your majesties reign begun , are become denizens ; and the post-nati are naturalized subjects of england , for the time forwards : for , by our laws , none can be an alien , but he that is of another allegiance then our soveraign lord the kings ; for there be but two sorts of aliens , whereof we find mention in our law ; an alien ami , and an alien enemy ; whereof the former is a subject of a state in amity with the king , and the latter a subject of a state in hostility : but , whether he be one or other , it is an essential difference unto the definition of an alien , if he be not of the kings allegiance ; as we see it evidently in the precedent of ireland , who since they were subjects to the crown of england , have ever been inheritable and capable , as natural subjects ; and yet , not by any statute or act of parliament , but meerly by the common law , and the reason thereof . so as there is no doubt , that every subject in scotland was and is in like plight and degree , since your majesties coming in , as if your majesty had granted particularly your letters of denization or naturalization to every of them , and the post-nati wholly natural . but then , on the other side , for the time backwards , and for those that were ante-nati , the blood is not by law naturalized ; so as they cannot take it by descent from their ancestors , without act of parliament . and therefore , in this point , there is a defect in the union of subjection . for matter of religion , the union is perfect in points of doctrine ; but in matter of discipline and government , it is imperfect . for the continent ; it is true , there are no natural boundaries of mountains or seas , or navigable rivers ; but yet there are badges and memorials of borders : of which point , i have spoken before . for the language ; it is true , the nations are unius labii , and have not the first curse of disunion , which was confusion of tongues , whereby one understood not another : but yet the dialect is differing , and it remaineth a kind of mark of distinction . but for that , tempori permittendum , it is to be left to time : for , considering that both languages do concur in the principal office and duty of language , which is to make a mans self understood ; for the rest , it is rather to be accounted ( as was said ) a diversity of dialect then of language ; and as i said in my first writing , it is like to bring forth the enriching of one language , by compounding and taking in the proper and significant words of either tongue , rather then a continuance of two languages . for leagues and confederacies ; it is true , that neither nation is now in hostility with any state , wherewith the other nation is in amity : but yet so , as the leagues and treaties have been concluded with either nation respectively , and not with both jointly ; which may contain some diversity of articles of straitness with one , more then with the other . but many of these matters may perhaps be of that kind , as may fall within that rule , in veste variet as sit , scissura non sit . now to descend to the particular points , wherein the realms stand severed and divided , over and besides the former six points of separation , which i have noted and placed as the defects or abatements of the six points of the union , and therefore shall not need to be repeated . the points , i say , yet remaining , i will divide into external and into internal . the external points therefore of the separation , are four . 1. the several crowns ; i mean , the ceremonial and material crowns . 2. the second is , the several names , stiles or appellations . 3. the third is , the several prints of the seals . 4. the fourth is , the several stamps or marks of the coins of monies . it is true , that the external are , in some respect and parts , much mingled and interlaced with considerations internal ; and that they may be as effectual to the true union , which must be the work of time , as the internal , because they are operative upon the conceits and opinions of the people : the uniting of whose hearts and affections , is the life and true end of this work. for the ceremonial crowns , the question will be , whether there shall be framed one new imperial crown of britain , to be used for the time to come ? also , admitting that to be thought convenient , whether in the frame thereof , there shall not be some reference to the crowns of ireland and france ? also , whether your majesty should repeat or iterate your own coronation and your queens ; or only ordain , that such new crown shall be used by your posterity hereafter ? the difficulties will be , in the conceit of some inequality , whereby the realm of scotland may be thought to be made an accession unto the realm of england . but that resteth in some circumstances ; for the compounding of the two crowns is equal ; the calling of the new crown , the crown of britain , is equal . only the place of coronation , if it shall be at westminster , which is the ancient , august and sacred place for the kings of england , may seem to make an inequality : and again , if the crown of scotland be discontinued , then that ceremony which i hear is used in the parliament of scotland , in the absence of the kings , to have the crowns carried in solemnity , must likewise cease . for the name , the main question is , whether the contracted name of britain shall be by your majesty used , or the divided names of england and scotland . admitting there shall be an alteration , then the case will require these following questions . first , whether the name of britain shall not only be used in your majesties stile , where the entire stile is recited ; and in all other forms , the divided names to remain , both of the realms and of the people ; or otherwise , that the very divided names of realms and people , shall likewise be changed or turned into special or sub-divided names of the general name ; that is to say , for example , whether your majesty in your stile , shall denominate your self , king of britain , france and ireland , &c. and yet , nevertheless , in any commission , writ or otherwise , where your majesty mentioneth england or scotland , you shall retain the ancient names , as secundum consuetudinem regni nostri angliae ; or whether those divided names shall be for ever lost and taken away , and turned into the sub-divisions of south-britain and north-britain , and the people to be south-britains and north-britains ; and so in the example foresaid , the tenour of the like clause to run , secundum consuetudinem britanniae australis . also , if the former of these shall be thought convenient , whether it were not better for your majesty , to take that alteration of stile upon you by proclamation , as edward the third did the stile of france , then to have it enacted by parliament ? also , in the alteration of the stile , whether it were not better to transpose the kingdom of ireland , and put it immediately after britain , and so place the islands together ; and the kingdom of france , being upon the continent , last ? in regard these islands of the western ocean seem , by nature and providence , an entire empire in themselves ; and also , that there was never king of england so entirely possest of ireland as your majesty is : so as your stile to run , king of britain , ireland , and the islands adjacent , and of france , &c. the difficulties in this have been already throughly beaten over , but they gather but to two heads . the one , point of honour , and love to the former names . the other , doubt ; left the alteration of the name may induce and involve an alteration of the laws and policies of the kingdom : both which , if your majesty shall assume the stile by proclamation , and not by parliament , are in themselves satisfied : for then the usual names must needs remain in writs and records ; the forms whereof cannot be altered , but by act of parliament , and so the point of honour satisfied . and again , your proclamation altereth no law ; and so the scruple of a tacite or implyed alteration of laws likewise satisfied . but then , it may be considered , whether it were not a form of the greatest honour , if the parliament , though they did not enact it , yet should become suiters and petitioners to your majesty to assume it ? for the seals , that there should be but one great seal of britain , and one chancellor ; and that there should only be a seal in scotland for processes and ordinary justice ; and that all patents of grants of lands or otherwise , as well in scotland as in england , should pass under the great seal here , kept about your person : it is alteration internal whereof i do not now speak . but the question in this place is , whether the great seals of england and scotland should not be changed into one and the same form of image and superscription of britain ? which nevertheless is requisite should be , with some one plain or manifest alteration , lest there be a buz , and suspect that grants of things in england may be passed by the seal of scotland ; or è converso . also , whether this alteration of form may not be done without act of parliament , as the great seals have used to be heretofore changed , as to their impressions ? for the moneys , as to the real and internal consideration thereof , the question will be , whether your majesty should not continue two mints ? which ( the distance of territory considered ) i suppose , will be of necessity . secondly , how the standards ( if it be not already done , as i hear some doubt made of it in popular rumour ) may be reduced into an exact proportion for the time to come ; and likewise the computation , tale , or valuation to be made exact , for the moneys already beaten ? that done , the last question is , ( which is only proper to this place ) whether the stamp , or the image and superscription of britain , for the time forwards , should not be made the self same in both places , without any difference at all ? a matter also which may be done , as our law is , by your majesties prerogative , without act of parliament . these points are points of demonstration , ad faciendum populum ; but so much the more they go to the root of your majesties intention , which is to imprint and inculcate into the hearts and heads of the people , that they are one people and one nation . in this kind also , i have heard it pass abroad in speech , of the erection of some new order of knighthood , with a reference to the union , and an oath appropriat thereunto ; which is a point likewise deserveth a consideration . so much for the external points . the internal prints of separation , are as followeth . 1. several parliaments . 2. several councils of estate . 3. several officers of the crown . 4. several nobilities . 5. several laws . 6. several courts of justice , trials and processes . 7. several receipts and finances . 8. several admiralties and merchandizings . 9. several freedoms and liberties , 10. several taxes and imposts . as touching the several states ecclesiastical , and the several mints and standards , and the several articles and treaties of intercourse with forraign nations , i touched them before . in these points , of the straight and more inward union , there will interveen one principal difficulty and impediment , growing from that root , which aristotle in his politicks , maketh to be the root of all division and diffention in common-wealths ; and that is , equality and inequality . for the realm of scotland is now an ancient and noble realm , substantive of it self : but , when this island shall be made britain , then scotland is no more to be considered as scotland , but as a part of britain ; no more then england is to be considered as england , but as a part likewise of britain : and consequently , neither of these are to be considered as things entire in themselves , but in the proportion that they bear to the whole . and therefore , let us imagine ( nam id mente possumus , quod actu non possumus ) that britain had never been divided , but had ever been one kingdom ; then that part of soil or territory , which is comprehended under the name of scotland , is in quantity ( as i have heard it esteemed , how true i know not ) not past a third part of britain ; and that part of soil or territory which is comprehended under the name of england , is two parts of britain ; leaving to speak of any difference of wealth or population , and speaking only of quantity . so then , if for example , scotland should bring to parliament as much nobility as england , then a third part should countervail two parts , nam si inaequalibus aequalia addas , omnia erunt inaequalia . and this , i protest before god and your majesty , i do speak , not as a man born in england , but as a man born in britain . and therefore , to descend to particulars . 1. parliament . for the parliaments , the consideration of that point will fall into four questions . 1. the first , what proportion shall be kept between the votes of england , and the votes of scotland . 2. the second , touching the manner of proposition , or possessing of the parliament of causes there to be handled , which in england is used to be done immediately by any member of the parliament , or by the prolocutor ; and in scotland is used to be done immediately by the lords of the articles ; whereof the one form seemeth to have more liberty , and the other more gravity and maturity : and therefore , the question will be , whether of these shall yield to other ? or , whether there should not be a mixture of both by some commissions , precedent to every parliament , in the nature of lords of the articles ; and yet , not excluding the liberty of propounding in full parliament afterwards ? 3. the third , touching the orders of parliament , how they may be compounded , and the best of either taken . 4. the fourth , how those , which by inheritance or otherwise , have offices of honour and ceremony in both the parliaments , as the lord steward with us , &c. may be satisfied , and duplicitly accommodated ? 2. councils of estate . for the councils of estate , while the kingdoms stand divided , it should seem necessary to continue several councils ; but if your majesty should proceed to a strict union then , howsoever your majesty may establish some provincial councils in scotland , as there is here of york , and in the marches of wales ; yet the question will be , whether it will not be more convenient for your majesty , to have but one privy council about your person ; whereof the principal officers of the crown of scotland to be , for dignity sake , howsoever their abiding and remaining may be as your majesty shall imploy their service ? but this point belongeth meerly and wholly to your majesties royal will and pleasure . 3. officers of the crown . for the officers of the crown , the consideration thereof will fall into these questions . first , in regard of the latitude of your kingdom , and the distance of place , whether it will not be matter of necessity to continue the several officers , because of the impossibility for the service to be performed by one ? the second , admitting the duplicity of officers should be continued , yet whether there should not be a difference , that one should be the principal officer , and the other to be but special and subalterne ? as for example , one to be chancellor of britain , and the other to be chancellor , with some special addition ; as here of the dutchy , &c. the third , if no such specialty or inferiority be thought fit , then whether both officers should not have the title and the name of the whole island and precincts ? as the lord chancellor of england , to be lord chancellor of britain , and the lord chancellor of scotland , to be lord chancellor of britain ; but with several proviso's , that they shall not intromit themselves , but within their several precincts . 4. nobilities . for the nobilities , the consideration thereof will fall into these questions . the first , of their votes in parliament ( which was touched before ) what proportion they shall bear to the nobility of england ? wherein , if the proportion which shall be thought fit be not full , yet your majesty may , out of your prerogative , supply it : for , although you cannot make fewer of scotland , yet you may make more of england . the second is , touching the place and precedence ; wherein , to marshal them according to the precedence of england in your majesties stile , and according to the nobility of ireland , that is , all english earls first , and then scots , will be thought unequal for scotland : to marshal them according to antiquity , will be thought unequal for england , because , i hear their nobility is generally more ancient : and therefore , the question will be , whether the indifferentest way were not , to take them interchangeably ; as for example , first the ancient earl of england , and then the ancient earl of scotland : and so alternis vicibus . 5. laws . for the laws , to make an entire and perfect union , it is a matter of great difficulty and length , both in the collecting of them , and in the passing of them . for , first , as to the collecting of them , there must be made by the lawyers of either nation , a disgest , under titles , of their several laws and customs , as well common laws , as statutes ; that they may be collated and compared , and that the diversities may appear and be discerned of . and for the passing of them , we see by experience , that patrius mos , is dear to all men , and that men are bred and nourished up in the love of it ; and therefore , how harsh changes and innovations are . and we see likewise , what disputation and argument the alteration of some one law doth cause and bring forth ; how much more the alteration of the whole corps of the law ? therefore , the first question will be , whether it be not good to proceed by parts , and to take that that is most necessary , and leave the rest to time ? the parts therefore , or subject of laws , are for this purpose , fitliest distributed , according to that ordinary didivision of criminal and civil ; and those of criminal causes , into capital and penal . the second question therefore is , allowing the general union of laws to be too great a work to embrace , whether it were not convenient , that cases capital were the same in both nations ? i say the cases , i do not speak of the proceedings or trials ; that is to say , whether the same offences were not fit to be made treason or fellony in both places ? the third question is , whether cases penal , though not capital , yet if they concern the publick state , or otherwise the discipline of manners , were not fit likewise to be brought into one degree ? as the case of misprision of treason , the case of premunire , the case of fugitives , the case of incest , the case of simony and the rest . but the question , that is more urgent then any of these , is , whether these cases , at the least , be they of an higher or inferiour degree , wherein the fact committed or act done in scotland , may prejudice the state and subjects of england , or è converso ; are not to be reduced to one uniformity of law and punishment ? as for example , a perjury committed in a court of justice in scotland , cannot be prejudicial in england , because depositions taken in scotland , cannot be produced and used here in england . but a forgery of a deed in scotland , i mean with a false date of england , may be used and given in evidence in england . so likewise , the depopulating of a town in scotland , doth not directly prejudice the state of england : but if an english merchant shall carry silver and gold into scotland , ( as he may ) and thence transport it into forraign parts , this prejudiceth the state of england , and may be an evasion to all the laws of england ordained in that case : and therefore , had need to be bridled with as severe a law in scotland , as it is here in england . of this kind , there are many laws . the law of the 50. of rich. the 2. of going over without licence , if there be not the like law in scotland , will be frustrated and evaded : for any subject of england , may go first into scotland , and thence into forraign parts . so the laws prohibiting transportation of sundry commodities , as gold and silver , ordnance , artillery , corn , & c. if there be not a correspondence of laws in scotland , will in like manner be deluded and frustrate : for any english merchant or subject may carry such commodities first into scotland , as well as he may carry them from port to port in england ; and out of scotland to forraign parts , without any peril of law. so libels may be devised and written in scotland , and published and scattered in england . treasons may be plotted in scotland , and executed in england . and so in many other cases , if there be not the like severity of law in scotland , to restrain offences , that there is in england ( whereof we are here ignorant , whether there be or no ) it will be a gap or stop , even for english subjects , to escape and avoid the laws of england . but for treasons , the best is , that by the statute of 26. king hen. the 8 th . cap. 13. any treason committed in scotland , may be proceeded with in england , as well as treasons committed in france , rome , or elsewhere . 6. courts of justice , and administration of laws . for courts of justice , trials , processes , and other administration of laws , to make any alteration in either nation , it will be a thing so new and unwonted to either people , that it may be doubted , it will make the administration of justice ( which of all other things , ought to be known and certain , as a beaten way ) to become intricate and uncertain : and besides , i do not see that the severalty of administration of justice , though it be by court soveraign of last resort , ( i mean , without appeal or errour ) is any impediment at all to the union of a kingdom : as we see by experience , in the several courts of parliament in the kingdom of france . and i have been alwayes of opinion , that the subjects of england do already fetch justice somewhat far off , more then in any nation that i know , the largeness of the kingdom considered , though it be holpen in some part , by the circuits of the judges , and the two councils at york , and in the marches of wales established . but it may be a good question , whether as commune vinculum , of the justice of both nations , your majesty should not erect some court about your person , in the nature of the grand council of france ; to which court you might , by way of evocation , draw causes from the ordinary judges of both nations ; for so doth the french king from all the courts of parliament in france ; many of which are more remote from paris , then any part of scotland is from london . 7. receipts , finances , and patrimonies of the crown . for receipts and finances , i see no question will arise ; in regard it will be matter of necessity , to establish in scotland a receipt of treasure , for payments and erogations to be made in those parts : and for the treasure of spare , in either receipts , the custodies thereof may well be several ; considering , by your majesties commandment , they may be at all times removed or disposed , according to your majesties occasions . for the patrimonies of both crowns , i see no question will arise ; except your majesty would be pleased to make one compounded annexation for an inseparable patrimony to the crown , out of the lands of both nations ; and so the like for the principality of britain , and for other appen●ages , of the rest of your children ; erecting likewise such dutchies and honours , compounded of the possessions of both nations , as shall be thought fit . 8. admiralty , navy and merchandizing . for admiralty or navy , i see no great question will arise ; for i see no inconvenience your majesty to continue shipping in scotland . and for the jurisdictions of the admiralties , and the profits and casualties of them , they will be respective unto the coasts over against which the seas lye and are situated , as it is here with the admiralties of england . and for merchandizing , it may be a question , whether that the companies of the merchant-adventurers of the turky merchants and the muscovy merchants ( if they shall be continued ) should not be compounded of merchants of both nations , english and scots ? for , to leave trade free in the one nation , and to have it restrained in the other , may , per-case , breed some inconvenience . 9. freedoms and liberties . for freedoms and liberties , the charter of both nations may be reviewed ; and of such liberties as are agreeable and convenient for the subjects and people of both nations , one great charter may be made and confirmed to the subjects of britain ; and those liberties which are peculiar or proper to either nation , to stand in state as they do . 10. taxes and imposts . but for imposts and customs , it will be a great question how to accommodate them , and reconcile them : for , if they be much easier in scotland then they be here in england , ( which is a thing i know not ) then this inconvenience will follow , that the merchants of england may unlade in the ports of scotland , and this kingdom to be served from thence , and your majesties customs abated . and for the question , whether the scots merchants should pay strangers custom in england ? that resteth upon the point of naturalization , which i touched before . thus have i made your majesty a brief and naked memorial , of the articles and points of this great cause ; which may serve only to excite and stir up your majesties royal judgement , and the judgements of wiser men , whom you will be pleased to call to it : wherein i will not presume to perswade , or disswade any thing , nor to interpose mine own opinion ; but expect light from your majesties royal directions , unto the which , i shall ever submit my judgement , and apply my travails . and i most humbly pray your majesty , in this which is done , to pardon my errors , and to cover them with my good intention and meaning , and desire i have to do your majesty service , and to acquit the trust that was reposed in me ; and chiefly , in your majesties benign and gracious acceptation . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a28517-e480 statutes concerning scotland , and the scots nation . laws , customs , commissions , officers of the borders or marches . further union , besides the removing of inconvenient and dissenting laws and usages . points wherein the nations stand already united . soveraignty : line-royal . subjection . obedience . alien . naturalization . religion , church . government . continent , borders . language , dialect . leagues , confederacies , treaties . external points of the separation and union . the ceremonial or material crown . the stiles and names . the seals . the standards and stamps , moneys . internal points of union . the learned reading of sir francis bacon, one of her majesties learned counsell at law, upon the statute of uses being his double reading to the honourable society of grayes inne ... bacon, francis, 1561-1626. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a28244 of text r9108 in the english short title catalog (wing b301). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 111 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 31 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a28244 wing b301 estc r9108 11658227 ocm 11658227 48005 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a28244) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 48005) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 10:4) the learned reading of sir francis bacon, one of her majesties learned counsell at law, upon the statute of uses being his double reading to the honourable society of grayes inne ... bacon, francis, 1561-1626. [2], 58 p. printed for mathew walbancke and laurence chapman, london : 1642. reproduction of original in library of congress. eng uses (law) -early works to 1800. a28244 r9108 (wing b301). civilwar no the learned reading of sir francis bacon, one of her majesties learned counsell at law, upon the statute of uses: being his double reading t bacon, francis 1642 21764 6 0 0 0 0 0 3 b the rate of 3 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2002-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-03 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-04 tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread 2002-04 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-05 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the learned reading of sir francis bacon , one of her majesties learned counsell at law , upon the statute of uses : being his double reading to the honourable society of grayes inne . published for the common good . london : printed for mathew walbancke , and laurence chapman . 1642. the learned reading of sir francis bacon , upon the statute of vses . i have chosen to read upon the law of vses made 27. hen. 8 ; a law whereupon the inheritances of this realme are tossed at this day like a ship upon the sea , in such sort that it is hard to say which barke will sinke , and which will get to the haven , that is to say , what assurances will stand good , and what will not ; whether is this any lack or default , in the pilots their grave and learned judges : but the tydes and currents of received errours , and unwarranted and abusive experience , have bin so strong , as they were not able to keepe a right course according to the law , so as this statute is in great part , as a law made in the parliament , held 35. reginae , for in 37. reginae , by the notable judgement upon solemne arguments , of all the judges assembled in the exchequet chamber , in the famous case betweene dillon and fraeyne , concerning an assurance by chudley ; this law began to be reduced to a true and sound exposition , and the fall and perverted exposition , which had continued for so many yeares , but never countenanced by any rule or authority of weight , but onely intertained in a popular conceipt , & in practice at adventure grew to be controled , since which time ( as it commeth to passe alwaies upon the first reforming of inveterate errours ) many doubts , and perplexed questions have risen , which are not yet resolved nor the law thereupon setled : the consideration whereof moved me to take the occasion of performing this particular duty to the house , to see if i could by my travell , bring to a more generall good of the common wealth . herein though i could not be ignorant of the difficulty of matter , which he that taketh in hand shall soone find , or much leffe of my owne unablenesse , which i had continuall sence and feeling of ; yet because i had more meanes of absolution then the younger sort , and more leasure then the greater sort , i did thinke it not impossible to worke some profitable effect , the rather because where an inferior wit is bent , and conversant upon one subject , he shall many times with patience and meditation dissolve , and undoe many of the knots which a greater wit , distracted with many matters would rather cut in two then unknit , at the least if my intention or judgement be too barren , or too weake ; yet by the benefit of other arts , i did hope to dispose or digest , the authorities or opinions which are in cases of use in such order and method , as they should take light one from another , though they tooke no light from me and like to the matter of my reading shall my manner be , for my meaning is to revive and recontinue the antient sonne of reading which you may see in mr. frowickes , upon the prerogative , and all other readings of ancient time , being of lesse ostentation and more fruite , then the manner lately accustomed , for the use then was substantially to expound the statutes , by grounds and diversities , as you shall find the readings still to run upon case of the like law , and contrary law , whereof the one includes the learning of a difference , and not to stir concise and subtile doub●s , or to contrive tedious and intricate cases , whereof all saving one are buried , and the greater part of that one case which is taken , is commonly nothing to the matter in hand , but my labour shall be in the antient course , to open the law upon doubts , and not doubts upon the law . expositio statuti . the exposition of this statute consists upon the matter , without the statutes , upon the matter within the statute . three things concerning these statutes , and all other statutes which are helpes and inducements to the right understanding of my statute , and yet are no part of the statute it selfe . the consideration of the statute at the common law . the consideration of the mischiefe which the statute intendeth to redresse , as any other mischiefe , which an expositor of the statute this way or that way may breed . certaine maximes of the common ley , touching exposition of statutes : having therefore framed sixe divisions according to the number of readings upon the statute it selfe , i have likewise divided the matter without the statute into sixe introductions or discourses , so that for every dayes reading i have made triple proposition . 1. vn preface , or introduction . 2. vn division upon the law it selfe , 3 a few brief casas , for exercise and argument . the last of which i would have forborne , and according to the antient manner , you should have taken some of my points upon my divisions , one , two , or more as you should have thought good , save that i had this regard , that the younger sort of the barre were not so conversant , upon matters upon the statutes , and for that case i have interlaced some matters at the common law that are more familiar within the books , the first matter i will discourse unto you , is the nature and definition of an use , and his incession and progression before the statute . the second discourse shall be of the second spring of this tree of uses since the statute . the third discourse shall be of the estate of the assurance of this realme at this day upon uses , and what kind of them is convenient and reasonable , and not fit to be touched , as far as sence of law and naturall construction of the statute will give leave , and what kind of them is convenient and meete to bee suppressed . the fourth discourse shall be of certaine rules and expositions of lawes applyed to this present purpose . the fifth discourse shall bee of the best course to remedy the same inconveniences now a foot , by construction of the statute , withoutoftering violence to the letter or sence . the sixt and last discourse shall be of the best course to remedy the same inconveniences , and to declare the law by act of parliament , which last i thinke good to reserve and not to publish . the nature of a use is best discerned by considering what it is not , and then what it is , for it is the nature of all humane science , and knowledge to proceed most safely by negative and exclusive . first , use is no right , title , or interest in law , and therefore master attorney who read upon this statute said well , that there are but two rights . ius in re . ius ad rem . the one is an estate which is ius in re , the other a demand which is ius ad rem , but a use is neither , so that in 24. h. 8. it is said that the saving of the statute of i. r. ● . which saveth any right or interest of intayle , must be understood of intayles of the possession , and not of the part of the use , because a use is no right nor interest ; so againe , you see that littletons conceipt , that an use should amount to a tenancy at will , whereupon a release might well inure , because of pravity is controled by 4. et 5. h. 7. and diverse other bookes , which said that cesty que use is punishable in an action of trespasse towards the feoffees onely 5. h. 5. seemeth to be at some discord with other bookes where it is admitted for law , that if there be cesty que use of an advowson , and hee bee out-lawed in a personall action , the king should have the presentment , which case master evans in the argument of chudleyes case did seeme to reconcile this where cesty que use being utlaird , had presented in his owne name , there the king should remove his incumbent , and no such thing can be collected upon that booke , and therefore i conceive the errour grew upon this , that because it was generally thought , that a use was but a penancy of profits , and then againe because the law is that upon utlayers , upon personall actions , the king shall have the penancy of profits , they tooke that to bee one , and the selfe same thing which cesty que use had , and which the king was intituled unto which was not so , for the king had remedy in law for his penancy of profits , but cesty que use had none , the bookes goe further and say , that a use is nothing , as in 2. h. 7. dett fuit port , and counted sur leas for yeares rent &c. the defendant pleaded in barre , that the plaintiffe nihil habuit tempore divisionis , the plaintiffe made a speciall replication , and shewed that he had no use and issue joyned upon that , wherefore it appeareth , that if hee had taken issue upon the defendants plea , it should have bin found against him : so againe in 4. reginae , in the case of the lord sands , the truth of the case was a fine leavied by cesty que use before the statute , and this comming in question since the statute upon an averment by the plaintiffes quod partes finis nihil habuerint , it is said that the defendant may shew the speciall matter of ● use , and it shall be no departure from the first pleading of the same , and it is said further that the averment given in 4. h. 7. quod partes finis nihil habuerint , nec in possessione , nec in usu went out upon this statute of 27. hen. 8. and was no more now to be accepted ; but yet it appeares , that if issue had bin taken upon the generall averment , without the speciall matter shewed , it should have bin found , for him that tooke the averment because a use is nothing , but these bookes are not to be taken generally or grosly , for wee see in the same bookes , when an use is specially alleadged , the law taketh knowledge of it , but the sence of it is , that use is nothing for which remedy is given by the course of the common law , so as the law knoweth it , but protects it not ; and therefore when the question commeth whether it hath any being in nature and conscience the law accepteth of it , and therefore littletons case is good law , that hee which hath but forty shillings free-hold in use , shall be sworne in an inquest , for it is ruled secundum dominium laterale , and not secundum deminium legitimum , nam natura dominus est quia fructum ex re percipit . and some doubt upon subsidies and taxes cesty que use should be valued as an owner : so likewise if cesty que use had resolved his use unto the feoffee for sixe pound , or contracted with a stranger for the like some , there is no doubt but it is a good construction , whereon to ground an action upon the case , for mony for release of a suite in the chancery is a good quid pro quo therefore to conclude , though a use be nothing in law to yeeld remedy by course of law , yet it is somewhat in reputation of law and conscience , for that may be somewhat in conscience which is nothing in law , like as that may be something in law which is nothing in conscience ; as if the feoffees had made a feoffment over in fee , bona fide , upon good consideration , and upon a subpoena brought against them , hee pleaded this matter in chancery , this had beene nothing in conscience , not as to discharge them of damages . a second negative fit to be understood is , that a use is no covin , nor it is no collusion , as the word is now used , for it is to be noted , that where a man doth remove the state and possession of land , or goods out of himselfe unto another upon trust , it is either a speciall trust , or a generall trust . the speciall trust is either lawfull , or vnlawfull . the speciall trust unlawfull , is according to the case provided , for by ancient statutes of the profits , as where it is to defraud creditors , or to get men to maintaine suites , or to defeate the tenancy to the precipe , or the statute of mortmaine , or the lords of their wardships or the like , and those are termed frauds , covins , or collusions . the speciall trust lawfull is , as when i infeoffee some of my friends , because i am to goe beyond the seas , or because i would free the land from some severall statute , or bond which i am to enter , into or upon intent to be infeoff'd , or intent to vouched , and so to suffer a common recovery , or upon intent that the feoffees shall infeoffee over a stranger , and infinite the like intents and purposes , which fall out in mens dealings and occasions , and this wee call confidence , and the bookes doe call them intents , but where the trust is not speciall , nor transitory , but generall and permanent , there it is a use ; and therefore these three are to be distinguished , and not confounded by covin confidence , use . so as now we are come by negatives to the affirmative , what a use is agreeable to the definition in plowden , 352. de lamers case , where it is said : vse is a trust reposed by any person in the terre-tenant , that he may suffer him to take the profits , and hee that will performe his intent . but it is a shorter speech to say , that vsus est dommium fiduciarium : vse is an owners life in trust : so that vsus est status , sive possessio totius , differ , secundum rationem fori quàm secundum naturam rei , for that one of them is in court of law , the other in court of conscience , and for a trust which is the way to an use , it is exceeding well defined by a civilian of great understanding : fides est obligatio conscientiae unjus ad intentionem alterius . and they have a good division likewise of rights . ius precarium , ius fiduciarium . ius legitimum , a right in courtesie , for the which there is no remedy at all . a right in trust for which there is a remedy , onely but in conscience . a right in law . so much of the nature and definition of an use . it followeth to consider the parts and properties of an use wherein by the consent of all bookes , and it was distinctly delivered by justice walmeley , in 36. elizabeth . that a trust consisteth upon three parts . the first , that the feoffee will suffer the feoffer to take the profits . the second , that the feoffee upon request of the feoffer , or notice of his will , will execute the estates to the feoffer , or his heires , or any other by his direction . the third , that if the feoffee be disseised , and so the feoffer disturbed , the feoffee will re-enter , or bring an action to re-continue the possession , so that those three , pernancy of profits , execution of estates , and defence of the land , are the three poynts of trust . the properties of an use they are exceeding well set forth , by former justice in the same case , and they be three , uses ( saith he ) are created by confidence . pressed by privity , which is nothing else but a continuance . of the confidence without interruption and ordered and guided by conscience : either by the private conscience of the feoffee ; or the generall conscience of the estate which is chancery . the two former of which ( because they bee matters more throughly beaten , and wee shall have occasion to handle them ) we will not now debate upon . but the third we will speake somewhat of both , because it is a key to open many of true reasons , and termings of uses , and because it tendeth to decide out great and principall doubts at this day . cooke soliciter entring into his argument of chudleyes case , said sharply and fitly , i will put never a case but shall be of an use , for a use in law hath no fellow ; meaning that the learning of uses is not to bee matched with other learnings : anderson chiefe justice in the argument of the same case , did truely and profoundly controule the vulgar opinion collected upon the fifth e. 4. that there might be possessio fratris of a use , for he said that it was no more but that the chancelee would consult with the rules of law , where the intention of the parties did not specially appeare , and therefore the private conceipt which glanvile justice cited in the 42. reginae in the case of corbet , in the common plea of one of lincolnes inne , whom he named not , but seemed to allow is not sound , which was , that a use was but a limitation , and did ensue the nature of a possession . this very conceipt was set on foot in 27. h. 8. in the lord darcies case , in which time they began to heave at uses , for there after the realme had many ages together put in ure the passage of uses by will , they began to argue that an use was not deviseable , but that it did ensue the nature of the land , and the same yeare after this statute was made ; so that this opinion seemeth ever to bee , and for ever to an act of parliament touching uses ; and if it bee so meant , now meant i like it well : but in the meane time the opinion it selfe is to be recited , and because in the same case of corbet 3. reverent judges of the court of common pleas , did deliver and publish their opinion , though not directly upon the point adjudged , yet obiter as one of the reasons of their judgement , that an use of inheritance could not be limited to cease , and againe , that the limitation of a new use could not be to a stranger , ruling uses meerely according to the ground of possession , it is worth the labour to examine , that learning by 3. hen. 7. you may collect that if the feoffees had bin disseised by the common law , and an ancestor collaterall of cesty que use had released unto the disseisor , and his warranty had attached upon cesty que use , yet the chancellour upon this matter shewed , would have not respect unto it , to compell the feoffees to execute the estate unto the disseisor , for there the case being that cesty que use intayle having made an assurance by fine and recovery , and by warranty which descended upon his issue , two of the judges held that the use is not extinct , and bryan and hussey that held the contrary said , that the common law is altered by the new statute , whereby they admit , that by the common law that warranty will not bind and extinct a right of a use , as it will doe a right of possession , and the reason is , because the law of collaterall garranty is a hard law , and not to be considered in a court of conscience , in 5. edw. 4. it is said that if cesty que use be attainted , quaere , who shall have the land , for the lord shall not have the land , so as there the use doth not imitate the possession , and the reason is , because the lord hath a tent is by title , for that is nothing to the subpoena , because the feoffees intent was never to advance the lord , but onely his owne bloud , and therefore the quaere of the booke ariseth what the trust and confidence of the feoffee did tye him to doe , as whether he should not sell the land to the use of the feoffees will , or in pious uses , so favourably they tooke the intent in those dayes , as you find in 27. h. 6. that if a man had appointed his use to one for life , the remainder in fee to another , and cesty que use for life had refused , because the intent appeared not to advance the heire at all , nor him in reversion , presently the feoffee should have the estate for life of him that refused some waies to the behoofe of the feoffer : but to proceed in some better order towards the disproofe of this opinion of limitation , there be foure points wherein we will examine the nature of uses . the raysing of them . the preserving of them . the transferring of them . the extinguishing of them . in all these foure , you shall see apparantly that uses stand upon their owne reasons , utterly differing from cases of possession , i would have one case shewed by men learned by the law , where there is a deed , and yet there need a consideration , as for paroll , the law adjudgeth it too light to give a use without consideration , but a deed ever in law imports a consideration , because of the deliberation and ceremony in the confession of it , and therefore in 8. reginae it is solemnly agreed , that in the queenes case a false consideration if it bee of record , will hurt the patent , but want of consideration doth never hurt it , and yet they say that a case is but a nimble and light thing , and now contrariwise it seemeth to bee weightier then any thing else , for you cannot weigh it up to raise it , neither by deed , nor deed inrolled without the weight of consideration , but you shall never find a reason of this , to the worlds end , but in the law , but it is a reason of chancery , and it is this : that no court of conscience will enforce omnium gratuitum , though the intent appeare never so clearely where it is not executed , or sufficiently passed by law , but if mony had beene paid , and so a person dampnified , or that it was for the establishment of his house , then it is a good matter in the chancery : so againe i would see in the lawes , a case where a man shall take by a conveyance , bee it by deed , livery , or word that is not party to the grant , i doe not say that the delivery must be to him that takes by the deed , for a deed may be delivered to one man to the use of another ; neither doe i say that he must be party to the delivery of the deed , for he in the remainder may take though hee be not party , but he must be party to the words of the grant ; here againe the case of the use goeth single , and the reason is , because a conveyance in use is nothing but a publication of the trust , and therefore so as the party trusted bee declared , it is materiall to whom the publication bee so much for the raysing of uses . there is no case in the common law , wherein notice simply and nakedly is materiall to make a covin , or particeps criminis , and therefore if the heire which is in by discent , infeoffee one which had notice of the disseisin , if he were not a disseisor de facto , it is nothing : so in 33. h. 6 if a feoffment be made upon collusion , and feoffee makes a feoffment over upon good consideration , the collusion is discharged , and it is not materiall if they had notice or no , so as it is put in 14. h , 8. if a sale be made in a market over upon consideration , although it be to one that hath notice that they are stollen goods , yet the property of a stranger is bound , though in the booke before remembred 35. hen. 6 some opinion to the contrary , which is clearely no law , so in e. 3. if assets discend to the heire , and hee alien it upon good consideration , although it be to one that had notice of the debt , or of the warranty it is good enough . so if a man enter of purpose into my lands , to the end that a stranger which hath right , should bring his praecipe and evict the land , i may enter notwithstanding any such recovery , but if hee enter having notice that the stranger hath right , and the stranger likewise having notice of his entry , yet if it were not upon confederacy or collusion betweene them it is nothing , and the reason of these cases is , because the common lawlooketh no furtherthen to see whether the act were meerely actus fictus in fraudem legis , and wheresoeverit findeth consideration given it dischargeth the covin. but come now to the case of use , and there it is otherwise , as it is in 14. h. 8. and 28. h. 8. and diverse other bookes , which prove that if the feoffee sell the land for good consideration to one that hath notice , the purchaser shall stand seized to the antient use , and the reason is because the chancery looketh further then the common law , to the corrupt conscience of him that will deale in the land , knowing it in equity to bee anothers , and therefore if there were radix amaritudinis , the consideration purgeth it not , but it is at the perill of him that giveth it , so that consideration , or no consideration is an issue at the common law , but notice on notice is an issue in the chancery , and so much for the preserving of uses . for the transferring of uses there is no case in law whereby an action is transferred but the subpoena , in case of use was alwayes assigneable , nay further you find twice 27. h. 8. fol. 10. pla. 9. fo. 30. and pla. 21. that a right of use may be transferred , for in the former case montague maketh the objection and saith , that a right of use cannot be given by fine , but to him that hath the possession , fitz herbert answereth , yes well enough ; quaere the reason saith the booke . and in the latter case where cesty que use was infeoffed by the disseisor of the feoffee , and made a feoffment over : englefield doubted whether the second feoffee should have the use , fitz herbert said , i marvell you will make a doubt of it , for there is no doubt but the use passeth by the feoffment to the stranger , and therefore this question needeth not to have beene made ; so the great difficulty in 10. reginae , delamers case , where the case was in effect tenant in tayle of an use , the remainder in fee , tenant in tayle made a feoffment in fee , tenant , by the statute of i. r. 3. and the feoffee infeoffed him in the remainder of the use , who made it over , and there question being made whether the second feoffee should have the use in remainder , it is said that the second feoffee must needs have the best right in conscience , because the first feostee claimed nothing but in trust , and the rest que use cannot claime it against his sale , but the reason is apparant ( as was touched before ) that a use in esse was but a thing in action , or in suite to be brought in court of conscience , and where the subpoena was to be brought against the feoffee out of possession to recontinue the estate , alwayes the subpoena might bee transferred , for still the action at the common law was not stir'd , but remained in the feoffee , and so no mischiefe of maintenance or transferring rights . and if a use being but a right may bee assigned , and pass'd over to a stranger , a multo fortiori , it may bee limited to a stranger upon the privity of the first conveyance , as shall bee handled in another place , and as glanvile justice said , hee could never find by any booke , or evidence of antiquity , a continge use limited over to a stranger , i answer , first it is no marvell that you find no case before e. 4. time of contingent uses , where there bee not sixe of uses in all , and the reason i doubt was , men did choose well whom they trusted , and trust was well observed , and at this day in ireland , where uses be in practise , cases of uses come seldome in question , except it bee sometimes upon the alienations of tenants in tayle by fine , that the feoffees will not bee brought to execute estates , to the dis-inheritance of antient bloud , but for experience , and the conveyance there was nothing more usuall in obysts , then to will the use of the land to certaine persons and their heires , so long as they shall pay the chancery priests their wages , and in default of payment to limit the use over to other persons and their heires , and so in case of forfeiture , through many degrees , and such conveyances are as antient as r. 2. time . now for determining and extinguishing of uses , i put the case of collaterall garranty before , and to that the notable case of 14. h. 8. hautsemmes case , where this very point was in the principall case , for a rent out of land , and the land it selfe in case of possession cannot stand together , but the rent shall bee extinct , but there the case is , that the use of the land , and the use of the rent shall stand well enough together , for a rent charge was granted by the feoffee to one , that notice of the use , had and ruled , that the rent was to the antient use , and both uses were in esse simulet semel , and though brudnell chiefe justice urged the ground of possession to bee otherwise , yet he was over-ruled by the other three justices , and brooke said unto him , he thought he argued much for his pleasure ; and to conclude , wee see the thing may be avoyded and determined by the ceremonies and acts , like unto those by which are created and raised , that which passeth by livery ought to be avoyded by entry ; that which passeth by grant , by claime ; that which passeth by way of charge , determineth by way of discharge : and so a use which is raised but by a declaration or limitation , may cease by words of declaration or limitation , as the civill law saith , in his magis consentaneum est , quàm ut ijsdem modis res dissolvantur a quibus constituantur : for the conception and progression of uses , i have for a president in them other lawes , because states and common-wealths have common accidents , and i find in the civill law , that that which commeth nearest in name to the use , is nothing like in matter , which is vsus fructus , for vsus fructus et dominium is with them , as with their particular tenancy and inheritance , but that which resembleth the use most is fidei commissio , and therefore you shall finde in ius lib. 2. that they had a forme in testaments , to give inheritance to one to the use of another . heredem constituo cajum rogo antem te caie , ut hereditatem restituas , and the text of the civilians saith , that for a great time if the heire did not as he was required cesty que use , had no remedy at all , untill about the time of augustus caesar , there grew in custome a flattering forme of trust , for they penned it thus : rogo te per salutem augusti , or , per fortunam augusti &c. whereupon august us tooke the breach of trust to sound in derogation of himselfe , and made a commission to the praetor to give remedy in such cases , whereupon within the space of a hundred yeares , these trusts did spring and speed so fast , as they were forced to have a particular chancellor onely for uses , who was called praetor fidie commissarius , and long after the inconvenience of them being found , they resorted unto a remedy much like unto this stature , for by two decrees of senate , called senatus consult . frebesianum et pegasianum , they made cesty que use to be heire in substance . i have sought likewise , whether there bee any thing which maketh with them in our law , and i finde the persian chiefe barron in the argument of chudleyes case compareth them to coppy-holders , and aptly for many respects . first , because an use seemeth to bee an hereditament in the l. court . secondly , this conceipt of limitation hath beene troublesome in coppy-holders as well as in vses , for it hath beene of late dayes questioned , whether there should be tenancy by the courtesie , dis-continuances , and recoveries of coppy-holders , in the nature of inheritances at the common law , and still the judgements have weighed , that you must have particular customes in coppy-holds , as well as particular reasons of conscience in use , and the limitation recited . and thirdly , because they both grew to no remedy at all against the lord , and were as tenancy at will , afterwards it grew to have remedy in chancery , & afterwards against their lords by trespasse , at the common-law , and now lastly the law is taken by some , that they have remedy by ejectione firma without a speciall custome of leasing , doe no doubt in uses , at the first the chancery made question to give remedy , until uses grew more generall , and the chancery more eminent , and then they grew to have remedy in conscience , but they could never obtaine any manner of remedy at the common law , neither against the feoffee , nor against strangers , but the remedy against the feoffee , was best by subpoena , and the remedy against sttangers to the feoffee . now for the cases whereupon uses were but in practice , cooke in his reading doth say well , that they were produced sometimes for feare , and many times for fraud ; but i hold that neither of these cases were so much the reasons of uses , as another reason in the beginning , which was , that lands by the common law of england were not testamentary , or deviseable , and of late yeares since the statute , the case of the conveyance for sparing of purchases , and execution of estates , and now last of all expresse liberty of will in mens minds , affecting to have the assurance of their estate , and possession to be revokeable in their owne times , and irrevocable after their owne times . now for the commencement and proceeding of them , i have considered what it hath beene in course of common law , and what it hath beene in course of statute for the common law , the conceipt of shelly in 24. h. 8. and of polard in 27. h , 8. seemeth to me to bee without ground , which was that the use succeeded the tenure , for that the statute of quia emptores terrarum , which was made 18. e. 1. had taken away the tenure betweene the feoffer and the feoffce , and left it to the lord paramount , they said that the feoffment being then meerely without consideration , should therefore intend an use to the feoffer , which cannot be , for by that reason if the feoffment before the statute had beene made tenendum de capitalibus dominis , as it must be ; there should have beene an use unto the feoffer before that statute . and againe , if a grant had beene made of such things as consists not in tenure , as advowsons , rents , villeins and the like , there should have beene a use of them , wherein the law was quite contrary ; for after the time that uses grew common , it was neverthelesse a great doubt whether things that did lye in grant , did not carry a consideration in themselves because of the deed . and therefore i do judge that the intendment of a use to the feoffer where the feoffment was made without consideration grew long after when uses waxed general ; and for this reason , because when feoffments were made , and that it rested doubtfull whether it were in use or in purchase , because purchases were things notorious , and uses were things secret . the chancellor thought it more convenient to put the purchasor to proove his consideration , then the feoffer and his heires to prove the trust , and so made the indentment towards the use , and put the proofe upon the purchasor . and therefore as uses were at the common law in reason , for whatsoever is not by statute , nor against law may be said to be at the common law , and both the generall trust and the speciall , were things not prohibited by the law , though they were not remedied by the law ; so the experience and practice of uses were not ancient , and my reasons why i think so , are these . first , i cannot find in my evidence before king r. 2. his time , the clause ad opus et usum , and the very latin phrase was much purer , as you may see by bractons writing , and by ancient patents and deeds , and chiefly by the register of writs , which is good latin ; wherein this phrase ( ad opus & usum ) and the words ( ad opus ) is a barbarous phrase , and like enough to be in the pennin of some chaplaine that was not much past his grammer , where he had found opus & usus , coupled together , and that they did governe an ablative case , as they do indeed since this statute , for they take away the land and put them into a conveyance . secondly , i find in no private act of attainder in the clause of forfeiture of lands ( s ) which he hath in possession or in use , untill ed. 4. his reigne . thirdly , i find the word ( vse ) in no statute untill 7. rich. 2. cap. 11. of provisoes , and in 15. ric. 2. of mortmame . fourthly , i collect out of cookes speech in 8. edw. 4. where he sayth that by the advice of all the judges , it was thought that the subpoena did not lye against the heire of the feoffee which was in by law , but cesty que vse was driven to his bill in parliament , that uses even in that time were but in their infancy ; for no doubt but at the first the chancery made difficulty to give remedy at all , but to leave it to the particular conscience of the feoffee : but after the chancery grew absolute , as may appeare by the statute of 15. hen. 6. that complaints in chancery should enter into bond to prove their suggestions , which seemeth that the chancery at that time began to imbrace too farre , and was used for vexation ; yet neverthelesse it made scruple to give remedy against the heire being in by act in law though he were privy , so that it cannot be that uses had beene of any great continuance when they made a question : as for the case of matrimony , prelomti , it hath no affinity with uses , for wheresoever there was remedy at the common-law by action , it cannot be intended to be of the nature of a use . and for the booke commonly vouched of ass. where the earle calleth the possession of a conizee upon a fine levied by consent an entry in auterdroit and 44. of e. 3. where there is mention of the feoffors that sued by petition to the king , they be but implications of no moment . so as it appeareth the first practice of uses was about richard 2 , his time , and the great multiplying and over-spreading of them was partly during the wars in france , which drew most of the nobility to be absent from their possessions , and partly during the time of the trouble and civill war betweene the two houses about the title of the crowne . now to conclude the progression of uses in course of statutes , i do note three speciall points . that a use had never any force at all , at the common-law , but by statute law . that there was never any statute made directly for the benefit of cesty que vse , as that the discent of an use should toll an entry , or that a release should be good to the partner of the profits or the like ; but alwayes for the benefit of strangers and other persons against cesty que use , and his feoffees : for though by the statute of richard 3. he might alter his feoffees , yet that was not the scope of the statute , but to make good his assurance to other persons , and the other came in et obliquo . that the speciall intent unlawfull and covenous was the originall of uses , though after it induced to the lawfull intent generall and speciall ; for 5. edward 3. is the first statute i finde , wherein mention is made of the taking of profits by one , where the estate in law is another . for as to the opinion in 27. henr. 8. that in case of the statute of marlebridge , the feoffors took the profits , it is but a conceite ; for the law is this day , that if a man infeoffee his eldest sonne within age , and without consideration , although the profits be taken to the use of the sonne ; yet it is a feoffment within the statute of religiosis ; and as for 7. edward 1. which prohibits generally that religious persons should not purchase arte vel ingenio , yet it maketh no mention of a vse , but it saith , colore donationis termini vel alicusus tituli , reciting there three formes of conveyances , the gift , the long lease , and faigned recovery , which gift cannot bee understood of a gift to a stranger to their use , for that came to be holpen by 15 : richard 2. long after , but to proceed in 5. edward 3. a statute was made for the reliefe of creditors against such as made covin gifts of their lands and goods , and conveyed their bodies into sanctuaries there living high upon others goods , and therefore that statute made their lands liable to their creditors executions in that particular case , if they tooke the profits : in 5. richard 2. a statute was made for reliefe of those as had right of action , against those as had renounced the tenancy of the praecipe from them , sometimes by infeoffing great persons , for maintenance , and sometimes by secret feoffments to others , whereof the defendants could have no notice , and therefore the statute maketh the recovery good in all actions against the first feoffees as they tooke the profits , and see that the defendants bring their action within a yeare at their expulsion 2. richard 2. cap. 3. session 2. an imperfection of the statute of 50. edward 3. was holpen , for whereas the statute tooke no place , but where the defendant appeared , and so was frustrated , the statute giveth upon proclamation , made at the gate of the place priviledged , that the land should be liable without apparance , in 7. r. 2. a statute was made for the restraint of aliens , to take thy benefices , or dignities ecclesiasticall , or farmes of administration to them , without the kings speciall lycence , upon paine of the statute of provisors , which being remedied by a former statute , where the alien tooke it to his owne use : it is by that statute remedied , where the alien tooke it to the use of another , as it is said in the booke , though i ghesse , that if the record were searched , it should be if any other purchased to the use of an alien , and that the words ( or to the use of another ) should be ( or any other to his use ) 15. rich. 2. cap. 5. a statute was made for the reliefe of lords against mortmayne , where feoffments were made to the use of corporations , and an ordinance made that for feoffments past , the feoffees should before a day , either purchase lycence to amortise them , or alien them to some other use , or other feoffments to come , they should bee within the statute of mortmayne , 4. hen. 4. cap. 7. the statute of 17. richard 2. is inlarged in the limitation of time , for whereas the statute did limit the action to be brought within the yeare of the feoffment : this statute in case of a disseisin extends the time to the life of the disseisor , and in all other actions , leaves it to the yeares , from the time of the action growne 11. henry 6. cap. 3. that statute of 4. henry 4 , is declared , because the conceipt was upon the statute , that in case of disseisin the limitation of the life of the disseisor went onely to the assise of non et disseisin , and to no other action and therefore that statute declareth the former law to extend to all other actions , grounded upon novel disseisin 11. henry 6. cap. 5. a statute was made for reliefe of him in remainder against particular tenants , for lives , or yeares , that assigned over their estates , and tooke the profits , and then committed wast against them , therefore this statute giveth an action of wast , being provisors of the profits , in all this course of statutes no reliefe is given to purchasors , that come in by the party , but to such as come in by law , as defendants in praecipes , whether they be creditors , disseisors , or lessors , and that onely of mortmayne , and note also that they be all in cafes of speciall convenous intents , as to defeate executions , tenancy to the praecipe , and the statute of mortmayne , as provisors from 11. henry 6. to 1. r. 3. being the space of fifty yeares , there is a silence of vses in the statute booke , which was at that time when no question they were favoured most , in 1. richard 3. cap. 1. commeth the great statute for reliefe of those that come in by the party , and at that time an use appeareth in his likenesse , for there is not a word spoken of taking the profits , to describe a use by , but of clayming to a use , and this statute ordayned that all gifts , feoffments , grants , &c. shall be good against the feoffors , dowers and grantors , and all other persons clayming onely to their use , so as here the purchasor was fully relieved , and cesty que use was obiter enabled to charge his feoffees , because there were no words in the statute of feoffments , grants , &c. upon good consideration , but generally in henry 7. time , new statutes were made for further helpe and remedy to those that came in by act in law , as first 11. henry 7. cap. 1. a formedon is given without limitation of time against cesty que use , and obiter , because they make him a tenent , they give him advantage of a tenant , as of age and voucher , quaere 4. henry 7. 17. the ward-ship of the heire of cesty que use , is dying , and no will declared is given to the lord , as if he had dyed seised in demeasne , and action of wast given to the heire against the gardian , and dammages , if the lord were barr'd in his writ of ward , and reliefe is likewise given unto the lord , if the heire holding the knights service , be of full age 19. henry 7. cap. 5. there is reliefe given in three cases , first to the creditors upon matters of record , as upon recognizance , statute , or judgement , whereof the two former were not ayded at all by any statute , and the last was ayded by a statute of 50. e. 3. and 2. richard 2. onely in case of sanctuary men . secondly , to the lords in foccage for their reliefe , and herriots upon death , which was omitted in the 4. henry 7. and lastly to the lords of villeyns , upon a purchase of their villeyns in use , 13. henry 8. cap. 10. a further remedy was given in a case , like unto the case of mortmayne , for in the statute of 15. richard 2. remedy was given where the use came , ad manum mortuam which was when it came to some corporation : now when uses were limited to a thing . act , or worke , and to a body , as to the reparation of a church , or an abbot , or to a guild , or fraternities , as are onely in reputation , but not incorporate , as to parishes , or such guilds or fraternities as are onely in reputation , but not incorporate that case was omitted , which by this statute is remedied , not by way of giving entry unto the lord , but by way of making the use utterly voyd , neither doth the statute expresse to whose benefit the use shall be made voyd , either the feoffor , or feoffee but leaveth it to law , and addeth a provisoe , that uses may bee limited twenty yeares from the gift , and no longer . this is the whole course of statute law before this statute , touching uses , thus have i set forth unto you the nature and definition of an vse , the differences and trust of an vse and the parts and qualities of it and by what rules and termings uses shall bee guided and ordered , by a president of them in our lawes , the causes of the springing and spreading of uses the continuance of them , and the proceedings that they have had both in common law , and statute law , whereby it may appeare , that a vse is no more but a generall trust , when any one will trust the conscience of another better then his owne estate and possession , which is accident or event of humane society , which hath bin , and will be in all lawes , and therefore was at the common law , which is common reason . fitz herbert saith in the 14. henry 8. common reason is common law , and not conscience ; but common reasons doth define that uses should be remedied in conscience , and not in courts of law , and ordered by rules in conscience , and not by streight rules of law ; for the common law hath a kind of a rule and survey over the chancery , and therefore we may truely conclude , that the force and strength that a vse had or hath in conscience , is by common law , and the force that it had or hath by common law is onely by statutes . now followeth in time and matter , the consideration of this statute of principall labour , for those former considerations which wee have handled serve but for introduction . this statute ( as it is the statute which of all other hath the greatest power and operation over the heritages of the realme , so howsoever it hath beene by the humour of the time perverted in exposition , yet in it selfe is most perfectly and exactly conceived and penned of any law in the booke , induced with the most declaring and perswading preamble , consisting and standing upon the wisest and fittest ordinances , and qualified with the most fore-seeing and circumspect savings and promises , and lastly the pondred in all the words and clauses of it of any statute that i find , but before i come to the statute it selfe , i will note unto you three matters of circumstance . the time of the statute . the title of it . the president or patterne of it . for the time of it was in 27. henry 8. when the king was in full peace , and a wealthy and flourishing estate , in which nature of time men are most carefull of their possessions , aswell because purchases are most stirring : as againe , because the purchasor when hee is full , is no lesse carefull of his assurance to his children , and of disposing that which he hath gotten , then hee was of his bargaine for the compassing thereof . about that time the realme likewise began to be infranchised from the tributes of rome , and the possessions that had beene in mortmayne began to stirre abroad , for this yeare was the suppression of the sma●ler houses of religion , all tending to plenty , and purchafing , and this statute came in consort with divers excellent statutes , made for the kingdome in the same parliament , as the reduction of wales to a more civill government , the re-edifying of diverse cities and townes , the suppressing of depopulation and inclosures . for the title , it hath one title in the role , and another in course of pleading , the title in the role is no solemne title , but an act title ( 5 ) an act expressing an order for uses and will , the title in course of pleading is , statutum de usibus , in possessionem transferendis , wherein walmsly iustice noted well 4. reginae , that if a man looke to the working of the statute , hee would thinke that it should be turned the other way , de possessionibus ad usus transferendis , for that is the course of the statute , to bring possession to the vse , but the title is framed not according to the worke of the statute , but according to the scope and intention of the statute . nam quod primum est in intentione , ultimum est in operatione , the intention of the statute by carrying the possession to the use , is to turne the use to a possession , for the words are not de possessionibus ad usus transferendis , and as the grammarian saith , praepositio ad , denotat notam actionis , sed prepositio ( in ) cum accusativo denotat notam alterationis , and therefore kingsmill justice in the same case saith , that the meaning of the statute was , to make a transsubstantiation of the use unto a possession ; but it is to be noted , that titles of acts of parliament , severally came in , but in the 5. henry 8. for before that time that was but one title of all the act , made in one parliament , and that was no title neither , but a generall preface of the good intent of the king , but now it is parcell of the record . for the president of this statute upon which it is drawne , i doe finde by the first richard 3. whereupon you may see the very mould whereon this statute was made , that the said king having beene infeoffed ( before he usurped ) to uses , as it was ordained that the land whereof he was joyntly infeoffed as if hee had not beene named , and where he was solely inseoffed , it should bee in cesty que use , in estate as he had the use . now to come to the statute it selfe , the statute consisteth as other lawes doe upon a preamble , the body of the law , and certaine saving , and premisses . the preamble setteth forth the inconveniences , the body of the law giveth the remedy , and the savings and provisoes take away the inconveniences of the remedy ; for new lands are like the apothecaries druggs , though they remedy the disease , yet they trouble the body , and therefore they use to correct with spices , so it is not possible to find a remedy for any mischiefe in the common wealth , but it will beget some new mischiefe , and therefore they spice their lawes with provisoes to correct and qualifie them . the preamble of the law was justly commended by popham chiefe justice in 36. regine , where hee saith , that there is little need to search and collect out of cases before the statute , what the mischiefe was , which the scope of the statute was to redresse , because there is a shorter way offered us , by the sufficiency and fulnesse of the preamble , and therefore it is good to consider it , and ponder it throughly . the preamble hath three parts . first a recitall of the principall inconveniences , which is the root of all the rest . secondly , an ennumeration of diverse particular inconveniences as branches of the former . thirdly , a taste or briefe note of the remedy that the statute meaneth to apply ; the principall inconvenience which is radix omnium malorum , is the directing from the grounds and principalls of the common law , by inventing a meane to transfer lands and inheritances without any solemnity , or act notorious , so as the whole statute is to be expounded strongly towards the extinguishment of all conveyances , whereby the free hold , or inheritance may passe without any new confections of deeds , executions of estate or entryes , except it bee where the estate is of privity and dependance one towards the other , in which cases mutatis mutandis , they might passe by the rules of the common law . the particular inconveniences by the law rehearsed may bereduced into foure heads . first , that these conveyances in use are weake for consideration . secondly , that they are obscure and doubtfull for tryall . thirdly , that they are dangerous for want of notice and publication . fourthly , that they are exempted from all such titles as the law subjecteth possessions unto . the first inconvenience lighteth upon heires . the second upon jurors and witnesses . the third upon purchasors . the fourth upon such as come in by gift in law . all which are persons that the law doth principally respect and favour . for the first of these are three impediments ( to the judgement of man ) in disposing justly and advisedly of his estate . ( 5 ) first , trouble of mind . secondly , want of time . thirdly , of wise and faithfull counsell about him . and all theso three the statute did finde to bee in the disposition of an use by will , whereof followed the unjust dis-inheresin of heires , now the favour of law unto heires appeareth in many parts of the law , as the law of discent priviledgeth the possession of the heire , against the entry of him that hath right by the law , no man shall warrant against his heire , except he warrant against himselfe , and diverse other cases too long to stand upon , and wee see the antient law in glanvills time was , that the ancestor could not dis-inherit his heire by grant , or other act executed in time of sicknesse , neither could he alien land which had discended unto him , except it were for consideration of mony or service , but not to advance any younger brother without the consent of the heire . for tryalls , no law ever tooke a streighter course , that evidence should not be perplexed , nor juries inveigled , then the common law of england , as on the other side , never law tooke a more precise and straight course with juries , that they should give a direct verdict , for whereas in manner all lawes doe give the tryers , or jurors ( which in other lawes are called judges de facto ) to give no liquet , that is , to give no verdict at all , and so the case to stand abated ; our law enforceth them to a direct verdict , generall or speciall , and whereas other lawes except of plurality of voyces , to make a verdict , our law enforceth them all to agree in one , and whereas other lawes leave them to their owne time and ease , and to part , and to meete againe ; our law duresse and imprison them in the hardest manner , without light or comfort , untill they bee agreed , in consideration of straightnesse and cohersion ; it is consonant , that the law doe require in all matters brought to issue , that there be full proofe and evidence , and therefore if the matter in it selfe bee of that surety as in simple contracts , which are made by paroll , without writing , it alloweth wager of law . in issue upon the meere right ( which is a thing hardly to discerne ( it alloweth wager of battaile to spare jurors , if time have wore out the markes and badges of truth : from time to time there have beene statutes of limitation , where you shall find this mischiefe of perjuries often recited ; and lastly which is the matter in hand , all inheritances could not passe but by acts overt and notorious , as by deeds , livery , and records . for purchasors ( bona fide ) it may appeare that they were ever favoured in our law , as first by the great favour of warranties , which were ever for the helpe of purchasors , as whereby the law in 5. edw. 3. time , the disseisor could not enter upon the feoffee in regard of the warranty , so againe the collaterall garranty which otherwise as a hard law , grew in doubt onely upon favour of purchasors , so was the binding of fines at the common law , the invention and practice of recoveries , to defeate the statute of intayles , and many more grounds and learnings are to bee found , respect the quiet of the possession of purchasors , and therefore though the statute of 1 richard 3. had provided for the purchasor in some sort ; by enabling the acts and conveyances of cesty que use , yet neverthelesse the state did not at all disable the acts or charges of the feoffees , and so as walmesly justice said 42. regine , they played at double hand , for cesty que use might sell , and the feoffee might sell , which was a very great uncertainty to the purchasor . for the fourth inconvenience towards those that come in by law , conveyances in uses were like priviledge places or liberties , for as there the law doth not run , so upon such conveyances the law could take no hold , but they were exempted from all titles in law , no man is so absolute owner of his possessions , but that the wisedome of the law doth reserve certaine titles unto others , and such persons come not in by the pleasure and disposition of the party , but by the justice and consideration of law , and therefore of all others they are most favour'd , and also they are principally three . the kings and lords who lost the benefit of attaindors , fines for alienations , escheates , aydes , herreots , reliefes , &c. the defendants in praecipes either reall or personall , for debt and damages , who lost the benefit of their recoveries and executions . tenants in dower , and by the curtesie , who lost their estates and tythes . first for the king , no law doth endow the king or soveraigne with more from suites and actions , his possessions from interuption and disturbance , his right from limitation of time , his pattents and gifts from all deceites and false suggestions : next the king is the lord , whose duties and rights the law doth much favour , because the law supposeth the land did originally come from him , for untill the statute of quia emptores terrararum , the lords was not forced to distruct or dismember his signiory or service , so untill 15. henry 7. the law was taken that the lord upon his title of wardship should be put to a conizee of a statute or a termor , so againe we see , that the statute of mortmaine was made to preserve the lords escheats and wards : the tenant in dower is so much favoured , as that it is the common by word in the law , that the law favoureth three things . 1. life . 2. liberty . 3. dower . so in case of voucher , the feme shall not be delayed , but shall recover against the heire incontinent ; so likewise of tenant by courtesie it is called tenancy by the law of england , and therefore specially favoured , as a proper conceipt and invention of our law , so as againe the law doth favour such , as have antient rights , and therefore it telleth us it is commonly said , that a right cannot dye : and that ground of law , that a free hold cannot bee in suspence sheweth it well , insomuch that the law will rather give the land to the first commer , which we call an occupant , then want a tenant to a strangers action . and againe , the other ancient ground of law of remitter , sheweth that where the tenant faileth without folly in the defendant , the law executeth the antient right : to conclude therefore this point , when this practice of feoffments in use did prejudice and dampnifie all those persons that the antient common law favour'd , and did absolutely crosse the wisedome of the law , to have conveyances considerate , and not odious , and to have tryall thereupon cleare and not inveighed , it is no marvaile that the statute concludeth , that their subtile imaginations and abuses , tended to the utter subversion of the ancient common lawes of this realme . the third part of the preamble giveth a touch of the remedy which the statute intendeth to minister , consisting in two parts . first , the expiration of feoffments . secondly , the taking away of the hurt , damage , and deceipt of the uses , out of which have bin gathered two extremities of opinions . the first opinion is , that the intention of the statute was to discontinue , and banish all conveyances in use , grounding themselves both upon the words , that the statute doth not speake of the extinguishment or extirpation of the use viz. by an unity of possession , but of an extinguishment or extirpation of the feoffment &c. which is the conveyance it selfe . secondly , out of the words ( abuse and errours ) heretofore used and accustomed , as if uses had not beene at the common law , but had onely an erroneous device or practice . to both which i answer . to the former , that the extirpation which the statute meant was plaine , to bee of the feoffees estate , and not to the forme of conveyances . to the latter i say , that for words ( abuse ) that may bee an abuse of the law which is not against law , as the taking long leases at this day of land in capite , to defraud wardships is an abuse of the law , which is not against law , and by the words ( errour ) the statute meant by it , not a mistaking of the law , but wandring or going astray or digressing from the antient practice of the law unto a buy course , as when we say ( erravimus cum patribus juris ) it is not meant of ignorance onely , but of perversity , but to prove that the statute meant not to suppresse the forme of conveyances , there be 3. reasons which are not answerable . the first is , that the statute in the very branch thereof hath words , de futuro ( s. ) ( that are seised , or hereafter shall be seised ) and whereas it may be faid that these words were put in , in regard of uses suspended , by disseisins , and so no present seisin to the use , untill a regresse of the feoffees , that intendment is very particular , for commonly such cases are brought in by provisoes , or speciall branches , and not intermixed in the body of a statute , and it had beene easie for the statute to have , or hereafter shall be seised upon any feoffment &c. heretofore had or made . the second reason is upon the words of the statute of inrolements , which saith , that no hereditaments shall passe , &c. of any use thereof , &c. whereby it is manifest , that the statute meant to leave the forme of conveyance with the addition of a further ceremony . the third reason i make is cut of the words of the provisor , where it is said , that no primer seisin , livery , no fine , nor alienation , shall bee taken for any estate executed , by force of the statute of 27. before the first of may 1536. but they shall be paid for uses , made and executed in possession for the time after , where the word ( made ) directly goeth to conveyances in use , made after the statute , and can have no other understanding for the words ( executed in possession ) would have served for the case of regresse , and lastly which is more then all , if they have had any such intent , the case being so generall and so plaine , they would have had words expresse , that every limitation of use made after the statute , should have beene voyd , and this was the exposition , as tradition goeth , that a reader of grayes inne , which read soone after the statute , was in trouble for , and worthily , who as i suppose was boy , whose reading i could never see ; but i doe now insist upon it , because now againe some in an immoderate invective against uses , doe relaps to the same opinion . the second opinion which i called a contrary extremity is , that the statute meant onely to remedy the mischiefes in the preamble , recited as they grew by reason of divided uses ; and although the like mischiefe may grow upon the contingent uses , yet the statute had no fore-sight of them at that time , and so it was meerely a new case not comprised . whereunto i answer , that it is the worke of the statute to execute the divided use , and therefore to make an use voyd by this statute which was good before , though it doth participate of the mischiefe recited in the statute , where to make a law upon a preamble without a perview , which were grosly absurd . but upon the question what uses are executed , and what not ; and whether out of possessions of a disseisor , or other possessions out of privity or not , there you shall guide your exposition according to the preamble , as shall be handled in my next dayes discourse , and so much touching the preamble of this law . for the body of the law , i would wish all readers that expound statutes to doe as schollers are willed to doe , that is , first to seeke out the principall verbe , that is to note and single out the materiall words , whereupon the statute is framed , for there are in every statute certaine words , which are as veines where the life and bloud of the statute commeth , and where all doubts doe arise , and the rest are literae mortuae fulfilling words . the body of the statute consisteth upon two parts . first , a supposition , or case put , as anderson 361. reginae calleth it . secondly , a perview or ordinance thereupon . the cases of the statute are three and every one hath his purview . the generall case . the case of cofeoffees to the use of some of them . and the generall case of feoffees to the use or percemans of rents or profits . the generall case is built upon eight materiall words . foure on the part of the feoffees . three on the part of cesty que use , and one common to them both . the first materiall word on the part of the feoffees is the word ( person ) this excludes all aliances , for there can be no trust repos'd but in a person certaine , it excludes againe all corporations , for they are evalled to a use certaine , for note on the part of the feoffer over the statutc insists upon the word ( person ) and in the part of cesty que use , that added body politique . the second word materiall is the word ( seis'd ) this excludes chattells , the reason is , that the statute meant to remit the common law , and not the chattells might ever passe by testament or by paroll , therefore the use did not pervert them , it excludes rights , for it is against the rules of the common law to grant , or transferre rights , and therefore the statute would execute them . thirdly , it excludes contingent uses , because the seisin cannot be but to a fee-simple of a use , and when that is limited , the seism of the feoffee is spent , for littleton tells us that there are but two seisins , one in dominio ut de feodo , the other vt de feodo et jure , and the feoffee by the common law could execute , but the fee-simple to uses present , and not post uses , and therefore the statute meant not to execute them . the third materiall word is ( hereafter ) that bringeth in conveyances made after the statute , it brings in againe conveyances made before , and disturb'd by disseisin , and recontinued after , for it is not said infeofted to use hereafter seis'd . the fourth word is ( hereditament ) which is to be understood of those things whereof an inheritance is in esse , for if i grant a rent charge de novo for life to a use , this is good enough , yet there is no inheritance in being of this rent , this word likewise excludes annuities and uses themselves , so that a use cannot be to a use . the first word on the part of cesty que use , is the word ( use , confidence or trust ) whereby it is plaine that the statute meant to remedy the matter , and not words , and in all the clauses it still carrieth the words . the second word is the word ( person ) againe which excludeth all aliances , it excludeth also alldent uses which are not to bodies , lively and naturall , as the building of a church , the making of a bridge , but here ( as noted before ) it is ever coupled with body politicke . the third word is the word ( other ) for the statute meant not to crosse the common law , now at this time uses were growne to such a familiarity , as men could not thinke of possession , but in course of use , and so every man was seised to his owne use , as well as to the use of others ; therefore because statutes would not stirre nor turmoyle possessions setled at the common law , it putteth in precisely this word ( other ) meaning the divided use , and not the communed use , and this causeth the clause of joynt feoffees to follow in a branch by it selfe , for else that case had beene doubtfull upon this word ( other . ) the words that are common to both , are words expressing the conveyance whereby the use ariseth , of which words , those that bred any question are ( agreement , will , otherwise ) whereby some have inferred that uses might be raised by agreement paroll , so there were a consideration of mony , or other matter valuable , for it is expressed in the words before ( bargaines , sale , and contract ) but of bloud , or linned ; the errour of which collection appeareth in the word immediately following ( s. will ) whereby they might aswell include , that a man seised of land might raise an use by will , especially to any of his sonnes or kindred , where there is a reall consideration , and by that reason meane betwixt this statute , and the statute of 32. of wills , lands , were deviseable , especially to any mans kindred , which was clearely otherwise , and therefore those words were put in , nor in regard of uses raised by those conveniences , or without , or likewise by will might be transferred , and there was a person seised to a use , by force of that agreement or will ( s. ) to the use of the assigne , and for the word ( otherwise ) it should by the generality of the word , include a disseisin to a use , but the whole scope of the statute crosseth that which was to execute such uses as were confidences and trust , which could not be in case of disseisin , for if there were a commandment precedent , then the land was vested in cesty que use upon the entry , and if the disseisin were of the disseisors owne head then no trust , and thus much for the case of supposition of this statute , here follow the ordinance and purview thereupon . the purview hath two parts , the first operatio statuti , the effect that the statute worketh , and there is modus operandi , a fiction , or explanation how the statute doth worke that effect . the effect is , that cesty que use shall be in possession of like estate as he hath in the use , the fiction quomodo is , that the statute will have the possession of cesty que use , as a new body compounded of matter and forme , and that the feoffees shall give matter and substance , and the use shall give forme and quality , the materiall words in the first part of the purview are foure . the first words are ( remainder ) and reverture , the statute having spoken before of uses in fee-simple , in tayle , for life , or yeares addeth , or otherwise ( in remainder reverture ) whereby it is manifest , that the first words are to be understood of uses in possession , for there are two substantiall and essentiall differences of estates , the one limiting the times , ( for all estates are but times of their continuantes ) the former maketh little difference of fee-simple , fee tayle for life or yeares , and the other maketh difference of possession as remainder , all other differences of estate are but accidents , as shall be said hereafter , these two the statute meant to take hold of , and at the words , remainder , and reverture it stopps , it addes not wordes , ( right , title , or possibility ) nor it hath not generall words ( or otherwise ) it is most plaine , that the statute meant to execute no inferiour uses to remainder or reverture , that is to say , no possibility or contingences , but estates , onely , such as the feoffees might have executed by conscience made : note also the very letter of the statute doth take notice of a difference betweene an use in remainder , and an use in reverture , which though it cannot properly , because it doth not depend upon particular estates , as remainders doe , neither did then before the statute draw any tenures as reversions doe , yet the statute intends that there is a difference when the particular use , and the use limited upon the particular use are both new uses , in which case it is a use in remainder , and where the particular use is a new use , and the remnant of the use is the old use , in which case it is a use in reverter . the next materiall word is ( from henceforth ) which doth exclude all conceipt of relation that cesty que use shall not come in , as from the time of the first feoffments , to use as bradnells conceipt was in 14. henry 8. that is , the feoffee had granted a rent charge , and cesty que use had made a feoffment in fee , by the statute of 1. richard 3. the feoffee should have held it discharged , because the act of cesty que use shall put the feoffee in , as if cesty que use had beene seised in from the time of the first use limited , and therefore the statute doth take away all such ambiguities , and expresseth that cesty que use shall bee in possession from henceforth , that is , from the time of the parliament for uses then in being , and from the time of the execution for uses limited after the parliament . the third materiall words are ( lawfull seisin state and possession ) not a possession in law onely , but a seisin in tayle , not a title to enter into the land , but an actuall estate . the fourth words are of and in such estates as they had in the use ; that is to say , little estates , fee-simple , fee tayle , life for yeares at will and possession , and reversion , which are the substantiall differences of estates , as was said before , but both their latter clauses are more fully perfected and expounded , by the branch of the fiction of the statute which followes . this branch of fiction hath three materiall words or clauses : the first materiall clause is , that the estate , right , title , and possession that was in such person &c. shall bee in cesty que use , for that the matter and substance of the estate of cesty que use is the estate of the feoffee ; and more hee cannot have , so as if the use were limited to cesty que use and his heires , and the estate out of which it was limited was but an estate for life , cesty que use can have no inheritance so if when the statute came the heire of the feoffee had not entred after the death of his ancestor , but had onely a possession in law , cesty que use in that case should not bring an assize before entry , because the heire of the feoffee could not , so that the matter whereupon the use must work is the feoffees estate : but note here , whereas before when the statute speakes of the uses , it spake onely of uses in possession , remainder and treverter , but not in title or right , now when the statute speakes what shall bee taken from the feoffee , it speakes of title and right , so that the statute takes more from the feoffee then it executes presently in case , where there are uses in contingence which are but titles . the second word is ( cleerely ) which seemes properly and directly to meet with the conceipt of scintilla iuris as well as the words in the preamble of extirping and extinguishing such feoffments , so is their estates is clearely extinct . the third materiall clause is after such quality , manners , forme and condition as they had in the vse ; so as now as the feoffees estate gives matter , so the vse gives forme ; and as in the first clause the vse was indowed with the possession in points of estate , so there it is indowed with the possession in all accidents and circumstances of estate , wherein first note that it is grosse and absurd to expound the forme of the vse any whit to destroy the substance of the estate as to make a doubt , ( because the use gave no dower or tenancy by the courtesie ) that therefore the possession when it is transferred would doe so likewise : no , but the statute meant such quality , manner , forme and condition , as it is not repugnant to the corporall prefence and possession of the estate . next for the word ( condition ) i doe not hold it to be put in for uses upon condition , though it be also comprized within the generall words ; but because i would have things stood upon learnedly , and according to the true sence , i hold it but for an explaining or word of the effect , as it is in the statute of 26. of treasons , where it is said , that the offender shall be attainded of the evert fact by men of their condition ( in this place ) that is to say , of their degree or sort , and so the word condition in this place is no more , but in like quality , manner , forme , and degree or sort , so as all these words amount , but to ( modo et forma . ) hence therefore all circumstances of estate are comprehended as sole seisin , or joyntly seisin , by intierties , or by moyties , a circumstance of estate to have age as comming in by discent , or not age as purchasor , or circumstance of estate discendable to the heire of the part of the father , or of the part of the mother . a circumstance of estate conditionall or absolute , remitted or not remitted with a condition of inter-marriage , or without all these are accidents and circumstances of estate , in all which the possession shall ensue the nature and quality of the use , and this much of the first case which is the generall case . the second case of the joynt feoffees needs no exposition , for it peruseth the penning of the generall case , onely this i will note , that although it had beene omitted , yet the law upon the first case would have beene taken as the case provided , so that it rather in explanation than an addition , for turne that case the other way , that one were infeoffed to the use of himselfe , i hold the law to bee , that in the former case they shall bee seised joyntly , and so in the latter case cesty que use shall be seised solely ; for the word ( other ) it shall bee qualified by the construction of cases , as shall appeare when i come to my division ; but because this case of cofeoftees to the use of one of them was a generall case in the realme , therefore they fore-saw it , oppress'd it precisely , and passed over the case e converso , which was but especiall ; and care , and they were loth to bring in this case , by incerting the word onely unto the first case ( s ) to have penned it to the use onely of other persons , for they had experience what doubt the word onely bred upon the statute of 1. richard 3. after this third case , and before the third case of rents comes in the second saving , and the reason of it is worth the noting , why the savings are interlaced before the third case , the reason of it is , because the third case needeth no saving , and the first two cases did need savings , and that is the reason of that againe . it is a generhll ground , that where an act of parliament is donor , if it be penned with an ( ac si ) it is not a saving , for it is a speciall gift , and not a generall gift , which includes all rights , and therefore in 11 henry 7. whereupon the alienation of women , the statute intitles the heire of him in remainder to enter , you finde never a stranger , because the statute gives entry not ( simpliciter ) but within an ( ac si ) as if no alienation had beene made , or if the feme had beene naturally dead , strangers that had right might have entred , and therefore no saving needs , so in the statute of 32. of leases , the statute enacts , that the leases shall be good and effectuall in law , as if the lessor had beene seised of a good and perfect estate in fee-simple , and therefore you finde no saving in the statute , and so likewise of divers other statutes doe likewise , where a statute doth make a gift or title good , specially against certaine persons there needs no saving , except it bee to exempt some of those persons , as in the statute of 1. r. 3. now to apply this to case of rents , which is penned with an ( ac si ) ( s. ) as if a sufficient grant , or lawfull conveyance had beene made , or executed by such as were seised , why if such a grant of a rent had beene made , one that had an antient right might have entred and have avoyded the charge , and therefore no saving needeth , but the second first cases are not penned with an ( ac si ) but absolute , that cesty que use shall be adjudged in estate and possession , which is a judgement of parliamènt stronger then any fine , to bind all rights , nay it hath further words ( s. ) in lawfull estate and possession , which maketh it the stronger then any in the first clause , for if the words onely had stood upon the second clause ( s. ) that the estate of the feoffee should bee in cesty que use , then perhaps the gift should have beene speciall , and so the saving superfluous , and this note is materiall in regard of the great question , whether the feoffees may make any regresse , which opinion ( i meane that no regresse is left unto them ) is principally to bee argued out of the saving ; as shall be now declared : for the savings are two in number , the first saveth all strangers rights , with an exception of the feoffees : the second is a saving out of the exception of thefirst saving ( s. ) of the feoffees in case where they claime totheir own proper use : it had beene easie in the first saving out of the statute ) other then such persons as are seised , or hereafter should bee seised to any use ) to have added to these words ( executed by this statute ) or in the second saving to have added unto the words ( clayming to their proper use ) these words ( or to the use of any other , and executed by this statute , but the regresse of the feoffee is shut out betweene the two savings , for it is the right of a person clayming to an use , and not unto his owne proper use , but it is to bee added , that the first saving is not to bee understood as the letter implyeth , that feoffees to use shall bee barr'd of their regresse , in case that it bee of another feoffment then that whereupon the statute hath wrought , but upon the same feoffment , as if the feoffee before the statute had beene diseised , and the disseis'd had made a feoffment in fee to i. d. his use , and then the statute came , this executeth the use of the second feoffment , but the first feoffees may make a regresse , and they yet claime to an use , but not by that feoffment upon which the statute hath wrought . now followeth the third case of the statute touching execution of rents , wherein the materiall words are foure : first , whereas divers persons are seised , which hath bred a doubt that it should onely goe to rents in use , at the time of the statute ; but it is explained in the clause following ( s ) as if a grant had beene made to them by such as , are , or shall be seised . the second word is ( profit ) for in the putting of the case , the statute speaketh of a rent ; but after in the purview is added these words ( or profit . ) the third word is ( ac si ) ( s ) that they shall have the ( s ) as if a sufficient grant or lawfull conveyance had bin made and made unto them . the fourth words are the words of liberty and remedies attending upon such rent ( s ) that hee shall distraine &c. and have such suits entries , and remedies relying againe with an ( ac si ) as if the grant had beene made with such collaterall penalties and advantages . now for the provisoes , the makers of this law did so abound with policy and discerning , as they did not onely fore-see such mischiefes as were incident to this new law immediately , but likewise such as were consequent in a remote degree , and therefore besides the expresse provisoes , they did adde three new provisoes which are in themselves substractive lawes , for foreseeing that by the execution of uses , wills formerly made should be over-throwne : they made an ordinance for wills , fore-seeing likewise , that by execution of uses , women should be doubly advanced : they made an ordinance for dowers and jointures , foreseeing againe , that the execution of uses would make franktenement passe by contracts paroll . they made an ordinance for inrollments of bargaines and sales , the two former they inserted into this law , and the third they distinguished into a law apart , but without any preamble as may appeare , being but a proviso to this statute , besides all these provisionall lawes ; and besides five provisors , whereof three attend upon the law of jointure , and two borne in wales , which are not materiall to the purpose in hand . there are sixe provisoes which are naturall and true members and limbs of the statute , whereof foure concerne the part of cesty que use , and two concerne the part of the feoffees : the soure which concerne the part of cesty que use , tend all to save him from prejudice by the execution of the estate . the first saveth him from the extinguishment of any statute or recognizance , as if a man had an extent of a hundred acres , and an use of the inheritance of one . now the statute executing the possession to that one , would have extinguisht his extent being intire in all the rest : or as if the commissioner of a statute having ten acres lyable to the statute had made a feoffment in fce to a stranger of two , and after had made a feoffment in fce to the use of the conuzec and his heires : and upon this proviso there arise three questions : first , whether this proviso were not superfluous , in regard that cesty que use was comprehended in the generall , saving though the feoffees be excluded . secondly , whether this proviso doth save statutes or executions , with an apportionment and entire . thirdly , because it is penned indefinitively , in point of time , whether it shall goe to uses limitted after the statute , as well as to those that were in being all the time of the statute , which doubt is rather inforced by this reason , because there was for uses at the time of the statute , for that the execution of the statute might be wayved , but both possession and use since the statute , may be wayved . the second proviso saveth cesty que vse from the charge of primer seisin liveries ouster le maines , and such other duties to the king , with an expresse limitation of time that he shal be discharged for the time past , and charged for the time to come in a king s : may 1536. to be communis terminus . the third proviso doth the like for fines , reliefes , and herriots , discharging them for the time past , and speaking nothing of the time to come . the fourth proviso giveth to cesty que use all collaterall benefits of vouchers , aides , priers , actions of wast , trespasse , conditions broken , and which the feoffees might have had ; and this is expresly limitted for estates executed before 1. may 1536. and this proviso giveth occasion to intend that none of these benefits would have beene carried to cesty que vse by the generall words in the body of the law ( s ) that the feoffees estate , right , title , and possession , &c. for the two provisoes on the part of the tertenant , they both concerne the saving of strangers from prejudice , &c. the first saves actions depending against the feoffees , that they shall not abate . the second saves wardships , liveries , and ouster le maines , whereof title was vested in regard of the heire of the feoffee , and this in case of the king only . what persons may be seised to an vse , and what not . what persons may be cesty que use , and what not . what persons may declare an use , and what not . though i have opened the statute in order of words , yet i will make my division in order of matter , viz. 1. the raysing of uses . 2. the interruption of vses . 3. the executing of vses . againe , the raising of uses doth easily divide it selfe into three parts . the persons that are actors to the conveyance to use . the use it selfe . the forme of the conveyance . then it is first to be seene what persons may be seised to an use , and what not , and what persons may be cesty que use ; and what not . the king cannot be seised to an use ; no not where he taketh in his naturall body and to some purpose as a common person , and therefore if land be given to the king , and i. d. per terme de lour vies , this use is void for a moity . like law is , if the king be seised of land in the right of his dutchy of lancaster , and covenanteth by his letters pattents under the dutchy seale to stand seised to the use of his sonne , nothing passeth . like law , if king r. 3. who was feoster to divers uses before he took upon him the crowne , had after hee was king by his letters pattents granted the land over , the uses had not bin renewed . the queene ( speaking not of an imperiall queene by marriage ) cannot be seised to an use , though she be a body inabled to grant and purchase without the king : yet in regard of the government and interest the king hath in her possession she cannot be seised to an use . a corporation cannot be seised to an use , because their capacity is to a use certaine ; againe , because they cannot execute an estate without doing wrong to their corporation or founder ; but chiefly because of the letter of this statute which ( in any clause when it speaketh of the feoffee ) resteth only upon the word ( person . ) but when it speaketh of cefty que use , it addeth person , or body politicke . if a bishop bargaine or sell lands whereof hee is seised in the right of his sea ; this is good during his life ; otherwise it is where a bishop is infeoffed to him and his successors to the use of i. d. and his heires , that is not good , no not for the bishops life , but the use is meerely voyd . contrary law , of tenant in taile , for if i give land in taile by deed since the statute to a. to the use of b. and his heires ; b. hath a fee-simple determinable upon the death of a without issue . and like law , though doubtfull before the statute was , for the chiefe reason which bred the doubt before the statute was , because tenant in tayle could not execute an estate without wrong ; but that since the statute is quite taken away , because the statute saveth no right of intayle , as the statute of 1. r. 3. did , and that reason likewise might have bin answered before the statute , in regard of the common recovery . a feme covert and an infant , though under yeares of discretion , may be seised to an use ; for aswell as land might descend unto them from a feoffee to use ; so may they originally be infeoffed to an use ; yet if it be before the statute , and they had ( upon a subpoena brought ) executed their estate during the coverture or infancy they might have defeated the same , and when they should have beene seized againe to the use , and not to their owne use , but since the statute , no right is saved unto them . if a feme covert or an infant be enfeoffed to an use precedent since the statute , the infant or baron come too late to discharge or roote up the feoffment ; but if an infant be infeoffed to the use of himselfe and his heires , and i. d. pay such a summe of money to the use of i. g. and his heires , the infant may disagree and overthrow the contingent use . contrary law if an infant be infeoffed to the use of himselfe for life , the remainder to the use of i. s. and his heires , he may disagree to the feoffment , as to his owne estate , but not to devest the remainder , but it shall remaine to the benefit of him in remainder . and yet if an attainded person be infeoffed to an use , the kings title after office found , shall prevent the use , and relate above it but untill office the cesty que vse is seised of the land . like law of an alien , for if land be given to an alien to an use , the use is not voyd ab initio : yet neither alien or attainded person can maintaine an action to defend the land . the kings villeine if he be infeoffed to an use , the kings title shall relate above the use , otherwise in case of a common person . but if the lord be infeoffed to the use of his villeine , the use neither riseth , but the lord is in by the cōmon law , & not by the statute discharged of the use . but if the husband be infeoffed to the use of his wife for yeares , if he die , the wife shall have the terme , and it shall not inure by way of discharge , although the husband may dispose of the wives terme . so if the lord of whom the land is held be infeoffed to the use of a person attainded , the lord shall not hold by way of discharge of the use , because of the kings title , an. diem & vastum . a person uncertaine is not within the statute , nor any estate in nutibus or suspence executed , as if i give land to i. s. the remainder to the right heires of i. d. to the use of i. n. and his heire , i. n. is not seised of the fee-simple of an estate per vit. of i. s. till i. d. be dead , and then in fee-simple . liker law if before the statute , i give land to i. s. per auter vie to an use , and i. s. dyeth , leaving cesty que vse , whereby the free-hold is in suspence , the statute commeth , and no occupant entreth ; the use is not executed out of the free-hold in suspence . for the occupant the disseissor the lord by escheate : the feoffee upon consideration , not having notice , and all other persons which shal be seised to use , not in regard of their persons but of their title . i referre them to my division touching disturbance and interruption ofuses . it followeth now to see what person may be a cesty que vse , the king may be cesty que vse ; but it behoveth both the declaration of the use and the conveyance it selfe , to be matter of record , because the kings title is compounded of both , i say , not appearing of record , but by conveyance of record . and therefore if i covenant with i. s. to leavy a fine to him to the kings use , which i do accordingly : and this deed of covenant be not inrol'd , and the deed be found by office the use vesteth not , econverso inrol'd . if i covenant with i. s. to infeoffe him to the kings use , and the deed be inrol'd ●nd the feoffment also be found by office , the use vesteth . but if i leavy a fine , or suffer a recovery to the kings use , and declare the use by deede of covenant enrol'd , though the king be not party , yet it is good enough . a corporation may take an use , & yet it is not material whether the feoffment or the declaration be by deed ; but i may infeoffee i. s. to the use of a corporation and this use may be averred . a use to a person incertaine is not voyd in the first limitation , but executeth not till the person be in ( esse , ) so that this is positive , than an use shall never be in obeyance , as a remainder may be , but ever in a person certaine upon the words of the statute , and the estate of the feeoffees shall be in him or them which have the use : the reason is because no confidence can be reposed in a person unknowne and uncertaine ; and therefore if i make a feoffment to the use of i. s. for life , and then to the use of the right heires of i. d. the remainder is not in obeyance , but the reversion is in the feoffer , ( quousque . ) so that upon the matter all persons uncertaine in use , are like conditions or limitations precedent . like law if i enfeoffee one to the use of i. s. for yeares , the remainder to the right herres of i. d. this is not executed obeyance , and therefore not void . like law , if i make a feoffment to the use of my wife that shall be , or to such persons as i shall maintaine , though i limit no particular estate at all ; yet the use is good , and shall in the interim returne to the feoffor . contrary law , if i once limit the whole fee-simple of the use out of land , and part thereof to a person incertaine , it shall never returne to the feoffer by way of fraction of the use ; but looke how it should have gone unto the feoffer ; if i begin with a contingent use , so it shall go to the remainder ; if i intaile a contingent use , both estates are alike subject to the contingent vse when it falleth ; as when i make a feoffment in fee to the use of my wife for life the remainder to my first begotten son ; i having no sonne at that time the remainder to my brother and his heires if my wife dye before i have any son , the vse shall not be in me , but in my brother . and yet if i marry againe and have a sonne , it shall devest from my brother , and be in my sonne , which is the skipping they talke so much of . so if i limit an use joyntly to two persons ; not in ( esse ) and the one commeth to bee in esse , hee shall take the intire use , and yet if the other afterward come in esse , hee shall take joyntly with the former , as if i make a feoffment to the use of my wife that shall bee , and my first begotten sonne for their lives , and i marry my wise taketh the whole use , and if i afterwards have a sonne , hee taketh joyntly with my wife . but yet where words of obeyance worke to an estate , executed in course of possession , it shall doe the like in use , as if i infeoffee a. to the use of b. for life , the remainder to c. for life , the remainder to the right heires of b. this is a good remainder executed . so if i enfeoffee a. to the use of his right heires a. is in the fee-simple , not by the statute , but by the common law . now are wee to examine a speciall point of the disability of persons as to take by the statute , and that upon the words of the statute , where divers persons are seised to the use of other persons , so that by the letter of the statute , no use is conteyned , but where the feoffor is one , and cesty que use is another . therefore it is to bee seene in what cases the same persons shall be both seised to the use and cesty a que use , and yet in by the statute , and in what cases they shall be diverse persons , and yet in by the common law , wherein i observe unto you three things : first , that the letter is full in the point . secondly , that it is strongly urged by the clause of joynt estates following . thirdly , that the whole scope of the statute was to remit the common law , and never to intermeddle where the common law executed an estate , therefore the statute ought to bee expounded , that where the party seised to the use , and the cesty que use is one person , hee never taketh by the statute except there bee a direct impossibiltie or impertinency for the use , to take effect by the common law . and if i give land to i. s. to the use of himselfe and his heires , and if i. d. pay a summe of mony , then to the use of i. d. and his heires , i. s. is in of an estate for life , or for yeares , by way of abridgment of estate in course of possession , and i. d. in of the fee-simple by the statute . so if i bargaine and sell my land after seven yeares , the inheritance of the use onely passeth , and there remaines an estate for yeares by a kind of substraction of the inheritance or occupyer of my estate , but meerely at the common law . but if i enfeoffee i. s. to the use of himselfe intayle , and then to the use of i. d. in fee , or covenant to stand seisd to the use of my selfe in tayle , and to the use of my wife in fee , in both these cases the estate tayle is executed by this statute , because an estate tayle cannot be reoccupied out of a fee-simple being a new estate , and not like a particular estate , for life or yeares , which are but portions of the absolute fee , and therefore if i bargaine and sell my land to i. s. after my death without issue , it doth not leave an estate tayle in mee , nor vesteth any present fee in the bargaines , but is an use expectant . so if i enfeoffee i. s. to the use of i. d. for life , and then to the use of himselfe and his heires , he is in of the fee-simple meerely in course of possession , and as of a reversion , and not of a remainder . contrary law , if i enfeoffee i. s. to the use of i. d. for life , then to the use of himselfe for life , the remainder to the use of i. n. in fee , now the law will not admit fraction of estates , but i. s. is in with the ●est by the statute . so if i infeoffee i. s , to the use of himselfe , and a stranger , they shall be both in by the statute , because they could not take joyntly taking by severall titles . like law if i infeoffee a bishop and his heires to the use of himselfe , and his successors , he is in by the statute in the right of his sea . and as i cannot raise a present use to one out of his owne seisin , so if i limit a contingent or future use to one being at the time of limitation not seis'd , but after become seised at the , time of the execution of contingent use , there is the same reason and the same law , and upon the same difference which i have put before . as if i covenant with my sonne , that after his marriage i will stand seised of land to the use of himselfe and his heires , and before marriage i enfeoffee him to the use of himselfe and his heires , and then hee marryeth , hee is in by the common law , and not by the statute , like law of a bargaine and sale . but if i had let to him for life onely , then hee should have beene in for life onely by the common law , and of the fee-simple by statute . now let mee advise you of this , that it is not a matter of subtilty or conceipt to take the law right , when a man commeth in by the law in course of possession , and where hee commeth in by the statute in course of possession , but it is materiall for the deciding of many causes and questions , as for warranties , actions , conditions , wayners , suspitions , and divers other provisoes . for example , a mans farmer committed wast , after he in the reversion covenanteth to stand seis'd to the use of his wife for life , and after to the use of himselfe and his heires , his wife dyes , if hee bee in his fee untouch'd he shall punish the wast , if he be in by the statute he shall not punish it . so if i bee infeoffed with warranty , and i covenant with my sonne to stand seised to the use of my selfe for life , and after to him and his heires ; if i bee in by the statute , it is cleare my warranty is gone , but if i be in by the common law it is doubtfull . so if i have an eigne right , and be infeoffed to the use of i. s. for life , then to the use of my selfe for life , then to the use of i. d. in fee , i. s. dyeth , if i be in by the common law , i cannot wayve my estate having agreed to the feoffment : but if i am in by the statute , yet i am not remitted , because i come in by my owne act , but i may wayve my use , and bring an action presently , for my right is saved unto me by one of the savings in the statute . now on the other side it is to bee seene , where there is a seisin to the use of another person , and yet it is out of the statute which is in speciall cases upon the ground wheresoever cesty que use had remedy , for the possession by course of common law , there the statute never worketh , and therefore if a disseisin were committed to an use , it is in him by the common law upon agreement , so if one enter as occupant to the use of another , it is in him till disagreement . so if a feme infeoffe a man ( causa matrimonij pralocuti ) she hath remedy for the land againe by course of the law , and therefore in those speciall cases the statute worketh not , and yet the words of the statute are generall , ( where any person stands seised by force of any fine , recovery , peostment , bargaine and sale , agreement or otherwise ) but yet the feme is to bee restrained for the reason aforesaid . it remaineth to shew what persons may limit and declare an use , wherein we must distinguish , for there are two kinds of declarations of uses , the one of a present use upon the first conveyance , the other upon a power of revocation or new declaration , the latter of which i referre to the division of revocation , now for the former . the king upon his letters pattents may declare an use , though the pattent it selfe implyeth an use , if none be declared . if the king gives lands by his letters to i. s. and his heires to the use of i. s. for life , the king hath the inheritance of the use by impliation of the pattent , and no office needeth for impliation out of matter of record , amounteth ever to matter of record . if the queene give land to i. s. and his heires to the use of all the church-wardens of the church of dale , the pattentee is seised to his owne use , upon that confidence or intent , but if a common person had given land in that manner , the use had bin voyd by the stat. of 23. h. 8. and the use had returned to the feoffor & his heires , a corporation may take an use without deed as hath bin said before , but can limit no use without deed . an infant may limit an use upon a feoffment , fine , or recovery , and he cannot countermand or avoyd the use , except hee avoyd the conveyance , contrary if an infant covenant in consideration of bloud or marriage to stand seised to an use , the use is meerely voyd . if an infant bargaine and sell his land for mony , for commons , or teaching , it is good with averment , if for mony otherwise , if it be proved it is avoydable , if for mony recited and not paid it is voyd , and yet in the case of a man of full age the recitall sufficeth . if barron and feme be seised in the right of the feme , or by joynt purchase during the coverture , and they joyne in a fine , the barron cannot declare the use for longer time then the coverture , and the feme cannot declare alone , but the use goeth according to the limitation of law , unto the feme and her heires , but they may both joyne in declaration of the use in fee , and if they sever , then it is good for so much of the inheritance as they concurr'd in , for the law avoucheth all one as if they joyn'd , as if the baron declare an vse to i. s. and his heires , and the feme another to i. d. for life , and then to j. s. and his heires , the vse is good to i. s. in fee . and if upon examination the feme will declare the vse to the judge , and her husband agree not to it , it is voyd , and the barons vse is onely good , the rest of the vse goeth according to the limitation of law . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a28244e-120 1. 2. 3. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 1. 2. 3. 1. 2. 1. 2. 3. 4. 1 2 3 1. 2. 3. 1. 2. 3. 1. 2. 3. 4. 1. 2. 3. 1. 2. 3. 1. 2. apophthegmes new and old. collected by the right honourable, francis lo. verulam, viscount st. alban bacon, francis, 1561-1626. 1625 approx. 104 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 155 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a01043 stc 1115 estc s113684 99848915 99848915 14037 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a01043) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 14037) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 617:08) apophthegmes new and old. collected by the right honourable, francis lo. verulam, viscount st. alban bacon, francis, 1561-1626. [4], 307, [1] p. printed [by j. haviland] for hanna barret, and richard whittaker, and are to be sold at the kings head in pauls chuch-yard, london : 1625. printer's name from stc. the first leaf is blank. reproduction of the original in the cambridge university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng anecdotes -early works to 1800. aphorisms and apothegms -early works to 1800. 2002-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-04 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-05 tcp staff (oxford) sampled and proofread 2002-07 apex covantage rekeyed and resubmitted 2002-08 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2002-08 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion apophthegmes new and old . collected by the right honovrable , francis lo . vervlam , viscount st. alban . london , printed for hanna barret , and richard whittaker , and are to be sold at the kings head in pauls church-yard . 1625. apophthegmes new and old . ivlius caesar , did write a collection of apophthegmes , as appeares in an epistle of cicero . i need say no more , for the worth , of a writing , of that nature . it is pitie his booke is lost : for i imagine , they were collected , with iudgement , and choice : whereas that of plutarch , and stobaeus , and much more , the moderne ones , draw much of the dregs . certainly , they are of excellent vse . they are , mucrones verborum , pointed speeches . cicero prettily cals them , salinas , salt pits ; that you may extract salt out of , and sprinkle it , where you will. they serue , to be interlaced , in continued speech . they serue , to be recited , vpon occasiō of themselues . they serue , if you take out the kernell of them , and make them your owne . i haue , for my recreation , in my sicknesse , fann'd the old ; not omitting any , because they are vulgar ; ( for many vulgar ones are excellent good ; ) nor for the meannesse of the person ; but because they are dull , and flat : and added many new , that otherwise would haue died . 1. when queene elizabeth had aduanced ralegh , she was one day playing on the virginalls , and my lo. of oxford , & another noble-man , stood by . it fell out so , that the ledge , before the iacks , was taken away , so as the iacks were seene : my lo. of oxford , and the other noble-man smiled , and a little whispered : the queene marked it , and would needes know , what the matter was ? my lo. of oxford answered ; that they smiled , to see , that when iacks went vp , heads went downe . 2. henrie the fourth of france , his queene was great with childe . count soi●…ons , that had his expectation vpon the crowne ; when it was twice or thrice thought , that the queene was with childe before , said to fome of his frends ; that it was but with a pillow . this had some wayes come to the kings eare , who kept it til when the queen waxed great ; call'd the count of soissons to him , and said , laying his hand vpon the queenes belly ; come cousin , it is no pillow . yes , sir , ( answered the count of soissons ) it is a pillow , for all france to sleepe vpon . 3. there was a conference in parliament , betweene the vpper house , & the lower , about a bill of accountants , which came downe , from the lords , to the commons : which bill prayed , that the lands of accountants , whereof they were seized , when they entred vpon their office , mought bee liable to their arreares , to the queene . but the commons desired , that the bill mought not looke backe , to accountants that were alreadie , but extend onely to accountanes hereafter . but the lo. threasurer said : why , i pray , if you had lost your purse , by the waie , would you looke forwards , or would you looke backe ? the queene hath lost her purse . 4. queene elizabeth , the morrow of her coronation , went to the chappell ; and in the great chamber , sir iohn rainsford , set on by wiser men , ( a knight that had the libertie of a buffone ) besought the queene aloud ; that now , this good time , when prisoners were deliuered , foure prisoners , amongst the rest , mought likewise haue their libertie , who were like enough , to bee kept still in hold . the queene asked ; who they were ? and hee said ; matthew , mark , luke , & iohn ; who had long beene imprisoned , in the latine tongue ; and now he defired , they mought goe abroad , among the people , in english . the queene answered , with a graue countenance ; it were good ( rainsford ) they were spoken with themselues , to know of them , whether they would be set at libertie ? 5. the lo. keeper , sir nicholas bacon , was asked his opinion , by queene elizabeth , of one of these monopoly licences ; and hee answered ; will you haue me speake truth , madame ? licentiâ omnes deteriores sumus . wee are all the worse for a licence . 6. pace , the bitter foole , was not suffered to come at the queene , because of his bitter humor . yet at one time , some perswaded the queene , that hee should come to her , vndertaking for him , that hee should keepe compasse . so hee was brought to her , and the queene said ; come on pace , now we shall beare of our faults . saith pace ; i doe not vse to talke of that , that all the towne talkes of . 7. my lo. of essex , at the succor of rhoan , made 24. knights ; which at that time was a great matter . diuerse of those gentle-men , were of weake and small meanes ; which when queene elizabeth heard , shee said ; my lo. mought haue done well , to haue built his almes-house , before he made his knights . 8. a great officer in france , was in danger to haue lost his place . but his wife , by her suite , and means making , made his peace : whereupon a pleasant fellow said ; that he had been crushed , but that he saued himselfe vpon his hornes . 9. queene anne bullen , at the time , when she was led to bee beheaded , in the tower , called one of the kings priuie chamber to her , and said to him ; commend mee to the king , and tell him , he is constant in his course of aduancing me . from a priuate gentle-woman , he made me a marquisse ; and from a marquisse , a queene ; and now he had left no higher degree of earthly honour , hee hath made me a martyr . 10. bishop latimer said , in a sermon , at court ; that hee heard great speech , that the king was poore , and many waies were propounded to make him rich : for his part , he had thought of one way , which was ; that they should helpe the king to some good office , for all his officers were rich . 11. caesar borgia , after long diuision , betweene him and the lords of romagna , fell to accord with them . in this accord , there was an article , that hee should not call them , at any time , all together , in person : the meaning was , that knowing his dangerous nature if hee meant them treason , some one mought be free , to reuenge the rest . neuerthelesse , hee did with such art , and faire vsage , win their confidence , that hee brought them all together to counsell at sinigalia , where hee mur●…her'd them all . this act , when it was related vnto pope alexander his father , by a cardinall , as a thing happy , but verie persidious , the pope said ; it was they , that had broke their couenant first , in comming all together . 12. pope iulius the third , when hee was made pope , gaue his hat vnto a youth , a fauourite of his , with great scandall . wherupon , at one time a cardinall , tha●… mought bee fre●… with him , said modestly to him ; what did your holinesse see in that young man , to make him cardinall ? iulius answered , what did you see in mee , to make me pope ? 13. the same iulius , vpon like occasion of speech , why hee should beare so great affection to the same young man , would say ; that he had found by astrologie , that it was the youths destinie , to be a great prelate ; which was impossible , except himselfe were pope ; and therefore , that hee did raise him , as the driuer on of his owne fortune . 14 sir thomas moore had onely daughters , at the first ; and his wife did euer pray for a boy : at last hee had a boy ; which after , at mans yeeres , proued simple . sir thomas said to his wife ; thou prayedst so long for a boy , that hee will bee a boy , as long as he liues . 15. sir thomas moore , the day he was beheaded , had a barber sent to him , because his haire was long , which was thought , would make him more commiserable , with the people . the barber came to him , and asked him ; whether he would be pleased to bee trimm'd ? in good faith honest fellow , ( said sir thomas ) the king and i haue a suit for my head , and till the title be cleared , i will doe no cost vpon it . 16. stephen gardiner bishop of winchester , a great champion of the papists , was wont to say of the protestants , who ground vpon the scripture ; that they were like poasts , that bring truth in their letters , and lies in their mouths . 17. the lacedemonians were besieged by the athenians , in the fort of peile ; which was won , and some slaine , and some taken . there was one said , to one of them that was taken , by way of scorne ; wer●… not they braue men , tha●… lost their liues at th●… fort of peile ? he answered ; certainely a persian arrow 〈◊〉 much to be set by , if it can chuse out a bra●… man. 18. after the defeat of cyrus the younger , falinus was sent , by the king , to the grecians , ( who had , for their part , rather victorie , than otherwise , ) to command them , to yeeld their armes . which when it was denied , falinus said to clearchus ; well then , the king lets you know , that if you remoue from the place , where you are now encamped , it is warre ; if you stay , it is truce ; what shall i say , you will doe ? clearchus answered ; it pleaseth vs , as pleaseth the king. how is that ? saith falinus . saith clearchus ; if we remoue , warre ; if wee stay , truce . and so would not disclose his purpose . 19. clodius was acquit by a corrupt iurie , that had palpably taken shares of money . before they gaue vp their verdict , they prayed of the senate a guard , that they might doe their consciences freely ; for clodius was a verie seditious young noble-man . whereupon , all the world gaue him for condemn'd . but acquitted he was . catulus the next day , seeing some of them , tha●… had acquitted him together , said to them ; what made yo●… to aske of vs a guard were you afraid you money should haue bee●… taken from you ? 20. at the same iudgement , cicero gaue i●… euidence vpon oath and the iurie ( which consisted of 57. ) passed against his euidence . one day in the senate , cicero and clodius being in altercation , clodius vpbraided him , and said ; the iurie gaue you no credit . cicero answered ; fiue and twentie gaue mee credit ; but there were two and thirtie , that gaue you no credit , for they had their money aforehand . 21. many men , especially such as affect grauitie , haue a manner , after other mens speech , to shake their heads . sir lionell cranfield would say ; that it was , as men shake a bottle , to see if there were any wit in their head , or no. 22. sir thomas moore , who was a man , in all his life time , that had an excellent ●…eine in jesting ) at ●…he verie instant of ●…s death , hauing a ●…cttie long beard , af●…er his head was vpon the blocke , lift it vp againe , and gently ●…rew his beard aside , ●…nd said ; this hath ●…ot offended the king 23. sir thomas moore had sent him , by a suter in the chancerie , two siluer flagons . when they were presented by the gentlemans seruant , he said to one of his men ; haue him to the cellar and let him haue of my best wine . and turning to the seruant said ; tell thy master frend , if he like it , le●… him not spare it . 24. diogenes hauing seene that the kingdome of macedon , which before was contemptible & low , began to come aloft , when hee died , was asked ; how he would be buried ? he answered ; with my face downeward ; for within a while , the world will bee turned vpside downe , and then i shall lie right . 25. cato the elder was wont to say ; that the romans were like sheepe : a man were better driue a flocke of them , then one of them . 26. themistocles , in his lower fortune , was in loue with a young gentle-man , who scorn'd him . when hee grew to his greatnesse , which was soone after , hee sought to him : but themistocles said ; wee are both growne wise , but too late . 27. demonax the philosopher , when hee died , was asked touching his buriall . he answered , neuer take care for burying mee , for stinke will burie me . he that askt him , said againe ; why , would you haue your bodie left to dogs and rauens to feed vpon ? demonax answered ; why , what great hurt is it , if hauing sought to doe good , when i liued , to men ; my bodie doe some good to beasts , when i am dead ? 28. iack roberts was desired by his taylour , when the reckoning grew somewhat high , to haue a bill of his hand . roberts said ; i am content , but you must let no man know it . when the taylor brought him the bill , he tore●…t it , as in choller , and said to him ; you vse me not well ; you promised me no bodie should know it , and here you haue put in ; be it knowne to all men by these presents . 29. when lycurgus was to reforme and alter the state of sparta , in the consultation , one aduised , that it should bee reduced to an absolute popular equalitie . but lycurgus said to him ; sir , beginne it in your owne house . 30. phocyon , the athenian , ( a man of great seueritie , and no wayes flexible to the will of the people ) one day , when hee spake to the people , in one part of his speech , was applauded : whereupon , he turned to one of his frends , and asked ; what haue i said amisse ? 31. sir walter ralegh was wont to say , of the ladies of queene elizabeths priuie-chamber , and bed-chamber ; that they were like witches ; they could doe hurt , but they could doe no good . 32. bion , that was an atheist , was shewed in a port-citie , in a temple of neptune , many tables or pictures , of such , as had in tempests , made their vowes to neptune , and were saued from shipwrack ; and was askt ; how say you now , doe you not acknowledge the power of the gods ? but hee said ; yes , but where are they painted , that haue beene drown'd after their vowes ? 33. bias was sailing , and there fell out a great tempest , and the mariners , that were wicked and dissolute fellowes , called vpon the gods but bias said to them ; peace , let them not know yee are here . 34. bion was wont to say ; that socrates , of all the louers of alcibiades , onely held him by the eares . 35. there was a minister depriued for inconformitie : who said to some of his frends ; that if they depriued him , it should cost an hundred mens liues . the partie vnderstood it , as if , being a turbulent fellow , hee would haue moued sedition , and complain'd of him . whereupon , being conuented , and appo sed vpon that speech , he said ; his meaning was , that if hee lost his benefice , hee would practise physicke ; and then hee thought hee should kill an hundred men , in time . 36. michael angelo , the famous painter , painting in the popes chappell , the portraiture of hell , and damned soules , made one of the damned soules so like a cardinall , that was his enemie , as euerie bodie , at first sight , knew it : whereupon the cardinall complained to pope clement , desiring it might be defaced ; who said to him ; why , you know verie well , i haue power to deliuer a soule out of purgatorie , but not out of hell. 37. there was a philosopher about tiberius , that looking into the nature of caius , said of him ; that hee was mire mingled with bloud . 38. alcibiades came to pericles , and stayed a while , ere hee was admitted . when he came in , pericles ciuilly excused it , and said ; i was studying , how to giue my account . but alcibiades said to him ; if you will be ruled by mee , studie rather , how to giue no account . 39. cicero was at dinner , where there was an ancient ladie , that spake of her yeeres , and said ; she was but fortie yeeres old . one that sate by cicero , rounded him in the care , and said ; shee talkes of fortie yeeres old , and shee is farre more , out of question cicero answered him againe ; i must beleeue her , for i haue heard her say so , any time , these ten yeeres . 40. pope adrian the sixth wastalking with the duke of sesa , that pasquill gaue great scandall , and that hee would haue him throwen into the riuer . but sesa answered ; doe it not ( holy father ) for then hee will turne frogge ; and whereas now hee chaunts but by day , hee will then chaunt both by day and night . 41. there was a souldier , that vaunted before iulius caesar , of hurts he had receiued in his face . iulius caesar knowing him bee a coward , told him ; you were best take beed , next time you r●…nne away , how you looke backe . 42. there was a bishop , that was somewhat a delicate person , and bathed twice a day . a frend of his said to him ; my lord , why doe you bath twice a day ? the bishop answered ; because i cannot conueniently bath thrice . 43. mendoza , that was vice-roy of peru , was wont to say ; that the gouernment of peru , was the best place that the king of spaine gaue , saue that it was somewhat too neere madrid . 44. secretarie bournes sonne kept a gentlemans wife in shropshire , who liued from her husband with him . when hee was wearie of her , he caused her husband to be dealt with , to take her home , and offered him 500. pounds for reparation . the gentle-man went to sir henry sidney , to take his aduice vpon this offer ; telling him ; that his wife promised now a new life ; and to tell him truth , 500. pounds would come well with him ; and besides , that sometimes he wanted a woman in his bed . by my troth , ( said sir henry sidney ) take her home , and take the money , and then , wheras other cuckolds weare their hornes plaine , you may weare yours gilt . 45. there was a gentle-man in italy , that wrate to a great frend of his , vpon his aduancement to bee cardinall ; that hee was verie glad of his aduancement , for the cardinalls owne sake : but he was sorrie , that himselfe had lost so good a frend. 46. when rablais lay on his death bed , and they gaue him the extreme vnction , a familiar frend of his came to him afterwards , and asked him ; how hee did ? rablais answered ; euen going my journey , they haue greased my boots already . 47. there was a king of hungarie tooke a bishop in battell , and kept him prisoner . whereupon the pope writ a monitorie to him , for that hee had brokē the priuiledge of holy church , and taken his sonne . the king sent an embassage to him , and sen●… withall the armour , wherein the bishop was taken , and this onely in writing vide , num haec sit vestis filij t●… ? 48. there was a sutour to vespasian , who to lay his sute fairer , said ; it was for his brother : whereas indeed it was for a peece of money . some about vespasian , to crosse him , told the emperour , that the partie , his seruant spake for , was not his brother , but that it was vpon a bargaine . vespasian se●…t for the partie interessed , and asked him ; whether his meane was his brother , or no ? he durst not tell vntruth to the emperour , and confessed ; that he●… was not his brother whereupon , the emperour said ; this doe fetch me the money , and you shall haue your sut●… dispatched . which h●… did . the courtier which was the. meane , sollicited vespasian , soone after , about his sute : why ( saith vespasian ) i gaue it , last day , to a brother of mine . 49. when vespasian passed from iurie , to take vpon him the empire , hee went by alexandria , where remained two famous philosophers , apollonius , & euphrates . the emperour heard them discourse , touching matter of state , in the presence of many . and when hee was wearie of them , hee brake off , and in a secret derision , finding their discourses but speculatiue , and not to be●… put in practise , said ; oh , that i might gouerne wise men , and wise men gouerne me . 50. cardinall ximenes , vpon a muster which was taken against the moores , was spoken to by a seruant of his , to stand a little out of the smoake of the harquebuze : but he said againe ; that that was his incense . 51. vespasian askt of apollonius ; what was the cause of nero's ruine ? who answered ; nero could tune the harpe well ; but in gouernment , hee did alwayes winde vp the strings too high , or let them downe too low . 52. mr. bromley sollicitour , giuing in euidence for a deed which was impeached to bee fraudulent , was vrged by the counsell on the other side , with this presumption : that in two former suites , when title was made , that deed was passed ouer in silence , and some other conueyance stood vpon . mr. iustice catyline , taking in with that side , asked the sollicitour ; i pray thee , mr. sollicitour , let mee aske you a familiar question : i haue two geldings in my stable , and i haue diuerse times businesse of importance , and still i send forth one of my geldings , and not the other ; would you not thinke i set him aside for a iade ? no , my lord , ( saith bromley ) i would thinke you spared him for your owne saddle . 53. alonso cartillio was informed by his steward , of the greatnesse of his expence , being such as hee could not hold out with . the bishop asked him ; wherein it chiefly rose ? his steward told him ; in the multitude of his seruants . the bishop bade him make a note of those that were necessarie , and those that mought be put off . which hee did . and the bishop taking occasion to reade it , before most of his seruants , said to his steward ; well , let these remaine , because i need them ; and these other , because they need mee . 54. queene elizabeth was wont to say vpon the commission of sales ; that the commissioners vsed her like strawberrie wiues , that laid two or threo great strawberries at the mouth of their pot , and all the rest were little ones : so they made her two or three good prices of the first particulars , but fell straight-wayes . 55. queene elizabeth was wont to say of her instructions to great officers ; that they were like to garments , straight at the first putting on , but did by and by weare loose enough . 56. mr. marburie the preacher would say ; that god was faine to deale with wicked men , as men do with frisking jades in a pasture , that cannot take them vp , till they get them at a gate : so wicked men will not bee taken vp , till the boure of death . 57. thales , as he lookt vpon the starres , fell into the water : whereupon , it was after said ; that if hee had lookt into the water , he might haue seene the starres ; but looking vp to the starres , hee could not see the water . 58. the booke of deposing richard the second , and the comming in of henrie the fourth , supposed to bee written by dr. hayward , who was committed to the tower for it , had much incensed q. elizabeth . and she asked mr. bacon , being then of her learned counsell ; whether there were no treason contained in it ? mr. bacon intending to doe him a pleasure , and to take off the queenes bitternesse with a jest , answered ; no madam , for treason , i cannot deliuer opinion , that there is any , but verie much felonie . the queene apprehending it gladly , asked ; how , and wherein ? mr. bacon answered ; because he had stollen many of his sentences and conceits , out of cornelius tacitus . 59. mr. popham , when hee was speaker , and the lower house had sate long , and done in effect nothing ; comming one day to queene elizabeth , she said to him ; now , mr. speaker , what hath passed in the lower house ? he answered ; if it please your maiestie , seuen weekes . 60. pope xystus the fifth , who was a pooremansson , & his fathers house ill-thatched , so that the sunne came in , in many places , would sport with his ignobilitie , & say ; he was , nato di casa illustre : sonne of an illustrious house . 61. when the king of spaine conquered portugall , hee gaue speciall charge to his lieutenant , that the souldiers should not spoile , lest hee should alienate the hearts of the people . the armie also suffered much scarsitie of victuall . whereupon , the spanish souldiers would afterwards say : that they had won the king a kingdome , ●…s the kingdome of heauen vseth to bee wonne ; 〈◊〉 fasting , and abstainning from tha●… , that is another mans . 62. cicero married his daughter to dolabella ; th●… hold caesars pattie : pompey had married iulia , ●…at wa●… caesars daughter . after , whē caesar and pompey tooke armes one against the other ; and pompey had passed the seas , and caesar possessed italy , cicero stay'd somewhat long in italy , but at last sailed ouer to ioyne with pompey : who when hee came vnto him , pompey said ; you are welcome ; but where left you your sonne in law ? cicero answered ; with your father in law . 63. nero was wont to say of his master seneca ; that his stile was like mortar of sand without lime . 64. sir henrie wotton vsed to say ; that critticks are like brushers of noble-mens cloaths . 65. queene elizabeth , being to resolue vpon a great officer , and being by some , that canuassed for others , put in some doubt of that person , whō she meant to aduance , called for mr. bacon , and told him ; shee was like one with a lanthorne , seeking a man : and seemed vnsarisfied , in the choyce she had of men for that place . mr. bacon answered her ; that hee had heard , that in old time , there was vsually painted on the church walls , the day of doome , and god sitting in judgement , and saint michael by him , with apaire , of ballance , and the soule , and the good deeds in the one ballance , and the faults and the euill deeds in the other ; and the soules ballance went vp farre too light : then was our ladie painted with a great paire of beads , casting them into the light ballance , to make vp the weight : so ( hee said ) place and authoritie , which were in her hands to giue , were like our ladies beads , which though men , through diuerse imperfections , were too light before , yet when they were cast in , made weight competent . 66. mr. sauill was asked , by my lo. of essex , his opinion touching poets ; who answered my lo. he thought them the best writers , next to those that write prose . 67. mr. mason of trinitie colledge , sent his pupill to another of the fellowes , to borrow a booke of him : who told him ; i am loth to lend my bookes out of my chamber ; but if it please thy tutour , to come and reade vpon it in my chamber , hee shall , as long as he will. it was winter : and some dayes after , the same fellow sent to mr. ●…son , to borrow his bellowes . but mr. mason said to his pupill ; i am loth to lend my bellowes out of my chamber ; but if thy tutor would come , and blow the fire in my chamber , hee shall , as long as he will. 68. nero did cut a youth , as if he would haue transformed him into a woman , & call'd him wife . there was a senator of rome , that said secretly to his frend ; it was pittie nero's father had not such a wife . 69. galba succeeded nero , and his age being much despised , there was much licence and confusion in rome . whereupon , a senatour said in full senate ; it were better liue where nothing is lawfull , then where all things are lawfull . 70. in flaunders , by accident , a flemmish tiler , fell from the top of a house vpon a spaniard , and killed him , though he escaped himselfe . the next of the bloud prosecuted his death with great violence against the tiler . and when hee was offered pecuniarie recompence , nothing would serue him , but lex talionis . whereupon the iudge said to him ; that if hee did vrge that kinde of sentence , it must bee , that hee should goe vp to the top of the house , and thence fall downe vpon the tiler . 71. queene elizabeth was dilatorie enough in sutes , of her owne nature : and the lo. threasurer burleigh , to feed her humour , would say to her ; madam , you doe well to let suters stay ; for i shall tell you , bis dat , qui citò dat ; if you grant them speedily , they will come againe the sooner . 72. they faigne a tale of sixtus quintus , that after his death he went to hell ; and the porter of hell said to him ; you haue some reason to offer your selfe to this place ; but yet i haue order not to receiue you : you haue a place of your owne , purgatorie , you may goe thither . so he went away , & sought purgatorie a great while , & could finde no such place . vpon that hee tooke heart , and went to heau●… and knocked , and 〈◊〉 peter asked ; who w●… there ? he said ; sixtus pope . whereunto st. peter said ; why doe you knocke ? you haue the keyes . sixtus answered ; it is true , but it is so long since they were giuen , as i doubt the wards of the locke be altred . 73. charles king of swede , a great enemie of the iesuites , when hee tooke any of their colledges , he would hang the old iesuites , and put the young to his mines , saying ; that since they wrought so hard aboue ground , he would trie how they could worke vnderground . 74. in chancerie , one time , when the counsell of the parties set forth the bundaries of the land in question , by the plot : and the counsell of oue part sayd ; wee lie on this side , my lo. and the counsell on the other part said ; wee lie on this side : the lo. chanceller hatton stood vp , and said ; if you lie on both sides , whom will you haue mee to beleeue ? 75. vespasian , and titus his eldest sonne , were both absent from rome , when the empire was cast vpon him . domitian his younger sonne was at rome , who tooke vpon him the affaires : and being of a turbulent spirit , made many changes , and displaced diuerse officers , and gouernours of prouinces , sending them successours : so when vespasian came to rome , and domitian came into his presence , vespasian said to him ; sonne , i looked when you would haue sent me a successour . 76. sir amice pawlet , when hee saw too much haste made in any matter , was wont to say ; stay a while , that wee may make an end the sooner . 77. the deputies of the reformed religion , after the massacre , which was vpon st. bartholomewes day , treated with the king and queene-mother , and some other of the counsell , for a peace . both sides were agreed vpon the articles . the question was , vpon the securitie of performance . after some particulars propounded and reiected , the queene-mother said ; why , is not the word of a king sufficient securitie ? one of the deputies answered ; no , by st. bartholomew , madam . 78. when the arch-duke did raise his siege from graue , the then secretarie came to queene elizabeth ; and the queene hauing intelligence first , said to the secretarie ; wote you what ? the arch-duke is risen from the graue . hee answered ; what without the trumpet of the archangell ? the queene replyed ; yes , without sound of trumpet . 79. francis the first , vsed for his pleasure , sometimes to goe disguised . so walking one day , in the companie of the cardinall of borbon , neere paris , hee met a peasant , with a new paire of shooes vpon his arme . so hee call'd him to him , and said ; by our ladie , these bee good shooes , what did they cost thee ? the peasant said ; guesse . the king said ; i thinke some fiue souls . saith the peasant ; you haue lied but a carolois . what villaine ( saith the cardinall of burbon ) thou art dead : it is the king. the peasant replyed ; the deuill take him , of you and mee , that knew so much . 80. there was a conspiracie against the emperour claudius , by scribonianus , examined in the senate ; where claudius sa●… in his chaire , and one of his freed-seruants stood at the backe of his chaire . in the examination , that freed seruant , who had much power with claudius , verie saucily had almost all the words ; and amongst other things , he asked in scorne , one of the examinats , who was likewise freed seruant of scribonianus ; i pray , sir , if scribonianus had beene emperour , what would you haue done ? hee answered ; i would haue stood behinde his chaire , and held my peace . 81. dionysius the tyrant , after he was deposed , and brought to corinth , kept a schoole . many vsed to visit him , and amongst others , one , when hee came in , opened his mantle , and shooke his cloathes , thinking to giue dionysius a gentle scorne ; because it was the manner to doe so , for them that came in to him , while he was tyrant . but dionysius said to him ; i pray thee doe so rather when thou goest out , that wee may see thou stealest nothing away . 82. hannibal said of fabius maximus , and of marcellus ( whereof the former waited vpon him , that hee could make no progresse ; and the latter had many sharpe fights with him ; ) that he feared fabius , like a tutour ; and marcellus , like an enemie . 83. diogenes , one terrible frostie morning , came into the market place , and stood naked quaking , to shew his tollerancie . many of the people came about him , pittying him . plato passing by , and knowing hee did it to be seene , said to the people , as hee went by ; if you pittie him indeed , leaue him alone . 84. sackford , master of the requests to queen elizabeth , had diuerse times moued for audience , & been put off . at last hee came to the queene in a progresse , and had on a new paire of boots . when hee came in , the queene said to him ; fie slouen , thy new boots stinke . madam , ( said he ) it is not my new boots that stinke , but it is the stale bills that i haue kept so long . 85. one was saying ; that his great grandfather , and grand father , and father , died at sea . said another that heard him ; and i were as you , i would neuer come at sea. why ( saith hee ) where did your great grand-father , & grand-father , and father die ? hee answered ; where , but in their beds ? saith the other ; and i were as you , i would ●…er come in bed. 86. arist ppus was 〈◊〉 suiter to dionysius , for somewhat , who would giue no eare to his suit. aristippus fell at his feet : then dionysius gra ted it . one that stood by , said afterwards to aristippus ; you a philosopher , and to bee sabase , as to throw your selfe at the tyrants feet , to get a suit ? aristippus answered ; the fault is not mine , but the fault is in dionysius , that carries his cares in his feet . 87. there was a young man in rome , that was verie like augustus caesar augustus tooke knowledge of it , and ●…enr for the man , and asked him ; was your mother neuer at rome ? hee answered ; no , sir , but my father was . 88. a physician aduised his patient , that had sore eyes , that hee should abstaine from wine . but the patient said ; i thinke rather , sir , from wine and water ; for i haue aften marked it ; in bleare eyes , and i haue seene water come forth , but neuer wine . 89. when sir thomas moore was lo. chanceller , hee did vse , at masse , to sit in the chancell ; and his ladie in a pew . and because the pew stood out of sight , his gentleman-vsher , euer after seruice , came to the ladies pew , and said ; madam , my lo. is gone . so when the chancellers place was taken from him , the next time they went to church , sir thomas himselfe came to his ladies pew , and said ; madam , my lo. is gone . 90. at an act of the commencement , the answerer gaue for his question ; that an aristoaracie was better then a monarchie . the replyer , who was a dissolute fellow , did tax him ; that being a priuate bred man , bee would giue a question of state. the answerer said ; that the replyer did much wrong the priuiledg●… of seh●…ers ; who would bee much 〈◊〉 if they should giue questions of nothing , but such things wherein they are practised . and added ; wee haue heard your selfe dispute of vertue , which no man will say , you put much its practise . 91. there was a dispute , whether great heads or little heads had the better wit ? and one said ; it must needs be the little . for it is a maxime : omne maius continet in se minus . 92. solon , when hee wept for his sonnes death , and one said to him ; weeping will not helpe : answered , a●…s , therfore i weepe , because weeping will not helpe . 93. solon being asked ; whether bee had giuen the athenians the best lawes ? answered ; yes , the best of those that they would haue receiued . 94. one said to aristippus ; it is a strange thing , why should men rather giue to the poore , then to philosophers . hee ansvvered ; because , they thinke themselues may sooner come to bee poore , then to be philosophers . 95. alexander vsed to say of his two frends , craterus and hephestion ; that hephestion loued alexander , and craterus loued the king. 96. it fell out so , that as liuia went abroad in rome , there met her naked young men , that were sporting in the streets : which augustus was about seuerely to punish in them : but liuia spake for them , and said ; it was no more to chaste women , then so many statua's . 97. alonso of aragon was wont to say , in commendation of age , that age appeared to be best in ●…oure things ; old wood best to burne ; old wine to drinke ; old frends to trust ; and old authors to reade . 98. it was said of augustus , & afterwards the like was said of septimius seuerus : both which did infinite mischiefe in their beginnings , and infinite good towards their ends ; that they should either neuer haue beene borne , or neuer died . 99. queene isabell of spaine would say ; whosoeuer hath a good presence , and a good fashion , carries letters of recommendation . 100. traian would say of the vaine jelousie of princes , that seeke to make away those that aspire to their succession ; that there was neuer king , that did put to death his successour . 101. when it was represented to alexander , to the aduantage of antipater , who vvas a sterne and imperious man , that hee onely of all his lieutenants , vvore no purple , but kept the macedonian habit of blacke , alexander said ; yes , but antipater is all purple within . 102. constantine the great , in a kinde of ●…nuie , himselfe being a great builder , as traian likewise was , would call traian , wall-flower , because his name was vpon so many walls . 103. philip of macedon was wished to banish one , for speaking ill of him : but philip said ; better he speake where wee are both knowne , then where we are both vnknowne . 104. a grecian captaine aduising the confederares , that were vnited against the l●…demonians , touching their enterprise , gaue opinion , that they should goe directly vpon sparta , saying ; that the state of sparta was like riuers ; strong when they had runne a great way , and weake towards their head. 105. alonso of aragon was wont to say of himselfe ; that he was a great necromancer , for that he vsed to aske counsell of the dead : meaning books . 106. i ●…llus entertained pompey , in one of ●…is magnificent house : pompey said ; this is a maruellous faire and stately house for the summer , but , 〈◊〉 thinkes , it should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for the winters lugullus answered ; doe you not thinks me as wise as diuerse fowle are , to remoue with the season ? 107. plato entertained some of his frends at a dinner , and had in the chamber , a bed or couch , nearly and costly furnished . diogenes came in , and got vp vpon the bed , and trampled vpon it , and said ; i trample vpon the pride of plato . plato mildly answered ; but with greater pride . 108. one was examined , vpon certaine scandalous words spoken against the king. he confessed them , and said ; it is true , i spake them , and if the wine had not failed , i had said much more . 109. pompey being commissioner , for sending graine to rome , in time of dearth , when hee came to the sea , hee found it verie tempestuous & dangerous ; insomuch as those about him , aduised him by no meanes to embarque . but pompey said ; it is of necessitie that i goe , not that i liue . 110. traian would say , that the kings exchecquer was like the spleene ; for when that did swell , the whole bodie did pine . 111. charles the bauld allowed one , whose name was scottus , to sit at the table with him , for his pleasure scottus sate on the other side of the table . one time the king being merrie with him , said to him ; what is there betweene scot and sot ? scottus answered ; the table onely . 112. ethelwold , bishop of winchester , in a famine , sold all the rich vessells and ornaments of the church , to releeue the poore with bread : and said ; there was no reason , that the dead temples of god should be sumptuously furnished , and the liuing temples suffer penurie . 113. there was a marriage made betweene a widow of great wealth , and a gentleman of great house , that had no estate or meanes . iack roberts said ; that marriage was like a blacke pudding ; the one brought blo'd , and the other brought sewet and oatmcale . 114. demosthenes was vpbraided by aeschines , that his speeches did smell of the lampe . but demosthenes said ; indeed there is a great difference , betweene that that you and i doe by lampe-light . 115. demades the oratour , in his age was talkatiue , and would eat hard . an●…ipater would say of him ; that he was like a sacrifice , that nothing was left of it , but the tongue & the paunch . 116. when king edward the second was amongst his torturers , who hurried him too and fro , that no man should know where hee was , they set him down vpon a banke ; and one time the more to disguise his face , shaued him , and washed him , with cold water of a ditch by : the king sayd ; well yet , i will haue warme water for my beard . and so shed abundance of teares . 117 the turke made an expedition into persia , and because of the strait jawes of the mountaines of armenia , the basha's consulted which way they should get in . saies a naturall foole that stood by : here 's much adoe how you should get in , but i heare no bodie take care , how you should get out . 118. sir thomas moore , when the counsell of the partie pressed him for a longer day , said ; take st. barnabies day , which is the longest day in the yeere . now st. barnabies day was within few dayes following . 119. one of the fathers saith ; that there is but this difference betweene the death of old men and young men ; that old men goe to death , and death comes to young men. 120. philo iudaeus saith ; that the sense is like the sun : far the sun seales vp the globe of heauen , and opens the globe of earth : so the sense doth obscure heauenly things , & reueale earthly things . 121. cassius , after the defeat of crassus , by the parthians , whose weapons were chiefly arrowes , , fled to the citie of ●…rras , where he durst not stay any 〈◊〉 , doubting to be pursued , & besieged . 〈◊〉 had with him an astrologer , who said to him ; sir , i would not haue you goe hence , while the moone is in the signe of scorpic . cassius answered ; i am more afraid , of that of sagittarie . 122. alexander , after the battell of gramcum , had very great offers made him by darius . consulting with his captaines , cōcerning them , parmenio said ; sure , i would accept of these offers , if i were as alexander . alexander answered ; so would i , if i were as parmenio . 123. alexander was wont to say ; hee knew he was mortall by two things , sleepe , and lust. 124. augustus caesar was inuited to supper , by one of his old frends , that had conuersed with him , in his lesse fortunes , and had but ordinarie entertainment . whereupon , at his going , he said ; i did not know , that you and i were so familiar . 125. augustus caesar would say ; that hee wondred , that alexander feared hee should want worke , hauing no more to conquer : as if it were not as hard a matterto keep , as to conquer . 126. antigonus , when it was told him , that the enemie had such volleyes of arrowes , that they did hide the sunne , said ; that falls out well , for it is hot wether , and wee shall fight in the shade . 127. augustus caesar 〈◊〉 write to liuia , who was ouer-sensible of some ill words that had been spoken of them both ; let it not trouble you , my liuia , if any man speake ill of vs , for wee haue enough , that no man can doe ill vnto vs. 128. chilon said ; that kings frends and fauourites were like casting counters , that sometimes stood for one , sometimes for ten , sometimes for a hundred . 129. theodosius , when hee was pressed by a sutour , and denied him , the sutour said ; why , sir , you promised it . hee answered ; i said it , but i did not promise it , if it be vniust . 130. agathocles , after he had takē syracusa , the men whereof , during the siege , had in a brauerie , spoken of him all the villanie that mought be , sold the syracusans for slaues , and said ; now if you vse such words of mee , i will tell your masters of you . 131. dionysius the elder , when he saw his son , in many things 〈◊〉 inordinate , said to him ; did you ever know mee 〈◊〉 such things 〈◊〉 his sonn●… answered , no , but you had not a tyrant to your father : the father replyed ; no , 〈◊〉 you , if you take these courses , will haue 〈◊〉 tyrant to your son. 132. callisthenes the philosopher , that followed alexanders court , and hated the king , was askt by one ; how one should 〈◊〉 the famousest 〈◊〉 in the world ? and answered ; by taking away him that is . 133. sir edward coke was wont to say , when a great man came to dinner to him , and gaue him no knowledge of his comming ; well , since you sent me no word of your comming , you shall dine with mee but if i had knowne of your cōming , i would haue dined with you . 134. the romans , when they spake to the people , were wont to call them ; yee romans . when commanders in war spake to their armie , they , called them ; my souldiers . there was a mucinie in caesars armie , and somewhat the souldiers would haue had , but they would not declare themselues in it : onely they demanded , a dimission or discharge , though with no intention it should bee granted : but knowing that caesar had , at that time , great need of their seruice , thought by that meanes , to wrench him to their other desires . whereupon , with one try , they asked dimission . but caesar , after silence made , said ; i , for my 〈◊〉 , yee romans : which admitied thē 〈◊〉 bee dismissed : which voice they had no sooner heard , but they mutined againe , 〈◊〉 would not suffer 〈◊〉 to goe on , vntill 〈◊〉 had called them by the name of souldiers . and so , with 〈◊〉 word , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 . 135. caesar would say of sylla , for that hee did resigne his dictatourship ; that hee was ignorant of letters , he could not dictate . 136. seneca said of caesar ; that he did quickly sheath the sword , but neuer laid it off . 137. diogenes begging as diuerse philosophers then vsed , did beg more of a prodi●…ll man , then of the test that were present : whereupon one said 〈◊〉 him ; see your basenesse , that when you ●…de a liberall minde , you will take most of . no , ( said diogenes ) but i meane to beg of the rest againe . 138. iason the thessalian was wont to say ; that some things must be done vniustly , that many things may bee done iustly . 139. sir nicholas bacon being keeper of the seale , when queene elizabeth , in progresse , came to his house at redgraue , and said to him ; my lo. what a little house haue you gotten ? said , madam , my house is well , but it is you that 〈◊〉 made me too great 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 house . 140. ●…mistocles , when 〈◊〉 embassador from 〈◊〉 meane state did 〈◊〉 great matters , 〈◊〉 to him ; frend , 〈◊〉 words would re●… a citie . 141. agesilaus , when one told him there was one did excellently counterfet a nightingale , and would haue had him heare him , said ; why , i haue heard the nightingale her selfe . 142. a great nobleman , vpon the complaint of a seruant of his , layd a citizen by the heeles , thinking to bend him to his seruants desire . but the fellow being stubborne , the seruant came to his lo. and told him ; your ●…op. i know , hath gone as farre as well you may , but it workes not , for yonder fellow is more peruerse then before . said my lo let 's forget him a while , and then he will remember himselfe . 143. one came to a cardinall in rome , and told him ; that he had brought his lop. a daintie white palfrey , but he fell lame by the way . saith the cardinall to him ; ●…e tell thee what thou shalt doe ; goe to such a cardinall , and such a cardinall , ( naming him some halfe a dozen cardinalls ) and tell them as much ; and so , whereas by thy horse , if hee had beene found , thou couldst haue pleased but one , with thy lame borsethou maiest please halfe a dozen . 144. iphicrates the athenian , in a treatie that he had with the lacedemonians for peace , in which questiō was about securitie for obseruing the same , said ; the athenians would not accept of any securitie , except the lacedemonians did yeeld vp vnto them those things , whereby it mought bee manifest , that they could not hurt them , if they would . 145. euripides would say of persons that were beautifull , and yet in some yeeres ; in faire bodies , not onely the spring is pleasant , but also the autumne . 146. after a great fight , there came to the campe of consaluo the great captaine , a gentle-man proudly horsed and armed . diego de mendoza askt the great captaine ; who 's this ? who answered ; it is st ermin , that neuer appeares , but after a storme . 147. there was a captaine sent to an exploit by his generall , with forces that were not likely to atchieue the enterprise . the captaine said to him ; sir , appoint but halfe so many . why ? ( saith the generall . ) the captaine answered ; because it is better fewer die then more . 148. they would say of the duke of guise henrie , that had sold and oppignerated all his patrimonie , to suffice the great donan̄ues that hee had made ; that hee was the greatest vsurer of france , because all his 〈◊〉 was in obligations . 149. croesus said to cambyses ; that peace was better then warre ; because in peace the sonnes did burie their fathers , but in warres , the fathers did burie their sonnes . 150. there was an harbinger had lodged a gentle-man in a verie ill roome , who expostulated with him somewhat rudely ; but the harbinger carelesly sayd ; you will take pleasure in it , when you are out of it . 151. there was a curst ●…age , that his master ●…hipt naked : and when hee had beene ●…hipt , would not put on his cloaths : and when his master hade him , said to him ; ●…ake them you , for they are the hangmans fees . 152. there was one that died greatly in debt . when it was reported in some companie , where diuerse of his creditors were , that hee was dead , one began to say ; in good faith , then hee hath carried 500. duckets of mine , with him , into the other world . and another of them said ; and 200. of mine . and some others spake of seuerall summes of theirs . whereupon , one that was amongst them , said ; well , i see how , that though a man ●…not carrie any of his ●…wne with him into the 〈◊〉 world , yet he may carrie other mens . 153. francis caruajall , that was the great captaine of the rebells of peru , had often giuen the chace to diego centeno , a principall commander of the emperours partie . he was afterwards taken by the emperours licutenant gasca , and committed to the custodie of diego centeno , who vsed him with all possible curtesie ; insomuch as caruajall askt him ; i pray , sir , who are you , that vse mee with this curtefie ? centeno said ; doe you not know diego centeno ? ●…uajall answered ; 〈◊〉 good faith , sir , i ●…ue beene so vsed to 〈◊〉 your backe , as i ●…ew not your face . 154. caruajall , when he was drawne to exe●…tion , being foure●…ore and fiue yeeres old , and layd vpon the hurdle , sayd ; what ? young in cradle , old in cradle ? 155. there is a spanish adage ; loue without end , hath no end : meaning , that if it were begun , not vpon particular ends , it would last . 156. cato the elder , being aged , buried his wife , and married a young woman . his sonne came to him , and said ; sir , what haue i offended you , that you haue brought step mother into your 〈◊〉 ? the old man answered ; n●…y , quite ●…ntrarie , sonne , thou ●…easest me so well , as i would be glad to haue more such . 157. crassus the oratour had a fish , which the romans call'd murena , that hee had made verie tame , and fond of him . the fish died , and crassus wept for it . one day falling in contention with domitius in the senate , domitius said ; foolish crassus , you wept for your murena . crassus replied ; that 's more then you did for both your wiues . 158. philip , alexanders father , gaue sentence against a prisoner , what time hee was drowsie , and seemed 〈◊〉 giue small attenti●… ; the prisoner , ●…er sentēce was pro●…unced , said ; i ap●…ale . the king somewhat stirred , sayd ; 〈◊〉 whom doe you ap●…ale ? the prisoner answered ; from philip when hee gaue no ●…are , to philip when he shall giue care . 159. the same philip maintained argument with a musician , in points of his art , somewhat peremptorily . but the musician said to him ; god forbid , sir , your fortune were so hard , that you should know these things better then i. 160. there was a philosopher that disputed with adrian the emperour , and did it but weakely . one of his frends that had beene by , after wards 〈◊〉 to him ; mee thinkes you were no●… like your selfe , last day , in argument with the emperour , i could haue ●…swered better my selfe . why , sayd the philosopher , would you haue mee contend 〈◊〉 him that 161. diogenes was asked in a kinde of scorne ; what was the matter , that philosophers haunted rich men , and not rich men philosophers ? he ansvvered ; because the one knew what they wanted , the other did not . 162. demetrius king of macedon , had a petition offered him diucrse times by an old woman , and still answered ; hee had no ●…sure . whereupon , the woman said aloud ; why then giue ouer to be king. 163. the same demetrius would , at times , r●…ro himselfe from businesse , and giue himselfe wholly to pleasures . one day of those his retirings , giuing out that he was sicke , his father antigonus came , on the suddaine , to visit him , and met a faire daintie youth comming out of his chamber , when antigonus came in , demetrius said ; sir , the feauer left me right now . antigonus replyed ; i thinke it was hee that i met at the doore . 164. there was a mer●… farre in debt that died . his goods 〈◊〉 houshold stuffe 〈◊〉 set forth to sale . 〈◊〉 was one that 〈◊〉 onely a pillow , and said ; this pillow sure is good to 〈◊〉 vpon , since bee could sleepe that owed 〈◊〉 many debts . 165. a louer met his lady in a close chaire , shee thinking to goe vnknowne . he came and spake to her . she askt him ; how did you know me ? he said ; because my wounds bled afresh . alluding to the commen tradition , that the wounds of a bodie slaine , in the presence of him that kill'd him , will bleed afresh . 166. a gentle-man brought musicke to his ladies window , who hated him , and had warned him oft away : and when he persisted , shee threw stones at him . whereupon , a frend of his , that was in his companie , sayd to him ; what greater honour can you haue to your musicke , then that stones come about you , as they did to orpheus ? 167. cato maior would say . ; that wise men learned more by fooles , then fooles by wise men . 168. when it was sayd to anaxagoras ; the athenians haue condemned you to die . he said againe ; and nature them . 169. demosthenes , whē 〈◊〉 from the bat●… , and that it wasre●…proached to him , 〈◊〉 ; that hee that 〈◊〉 mought fight againe . 170. antalcidas , when an athenian said to him ; ye spartans are ●…learned : said againe ; true , for wee , haue learned , no euill , nor vice , of you . 171. alexander , when his father wished him , to runne , for the prize of the race , at the olympiā games , ( for hee was very swift ) said ; he would , if he might runne with kings . 172. when alexander passed into asia , hee gaue large donatiues , to his captains , and other principall men of vertue : in 〈◊〉 much , as parmenio 〈◊〉 him ; sir , what doe you keepe , for your selfe ? hee answered ; hope . 173. antigonus vsed oft ●…goe disguised , and listen at the tents of his souldiers : and at a time , heard some that spoke , very ill of him . whereupon , he opened the tent a little , and said to them if you will speake ill of mee , you should goe a little further off . 174. vespasian set a tribute vpon vrine . titus his sonne , emboldned himselfe ; to speake to his father of it ; and represented it , as a thing indigne , and sordid . vespasian said nothing for the time ; but a while after , when it was forgotten , sent for a piece of siluer , out of the tribute money , and called to his sonne , ●…ding him smell to it ; and asked him ; whether he found any offence ? who said ; no. why loe ( saith vespasran againe ) and yet thir comes out of vrine . 175. there were two gentlemen , otherwise of equall degree , saue that the one , was of the ancienter house . the other , in curtesie , asked his hand to kisse : which hee gaue him : and he kist it : but said withall , to right himselfe , by way of friendship ; well , i and you , against any two of them : putting himselfe first . 176. nerua the empe●… , succeeded do●… , who was ay●…nicall ; so as in his 〈◊〉 , many noble ●…ouses , were ouer●…rowne , by false ac●…tions ; the instru●…ents whereof , were ●…iefly , marcellus and regulus . the emperour , one night , 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 , with some 〈◊〉 o●… seuen : amongst which , there was one , that was a dangerous man , and began to take , the like courses , as marcellus , and regulus had done . the emperour fell into discourse , of the iniustice , and tyranny , of the former time , and by name , of the two accusers , and said ; what should wee doe with them , if wee had them now ? one of them , that were at supper , and was a free spokē senatour , said ; marry , they should sup with vs. 177. there was one that found a great masse of money , digged vnder ground , in his grand-fathers house . and being some what doubtfull of the case , signified it to the emperour , that hee had found such treasure . the emperour made a rescript thus ; vse it . hee writ backe againe , that the summe was greater then his estate or condition could vse . the emperour writ a new rescript , thus ; abuse it . 178. a spaniard was censuring to a french gentleman , the want of deuotion amongst the french : in that , whereas in spaine , when the sacrament goes to the sicke , any that meets with it , turnes backe , & waits vpon it to the house whither it goes : but in france , they onely doe reuerence , and passe by . but the french gentle-man answered him ; there is reason for it , for here with vs , christ is secure amongst his frends ; but in spaine , there be so many iewes and marano's , that it is not amisse for him to haue a conuoy . 179. coranus the spaniard , at a table at dinner , fell into an extolling of his owne father , and sayd ; if he should haue wished of god , he could not haue chosen amongst men , a better father . sir henrie sauill sayd ; what , not abraham ? now coranus was doubted to descend of a race of iewes . 180. consaluo would say ; the honour of a souldier ought to be of a good strong webbe : meaning , that it should not be so fine and curious , that euerie little disgrace should catch , and sticke in it . 181. one of the seuen was wont to say ; that lawes were like copwebs ; where the small flies were caught , and the great brake thorow . 182. bias gaue in precept ; loue , as if you should hereafter hate ; and hate , as if you should hereafter loue . 183. aristippus being reprehended of lu●…urie , by one that was not rich , for that he gaue six crownes for a small fish , answered ; why , what would you haue giuen ? the other said ; some twelue pence . aristippus said againe ; and six crownes is no more with me . 184. there was a french gentleman speaking with an english , of the law salique ; that women were excluded to inherit the crown of france . the english sayd ; yes , but that was meant of the women themselues , not of such males as claim'd by women . the french gentleman sayd ; where doe you finde that glosse ? the english answered ; he tell you , sir , looke on the backside of the record of the law salique , and there you shall finde it endorsed . meaning , there was no such thing at all , as the law salique , but that it was a fiction . 185. there was a frier in earnest dispute about the law salique , that would needs proue it by scripture ; citing that verse of the gospell ; lilia agri non laborant , neque nent : which is as much to say , ( saith he ) that the flower de luces of france cannot descend , neither to distaffe , nor spade : that is , not to a woman , nor to a peasant . 186. iulius caesar , as hee passed by , was by acclamation of some that were suborned , called king ; to trie how the people would take it . the people shewed great murmur and distaste at it . caesar finding where the winde stood , slighted it , and said ; i am not king , but caesar : as if they had mistooke his name : for rex was a surname amongst the romans , as king is with vs. 187. when croesus , for his glory , shewed solon great treasure of gold , solon sayd to him ; if another come , that hath better iron then you , hee will bee master of all this gold. 188. there was a gentleman that came to the tilt , all in orenge tawnie , and ranne verie ill . the next day he came all in green , and ranne worse there was one of the lookers on askt another ; what 's the reason , that this gentleman changeth his colours ? the other answered ; sure , because it may be reported , that the gentleman in the greene ranne worse then the gentleman in the orenge tawnie . 189. aristippus sayd , that those that studied particular sciences , & neglected philosophie , were like penelopes wooers , that made loue to the waiting women . 190. plato reproued seuerely a young man , for entring into a dissolute house . the young man sayd to him ; what , for so small a matter ? plato replyed ; but custome is no small matter . 191. there was a law made by the romans against the briberie and extortion of the gouernours of prouinces . cicero saith , in a speech of his to the people ; that hee thought the prouinces would petition to the state of rome , to haue that law repealed . for ( saith hee ) before , the gouernours did bribe and extort as much as was sufficient for themselues ; but now they bribe and extort as much as may be enough , not only for themselues , but for the iudges , and iurours , and magistrates . 192. archidamus king of lacedemon , hauing receiued from philip king of macedon , after philip had won the victorie of cheronea vpon the athenians , proud letters , writ backe to him ; that if hee measured his owne shadow , hee should finde it no longer now , then it was before his victorie . 193. pyrrhus , when his frends congratulated to him his victorie ouer the romans , vnder the conduct of fabricius , but with great slaughter of his owne side , said to them againe ; yes , but if we haue such another victorie , wee are vndone . 194. cineas was an excellent oratour and states-man , and principall frend & counsellour to pyrrhus ; and falling in inward talke with him , and discerning the kings endlesse ambition , pyrrhus opened himselfe to him ; that he intended first a warre vpon italy , and hoped to atchieue it . cineas asked him ; sir , what will you doe then ? then ( saith he ) wee will attempt sicily . cineas said ; well sir , what then ? then ( saith pyrihus ) if the gods fauour vs , we may conquer asfrick and carthage . what then , sir ? saith cineas . nay then ( saith pyrrhus ) wee may take our rest , and sacrifice , and feast euerie day , and make merry withour frends . alas sir ( said cineas ) may we not doe so now , without all this adoe ? 195. the embassadours of asia minor came to antonius , after hee had imposed vpon them a double taxe , and said plainely to him ; that if he would haue two tributes in one yeere , he must giue them two s●…ed-times , and two haruests . 196. plato was wont to say of his master socrates ; that hee was like the apothecaries galley-pots , that had on the outside apes , and owles , and satyres , but within precious drugs . 197. lamia the curtisan had all power with demetrius king of macedon : and by her instigation he did many vniust & cruell acts. wherupon lysimachus said ; that it was the first time , that euer hee knew a whore play in a tragedie . 198. the mistocles would say of himselfe ; that hee was like a plaine tree , that in tempests men fled to him , and in faire wether , men were euer cropping his leanes . 199. the mistocles said of speech ; that it was like arras , that spred abroad shewes faire images , but contracted , is but like packs . 200. brisquet , iester to francis the first of france , did keepe a kalender of fooles ; wherewith he did vse to make the king sport ; telling him euer the reason , why hee put euerie one into his kalender . so when charles the fifth passed , vpon confidence of the noble nature of francis , thorow france , for the appeasing of the rebellion of gaunt , brisquet put him into his kalender . the king asking the cause , he sayd ; because you hauing suffered at the hands of charles , the greatest bitternesse that euer prince did from other , hee would trust his person into your hands . why brisquet , ( said the king ) what wilt thou say , if thou seest him passe in as great safetic , as if it were thorow the midst of spaine ? saith brisquet , why then i will put out him , and put in you . 201. lewis the cleuenth of france , hauing much abated the greatnesse and power of the peeres , nobilitie , and court of parliament , would say ; that hee had brought the crowne out of ward . 202. sir fulke greuill , in parliament , when the lower house , in a great businesse of the queenes , stood much vpon presidents , said vnto them ; why should you stand so much vpon presidents ? the times hereafter will be good or bad : if good , presidents will doe no harme ; if bad , power will make a way where it findes none . 203. when peace was renewed with the french in england , diuerse of the great counsellours were presented from the french with iewells . the lo. henrie ho ward was omitted . whereupon the king said to him ; my lo. how hap's it that you haue not a iewell , as well as the rest ? my lo. henrie answered againe , ( alluding to the fable in aesope ; ) non sum gallus , itaque non reperi gemmam . 204. an oratour of athens said to demosthenes ; the athenians will kill you , if they wax mad . demosthenes replyed ; and they will kill you , if they bee in good sense . 205. alexander sent to phocyon a great present of money . phocyon said to the messenger ; why doth the king send to me , and to none else ? the messenger answered ; because hee takes you to be the onely good man in athens . phocyon replyed ; if he thinke so , pray let him suffer mee to be good still . 206. cosmus duke of florence was wont to say of perfidious frends ; that wee reade , that we ought to forgiue our enemies ; but we doe not reade , that wee ought to forgiue our frends . 207. aeneas syluius , that was pius secundus , was wont to say ; that the former popes did wisely , to set the lawyers on worke , to debate , whether the donation of constantine the gr●…at to syluester , were good and valid in law , or no ? the better to skip ouer the matter in fact , whether there were any such thing at all , or no ? 208. at a banquet , where those that were called the seuen wise men of greece , were inuited by the embassadour of a barbarous king , the embassadour related ; that there was a neighbour king , mightier then his master , pickt quarrells with him , by making impossible demands , otherwise threatning warre : and now at that present had demanded of him , to drinke vp the sea. whereunto one of the wise men said ; i would haue him vndertake it . why ( saith the embassadour ) how shall he come off ? thus ; ( saith the wise man ) let that king first stop the riuers that runne into the sea , which are no part of the bargaine , and then your master will performe it . 209. at the same banquet , the embassadour desired the seuen , and some other wise men , that were at the banquet , to deliuer euerie one of them some sentence or parable , that hee mought report to his king the wisdome of grecia . which they did . onely one was silent . which the embassadour perceiuing , sayd to him ; sir , let it not displease you , why doe not you say somewhat , that i may report ? hee answered ; report to your lo. that there are of the grecians , that can hold their peace . 210. one of the romans said to his frend ; what thinke you of such an one , as was taken with the manner in adulterie ? the other answered ; marrie , i thinke , hee was slow at dispatch . 211. lycurgus would say of diuerse of the heroes of the heathen ; that hee wondred that men should mourne vpon their dayes , for them , as mortall men , and yet sacrifice to them as gods. 212. a papist being opposed by a protestant , that they had no scripture for images , answered ; yes , for you reade , that the people layd their ficke in the streets , that the shadow of st. peter mought come vpon them : and that a shadow was an image : and the obscurest of images . 213. there is an ecclesiasticall writer of the papists , to proue antiquitie of confessio , in the forme that it now is , doth note , that in very ancient times , euen in the primitiue times , amongst other foule slanders spred against the christians , one was ; that they did adore the genitories of their priests . which ( he saith ) grew from the posture of the confessant , and the priest in confession : which is , that the confessant kneeles downe , before the priest fitting in a raised chaire aboue him . 214. epaminondas , whe his great frend and colleague in warre , was sutour to him , to pardon an offender , denied him . afterwards , when a concubine of his made the same sute , hee granted it to her : which when pelopidas seemed to take vnkindely , hee sayd ; such sutes are to bee granted to whores , but not to personages of worth . 215. the lacedemonians had in custome to speake verie short . which , being in empire , they mought doe at pleasure . but after their defeat at leuctra , in an assembly of the grecians , they made a long inuectiue against epa●…ondas ; who stood vp , and said no more , but this ; i am glad we haue taught you to speake long , 216. fabricius , in conference with pyrrhus , was tempted to reuolt to him ; pyrrhus telling him , that hee should bee partner of his fortunes , and second person to him . but fabricius answered , in a scorne , to such a motion ; sir , that would not bee good for your selfe : for if the epyrotes once know me , they will rather desire to bee gouerned by me , then by you . 217. fabius maximus being resolued to draw the warre in length , still waited vpon hannibals progresse , to curbe him ; and for that purpose , hee encamped vpon the high grounds . but terentius his collegue fought with hannibal , and was in great perill of ouerthrow . but then fabius came downe the high grounds , & got the day : whereupon hannibal sayd ; that he did euer think , that that same cloud that hanged vpon the hills , would at one time or other , giue a tempest . 218. there was a cowardly spanish souldier , that in a defeat the moores gaue , ran away with the foremost . afterwards , when the armie generally fled , this souldier was missing whereupon , it was sayd by some , that he was ●…saine . no sure , ( saith one ) he is aliue , for the moores eat no ●…ares flesh . 219. hanno the carthaginian was sent commissioner , by the ●…tate , after the second carthaginian warre , to rome , to supplicate for peace , and in the end obtained it . yet one of the sharper senatours sayd ; you haue often broken with vs the peaces , whereunto you haue beene sworne , i pray , by what gods will you sweare ? hanno answered ; by the same gods , that haue punished the former periurie so seuerely . 220. thales being asked , when a man should marrie , sayd ; young men not yet , old men not at all . 221. thales sayd ; that ●…fe and death were 〈◊〉 one . one that was ●…esent askt him ; why doe not you die then ? thales sayd againe ; because they ●…e all one . 222. caesar , after first he had possest rome , pompey being fled , offered to enter the sacred treasurie , to take the moneys that were there stored . metellus , tribune of the people , did forbid him . and when metellus was violent in it , and would not desist , caefar turned to him , and sayd ; presume no further , or i will lay you dead . and when metellus was with those words somewhat astonisht , caesar added ; young man , it had beene easier ●…e to doe this , then 〈◊〉 speake it . 223. an aegyptian priest ●…uing conference with solon , sayd to him ; you grecians ●…e euer children ; you ●…e no knowledge of ●…quitie , nor antiqui●… of knowledge . 224. the counsell did make remonstrance to queene elizabeth , of the continuall conspiracies against her life : and namely , of a late one : and shewed her a rapier , taken from a conspiratour , that had a false chape , being of browne paper , but gilt ouer , as it could not be knowne from a chape of mettall ; which was deuised , to the end , that without drawing , the rapier mought giue a stab ; and , vpon this occasion , aduised her , that shee should goe lesse abroad to take the aire , weakly accompanied , as shee vsed . but the queene answered ; that shee had rather be dead , then put in custodie . 225. chilon would say ; that gold was tried with the touch-stone , and men with gold. 226. zelim was the first of the ottomans that did shaue his beard , whereas his predecessours wore it long . one of his basha's askt him ; why be altred the custome of his predecessours ? he answered ; because , you basha's , shall not leade me by the beard , as you did them . 227. diogenes was one day in the market-place , with a candle in his hand , and be●…ng askt ; what hee sought ? he sayd ; he sought a man. 228. bi●…s being asked ; how a man should order his life answered ; as if a man should liue long , or die quickly . 229. queene elizabeth was entertained , by my lo. burleigh at theobalds : and at her going away , my lo. obtained of the queene , to make seuen knights . they were gentlemen of the countrey , of my lords frends and neighbours . they were placed in a rank , as the queene should passe by the hall ; and to winne antiquitie of knight hood , in order , as my lo. fauoured ; though indeed the more principall gentle-men were placed lowest . the queene was told of it , and said nothing ; but when she went along , shee passed them all by , as far as the skreene , as if shee had forgot it : and when shee came to the skreene , she seemed to take herselfe with the maner , and sayd ; i had almost forgot what i promised . with that she turned backe , and knighted the lowest first , and so vpward wherupon mr. stanhope of the pri●… chamber , a while after told her ; your maiestic was too fine for my lo. b●…leigh . she answered ; i haue but fulfilled the scrip●…re ; the first shall bee ●…st , and the last first . 230. simonides being ●…sked of hiero ; what hee thought of god ? ●…skt a seuen-nights time , to consider of it . and at the seuen-nights end , hee askt a forthnights time . at the forthnights end , 〈◊〉 moneth . at which hiero maruelling , simonides answered ; that the longer hee thought on it , the more difficult he found it . 231. anacharsis would say concerning the popular estates of graecia ; that he wondred , how at athens , wise men did propose , and fooles did dispose . 232. solon compared the people vnto the ●…ea , and oratours to ●…he windes ; for that ●…he sea would be calme ●…nd quiet , if the windes did not trouble it . 233. socrates was pronounced by the oracle of delphos , to be the wisest man of greece ; which hee would put from himselfe , ironically saying ; there could bee nothing in him to verifie the oracle , except this ; that he w●… not wise , and knew it ; and others were not wise , and knew it not . 234. caro the elder , what time many of the romans had statua's crected in their honour , was askt by one in a kinde of wonder ; why he had 〈◊〉 ? and answered ; ●…e had much rather , ●…en should aske , and ●…onder , why he had no 〈◊〉 , than why hee ●…ad a statua . 235. sir fulke greuill , had much and pri●…ate accesse , to queen elizabeth , which hee vsed honourably , & did many men good , yet he would say merrily of himselfe ; that hee was like robin goodfellow ; for when the maides spilt the milke-pans , or kept any racket , they would lay it vpon robin : so what tales , the ladies about the queene , told her , or other bad offices , that they did , they would put it vpon him . 236. socrates , when there was shewed him , the booke of heraclitus the obscure , and was askt his opinion of it , answered ; those things , that i vnderstood , were excellent , i imagine , so were those , that i vnderstood not : but they require a diuer of delos . 237. bion askt an enuious man , that was very fad ; what harme had befallen to him , or what good had be●…en to another man ? 238. stilpo , the philosopher , when the people flocked about him , and that one said to him ; the people come wondring about you , as if it were , to see some strange beast . no , ( saith he ) it is to see a man , which diogenes sought with his lanthorne . 239. antisthenes , being asked of one ; what learning was most ne●…fary for mans life ? answered ; to vnlearne that which is naught . 240. there was a politicke sermon , that had no diuinity in it , was preached before the king. the king , as he came forth , said to bishop andrewes ; call you this a sermon ? the bishop answered ; and it please your maiesty , by a charitable construction , it may be a sermon . 241. bishop andrewes , was asked , at the first cōming ouer of the bishop of spalato ; whether he were a protestant , or no ? he answered truly , i know not , but hee is a detestant , ; of diuers opinions of rome . 242. caius marius , was generall of the romans , against the cimbers , who came , with such a sea of multitude , vpon italy . in the fight , there was a band of the cadurcians , of a thousand , that did notable seruice . whereupon , after the fight , marius did denison them all , for cittizens of rome , though there was no law to warrant it . one of his friends , did represent it vnto him , that hee had transgressed the law , because that priuiledge , was not to be granted , but by the people , whereto marius answered ; that for the noyse of armes , hee could not heare the lawes . 243. aeneas syluius would say ; that the christian faith and law , though it had not ●…eene confirmed by miracles , yet was worthy to bee receiued , for the honesty thereof . 244 henry noel would say ; that courtiers were like fasting daies ; they were next the holy-daies , but in themselues , they were the most meager daies , of the weeke . 245. mr. bacon would say ; that it was in businesse , as it is commonly in wayes ; that the next way is commonly the foulest , and that if a man will goe the fairest way , hee must goe somewhat about . 246. augustus caesar , out of great indignation , against his two daughters , and post●…umus agrippa , his grand-child ; whereof the first two were infamous , and the last otherwise vnworthy , would fay ; that they were not his seed , but some impostumes , that ●…ad broken from him . 247. catosaid ; the best way , to keepe good acts in memory , was to refresh them with now . 248. poni●…ey did consum●…e the warre against . sertorius , when m●…ellus had brought the enemi●… some what low . h●… did also consummat the w●… against the fugitiues , whom crassus had before defeated in a great b●…taile . so when lu●…llus , had had great ●…nd glorious victo●…ies , against mithri●…ates , and tigranes , ●…er pompey , by ●…eanes his friends ●…ade , was sent , to ●…ut an end , to that ●…arre . whereupon lucullus , taking indignation , as a disgrace offered to himselfe , said ; that pompey was a carrion 〈◊〉 , that when others had strooken downe bodies , he came to prey vpon them . 249. diogenes , when mice came about him , as he was eating , said ; i see , that euen diogenes nourisheth parafites . 250. epictetus vsed to say ; that one of the vulgar , in any ill that happens to him , blames ●…hers : a nouice in ●…hilosophy , blames himselfe : and a philo●…opher , blames neither the one , nor the other . 251. hiero , visited by pythagoras , askthim ; of what condition he was ? pythagoras answered ; sir , i kno●… you haue beene at the olympian games . yes , saith hiero. thither ( faith pythagoras ) come some , to win the prizes . some come to sell their merchandize , because it is a kinde of mart of all greece . some come , to meet their friends , and make merry , because of the great confluence of all sorts . others come onely to looke on . i am one of them , that come to looke on . meaning it of philosophy , and the contemplatiue life . 252. mr. bettenham vsed to say ; that riches were like mucke : when it lay , vpon an heape , it gaue but a stench , and ill odour ; but when it was spread vpon the ground , then it was cause of much fruit . 253. the same mr. bettenham said ; that tuous men , were like some herbs , and spices , that giue not their sweet smell , till they bee broken , and crushed . 254. there was a painter , became a physician . whereupon , one said to him ; you haue done well ; for before , the faults of your work were seene , but now they are vnseene . 255. one of the philosophers was askt ; what a wise man differed from a foole ? he answered ; send them both naked , to those that know them not , and you shall perceiue . 256. caesar , in his booke , that he made against cato , ( which is lost , ) did write , to shew the force of opinion , and reuerence , of a man , that had once obtained , a popular reputation ; that there were some , that found cato drunke , and they were ashamed , in stead of cato . 257. aristippus , sayling in a tempest , shewed signes of feare . one of the sea-men said to him , in an insulting manner ; wee that are plebeians , are not troubled , you , that are a philosopher , are afraid . aristippus answered ; there is not the like wager vpon it , for me to perish , and you , 258. there was an oratour , that defended a cause of aristippus , and preuailed . afterwards , he askt aristippus ; now , in your distresse , what did socrates doe you good ? aristippus answered ; thus ; in making true , that good , which you said of me . 259. aristippus said ; he tooke money of his friends , not so much to vse it himselfe , as to teach them , how to bestow their money . 260. a strumpet said to aristippus ; that she was with child by him : hee answered ; you know that no more , than , if you went through a hedge of thornes , you could say , this thorne prickt me . 261. the la. paget , that was very priuate with queene elizabeth , declared her selfe much , against her match , with monsieur . after monsieurs death , the queene tooke extreame griefe ( at least as shee made shew ) and kept within her bed-chamber , and one ante-chamber , for 3. weekes space , in token of mourning . at last , shee came forth , into her priuy-chamber , and admitted her ladies , to haue accesse vnto her ; and amongst the rest , my la. paget presented her selfe , and came to her , with a smiling countenace the queene bent her browes , and seem'd to bee highly displeased , and said to her ; madam , you are not ignorant , of my extreme griefe , and do you come to mee , with a countenance of ioy ? my lady paget answered ; alas , and it please your maiesty , it is impossible for me , to be absent from you 3 weekes , but that when i see you , i must looke cheerefully no , no , ( said the queene , not forgetting her former auerlenesse from the match ) you haue some other conceit in it ; tell me plainely . my lady answered ; i must obey you . it is this . i was thinking , how happy your maiesty was , in that you married not monsieur : for seeing , you take such thought , for his death , being but your friend , if he had beene your husband , sure it would haue cost you your life . 262. sir edward dyer , a graue and wise gentleman , did much beleeue in kelley the alchymist ; that hee did indeed the worke , and made gold : insomuch , as hee went himselfe into germany , where kelly then was , to informe himselfe fully thereof . after his returne , he dined with my lord of canterbury , where , at that time , was at the table , dr. browne the phifician . they fell in talke of kelley . sir edward dyer , turning to the archbishop , said ; i doe assure your grace , that , that i shall tell you , is truth . i am an eie-witnesse thereof , and if i had not seene it , i should not haue beleeued it . i saw master kelly put of the base mettall into the chrusible , and after it was set a little vpon the fire , and a verie small quantitie of the medicine put in , and ●…tirr'd with a sticke of wood , it came forth in great proportion , perfect gold , to the touch , to the hammer , to the test. said the bishop ; you had need take heed , what you say , sir edward dier , for heere is an infidel at the board . sir edward dier said againe pleasantly ; i would haue lookt for in infidell , sooner in any place , than at your graces table . what say you doctor browne ? saith the bishop . dr. browne answered , after his blunt , and hudling manner ; the gentleman hath spoken enough for me . why , ( ●…aith the bishop ) what hath hee said ? marry , ( saith doctor browne ) he said , he would not haue beleeu'd it , except hee bad seene it ; and no more will i. 263. democritus said ; that truth did lie in profound pits , and when it was got , it needed much refining . 264. dr. iohnson said ; that in sicknesse there were three things , that were materiall : the physician ; the disease ; and the patient . and if any two of these ioyned , then they haue the victorie : for , ne hercules quidem contra duos . if the physician and the patient ioyne , then downe goes the disease ; for the patient recouers . if the physician and the disease ioyne , then downe goes the patient ; that is , where the physician mistakes the cure . if the patient and the disease ioyne , then downe goes the physician ; for hee is discredited . 265. alexander visited diogenes in his tub. and when hee askt him ; what hee would desire of him ? diogenes answered ; that you would stand a little aside , that the sunne may come to me . 266. diogenes said of a young man that danced daintily , and wasmuch commended ; the better , the worse . 267. diogenes called an ill musician , cocke . why ? ( saith hee : ) diogenes answered ; because when you crow , men vse to rise . 268. heraclitus the obscure sayd ; the drie light was the best soule . meaning , when the faculties intellectuall are in vigour , not wet , nor , as it were , blouded by the affections . 269. there was in oxford a cowardly fellow , that was a verie good archer . hee was abused grossely by another , and moaned himselfe to walter ralegh , then a scholler , and askt his aduice ; what hee should doe to repaire the wrong had beene offred him ? ralegh answered ; why , challenge him at a match of ●…ting . 270. white head , a graue diuine , was much esteemed by queene elizabeth , but not preferred , because hee was against the gouernment of bishops . hee was of a blunt stoicall nature . hee came one day to the queene , and the queene happened to say to him ; i like thee the better , whitehead , because thouliuest vnmarried . hee answered againe ; in troth , madam , i like you the worse for the same cause . 271. there was a noble-man that was leane of visage , but immediately after his marriage hee grew prettie plumpe & fat . one said to him ; your lop. doth contrarie to other married men ; for they at the first wax leane , and you wax fat . sir walter ralegh stood by , and sayd ; why , there is no beast , that if you take him from the common , and put him into the seuerall , but hee will wax fat . 272. diogenes seeing one that was a bastard , casting stones among the people , bade him take heed , he hit not his father . 27 dr. lawd sayd ; that some hypocrites , and seeming mortified men , that held downe their heads , were like little images , that they place in the verie bowing of the vaults of churches , that looke , as if they held vp the church , but are but puppets . 274. it was sayd among some of the graue prelates of the councell of trent , in which the schoole-diuines bore the sway ; that the schoole-men were like the astronomers ; who , to saue the phenomena , framed to their conceit eccentricks , & epicycles , and a wonderfull engine of orbes , though no such things were : so they , to saue the practise of the church , had deuised a number of strange positions . 275. it was also said by many , concerning the canons of that councell ; that wee are beholding to aristotle for many articles of our faith. 276. the lo. henrie howard , being lo. priuie seale , was askt by the king openly at the table , ( where commonly hee entertained the king ) vpon the sudden . my lo , haue you not a desire to see rome ? my lo. priuie seale answered ; yes indeed , sir. the king sayd ; and why ? my lo. answered ; because , and it please your maiestie , it was once the seat of the greatest monarchie : and the seminarie of the brauest men in the world , amongst the heathen : and then againe , because after it was the see of so many holy bishops in the primitiue church , most of them martyrs . the king would not giue it ouer , but sayd ; and for nothing else ? my lo. answered ; yes , and it please your maiestie , for two things especially . the one , to see him , who they say hath such a power , to forgiue other mens sinnes , to confesse his owne sinnes vpon his knees , before a chaplaine or priest : and the other is , to heare antichrist say his creed . 277. there was a noble-man sayd of a great counsellour ; that hee would haue made the worst farrier in the world , for he neuer shod horse , but hee cloyed him : so , he neuer commended any man to the king for seruice , or vpon occasion of sute , or otherwise , but that he would come in , in the end , with a but , and driue in a naile to his disaduantage . 278. there was a ladie of the west country , that gaue great entertainment at her house to most of the gallant gentlemen thereabout : and amongst others , sir walter ralegh was one . this lady , though otherwise a stately dame , was a notable good huswife ; and in the morning betimes , she called to one of her maids , that lookt to the swine , and askt ; is the piggy serued ? sir walter raleghs chamber was fast by the ladies , so as hee heard her . a little before dinner , the ladie came downe , in great state , into the great chamber , which was full of gentlemen : and as soone as sir walter ralegh set eye vpon her ; madam ( saith hee ) is the piggie serued ? the la. answered ; you know best , whether you haue had your breakefast . 279. there was a gentleman fell verie sicke , and a frend of his said to him ; surely you are in danger ; i pray send for a physician . but the sicke man answered ; it is no matter , for if i die , i will die at leisure . 280. there was an epicurean vaunted , that diuerse of other sects of philosophers , did after turne epicureans , but there was neuer any epicurean , that turned to any other sect. wherupon , a philosopher , that was of another sect , said ; the reason was plaine , for that cocks may bee made capons , but capons could neuer be made cocks . finis . the judgment of the late lord chief justice sir matthew hale, of the nature of true religion, the causes of its corruption, and the churches calamity by mens additions and violences with the desired cure : in three discourses / written by himself at several times ... ; humbly dedicated to the honourable judges and learned lawyers ... by the faithful publisher, richard baxter ; to which is annexed the judgment of sir francis bacon ... and somewhat of dr. isaack barrows on the same subject. hale, matthew, sir, 1609-1676. 1684 approx. 133 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 39 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a44196 wing h247 estc r11139 12828839 ocm 12828839 94315 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a44196) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 94315) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 382:16) the judgment of the late lord chief justice sir matthew hale, of the nature of true religion, the causes of its corruption, and the churches calamity by mens additions and violences with the desired cure : in three discourses / written by himself at several times ... ; humbly dedicated to the honourable judges and learned lawyers ... by the faithful publisher, richard baxter ; to which is annexed the judgment of sir francis bacon ... and somewhat of dr. isaack barrows on the same subject. hale, matthew, sir, 1609-1676. bacon, francis, 1561-1626. barrow, isaac, 1630-1677. baxter, richard, 1615-1691. [12], 64 p. printed for b. simmons ..., london : 1684. reproduction of original in union theological seminary library, new york. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng religion. 2002-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-03 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-04 tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread 2002-04 olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-05 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the judgment of the late lord chief justice sir matthew hale , of the nature of true religion , the causes of its corruption , and the churches calamity , by mens additions and violences : with the desired cure. in three discourses , written by himself at several times . humbly dedicated to the honourable judges and learned lawyers , who knew and honoured the author , because in their true sentiments of religion , and its depravations , and the cure , the wellfare of england , under his majesty , as well as their own , is eminently concerned . by the faithful publisher , richard baxter . to which is annexed the judgment of sir francis bacon lord verulam st. albans , and chancellour of england : and somewhat of dr. isaack barrows on the same subject . mat. 5. 9. blessed are the peace-makers ; for they shall be called the children of god. rom. 14. 17 , 18. the kingdom of god is not meat and drink but righteousness and peace , and joy in the holy ghost . for he that in these things serveth christ , is acceptable to god , and approved of men . london , printed for b. simmons at the three cocks near the west-end of s. paul's church . 1684. a preface , with some notes on these discourses by the publisher . the publishing of these discourses sheweth the great mutability of such weak understandings as my own : till very lately no price could have hired me to publish them , lest it were a violation of his testament , which saith that he [ would have no writings of his published , but what in his life time he gave to be published ] ; and he delivered not these in his life time to me . in my ignorance this satisfied me . but lately opening the case to some lawyers of known eminence , honour , and integrity , they have convinced me that i cross his will , and the common good , by my suppressing them . the case is this : when he was gone from us in great weakness to the place of his death , in my last letter to him , i told him how much good the lord bacon's book called considerations of matters ecclesiastical had done , with many that too justly suspect clergy contenders of partiality ; and that the honour and just esteem that god had given him with all sorts of men he owed to the service of him that gave it : and therefore knowing the doleful case of this land , as div vided and striving about religion , i intreated him that he would write his judgment briefly and freely of the cause and cure : the rather because his contemplations were so acceptable to many . in his last letter answering this , he professeth that those contemplations were printed without his purpose , knowledge , or consent , but thanks god if they did good , though beyond his intent . but though the rest be full of kindness , i will not publish it , lest really it should violate his will. but when he was dead , he who published his contemplations , shewed me a bag of his mannuscripts , small occasional tractates , and gave me out these three , saying , that they were directed [ for mr. baxter ] by which i knew they were by him given me in answer to my foresaid letter , which craved the publication of his judgment of our divisions . but i conjecture they had been long before written by him at several times , and much to the same purpose ; and so i suppose that he gave them me , and left the use of them to my discretion . now say these learned lawyers , a man may have several wills in writing in reference to several things , not repugnant but consistent , and all shall stand and be taken as his last will , and may make several executors , and give them several distinct powers . and clausula generalis non porrigitur ad ea quae specialiter nominantur , and this direction to you on that occasion , maketh it a legacy bequeathed to you : and the answering your letter by it sheweth to what use : and his after likeing of the publishing his contemplations , sheweth that he was not utterly against appearing in print . by this and much more they satisfie me , that it was my ignorance that made me resolve to conceal them . i confess the deliverer thought it best for me to make one treatise out of them all , because being not intended for publication at the writing of them , the same thing is repeated , especially in two of them . and that repetition and the brevity made me long undervalue them . but i take it as an intollerable piaculum to put any altering hand of mine to the writings of such a man ; which i profess i have not done in adding , expunging , or changing one word ( save some false spelling of the scribe : for only the latin verses , and an enterlining or two , are his own hand ; which i know by many a sheet that i have had from him . ) and as long as the occasion of the writing them is known , i think it no dishonour to them to have these repetitions : at least not so much as my alterations would be : yea it is useful ; first , as sully shewing the readers , that these are no hasty crude conceptions , but matters that long and deeply dwelt in his heart . 2. and great matters , specially to dull or unwilling , or negligent readers or hearers , must be oft repeated ; for a transient touch passeth away from such without any effect . o that the matter of these three papers were written and spoken an hundred times , if it would make rulers , and teachers , and people once truly to consider and receive them as they deserve . yet upon oft perusal i find that the repetition is joyned with variety of inference and application : and he hath too queasy a stomach that will nauseate them in so short discourses on so great a subject , so necessary to a people dissolving by wilfull divisions , by the delusion of abaddon that is commonly painted with a cloven foot. i shall add the contents for the readers help . but i shall not presume to animadvert on the matter , save in these few notes . 1. tract . 1. pag. 3. i suppose by [ common assistances ] he meaneth not that which all men have : but which is not miraculous , and all that rightly seek may hope for . p. 7. some of the controversies which he judged undeterminable , i have cause to think he at least came nearer to satisfaction in , after the writing of these papers , as he signified to me on some discourse , specially after the reading my catholick theology . ib. among the points not distinctly knowable without more revelation than we yet have of it , one is [ what is the real consequence of the baptism of infants or its omission ] . but the act of vniformity ejected all the ministers of england , that would not publickly , declare that they assent and consent , that [ it is certain by the word of god , that infants baptized , dying before actual sin , are vndovbtedly saved ] ( none excepted ) . had the convocation but cited that word of god that saith this , this good man might have been kept from taking that as unknowable , which every conforming minister in the church is certain of , as an undoubted article of faith. and it would have been a great kindness to the silenced ministers . pag. 11. his preference of episcopacy before all other governments , was his real judgment . but it was its essentials and not all the additionals that he meant . for to my knowledge he would have been glad of the primitive model of bishop usher , ( who was his much valued friend ) . in the 3d. tract . pag. 17. the scribe left an a — for a word omitted , and i durst not supply it by conjecture . who the authors are that he so much blameth , specially the dialogist , few will doubt , but i will not name , because by the report of his good preaching and life , i cannot but hope that he repenteth of it . there is one s t. that in an invective against the protestant reconciler ( a book like this ) and against dr. stillingsleet , insinuates that i am not to be believed in my report elsewhere given of judge hales words , that [ a new act of uniformity must heal england , &c. in these three treatises this incredulous man may see much more than that , which may expugne his vnbelief : and lest any accuse me of forgery , i hope to preserve the manuscripts , and doubt not but the lady hale or mr. stevens hath a copy of them . and because this reverend enemy to the reconciler , ( pleading for their excommunication ) was a son of a reverend nonconformist ( deceased ) and lived sometime with me , at kiderminster , and frequently walkt with me , and therefore may be thought to have known my incredibility ; i ask him , why in all that time , [ if he knew me to be a lyar ] would he never once tell me of it . i take [ cursed be the trimmers ] and [ blessed are the peace-makers ] for direct contraries : and christ to be wiser and more credible than all the enemies of peace . r. b. the contents of the first discourse . the use of religion : by what means god made it so common . p. 1. how perfected by christ. p. 2. and why . 1. to recover his honour to god. 2. to bring man to happiness . 3. for the right government of man. p. 16. the few plain , easy parts of religion . comfortable consectaries . p. 4 , 5. how religion is corrupted and changed in the world. 1. by the subtilties of scholastick learned men . p 5. 1. by their disputes about unnecessary and unknowable things : instances . p. 6. 2. and of lower , yet uncertain points . p. 7. how safe the religious are without them . p. 8. 3. casuists corrupting morals . p. 9. 2. by turning religion into politick contrivances for wealth and power . instance in princes . 2. specially in the roman church . p. 9. 3. instance , in formes of church government and ceremonies . 1. overvalued . 2. over opposed p. 12. 13. 14. 4. disputes between calvinists and arminians : of old , about easter , &c. p. 15. 5. contention about trivial matters : divers instances , p. 16. 17. mens overdoing for these lamented . p. 16. 17. how different religion is from all these mens additions . the causes of these errors . 1. the weaknesses of some conscientious persons , deserving compassion , tenderness , and love , rather than severity or contempt . p. 22. 2. some to get preferment and favour with great men . 3. some for gain . 4. most from over-fondness of their own inventions . 5. an affectation of discrimination and singularity by outward badges . p. 24. &c. the contents of the second discourse . the principle of religion small , yet pregnant and productive . p. 1. religion is best in its simplicity and purity : but hard to be kept from corruption by additions . p. 2. what these corrupting additions are . 1. reducing it to gratify sense : a common corruption . p. 3. 2. additions from mens accidental inclinations . instances . 1. philosophers mix their natural philosophy with it . 2. behmen makes it chimical . 3. socinians subject it to their reason . 4. some physicians mix corporal constitution . 5. metaphisical men make it unintelligible by subtilties . p. 4. 6. politicians , and states-men , and papists hierarchy make it but an engine of policie . p. 5. 7. politick discontented men manage it to get a party against the state. p. 6. the violent zeal of such corrupters , papists , reformed episcopal clergy , presbyterians , independents , anabaptists , &c. p. 7. instances doctrinal . p. 8 3. lawful additions sinfully managed . reasons to prove them convenient . p. 9. cautions to be used in them . 1. that they be not numerous . 2. nor superstitious . 3. decent , not powpous . 4. not continued for their antiquity , when they become unseasonable or hurtful . 5. not urged with rigour and too much severity against conscentious refusers . an objection of the urgers answered . 6. still remember that religion is quite another thing . p. 12. what is true religion , and who are religious , and who not , p. 13. the contents of the third discourse . what the christian religion is , and what men true christians are , p. 1. but many additions in all ages have been made to it , by divers sorts , for divers designes and ends . some by the authority of great names , some by insensible gradations , some by supposed congruity , some as for order and decency , some for discrimination of parties , some for political ends , emergent occasions , civil or ecclesiastical sanctions , &c. and the greatest fervor and animosity of men commonly laid out on these additions , by some for them , by others against them . the unhappy consequents . p. 4. 1. diversion from the true nature and use of religion , by zeal for entire conformity to these additions or against them . 2. and so the fervour of mens spirits let out the wrong way . p. 5. 3. hence come schisms and factions , and personal animosities , discriminations , censoriousness , estrangedness by ill advancing these opinions and little things . 4. the bond of charity broken , severity , persecution , implacableness , endeavouring to supplant and disgrace dissenters , worse scorns , reproach and vilifying than between christians and turks . p. 6 5. increase of atheisme and contempt of all religion ; while preachers go so much against their doctrine ; as if religion wereof no more moment , and of no better effect than these additions , p. 8. the causes of this sad distemper , 1. self-love and fondness for that which is our own . 2. pride , and reputation . 3. plain and pure religion unsutable to mens curiosity and appetite . 4. they must have somewhat that is pleasing p. 9. 5 contrariety and jealousy of men herein concerned ; specially between power and conscience : both plead gods name , and neither will yield . p. 10. 6. specially not dealing meekly and in love with one another . but by passion , violence , and bitterness , rendring each other odious , scoffing , catching arts , misinterpreting each other ; disingenuous quotations , &c. p. 11. these are contrary to christianity . p. 12. the sad proof : 1. from such as martin mar-prelate , &c. on one side , and epithets of antichristian , babylonish , idolatrous , given to bishops and liturgie . 2. on the other side , ministers should cashiere these black auxiliaries , or else profess that it is not christs cause that they plead , but their own . p. 13. a sharp reproof of some late writers against dissenters , specially the dialogist , as heinously abusing scripture and religion : far worse than ben. johnsons prophane play. the ill effects . 1. it maketh differences unreconcileable 2. it disadventages their cause and persons that use them with sober men . 3. it exposeth religion it self to the derisiof atheists , and increaseth such . more of this evil with a concluding counsel , to use more temperance , prudence , and moderation in contests about the circumstantials of religion , p 20. 21. the contents of the additional testimonies . 1 the lord bacons words in his advertisement of the controversies of the church of england . 2. his words in his considerations for better pacification and edification of the church of england ( lest the reader accuse me of omitting any part , i had rather he would read all those two treatises himself , than those scraps ) 3 animadversions of the transcriber . 4. some passages of doctor isaack barrow . part . i. of religion . the ends and uses of it , and the errors of men touching it . true religion is the greatest improvement , advantage , and priviledge of humane nature ; and that which gives it the noblest and highest pre-eminence above other visible creatures . we may observe in many bruit beasts and birds admirable instincts , dexterities , and sagacities ; and in some of them some dark resemblances of reason , or ratiocination : but religion is so appropriate to the humane nature , that there are scarce any sort of men , but have some religion : nor do the most subtle or sagacious bruits afford any signs thereof , as communicated to their natures . it is one of the chiefest mercies and blessings that almighty god hath afforded to the children of men , and that which signally manifests his providential care towards and over them , that in all ages and among all nations he hath given to them some means and helps to discover unto them , though in different degrees , some principal sentiments of true religion : 1. by the secret characters , and impressions , and structures thereof in their minds and consciences . 2. by his glorious and admirable works , commonly called the works of nature . 3. by signal providences , and providential regiment of the world. 4. by raising up men in all ages of great wisdom , observation , and learning , which did instruct the more ignorant in this great concernment , the rudiments of natural religion . 5. by traditionary transmission of many important truths and directions of life , from ancestors to their posterity , and others : though in process of time evil customs and evil men did in a great measure impair and corrupt the sentiments and practices of men , notwithstanding these helps . therefore the same mercy and goodness of god , for the preservation and propagation of the true religion , was pleased to substitute a more fixed and permanent means ; namely , the holy scriptures , or divine revelations , committed to writing in the books of the old and new testament . though the religion delivered in both testaments , be in substance the same ; yet the true religion was more fully , and plainly , and distinctly delivered by christ and his apostles in the new testament , together also with some additional instructions , for the better preservation and propagation thereof to mankind , and divers additional evidences to prove and manifest the truth of this religion , to procure its belief and acceptation : as the birth , miracles , death , resurrection , and ascension of christ jesus , the great reformer of the jewish , and great institutor of the christian religion , so called from christ that taught and asserted it . the christian religion is the most perfect rule of our duty to god , our selves , and others ; and was designed principally for these great ends. 1. to restore to the glorious god , the honour , duty , and obedience of his creature , man ; teaching him to know , to glorifie and serve his creator , to be thankful to him , to submit to his will , to obey his law and command , to be thankful for his mercies , to acknowledge him in all his ways , to call upon him , to worship him , to depend upon him , to walk sincerely in his sight , to admire and adore his greatness and goodness in all his works , especially in the great work of the redemption of mankind by his son christ jesus . 2. to inable man to attain everlasting happiness , the perpetual vision of the glorious god , and to fit and prepare him to be a partaker of the inheritance of the saints in light and glory . 3. to compose and settle mankind in such a decent and becomingrectitude , order , and deportment in this world , as may be suitable to the existence of a reasonable nature , and the good of mankind : which consistsprincipally in a double relation : 1. to a mans self , sobriety . 2. to others , which consists in those two great habits or disposition beneficent to mankind , viz. righteousness , or justice and charity , or love and beneficence . these three great ends are succinctly delivered , tit. 2. 11 , 12. for the grace of god , that bringeth salvation hath appeared unto all men , teaching us , that denying ungodliness and worldly lusts , we should live soberly , righteously , and godly in this present world. here we have these three ends of christian religion . 1. godliness , or our duty to god. 2. salvation , or our own everlasting happiness . 3. sobriety , righteousness , which also includeth charity , a part of evangelical righteousness . and because christian religion was intended and instituted for the good of man-kind , whether poor or rich , learned or unlearned , simple or prudent , wise or weak , it was fitted with such plain , easie , and evident directions , both for things to be known , and things to be done , in order to the attainment of the end for which it was designed , that might be understood by any capacity , that had the ordinary and common use of reason or humane understanding , and by the common assistance of the divine grace might be practised by them . the credenda , or things to be known or believed , as simply necessary to those ends , are but few , and intelligible , briefly delivered in that summary of christian religion , usually called the apostles creed . the agenda , or things to be done or forborn , are those few and excellent precepts , delivered by christ and his apostles , in that little book of the new testament ; and yet even the tenth part of that little book will contain all the precepts of christian duty and obedience contained in that book : and in brief the baptismal covenant , as it is contained in the liturgy , and explanation thereof in the church catechism used among us , together with the precepts of the decalogue , contain in effect a summary or brief epitome of our christian duty . and certainly it was necessary and becoming the wisdom of the most wise god , that that religion and doctrine , which equally concerned men of all kinds and capacities , should be accordingly accommodated , as might be useful for all . if the doctrine or precepts of christian religion should have been delivered in over sublime or seraphical expressions , in high rhetorical raptures , in intricate and subtile phrases or stile , or if it should have been surcharged with multitude of particulars , it would have been like a sealed book , to the far greatest part of mankind , who yet were equally concerned in the business and end of religion , with the greatest philosophers and clerks in the world. upon what hath been said , we may therefore conclude , 1. that there is not , nor indeed may not be any great difficulty in the attaining of a true saving knowledge of christian religion . 2. that the duties of christian religion are not of so vast an extent , but the knowledge of them may be also attained by an ordinary capacity willing to learn . 3. that considering that god almighty is never wanting with his grace to assist those that sincerely endeavour and desire to obey him and serve him , it is not so difficult a business to perform an evangelical obedience to the precepts of the gospel , i say an evangelical obedience , though not a perfect obedience ; an obedience that is sincere , though many times weak , and failings , which nevertheless are forgiven , and their sincere though imperfect obedience accepted by almighty god through the merits and intercession of christ , and our own humiliation and sincere repentance for our failings . and , 4. that when all is done , in this belief and this obedience consists our christian religion . this is the one thing necessary , the magnum oportet , which is of highest concernment and greatest importance to mankind . but now if we do but look about us in the world , and observe and consider the matters , wherein men for the most part do place , religion we shall find quite another kind of rate and nature of religion than what christ instituted or intended , and yet all vailed and shrowded under the name of christian religion ; and greater weight and stress laid upon them than upon the true , real , grand imports of christian religion . 1. i shall begin with the subtilties of great scholars , schoolmen , and scholastick divines . these have turned christian religion into a most curious and difficult speculation , and that which was designed by christ jesus as a plain direction to every capacity , to be a guide to a righteous , holy , and sober life here , and to attain everlasting life hereafter , they have [ made ] a meer exercise of wit , and a piece of greater subtilty than the abstrusest philosophy or metaphysicks . and this they have done principally these ways : 1. by disputes about questions , that , as they are not in themselves necessary to be known , so they are in their own nature impossible for humane understandings to determine : as for instance ; many , if not all , the points controverted between the arminians and calvinists , as touching the manner of the decrees of god , what kind of influence he hath upon the wills of men . the manner of the divine knowledge of things future , contingent , or possible . the resistability or irrisistability of divine grace . the nature of eternity , and infinitude , and indivisibility . the manner of the existence of the three persons in the vnity of essence . the nature of angels and spirits ; the manner and degrees , and method of their knowledge of things ; their several ranks and orders ; and infinite more speculations and disputes of things that do not in their own nature fall under the discovery of a humane understanding , by the ordinary course of ratiocination , and are impossible to be known further than they are distinctly revealed by almighty god , and as it were industriously kept secret by almighty god , because they are not of use to mankind to be known . it is far more possible for a child of three years old to have a true conception of the most abstruse points in philosophy , or in the mystical reasons of state or politick government of a kingdom , than for the wisest man that ever was , without revelation from god , to have any tollerable conception or notion of things of this nature with any tollerable certainty or evidence . 2. again there are other points disputed which are of a lower allay , and yet not to be distinctly known without more clear revelation than we yet have of it , nor yet of any necessity for us distinctly to know : as for instance , concerning the nature and manner of transmission of original sin ; how far the sins of immediate or remote parents affect their posterity with guilt or punishment ; the origination of the humane soul ; how far the efficacy of the sacrifice of christ was intentionally for all men ; concerning , the means of communication thereof to infants , ideots , and the invinsible ignorant ; what is the real consequence of baptism of infants , or its omission ; how far the will of man is operative to his conversion , or perseverance ; wherein the formal nature of justification consists ; how far forth faith singly is sufficient for it , without sanctification and habitual holiness at last , and how far forth the sincere love of god by a person invinsibly ignorant of many or most points of christian religion is sufficient thereunto ; concerning the estate of the separate soul before the last judgment , and how far it enjoys the beatifical vision before the resurrection . disputes touching these and the like difficult questions , have blown up mens fancies with speculations , instead , of filling their hearts with the true and genuine effects of christian religion . it is true , that physicians and naturalists do and may make inquiries into the method and progress of generation , and digestion , and sanguification , and the motions of the chile , the blood , the humours : for , 1. they have means of access to the discovery thereof by dissection and observation . and , 2. it is of some use to them in their science , and the exercise thereof . but when all is done , a man of a sound constitution digests his meat , and his blood circulates , and his several vessels and intrails perform their offices , though he know not distinctly the methods of their motions and operations . but these speculations above-mentioned , in points of divinity , as they are not possible to be distinctly determined with any certainty , so they are of little use to be known . if the heart be seasoned with the true knowledge of the things that are revealed , and with the life of the christian religion , and the love of god , it will be effectual enough to order his life , and bring him to everlasting happiness , though he be not , like an exquisite anatomist , acquainted with a distinct comprehension or knowledge of the several difficult inquiries of this nature . believe what is required by the word of god to be believed , and do your duty , as by that word is directed ; so that the life of religion , and the love of god be once set on foot in the soul , and there nourished , and commit your self to the faithfulness and goodness of god , and this will be effectual to the great end of religion , though all these disputes be laid aside . 3. again , a third mischief of scholasticks , is in relation to practicks : 1. some casuistical divines have so distinguished concerning religious external duties , that they have left little practical religion or morality in the world , and by their subtle curious distinctions , have made almost every thing lawful , and with the pharisees , in the time of our saviour , have made void the laws of god , ( and of man also ) by their traditions and distinctions : so that religion towards god , and all righteousness and sobriety , is so thin and narrow , and subtile , that by their doctrine of probability , and casuistical distinctions , all the bones thereof are loosned . it would be too long to give instances in particular : the late velitations in france between some of the popish priests and jesuites furnish the world with instances enough of this kind . 2. the second instance is this , the turning of the greatest part of religion into politick contrivances , for attaining or upholding power , wealth , or interest . there have been instances many in this kind among secular princes and states . this was the act of jeroboam to set up idolatrous religion in samaria , for preventing a return of the ten tribes to the house of david . and we may observe it in most of the religion established by heathenish princes , which was so ordered to accomodate their interest , though to the extreme corrupting of natural religion . but there is not so eminent an instance thereof in the whole world , as that of the ecelesiastical state of the church of rome , who have corrupted , as much as in them lies , the most pure and innocent religion that ever the world knew , namely , the christian religion , by distorting it to ends of wealth and power , and appendicating to it certain new doctrines and practices meerly to those ends. and not only so , but have laid the greatest weight of religion in the observation of these politick appendicatims ; so that a man , that either questions or not observes these politick additaments , runs as severe a censure and danger among them , as he that denies the most unquestionableprinciples of christian religion . such are their doctrines of the popes supremacy , the popes infallibility ; the necessity to salvation to be of the romish church , the adoration of images , saints de parted , and angels ; the veneration of reliques ; the doctrine of purgatory , indulgences , and the church treasury of redundant merits ; the doctrine and practice of dispensations and indulgences ; their canonization of saints ; their pilgrimages , numerous ceremonies , theatrical spectacles ; their doctrine of transubstantiation , and divers other superadditions and appendications to christian religion , which any person , not captivated by them , may with half an eye perceive to be invented and continued meerly for the support of the grandure of an universal monarchy , which they miscall the church , and for the amassing of wealth and power for the support of it , as might most easily be evinced by the particular examination of all those politick appendixes . and yet let any man observe it , he shall find as great a fervour for the upholding of these doctrines and practices , and as great a jealousie of the least breach made upon them , as if the whole concern of christian religion , and the salvation of souls lay in their belief and observance . 3. the third instance is in relation to the forms of church government and ceremonies . that ecclesiastical government is necessary for the preservation of religion , is evident to any reasonable and considerate man : and that the episcopal government constituted in england , is a most excellent form of ecclesiastical government , and exceeds all other forms of ecclesiastical government , may be easily evinced ; and that it is the best adapted to the civil government in this kingdom , is visible to any intelligent person : and yet i do not think that the essence of christian religion consists in this or any other particular form of government . it is a great help to the preservation of it in its purity and unity , and may be well called sepimentum religionis christianoe , as the jews call their oral traditions sepimentum legis , the fence of the law. but a man may be a good and excellent christian under this or any other form of ecclesiastical government , nay in such places where possibly there is no settled form of ecclesiastical government established . but if we observe many persons in the world , we shall find some so highly devoted to this or that particular form of government , as if all the weight of christian religion lay in it : though the wise and sober sort of conformists know and profess this , yet there be some rash people that will presently un-church all the reformed churches beyond the seas which are not under episcopal government . that if they see a man , otherwise of orthodox principles , of a pious and religious life , yet if scrupling some points of ecclesiastical government , though peaceable , they will esteem him little better than a heathen or publican , a schismatick , heretick , and what not : on the other side , if they see a man of great fervour in asserting the ecclesiastical government , observant of external ceremonies , though otherwise of a loose and dissolute life , yet they will be ready to applaud him with the stile of a son of the church , and upon that account over-look the miscarriages of his life , as if the essence and life of christian religion lay in the bare asserting of the best form of ecclesiastical government . on the other side , there is as great an extremity of the other hand : there are many indiscreet persons , as well divines as others , that having either by their education , or by conversation with dissenters , or possibly to gain a party , taken upon them the patronage or asserting of some other form of church-government , either presbyterian or independant , or some thing fram'd by their own invention , presently cry down the established government of the church , as antichristian or popish , and cry up that which they have thus espoused as the only true christian regiment instituted by christ ; and presently among them , and their followers , this is made the discriminative mark of a true christian. if they see a man conformable to the established government , tho' he be pious , sober , and truly religious , yet they despise and neglect him , censure him as a formalist , and without the power of godliness : but if a man will but revile the established government , and be bold against it , cry it down , and cry up the new institution into which they are listed , tho' the man be covetous , uncharitable , hard-hearted , proud , impetuous , and possibly otherwise loose in his conversation , yet such a man shall be cherished , applauded , and cryed up for a saint , a precious man , and zealous for the truth . and although decent ceremonies , that are for the preservation of the dignity of religion , and to keep due order and regularity , are not essential parts of christianity , nor were ever so esteemed by wise and sober men , and yet are of use and convenience in the church , nevertheless , we may easily observe among men the same extremes as are before noted : some placing the whole weight of religion in their strict observance , and making them the principal , if not the only badge of a son of the church , hateing and despising those that scruple any thing in them , or that do not come up in every punctilio to their observance , though they be otherwise sound in the principles of faith , pious and strict in their lives , just and honest to all men , and sober , temperate and blameless . on the other side , there be a sort of men that place the greatest stress and discriminating point of christian religion in opposing and decrying all instituted ceremonies , though innocent , decent , and without any the least touch of superstition in them , yet these must be decried as popish , antichristian , destructive of christian liberty , and the party that with most boldness and vehemence declaims against them , is valued by them as a most precious man , a man of zeal and courage , and needs little else to justifie and magnifie him with his party . on the other side , though a man be of an holy and conscientious life , sound in principles , sober , blameless , peaceable ; yet if he observe these blameless ceremonies , though with great moderation and charity to dissenters , he shall be slighted and undervalued , esteemed a formalist , a time-server , or at best , a man wanting courage , zeal , lukewarm , timorous , and wanting the power of godliness . such wild and wrong measures do men of extremes on all hands take of the true essence and ends of christianity . 4. again , even among professors of the protestant religion , there are divers disputed and controverted points ; as between the calvinists and arminians , especially touching the vniversality of the redemption by christ , perseverance and falling from grace ; and almost every day there arise certain new opinions , some of greater importance , but very commonly of small and incnosiderable moment ; and these are taken up by the several parties possibly agreeing in the same fundamentals of christian religion . and some times they are entertained by a party of men , because their pastors are of that opinion , or seem to be so ; though often they are taken up , or instilled into a party , to make a discriminative mark betweeen persons of several congregations . and then it is wonderful to see with what servour each party maintains his tenent , and as great weight is laid upon it , as if the whole stress of christian religion , and the salvation of the souls of men lay upon it ; when god knows they are not of any moment in it . such was the old controversie between the eastern and western churches about easter-day , and ancienter than that , in the apostles times , about eating of meats offered to idols , and among us at this day touching the five arminian questions . and yet we shall see men as fervent and zealous about them , as censorious of dissenters from them , as fond of those of the same opinion with them , as if all the articles of the christian faith were immediately concerned in them ; when all the while they are not of any moment to the salvation of men , nor of any concernment to the christian religion , or the ends thereof , but are only artifices imposed upon men to hold up parties , or to keep up some man or parties reputation ; imaginations which men are fond of , because they are their own , at least theirs whom they have in great veneration or esteem . 5. again , the fond mistakes of men in this kind , are observable in very slight and trivial matters , which yet are entertained with a kind of religious veneration , when they serve to hold up parties , or as disciminations of their professions . among the professed monks and fryars they have certain habits assigned to several orders , and as well anciently as now have several kinds of tonsures of their heads , which they observe with great severity ; and place much religion in them . and even among the various sects , or perswasions among those that at least abhor popery , yet we shall find some such fond things upon which they lay a great weight of their religion : sometimes in very looks and composing of their countenance ; sometimes in the manner or tone of expressions ; sometimes in affected phrases ; sometimes in gestures , sometimes in habits and dresses , sometimes in use of meats and drinks of one kind or another . i shall give some few instances : you shall have some that place a great point of religion in forbearing the eating of flesh upon frydays , or in the time of lent , but yet indulge themselves oftentimes in the eating of the choicest fish , and the most costly diet of other meats : others again think they must needs go as far on the other extreme , chusing those seasons for feasting upon flesh , and think it acceptable to god , because it runs counter to the other exteme . again , a time there was when it was thought that long hair was unbecoming professors of christianity , and upon that account some did wear their hair short , even to extremity . but about the beginning of the late wars , many took up , as they thought , a more elevated way of christianity , and as a badg thereof wore their hair extreme long. the conformists usually wear gowns or canonical coats ; many of the nonconformists by way of discrimination use other habits . the former officiate , as the canons require them , in surplices , and sometimes with hoods , and some are so taken with it , that they think the offices want an essential part when performed without it ; some of the latter think the solemn ordinances are profaned by it , and rendred superstitious . but among all the differing perswasions among us , there are none that give a man more ample evidence of mistakes of this nature , than those called quakers , who place a great part of their religion in keeping on their hats , in using the words thee and thou , in stiling the months and days of the week not according to the usual appellation , but the first , or second month , or day , in certain habits and postures unlike other men ; in silent devotions at their publck meettings , in revileing and crying down the established ministry , churches , sacraments , lords-day , and all manner of forms , whether commanded or used by others ; in refusing to take an oath when lawfully called thereunto ; and some such other singularities . take away but these , and the like affected superadditions , the men are as other men , some indeed very sober , honest , just and plain-hearted men , and sound in most , if not all the important doctrines and practices of christianity ; others ( as it happens in all professions ) subtle , covetous , uncharitable tumultuous , ignorant , proud despisers of others , slanderers , and yet as long as they conform to their sect in these impertinent or unwarrantable singularities , they please themselves with the stile of the people of god , and are for the most part esteemed such by those of that sect. by this little survey , we may easily take an estimate of the mistakes of mankind , and even among christians , touching the mistakes in point of christianity and christian religion , and how common it is to misplace the name of christian religion and the nature of it , and attribute it to such things as in truth have nothing to do with it , but many times are directly contrary to it . and yet even in these impertinencies many men place the greatest moment of their religion , and have as great and many times a greater zeal and fervour for them , than for the weighty points and duties of christianity , and most of the business of many men consists in velitations and defences and invectives about them ; the pulpits and the press is ingaged about them . love , and charity , and even common humanity , and mutual conversation between man and man , church and church , party , and party , is broken by the mutual collisions and animosities concerning them . so that ( the lord be merciful to us and forgive us ) there is as little love , and as great distance and animosity between many of the dissenting parties among protestants , touching these matters , as there is between papists and protestants , or between christians and infidels . and by this means the true life of christian religion , and that which was the great end of its institution , and the true genuine and natural effect of it upon the heart and soul , and course of life , is lost or neglected by them that profess it , or disparaged among those that either have not entertained it , or at least entertained it as they do the customs of the country wherein they are educated . these men , when they see so much religion placed by professors of christianity in these things , which every intelligent man values but as forms , or inventions , or modes , or artifices , and yet as great weight laid upon them , as great fervour and animosity used for or against them , as almost for any points of christian religion , they are presently apt to censure and throw off all religion , and reckon all of the same make . but when all is done , true christian religion is a thing of another kind of make , and is of another kind of efficacy , and directed unto , and effective of a nobler end , than those things about which , as above is said , men so much contend , and that makes so great a bustle and noise in the world . as the credenda are but few and plain , so the facienda , or things to be done , are such as do truly ennoble and advance the humane nature , and brings it to its due habitude , both to god and man. it teacheth and tutors the soul to a high reverence and veneration of almighty god , a sincere and upright walking as in the presence of the invisible , all-seeing god : it makes a man truly to love , to honour , to obey him , and therefore careful to know what his will is ; it renders the heart highly thankful to him , both as his creator , redeemer , and benefactor : it makes a man entirely to depend upon , to seek to him for guidance , and direction , and protection ; to submit to his will with all patience , and resignation of soul : it gives the law not only to his word and actions , but to his very thoughts and purposes , that he dares not entertain a very thought unbecoming the sight and presence of that god to whom all our thoughts are legible : it teacheth and bringeth a man to such a deportment both of external and internal sobriety , as may be decent in the presence of god and all his holy angels : it crusheth and casts down all pride and haughtiness both in a mans heart and carriage , and gives him an humble frame of soul and life , both in the sight of god and men : it regulates and governs the passions of the mind , and brings them into due moderation and frame : it gives a man a right estimate of this present world , and sets the heart and hopes above it , so that he never loves it more than it deserves : it makes the wealth and glory of this world , high places , and great preferments , but of a low and little value to him ; so that he is neither covetous nor ambitious , nor over sollicitous concerning the advantages of it : it brings a man to that frame that righteousness , justice , honesty , and fidelity is as it were part of his nature ; he can sooner dye than commit or purpose that which is unjust , dishonest , or unworthy a good man : it makes him value the love of god and peace of conscience above all the wealth and honours in the world , and be very vigilant to keep it inviolably : though he be under a due apprehension of the love of god to him , yet it keeps him humble and watchful , and free from all presumption , so that he dares not under a vain confidence of the indulgence , and mercy , and favour of god , turn aside to commit or purpose even the least injury to man , he performs all his duties to god in sincerity , and integrity , and constancy ; and while he lives on earth , yet his conversation , his hopes , his treasure , and the flower of his expectation is in heaven , and he entirely endeavours to walk sutably to such a hope : insum , it restores the image of god unto the soul in righteousness and true holiness . compositum jus , fasque animi sanctosque recessus mentis , & incoctum generofo pectus honesto . these , and the like to these , are the ends , design and effect of true christian religion , truly received and digested in the soul. and certainly any man that duly confidereth , will find that they are of another kind of nature and value , than those sublime speculations , politick constitutions , forms or not forms , affected singularities , upon which many lay the weight of religion , and for and touching which there is so much contention and animosity in the world. so that methinks men in this regard are like to a company of foolish boys , who when the nut is broken , run scrambling after the pieces of the shell , and in the mean while the kernel is neglected and lost . now touching the reasons or causes of these misapprehensions touching religion , they are various : some deserve compassion , and others are more or less excusable , according to their several kinds : 1. some persons truly conscientious and zealous of any thing that they judge to be displeasing to god , as not agreeable to his will , and observing the many corruptions , that the romish church have brought into the worship of god , are very suspicious of any thing that may look , as they think , that way ; and therefore , though they are otherwise men of sound and orthodox principles , and of a truly righteous , sober , and pious life , yet perchance are transported somewhat too far in scrupling or opposing some ceremonies or forms ; and possibly their education and conversation with men of such perswasions have confirmed them in it , so that they do not oppose out of a frowardness or peevishness of mind , or out of pride , or a spirit of opposition , but in the sincerity and simplicity of their hearts , and out of a tenderness for the honour of god. these , though they are or may be mistaken in their perswasions , yet certainly deserve compassion , tenderness , yea and love also , much rather than severity or contempt . 2. others again , observing that certain modes and forms , and the rigorous observations of them , are the common road for attaining preferments or favours of great persons , upon that account exercise a marvellous fervour of mind for them , and a vigorous opposition of all that come not up to them in every punctilio , that they may thereby be taken notice of , and imployed as useful and fit and vigorous assertors and instruments for this purpose . 3. many times gain and profit is the end and design of many practices and positions appendicated to christian religion , as is before observed in the romish church ; and it is easily observable that interest , profit , and temporal advantage have a strong byass upon mens affections , and are dearer to them than the truth of religion , and carry men more vigorously in their upholding and maintenance , than religion it self doth : and because the presence of zeal for religion carries a fair plausibility with all men , therefore those very things that are but engines of gain and profit are christned with the specious name of religion . it was the making of silver shrines for diana , the art whereby the artificers got their living , that made the out-cry , great is diana of the ephesians . 4. again , it is very certain that mankind hath a huge kindness and partiality for matters of their own invention , and set a greater rate upon them , than upon other matters handed over to them by others : and hence it comes to pass that a new fancy or opinion , a new form of worship , discipline , or government that , any man hath invented or studied out , is to such a man ordinarily of greater value and moment than it deserves , and shall be maintained with greater zeal , fervour and animosity , than points of greater truth and moment , as if the great moment and weight of religion and christianity lay in it , which is in truth nothing else but the effect of self-love and self-conceit . 5. again , though by nature man be a sociable creature , yet there is in most men a certain itch of pride , which makes them affect a discrimination from others , and to become a kind of separated party more refined than the rest of the same common profession . i do remember in the beginning of our late troubles , the only party that visibly appeared , were some that desired some reformation in church-matters : and when that party had obtained , under the name of the presbyterian party , in a very little while there arose a more sublime party of men , called the independant or congregational men , which much despised the former , as not arrived to a just measure of reformation . shortly after that there arose a kind of lay party , which as much undervalued the independant , and indeed the ministry in general . after that there arose a party discriminating it self from all the former , viz. the quakers . these various parties were as so many subdivisions and rectifications of what went before . now the means of holding up this discrimination of parties are certain select opinions , practices , or modes , which are like the badges or colours that give each party his denomination , distinction , and discrimination : and consequently these discriminative badges have as great a rate set upon them as each sect sets upon it self ; and therefore must be upheld under the very notion of the life of religion , and must be maintained with the greatest fervour imaginable ; for otherwise the distinction of the sects themselves would fall to the ground , and become contemptible both among themselves and others , because otherwise there would appear very little and inconsiderable reason , upon trifling or small reasons , to separate and divide from others , and to un-church and un-christen them that are not their company or society . part ii. concerning religion . the life of it , and super additions to it . the truth and spirit of religion comes in a a narrow compass , though the effect and operation thereof are large and diffusive . solomon comprehended it in a few words , fear god , and keep his commandments , for this is the whole duty of man : the soul and life of religion is the fear of god , which is the principle of obedience ; but obedience to his commands , which is an act or exercise of that life , is various , according to the variety of the commands of god : if i take a kernel of an acorn , the principle of life lies in it : the thing it self is but small , but the vegetable principle that lies in it takes up a less room than the kernel it self , little more than the quantity of a small pins head , as is easy to be observed by experiment , but the exercise of that spark of life is large and comprehensive in its operation ; it produceth a great tree , and in that tree the sap , the body , the bark , the limbs , the leaves , the fruit ; and so it is with the principle of true religion , the principle it self lies in a narrow compass , but the activity and energy of it is diffusive and various . this principle hath not only productions that naturally flow from it , but where it is it ferments and assimulates , and gives a kind of tincture even to other actions that do not in their own nature follow from it , as the nature and civil actions of our lives . under the former was our lords parable of a grain of mustard , under the latter of his comparison of leven , just as we see in other things of nature : take a little red wine , and drop it into a vessel of water , it gives a new tincture to the water ; or take a grain of salt and put it into fresh liquor , it doth communicate it self to the next adjacent part of the liquor , and that again to the next , until the whole be fermented : so that small and little vital principle of the fear of god doth gradually and yet suddenly assimilate the actions of our life flowing from another principle . it rectifies and moderates our affections , and passions , and appetites , it gives truth to our speech , sobriety to our sences , humility to our parts , and the like . religion is best in its simplicity and purity , but difficult to be retained so , without superstructions and accessions ; and those do commonly in time stifle and choke the simplicity of religion , unless much care and circumspection be used : the contemperations are so many and so cumbersom , that religion loseth its nature , or is strangled by them : just as a man that hath some excellent simple cordial or spirit , and puts in musk in it to make it smell sweet , and honey to make it taste pleasant , and it may be cantharides to make it look glorious . indeed by the infusions he hath given it a very fine smell , and tast , and colour , but yet he hath so clogg'd it , and sophisticated it with superadditions , that it may be he hath altered the nature , and destroyed the virtue of it . the superadditions and superstructions in point of religion are very many , and from very many and various tempers in men that add them . as for instance , 1. there is one common superaddition that naturally all men are apt to bring into it , viz. that it may gratifie the sense ; for in as much as the most powerful and immediate influence upon us comes from and through our senses , and that spiritual and internal apprehensions have not so strong or constant an impression upon us , they seem things at a distance , flat , and the soul is weary of bearing it self upon them ; men are apt to dress up religion so as it may be grateful to the sense : make us gods that may go before us : and this is the chief original of idolatry , and also of superstition . 2. there are other superadditions that come even from the accidental inclinations of men to some special matter which they value and love ; and that they carry over into religion ; and many times mingle with it . as for the purpose , take a man greatly admiring natural philosophy , he will be apt to mingle and qualifie religion with philosophical notions . many of those things of aristotle that are harshly and dishonourably asserted concerning the diety are from his tenacious adhering to certain philosophical positions that he had fixed upon . behmen , who was a great chymist , resolves almost all religion in chymistry , and frames his conceptions of religion suitable and conformable to chymical notions . socinus and his followers , being great masters of reason , and deeply learned in matters of morality , mingle almost all religion with it , and form religion purely to the model and platform of it . many great phisicians that have much observed the constitutions of mans body , have figured to themselves notions of the soul conformable to the results of their observations in the body . and as thus in these sorts of men , so again men of metaphysical and notional brains and education , as the schoolmen , they have conformed religion and their notions concerning it to metaphysicks : and indeed have made that which is and ought to be the common principle for the actuating of all men , yea even of the meanest capacities , to be a meer collection of subtilties , far more abstruse than the most intricate and sublimated humane learning whatsoever . again , take a polititian , or states-man , and he shall most easily conform religion to state policy , and make it indeed a most excellent and incomparable engine for it , and nothing else . and if we narrowly look upon the method and system of religion as it is formed by the romish hierarchy , it is a most exquisite piece of humane policy , and every thing therein suited with most exquisite art and prudence for the support of the grandure and interest of that state : this hath mingled with the christian religion the popes infalliability and supremacy , his power of pardoning and dispensing , his keys of heaven and hell , his purgatory and indulgences , and images , and adorations of them , his reliques , and pilgrimages , and canonizing of saints , and a thousand such kind of stuff most incomparably fitted to mens passions and affections ; and so to support that most artificial and methodical fabrick of the popish state : for indeed it is no other . and if we look into other kingdoms and places , we shall easily find that religion is so stated and ordered as may best conduce to the peace , order , wealth , and amplitude of every kingdom ; for wise politicians , finding that religion hath a great impression on mens minds , and therefore if it be not managed by the policy of state , may prove an unruly business , if it be contemperated with mixture prejudicial to the state , and that it may be a most excellent engine if it can be managed and actuated for the benefit of the state , do add to it much of their own , that it may be managed upon occasion , and they dress up religion with state policy , whereby in truth it becomes nothing else but a meer piece of humane policy , under the name of religion . and on the other side , those either politick or discontented spirits , that would put a kingdom into blood and confusion , do mingle discontents , and fancies , and imaginations , suspicions and frowardness with religion , and call this confused mixture of phancies and passions , religion : and manage and brandish this weapon with mighty disadvantage to that state which they oppose . for it is most apparent , that as nothing hath so great an impulsion upon men , as that which comes under the apprehension of religion , in as much as it concerns the greatest good , even their everlasting souls and happiness ; so nothing is of so universal concernment as this , and therefore like to attract the most followers ; for every man hath not an estate to care for ; but every man hath a soul to care for ; and hence it is that scarce any great contest between princes hath happened in these latter years , nor scarce any commotion in a state , but religion is owned on all sides ; and god , and his cause , and his church , owned on on all hands , and therefore still the scramble is for religion , and who shall keep the opinion of religion most firm to them , and therefore they on all hands infuse into the thing they call religion those things that may most probably and politickly hold to their party . again , in contest among clergymen , every one trims and orders religion in that dress that may most make it their own , and secure it to themselves . take the popish clergiemen : hold what you will , if you hold not the supremacy and vicariot of the pope , all the rest of your religion is not worth a rush . come to the reformed episcopal clergy : as to the popes supremacy they disclaim it : but if you acknowledge not episcopal government ; if you swear not canonical obedience to your ordinary , if you submit not to the liturgie , and ceremcnies , and vestments , and musick used in the church , you are at best a schismatick . again , come to the presbyterian clergy , they will tell you episcopal government is romish and superstitious , and their ceremonies and usages antichristian usurpations ; but if you mean to be of a warrantable religion , you must submit to the presbyterian government as truly apostolical . come to the independent , he declaims against both the former , and tells you that the true conformity to apostolical order is in the congregational way . take the anabaptist , and he tells you all the former are vain and irreligious , unless you will be rebaptized and listed in their church . again , in points of doctrine , as well as discipline , it is most plain that tenents are professed or decryed for distinction of parties : witness the contest between the arminian party and the calvinistical party , which are only used as methods on either side , to attract proselytes , and distinguish parties : and in these and the like distinctions of parties and professions the superstructions and additions are in a manner incorporated and grafted into religion , and in effect give the only denomination to it , according to the various interests and affections of parties ; when in truth , the main business of these and the like additions and superstructions , are but policies to distinguish , and fortifie , and increase parties . 3. the re are some superadditions to religion , that though i do not think they are to be condemned , yet are carefully to be distinguished from the true and natural life of religion ; and so long as they are kept under that apprehension , they may , if prudently applyed and managed , do good . but if either they are imprudently instituted , imprudently applyed , or inconfiderately over-valued , as if they were religion , they may and many times do harm ; and such are decent and inoffensive forms in the external worship of god appointed by the civil magistrate , by the advice of those that are deservedly eminent in the church for their piety , learning , and prudence . and there seems to be very good reason for it . 1. because if every man should be left to himself , there would confusion ensue ; because no man knew anothers mind , or rule of his external deportment . 2. all men have not that equal prudence to judge what were fit to be used : the magistrate is like to make choice of those persons that are fittest to advise , and their recommendations would be of greatest authority with others . 3. it is most certain , that man being composed of soul and body , cannot so regularly and well fix himself to his duty , without some justifiable help to his devotion ; such are vocal prayers , kneeling , and other gestures proper for the matter of worship which he intends . and this may be one reason , why the lord , though he strictly forbad all idolatry and superstition , and heathenish practice to the jews , yet did appoint sacrifices , priests , a glorious tabernacle , and the ark , which was not only a diversion from the egyptian idolatry which they had seen , but also a help to their natural infirmity for the excitation of their devotion . and although our lord jesus came to abrogate even that indulgence , and foretold that those that worshipped the father , should worship him in spirit and in truth , under the gospel , yet it is certain that the immediate apostles of christ did set certain orderly observances in the church for decencies sake : and it was justly allowable : as concerning the order of the exercise of their supernatural gifts , concerning womens speaking in the church , concerning mens being covered in the church , and women vailed , concerning the manner and order of receiving the sacrament , and the like . but as there be reasons for it , so there be cautions to be used in it . 1. that they be not too numerous ; for their multitude will rather oppress than secure religion . 2. that in their natures they be not superstitious , but keep as much distance from it as well may be ; otherwise they will be in religion , as the dead fly in the apothecaries oyntment . 3. that they be clean and decent , not too full of pomp or ostentation : ceremonies should be used as we use a glass , rather to preserve the oyl , than to adorn it . too much pomp causeth jealousies even in good men , of a degeneration either to jewish ceremonies or popish vanities . 4. that though such are not to be rejected because they are ancient , so if they become vnseasonable , they are not to be held meerly because they are ancient . it is with ceremonies as with some other things that are fit to be changed when they become unuseful or offensive , as the love-feasts , extreme vnction , and some other things , possibly practised , and fit enough , in the primitive times : many ceremonies were at first invented and practised , to win over unconverted heathens ; to incourage weak christians , especially the jews , who were not easily to be drawn from their legal ceremonies : but when people become a knowing people , that see beyond those ceremonies , and understand when , and why , and how they came in , then it were prudence to dispense with , or change them . 5. that they be not urged with too much rigour or severity upon such as conscientiously refuse them . charity to a weak brother in things indifferent in their own nature , is then to be exercised , when my brother is offended therewith , or never : and if it be said it is his duty to submit to the church , and not the church to him ; i do think that answer will not serve in this case ; for surely though a child owes a duty to a father , yet his neglect thereof , especially if it be upon a conscientious account , will not excuse the neglect of a fathers duty to his child : the apostle professed he would abstain from things lawful rather than offend his weak brother . 6. and especially that we be careful to remember that religion is another thing from these ceremonies . these are of use , i. e. for ornament ; they are the dressings and the trimmings of religion at the best , but the fear of god is of a higher extraction . it is a pitiful thing to see men run upon this mistake , especially in these latter times ; one placing all his religion in holding the pope to be christs vicar , another placing religion in this , to hold no papist can be saved : one holding all religion to consist , in holding episcopacy to be jure divino ; another by holding presbytery to be jure divino ; another in crying up congregational government ; another in anabaptise ; one in placing all religion in the strict observation of all ceremonies ; another in a strict refusal of all : one holding a great part of religion in putting off the hat , and bowing at the name of jesus ; another judging a man an idolater for it : and a third placing his religion in putting off his hat to none ; and so like a company of boys that blow bubbles out of a wall-nut-shell , every one runs after his bubble , and calls it religion ; and every one measures the religion or irreligion of another , by their agreeing or dissenting with them in these or the like matters ; and at best , while we scramble and wrangle about the pieces of the shell , the kernel is either lost , or gotten by some that doth not prize any of their contests . believe it , religion is quite another thing from all these matters : he that fears the lord of heaven and earth , walks humbly before him , thankfully lays hold of the message of redemption by christ jesus , strives to express his thankfulness by the sincerity of his obedienue , is sorry with all his soul when he comes short of his duty , walks watchfully in the denial of himself , and holds no confederacy with any lust or known sin , if he falls in the least measure is restless till he hath made his peace by true repentance , is true in his promise , just in his actions ; charitable to the poor , sincere in his devotions , that will not deliberately dishonour god , though with the greatest security of impunity ; that hath his hope in heaven , and his conversation in heaven , that dare not do an unjust act though never so much to his advantage , and all this because he sees him that is invisible , and fears him because he loves him , fears him as well for his goodness as his greatness ; such a man , whether he be an episcopal , or a presbyterian , or an independant , or an anabaptist ; whether he wears a surplice , or wears none , whether he hears organs , or hears none , whether he kneels at the communion , or for conscience sake stands or sits ; he hath the life of religion in him , and that life acts in him , and will conform his soul to the image of his saviour , and walk along with him to eternity , notwithstanding his practise or non-practise of these indifferents . on the other side , if a man fears not the eternal god , dares commit any sin with presumption , can drink excessively , swear vainly or falsly , commit adultery , lye , cozen , cheat , break his promises , live loosely , though he practise every ceremony never so curiously , or as stubbornly oppose them ; though he cry down bishops , or cry down presbytery ; though he be re-baptized every day , or though he disclaim against it as heresie ; though he fast all the lent , or feasts out of pretence of avoiding superstition , yet notwithstanding these , and a thousand more external conformities , or zealous oppositions of them , he wants the life of religion . part iii. of the christian religion . the superstructions upon it , and animosities about them . the christian religion and doctrine was by the goodness and wisdom of god designed to be the common means and method to bring mankind to their chief end , namely , to know , and to serve , and obey , and glorifie , and everlastingly to enjoy almighty god the chiefest good. and to that end it was given out with all the plainness and perspicuity , with all evidence and certainty ; a doctrine and religion containing precepts of all holiness and purity , of all righteousness and honesty , of all longanimity , benignity , and gentleness , sweetness , meekness , and charity ; of all moderation and patience , of all sobriety and temperance ; in brief , it is a religion that is admirably and sufficiently constituted to make a man , what indeed he should be , pious towards god , just and beneficent towards men , and temperate in himself , fitted for a life of piety , honesty , justice , and goodness , and happiness heareafter . such is the christian religion , and such the men must be that are truly conformable to it ; and if any man professing christianity , be not such a man , it is because he comes so much short of his due conformity to christian religion , and the most excellent doctrine and precepts thereof . the profession of this religion is that which is , and for many ages hath been , commonly made by a very considerable part of the known world , as the only true religion given to the world by almighty god , through his son jesus christ , wherein and whereby they may expect everlasting salvation . but yet together with this christian religion , the prosessors thereof have in several ages and places chosen to themselves various adventitious accidental superstructions , adtions , opinions , modes , and practices , which they have as it were incorporated into the christian religion by them professed , or appendicated unto it and these superstructions or appendixes of christian religion have been introduced and entertained by various means , and by various designs , and to various ends : some by the authority of great names ; some by insenfible graditions or long customs , some by a supposed congruity or incongruity ; some for order or decency : some for discrimination of rarties ; some for political ends , appearing in themselves , or secretly carryed on ; some upon emergent occasions ; either continuing or now ceasing ; some by civil , some by ecclesiastical sanctions ; some by traditional observations , either continued , or interrupted and revived ; some for ornament ; some for vse ; some as supposed necessary consequents upon the christian doctrine , some to be , quasi septa & munimenta doctrinoe & religionis evangelicoe , as the jewish traditions were supposed to be the sepimenta legis ; some for one end , and some for another : and although these are not truly and essentially parts of the christian religion , yet as the humours in the body are some good , some noxious , some innocent , though they are no part of the true vital blood , yet they mingle with it , and run along in it ; so these superstructions , and occasions , and additions have in various ages , successions , and places mingled with the true radical vital doctrine and religion of christ , in mens opinions , and practices , and professions . and yet it is visible to any man that will but attentively observe the courses of men professing christian religion , that the greatest fervour and animosity of the professors of christian religion is not so much with respect to the subftantials of christian religion , either in things to be believed or practised , as touching these additions and superstructions ; some as fervently contending for them , as if the life of christianity consisted in them , some as bitterly and severely contesting against them , as if the life and soul of christian religion were not possibly consisting with them . and by these means these unhappy consequences follow . 1. that whereas the main of christian religion consists in the true belief of the gospel of christ jesus , and the practice of those christian virtues that he lest unto his disciples and followers , both by his example and precept , namely love of god , holiness and purity of life , humility and lowliness of mind , patience , meekness , gentleness , charity , a low and easy value of the world , contentation of mind , submission to the will of god , dependance upon him , resignation unto him , and other excellent evangelical virtues , that perfect and rectifie the soul , and fit it for an humble communion with almighty god in this life , and a blessed fruition of his presence in the life to come ; the christian religion is not so much placed in these , as in an entire conformity to modes and circumstances , or an extream aversion from them . and according to the various interests or inclinations of parties those are made the magnalia of christian religion , and such as give the only character or discriminative indication of the christian religion . 2. and consequently all the greatest part of that stress and fervour of mind , which should be employed in those great weighty substantials of christianity , runs out and spends it self in those little collaterals , and superstructions , and additaments , some placing the greatest earnestness and intention , contension of mind to have them , and some placing the intension and fervour of their mind to be without them , not unlike those old contentions between the eastern and western churches touching the time of the paschal observation , one party excommunicating the other for their dissent , as if the whole weight and stress of the christian religion lay in those little additaments . 3. and hereupon there arise schismes , factions , and personal animosities , discrimination of parties , censoriousness , and studied estrangings of professors of christianity , oftentimes one party declining those practices which are good and commendable in the other , to keep their distances the more irreconcilable , and each party espousing some odd discriminating habits , modes ; and sometimes also by opinions in matters of religion , that may estrange and discriminate them each from the other ; and these opinions though of little moment or consequence ( it may be whether true or false ) are advanced up into little less than articles of faith , for the sake of this discrimination , when possibly they are of little moment whether they be assented unto or not , of less certainty , and have little or no influence or concern in the substance of christian doctrine . 4. and hereupon it oftentimes comes to pass that not only the common bond of charity and christian love is broken between the professors of the same substantials in christianity , but there is most ordinarily much more severity , and persecution , and implacableness , and irreconcileableness , more endeavours to undermine , and supplant , and disgrace dissenters , more scorns , and vilifying , and reproach , and insolence one towards another in their vicissitudes of advantage , than there is between professors of christianity , and men of the most loose and profane lives , between orthodox and heretiques , nay between christians and turks , or infidels many times . 5. and from this there ariseth a most fruitful and a most inevitable increase of atheism and contempt of religion , in many of the spectators of this game among professors of the christian religion , and that upon these two accounts : principally , because when they hear each party declare ( as they must if they declare truth ) in their sermons and writings , that the doctrine of christianity injoynes mutual love , condescention , charity , gentleness , meekness , and yet so little practised by dissenting parties , men are apt to conclude , that either these persons do not believe what they pretend to preach and publish , or that the doctrine of christianity was a notion and speculation , and never intended as a necessary rule of practice , since the greatest pretenders to the religion of christ practise so little of it . 2. because when men see that those little superstructions and additions are by the one side prosecuted , and on the other side decryed , with as much animosity , fervour and severities , as the most weighty and important truths and precepts of evangelical faith and obedience , spectators and by-standers think that they are all of the same value ; and when they see that these things which every sober considerate man must needs conclude little , and of no momont , are rated at so great a value by the contesting parties of each side , truths then are doubted of in relation to these : it makes men call in question great matters , when they see such small things pursued or declined with no less fervour and anunosity than if they were of the greatest . and considering these unhappy consequences of these fervours of minds touching these small appendixes and superstructions , even more than about , or concerning the very weighty things of the gospel , i have endeavoured to search out the reason how this strong distemper comes to pass ; and there seems to be these causes thereof . 1. ordinarily a man is more fond of , and concerned for something that is his own , than for that which is of god ; as we are transported with a love to our selves , so we are transported with a love and admiration of what is our own : and hence it is that the weightier and more important duties injoined by christ , partake less of our zeal , or courage , or intension of mind , than our own little fantasies and inventions . 2. pride , credit , and reputation are commonly ingaged in either party in the things contested , when they are once contested ; and these are violent and pressing interests and motions . 3. the plainest truth and purity of religion is a thing that seldom pleaseth and suteth to the curiosity and appetite of men ; they are always fond of something annexed or appendicated to religion to make it pleasing to their appetite . a certain sawce that may entertain their fancy , after which it may run , and wherein it may please it self . and these sawcesto religion are various , and variously pleasing , according to the various inclinations of men : most ordinarily the fancies of men affect some things splendid and sensible to be superadded to religion ; the israelites would needs have gods that might go before them ; and in complyance with this humour , most of the strange modes and gesticulations among the heathens , and most of the superstitions , ceremonies and rites among the papists were invented . again , sometimes the humour of the people runs in the other extreme , either they will have nothing of form or order , or all such forms or orders as are extremely opposite to what others use , and place their delight and complacency therein : and by this means oftentimes it comes to pass , that men are carried with greater earnestness and vehemence after those placentia , the entertainments of their fancies , than to the true substance of religion it self . 4. oftentimes it comes to pass that there are two very jealous concerns , and impatient of any corrival , that are ingaged each against other in these different and dissenting . practices , relating to collaterals in religion : on the one side , power and authority is very tender of its own interest , and jealous of a competitor or rival : on the other side , conscience and perswasion either of the necessity or vnlawfulness of any thing , is very jealous , or fearful , and suspicious of any thing that might injure it : and whether the conscience be mistaken or not , yet so long as its perswasion , that is entertained sub ratione conscientioe , prevails , this jealousie will still prevail in the mind ; and it many times falls out that authority on the one hand is impatient , or at least jealous of opposition , and conscience on the other hand restless and unquiet . 5. and the difficulty is so much the greater , because each seems to derive their obliging authority from god ; the magistrate recognizing god almighty as the fountain , root , and foundation of his power ; and the conscience supposed to be the vicegerent of god in the soul. 6. but that which admirably keeps up these differences , is that men on each side , deal not one with another calmly , mildly , or upon the reasons of the things , or upon a true way of reasoning , debating , and arguing of things , or prudent considerations that might invite yielding on the one side , or accommodations of the other , but each party takes in all those contributions , assistances , and advantages , that commonly accompany the worst of contentions . for instance , 1. extremity of passion and indignation , 2. violence and bitterness of writings and speeches , 3. each party rendring the other as odious and ridiculous as is possible : 4. scoffing , jearing , and personal reflections : 5. artifices and designs each to catch and undermine the other : 6. an industrious and willing mis-interpretation of each others words , writings , and actions , and raising them to odious inferences and consequences , beyond what they were meant , or really and truly bear . 7. disingenuous quotations out of each other , without those ordinary remedies that might be allowed by comparing of other parts of their writings . these and the like auxiliaries are on each part taken into these velitations between christians , and in relation to things contended for or against in these differences , whereas the whole tenour of the doctrine of christianity , as it was delivered by christ and his apostles , decries nothing more than anger , wrath , malice , railing , evil-speaking , back biting slanders , reproches , names and epithets of scorns , craft , and subtilty ; yet all these black legions are called , used , and imployed in the management of that cause , which each party pretends to be the cause of christ ; as if fiends , and furies , and legions of devils were thought fit auxiliaries on each party , wherein both pretend the interest of christ jesus . and that this is so , let any man but read those books whith have slown abroad from either party , he will find it evident in all the contentions of this nature : witness on the one part martin marprelate , the odious centuries put out by mr. white in the beginning of the long parliament , the frequent invectives and odious epithets given to liturgy , to the bishops , conforming ministers , and to the church of england it self , as antichristian , idolatrous , babylonish , and a thousand such names and stiles . and on the other side there have been many that have not been behind hand with bitter invectives , scornful and mocking expressions and appellations , odious reflections , unnecessary to be repeated . by all which these two things are evident , 1. that these transports of either side come not from that spirit which christ brought with him into the world , and which he commended and left to his disciples and followers ; namely , a spirit of love , of charity , of gentleness , patience , kindness , and sweetness of disposition . 2. that if men go about to justifie this , because first provoked by the adverse party , and so justifie it by the law of taliation , these men do not remember that as on the one hand the duty of christians is self-denial , moderation , and peaceableness ; on the other side , that a spirit of revenge , an eye for an eye , a tooth for a tooth , is as much against the doctrine of christ , as any thing in the world . therefore certainly it becomes those of either party either to casheer these black auxiliaries of their wars , and contentions of this kind , or otherwise for the sake and honour of christ and the christian religion , plainly declare that he is not concerned in the contest , but that the contest is a contest of interest and vain-glory , of pride and ambition , and reputation , and desire of victory ; or if they will not declare so much to the world , yet they must give leave to the spectators to judge of it so . now these bitternesses and virulentnesses of either side , have been commonly of two kinds : first such as reflect , if not all together , yet most of all , upon the persons of their adversaries . 2. or such as reflect only upon the matters in difference between them ; both were bad enough , and such as serve to make the differences and breaches wider . but of late times , i know not by what unhappy star , there hath prevailed more than formerly , certain invectives that have gone much farther , even to the rendring of religion it self , and scripture expressions ridiculous , and pieces of raillery ; and i could have wished that some late books , put out under the fashion of dialogues , and some other books of that kind , had not been too guilty of this fault . i do remember when ben. johnson made his play of the alchymist , wherein he brings in anartas in derision of the persons then called puritans , with many of their phrases in use among them , taken out of the scriptures ; with a design to render that sort of persons ridiculous , and to gain applause to his wit and fancy . but although those persons were not in very good esteem among the great ones and gallants , yet the play was disliked , and indeed abhorred , because it seemed to reproach religion it self , though intended only to render the puritans ridiculous . that which was uncomely and unseemly in a poet , who made it his business to make plays , certainly is much more fulsom and unsavoury in another ; especially if the author be a clergy . -man , as i suppose he is : for of all men in the world it becomes such prospicere honori religionis christianae , and not to render it ridiculous and contemptible , by raillery and scurrilous jeasting . and yet i do not find in all ben. johnson's alchymist one half of those ridiculous and unseemly repetitions of scripture phrases and expressions , as well as mimical imitations and disdainful mockings of those persons , and that party whom he designs to disparage : scarce a page but some unhandsom mention of the spirit , and christ and grace , and saints , and some scripture expressions : and if it shall be said that he doth it but only in exprobration of such persons as abused or misapplyed such expressions , and it is not with intent to reproach the scripture or those phrases that are desumed from it , but to shew the boldness and mistakes of them that have misapplied or abused them . i answer , that these misapplications and inconsiderate uses of scripture-phrases by them , though it be justly reprovable , yet it is far more intollerable in him . though their mistakes were weak and foolish , yet they were serious in those very mistakes ; but this man industriously and designedly makes the expression ridiculous and contemptible . 2. their abuses of scriptures and scripture-phrases will not at all justifie the like in him , though in another kind , and to another end ; he might have learned to have avoided the folly and inconsiderateness of the others , and not have multitiplied it in himself by a worse method of abuse . certainly , who ever he was that made these conferences , i dare say he hath no such pattern of writing from the apostles or fathers . the nearest copy that i know of it , is the a — and though he seems a man of wit and learning , and possibly would be some body in the world , i dare say they that cherish him in the main of his design are ashamed of his scurrility , and wish it had been spared , and so perchance may he be when more years have better consideration . the mischiefs that come by this manner of writing are very great and many . 1. it makes differences irreconcilable . when differences civil or ecclesiastical in judgment or practice happen , gentleness , softness , mildness , and personal respectfulness quiet the passions and spirits of the adverse party , gain upon him , get within him ; and when the person is thus won , and over-matched with sweetness and kindness , and personal jealousies and prejudices removed , perswasions and arguments grow prevalent , come with their full weight , are entertained calmly , and considerately , and insensibly gain grounds even upon the judgment : but i yet knew any man converted by an angry , passionate , railing adversary , for such kind of behaviour presently raiseth in the adversary the like passions and prejudice , and makes the distance greater ; and the passions being ingaged in the quarrel , the judgments of both sides are lost , or blinded , or silenced with the dust and noise of passionate digladiations ; and indeed considering how apparently and evidently such kind of dealing between dissenters renders composures almost impossible ; and yet observing how much this course of reviling , and opprobrious , and unmanly as well as unchristian language , is in practise , i thought that it hath been a real design to render each party odious and irreconcilable to the other , and the hopes of composure desperate : for who can ever expect that any man , or any sort of men , should be drawn over to that party that shall publickly stile him brain-sick , a fool , silly , hypocrite , fanatique , and a hundred such scornful appellations ; or that men will be easily drawn to relinquish those opinions or perswasions when they must thereby in effect subscribe to such epithetes and appellations before all the world ; and of all things in the world men can with the least patience bear reflection upon their intellectuals , and are most irreconcilable to them that traduce or abuse them therein . 2. it greatly disadvantageth the cause , as well as the persons of those that use this method amongst sober indifferent observers , who will be ready to conclude them a parcel of people transported by passions , weak , and prejudicated ; and look upon such a cause as is maintained by railing , scoffing , raillery , and unproved calumnies , as weak , and standing in need of such rudenesses to support and maintain it . 3. it exposeth religion it self to the derision of atheists , and confirms them in their atheisms , and gains them too many proselytes ; and that principally upon these reasons , 1. because they find that clergy-men do tell them in the pulpits , that christ himself and his appostles condemned railing , scandalous appellation , as raca , and fool , evil-speaking , foolish-jeasting , mocking , reviling ; this they tell men , and they tell them truly , and yet these very men that call themselves ministers of christ , messengers of the gospel of peace , take that admirable liberty of reproaching , scoffing , and deriding one another in their publick pamphlets and discourses , that can scarce be exampled among the most invective ranks of persons , whose trade it is to be satyrical , and render people ridiculous : nay so far hath this excellent manage prevail'd among clergy-men , that their scoffs and reproaches are not levelled at the persons , or personal defects of dissenters , but rather than want supports for their party , will have ugly flings at religion it self , at scripture expressions ; and when men see such a course of practice among the preachers and clergy-men , they are ready to conclude , that surely they believe not themselves what they preach to others ; therefore think they have a fair pretence not to believe them . 2. but principally these great animosities and transports of dissenting clergy-men , confirms and promotes atheisme , upon this account , that the things about which this wonderful hate is strucken between these parties , are such as both parties agree to be none of the fundamentals of the religion professed by both , but accessaries and accessions , and such indeed as by-standers think are of very small moment , and yet when men see so much heat and passion , so much fervour and contention , such reproaches and revilings , such exasperations of authority on either party , such mutual prosecutions one of another , that more could not possibly be done between dissenters in those points which both agree to be fundamental , atheistical spirits are apt to conclude , that probably those points , that both sides supposed to be of greater moment , are ejusdem farinoe , with those in contest , since they are not , nor cannot be prosecuted with greater fervour , than these which all men take to be small and inconsiderable , and that it is interest , vain-glory , and applause , or some other temporal concern , that gives this fervour and zeal in matters of religion , more than the true concerns of it self . the conclusion therefore is , that men for their own sakes , and for the sake and honour of the christian religion , would use more temperance , prudence , and moderation , in contests about circumstantials . sir. francis bacon lord verulam , viscount st. albans and lord chancellor after , in his advertisement of the controversies , of the church of england , pag. 138. of his works . the wrongs of them who are possessed of the government of the church , towards the other , may hardly be dissembled , or excused : they have charged them as tho' they denyed tribute to coesar , and withdrew from the civil magistrate , the obedience which they have ever performed and taught . i have oft transcribed bishop andrews confident assertion of the loyalty of those then called puritans , against the papists accusation , in his tortura torti . they have sorted and coupled them with the family of love , whose heresie they have labour'd to destroy and confute . they have been swift of credit to receive accusations against them , from those that have quarrelled with them , but for speaking against sin and vice. their accusations and inquisitions have been strict , swearing men to blanks and generalities , not included within compass of matter certain ; which the party which is to take the oath , may comprehend to be a thing captious and streinable . their urging subscription to their own articles , is but lacessere & irritare morbos ecclesiae ; which otherwise would spend themselves : non consensum quoerit sed dissidium , qui quod factis proestatur , in verbis exigit . he seeketh not unity but division , who exacteth that in words , which we are content to yield in action . and it is true , that there are some , who ( i am perswaded ) will not easily offend by inconformity , who notwithstanding make some conscience to subscribe : for they know this note of inconstancy and defection from what they have long held , shall dissable them to do that good , which otherwise they might do . for such is the weakness of many , that their ministry should be thereby discredited * . as for their easie silencing them in so great scarcity of preachers , it is to punish the people , and not them. ought they not ( i mean the bishops ) to keep one eye open , to look upon the good that the men do , but to fix them both upon the hurt that they suppose cometh by them ? indeed such as are intemperate and incorrigible , god forbid they should be permitted to preach : but shall every inconsiderate word , somtimes captiously watched , and for the most part hardly enforced , be as a forfeiture of their voice and gift in preaching ? as for sundry particular molestations , i take no pleasure to recite them . if a minister shall be troubled for saying in baptisme ( do you believe ) for ( dost thou believe ) if another shall be call'd in question , for praying for her majesty , without the additions of her stile . whereas the very form of prayer in the common-prayer-book hath ( thy servant elizabeth ) and no more : if a third shall be accused on these words uttered touching the controversies , tollatur lex ut fiat certamen , ( whereby was meant that the prejudice of the law removed , eithers reasons should be equally compared ) of calling the people to sedition and mutiny , as if he had said , away with the law , and try it out with force ; if these and other like particulars be true , which i have but by rumor , and cannot affirm ; it is to be lamented that they should labour among us with so little comfort — the wrath of man worketh not the righteousness of god. thus far this conformable learned lawyer . the said lord verulam in his considerations for the better pacification and edification of the church of england , pag. 180. &c. of his works . he first answers the objection that [ it is against good policie to innovate any thing in church-matters : and praising the church , addeth , pag. 182. but for the discipline and orders of the church ; as many , and the chief of them , are holy and good ; so yet if saint john were to indite an epistle to the church of england , as he did to them of asia , it would sure have the clause , habeo adversus te pauca . and he saith , pag. 183. that there should be one form of discipline in all churches , and that imposed by necessity of a commandment and prescript out of the word of god ; it is a matter volumes have been compiled of , and therefore cannot receive a brief redargution ; i for my part do confess that in revolving the scriptures , i could never find any such thing ; but that god had left the like liberty to the church government , to be varied according to the time , and place , and accidents ; which nevertheless his high and divine providence doth order and dispose . for all civil governments are restrained from god , unto the general grounds of justice and manners . but the policies and forms of them are left free ; so that monarchies and kingdoms , senates and seigniories , popular states and communalties , are lawful ; and where they are planted ought to be maintained inviolate . so likewise in church matters , the substance of doctrine is immutable : and so are the general rules of government : but for rites and ceremonies , and for the particular hierarchies , policies , and discipline of churches , they be left at large . and therefore it is good that we return to the ancient bounds of unity in the church of god : which was , one faith , one baptism ; and not one hierarchy , one discipline : and that we observe the league of christians as it is penned by our saviour ; which is , in substance of doctrine this , [ he that is not withus is against us . ] but in things indifferent and of circumstance , this [ he that is not against us is with us . ] in these things , so as the general rule be observed , [ that christs flock be fed : that there be a succession in bishops and ministers , which are the prophets of the new testament ; that there be a due and reverent use of the power of the keyes ; that those that preach the gospel , live of the gospel ; that all things tend to edification ; that all things be done in order , and with decency , and the like , ] the rest is left to holy wisdom , and spiritual discretion of the master-builder , and inferior builders in christs church . as it is excellently alluded by that father that noted that christs garment was without seam ; and yet the churches garment was of divers colours : and setsdown as a rule : in veste varietas sit ; scissura non sit . pag. 134. for the government of bishops , i for my part , not prejudging the presidents of other reformed churches , do hold it warranted by the word of god , and by the practice of the ancient church in the better times ; and much more convenient for kingdoms than parity of ministers , and government by synods . but there be two circumstances in the administration of bishops , wherein i confess i could never be satisfyed : the one , the sole exercise of their authority : the other , the deputation of their authority . for the first , the bishop giveth orders-alone , excommunicateth alone , judgeth alone : this seemeth to be a thing almost without example in good government , and therefore not unlikely to have crept in in the degenerate and corrupt time : we see the greatest kings and monarchs have their councils : there is no temporal court in england of the higher sort , where the authority doth rest in one person . the kings-bench , the common-pleas , and the exchequer , are benches of a certain number of judges . the chancellor of england , hath the assistance of twelve masters of the chancery . &c. the like is to be found in all well-govern'd commonwealths abroad , where the jurisdiction is more dispersed : as in the court of parliament of france , and in other places . no man will deny , but the acts that passe the bishops jurisdiction , are of as great importance as those that pass the civil courts : for mens souls are more precious than their bodies or goods : and so are their good-names : bishops have their infirmities ; and have no exception from that general malediction , pronounced against all men living : voe soli , nam si occident , &c. nay we see that the first warrant in spiritual causes is directed to a number , dic ecclesioe , which is not so in temporal matters , ab initio non fuit sic . for the second point , which is the deputation of their authority , i see no perfect nor sure ground for that neither . being somewhat different from the examples and rules of government . the bishop exerciseth his jurisdiction by his chancellour and commissary , official , &c. we see in all laws in the world , offices of confidence and skill cannot , be put over and exercised by deputy , except it be specially contained in the original grant. and in that case it is dutiful . and for experience , there was never any chancellour of england made a deputy : there was never any judge in any court made a deputy : the bishop is a judge , and of a high nature : whence cometh it that he should depute ? considering that all trust and confidence is personal and inherent ; and cannot , nor ought not be transposed . surely in this again ab initio non fuit fic . but it is probable , that bishops when they gave themselves too much to the glory of the world , and became grandees in kingdoms , and great counsellours to princes , then did they delegate their proper jurisdictions , as things of too inferior nature for their greatness ; and then after the similitude of kings and count palatines , they would have their chancellours and judges . but the example of kings and potentates giveth no good defence : for the reason why kings administer by their judges , tho' themselves are supream judges , are two : the one , because the offices of kings are for the most part of inheritance . and it is a rule in all laws , that offices of inheritance , are rather matters that ground in interest than in confidence , for as much as they may fall upon women , upon infants , upon lunaticks and idiots , persons uncapable to execute judicature in person . and therefore such offices , by all laws , might ever be exercised and administred by delegation . the second reason is , because of the amplitude of their jurisdictions , &c. there is a third reason , tho' not much to the present purpose , that kings , either in respect of the common-wealth , or of the greatness of their own patrimonies , are usually parties in suites : and then their judges stand indifferent between them and their subjects . but in the case of bishops none of these reasons hold : for first , their office elective and for life , and not patrimonial or hereditary : an office meerly of confidence , science , and qualification , &c. see the rest . page . 185 , 186. the cap and surplice since they be things in their nature indifferent , and yet by some held superstitious , and that the question is between science and conscience , it seemeth to fall within the compass of the apostles rule , which is , that the stronger do descend and yield to the weaker , &c. [ lege coetera ] the rather because the silencing of ministers on this occasion , is in this scarcity of good preachers , a punishment that lighteth on the people , as well as on the party . and for the subscription , it seemeth to me in the nature of a confession , and therefore more proper to bind in the unity of faith , and to be urged rather for articles of doctrine , than for rites and ceremonies , and points of outward government . for howsoever publick considerations and reasons of state may require uniformity , yet christian and divine grounds look chiefly upon unity . see what he saith pag. 191. for a. bishop grindals way of lectures to young ministers , to teach them to preach well . and p. 192 of the abuse of excommunication . an animadversion of the transcriber . qu. why was this great man so much against bishops deputing their proper work to chancellours , commissaries , officials ? &c. ans. it 's easie to conjecture , i. tho' he thought the accidental modes of church-government mutable and humane , yet most christians with him judge , that the essentials of church office are of divine institution , and therefore fixed on the proper officers : and that no lay-man may by deputation administer sacraments , or the church keyes . ii. and so he would not have lay-men and the clergie confounded , as if there were nothing proper to the pastoral office , lest it teach the laity sacrilegious usurpation . the office is nothing but a conjunction of obligation and authority to do the works : and if a lay-man have these two , he is a bishop . iii. the very confounding of the bishops office and the presbyters , seemeth so ill to many , that they think even a presbyter ( archdeacon or chancellor ) may not be deputed to the work of the bishop , because that maketh him a bishop , much less may a lay-man . iv. many would not have the king or civil magistrate made properly a bishop , and so the offices confounded : but say they , if commissioning another to judge by the keyes , or to administer sacraments , be proper to a bishop , then kings and magistrates are bishops ; for they may send and commission other men to do all this . v. the bishops personal doing of all his own proper office-works , would answer almost all that the moderate nonconformists desire in church government : for then , 1. the keyes we hope would be used in a sacred serious manner , with due admonition , instruction , exhortation , prayer , &c. which might melt a sinner into repentance . 2. and then experience would fully satisfie the diocesans that they must needs have bishops under them , or besides them , at least in every great town , with the adjoining parishes : for by that time they had duely confirmed all before communicating , and had examined , exhorted , and judged the many hundred scandalous persons that in a diocess would be presented , i 'le warrant you they would be glad of the help of many : and though perhaps church-wardens would not present all that come not to church , in the parishes where many score thousands keep away for want of room , or on that pretence ; yet good ministers would present more than now they do , when they saw it would tend to a sacred use of the keyes , and mens repentance . bucer's desire of parish discipline , would be sure more performed , which would end most church controversies . vi. and this would bring in many nonconformists , who now stand out , because they dare not make a covenant , an oath , never in their places to endeavour any alteration of church government , because they think lay chancellours use of the keyes decretively unlawful . and dare not swear obedience to such ordinances ; nor yet own the omission of discipline which the paucity of bishops unavoidably inferreth , while a diocess hath but one . ( experience would certainly cure that ) . vii . and it moveth some , that we yet meet with few bishops that will defend lay chancellours decretive use of the keyes ; but seem to wish it were reformed . viii . and the chancellours and civilians have little reason to be offended with my lord verulam , and such men : for he would allow them the probate of wills , and matrimonial cases , and all that belongeth to an official magistrate , that hath his office from the king. and no doubt would consent that they have a moderate power by mulcts to constrain men to submit to their courts , instead of the use of excommunications and absolutions , they say this is otherwise in scotland now . and yet they are sworn not to endeavour any alteration of church government . and i hope none will be angry with this learned great man , for the blame which he layeth on the bishops usage of the non-conformists ; even before the present canons were made . since , 1. his letters shew him to have been a man extraordinarily humbling himself both to the queen and to the bishops . 2. and the most approved historians tell us , to our great grief , that such things have been no wonders and rarities , these thirteen hundred years . it is holy and credible men that tell us , how st. martin , notwithstanding all his miracles and holiness , was used by the synods of bishops in his time , for being so strict of life , and so much against the using of the sword against the priscilian gnostick hereticks . and it is as holy and credible men that tell us how st. theophilus alexander , a patriarch , envyed and used his superior patriarch , holy chrysostome , and even long studied his ruine : and how another called st. epiphanius , seditiously came out of cyprus , and affronted him at constantinople , in his own church , requiring him irregularly before all the people , to curse origen or his writings ; as if the bishop of the isle of man should come and magisterially impose this on the bishop of london or canterbury , in the congregation where he preach'd . they tell us how readily the synods of bishops condemned chrysostome , because the emperour and empress were against him : and if so excellent and holy a man , whose language and life excelled them all , could not escape condemnation twice over , and that in the age of the church which is predicated for the very best and happiest that ever was since the days of christ ; if the primacy among all the four eastern patriarchs , and his own rare parts , and holiness and innocency , could not secure him from ejection and banishment from a famous christian emperour , and the convocations of bishops that envyed his holiness and parts ; if when he was banished , his stable constant flock , that would not renounce him , were made conventiclers , and named joannits , as a note of schifmatical separatists , while those that turned to the next possessour were called the church . if another saint of greatest learning , name and power , resisted the very restoring of his name when he was dead , saying the canons were not to be broken to satisfie the schismatical joannits , whom nothing will satisfie , and that it would discourage the conformists ; i mean st. cyril of alexandria ; why should it be thought that men far inferiour to chrysostome , that live not in so pure an age , should by the clergie stream and power , be much like esteemed , and partly used . and if in those ages of the churches greatest excellency ( the 4 th . and 5 th . centuries ) the great patriarchs themselves of alexandria , antioch , constantinople , &c. who are supposed by some to be the pillars of the church for government and unity , did live almost in continual conflict , cursing , or casting out each other as hereticks , or schismaticks , and oft fighting it out in christian blood , ( to say nothing of the following worser ages ) what wonder , if still the old causes succeeding produce many of the old effects : which a man that was thought wise enough to be the lord chancellour of england , and the famous restorer of learning , might be allowed gently to touch , while the clergy themselves openly and greatly prefer those ages , and the theophilus's , epiphanius's , and cyrils , and episcopal synods thereof , before our own , and before themselves . let us hear what one more excellent person , and no fanatick or schismatick saith . dr. isaack barrow ( a man , if ever this age had any , that delivered digested truth in clear expressions ) vol. 2. p. 34. whoever indeed will consider the nature of man , or will consult obvious experience , shall find that in practical matters , our will or appetite hath a mighty influence on our judgment of things , causing men with great attention to regard that which they affect , and carefully to mark all reasons making for it ; but averting from that which they dislike , and making them to overlook the arguments which perswade it : whence men generally do suit their opinions to their inclinations ; warping to that side where their interest doth lye ; or to which their complexions , their humor , their passions , their pleasure , their ease doth sway them ; so that almost any notion will seem true , which is profitable , which is safe , which is pleasant , or any way grateful to them ; and that notion false , which in any such respect doth cross them . very few can abstract their minds from such considerations , or embrace pure truth divested of them . and those few who do so , must therein most employ their will , by strong effects of voluntary resolution , and patience , and disengaging their minds from those clogs and byasses . this is particularly notorious in mens adhering to parties , divided in opinion , which is so regulated by that sort of causes , that if you do mark what any mans temper is , and where his interest lyeth , you may easily prognosticate on what side he will be ; and with what degree of seriousness , of vigour , of zeal , he will cleave thereto . a timerous man you may be almost sure will be on the safer side : a covetous man will bend to that party where gain is to be had . an ambitious man will close with the opinion passing in court. a careless man will comply with the fashion : affection arising from education or prejudice will hold others stiff . few follow the results of impartial contemplation . and pag. 483. there is one lawgiver who can save and destroy : who art thou that judgest another ? that is , how intollerably rash , unjust and arrogant art thou , who settest thy self on gods tribunal , and thence dost adventure to pronounce doom upon his people ? did we well consider gods judgment , we should rather think it adviseable to be mindful of our own case , than to pass sentence on that of others : observing how lyable our selves are , we should scarce have a heart to carp at others ; finding what great need our actions will then have of a favourable interpretation , we should sure be more candid and mild in censuring other mens actions : specially considering , that by harsh judgment of others , we make our own case worse , and inflame our reckoning : we directly thence incur guilt , we aggravate our own offences , and render our selves unexcusable ; we expose our selves on that score to condemnation . see mat. 7. 2. luk. 6. 37. rom. 2. 2 , 3. jam. 5. 9. his two sermons on ro. 12. 18. well practised , would heal england's divisions . such also is his sermon of love to our neighbour , that against slander , and that against detraction : but that which i cite him for , is the very same description of religion which judge hale giveth . serm. 1. p. 10. the principal advantage of wisdom , is its acquainting us with the nature and reason of true religion , and affording convictive arguments to perswade the practice of it : which is accompanied with the purest delight , and attended with the most solid content imaginanable : i say , the nature of religion , wherein it consists , and what it requires : the mistake of which produceth daily so many mischiefs and inconveniences in the world , and exposeth so good a name to so much reproach . it sheweth it consisteth not in fair professions and glorious pretences , but in real practice ; not in a pertinacious adherence to any sect , or party , but in a sincere love of goodness , and dislike of naughtiness wherever discovering it self ; not in vain ostentations and flourishes of outward performance , but in an inward good complexion of mind , exerting it self in works of true devotion and charity , not in a nice orthodoxie , or politick subjection of our judgments to the peremptory dictates of men ; but in a sincere love of truth , and hearty approbation and compliance with the doctrines fundamentally good and necessary to be believed : not in harsh censuring and virulently inveighing against others , but in careful amending our own ways : not in a peevish crossness and obstinate repugnancy to received laws and customs ; but in a quiet and peaceable submission to the express laws of god , and lawful commands of men : not in a furious zeal for or against trivial circumstances , but in a conscionable practising the substantial parts of religion : not in a frequent talking , or contentious disputing about it ; but in a ready observance of the unquestionable rules and precepts of it . in a word , true religion consists in nothing else , but doing what becomes our relation to god , in a conformity or similitude to his nature , and in a willing obedience to his holy will , to which by potent incentives it allures and perswades us , by representing to us his transcendent glorious attributes — &c. see the rest , too long to be transcribed . if you say , a papist will own all this . i answer , 1. so much the better : we will not feign a new christianity to differ from papists . 2. but do they not own too much more ? how then come they to fill the world with blood and division , for the sake of their numerous humane additionals ? i know no man that hath more fully confuted that sect than he hath done in his treatise of supremacy and church vnity : and saith the publisher of his life , [ he understood popery both at home and abroad . he had narrowly observed it militant in england , triumphant in italy , disguised in france ; and had earlier apprehensions of the approaching danger , and would have appeared with the forwardest in a needful time . whoever will truly confute his treatise of the popes supremacy , and that of the vnity of the church , against the supremacy and foreign jurisdiction of councils called general , i here promise him shall make me a papist ( of the italian or the galliance sort accordingly ) if he will do it before i die , and am disabled from reading and considering it . but i doubt not but the papists will rather study to bury it in silence , ( while they do their works by other means than reasoning ) lest the notice of a confutation should occasion more to read it : and then , especially if all men in power should read it , their cause with such is utterly undone . saith dr. tillotson in his preface to it , [ i dare say that whoever shall carefully peruse this treatise , will find that this point of the popes supremacy ( on which bellarmine hath the confidence to say , the whole of christianity depends ) is not only an indefensible , but an impudent cause , as ever was undertaken by learned pens : and nothing could have kept it so long from becoming ridiculous in the judgment of mankind , but its being so strongly supported by a worldly interest : for there is not one tolerable argument for it , and there are a thousand invincible reasons against it . if these three testimonies of the most learned , wise , and impartial conformists , that these ( or many ) ages have bred , be all born down by interest and supercilious confidence , and a flood of words ( which may all be used for the worst cause in the world ) the lord be judge , and justifie his truth , and that wisdom from above , jam. 3. 17. which is justified of her children . when satan hath done his worst , blessed are the peace-makers ; for they shall be called the children of god. mat. 5. 9. finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a44196-e9500 * i never met with any that have forborn subscription on no greater reason than this . a collection of apophthegms, new and old by francis bacon, baron of verulum, viscount st. alban. bacon, francis, 1561-1626. 1674 approx. 125 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 49 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a28082 wing b278 estc r25903 09288068 ocm 09288068 42605 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a28082) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 42605) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1299:34) a collection of apophthegms, new and old by francis bacon, baron of verulum, viscount st. alban. bacon, francis, 1561-1626. [2], 92 p. printed for andrew crooke, london : 1674. tightly bound, with some loss of print. reproduction of original in the trinity college library, cambridge. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng aphorisms and apothegms -17th century. 2002-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-12 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-01 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2003-01 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a collection of apophthegms , new and old. by the right honorable francis bacon , baron of verulum , viscount st. alban . london , printed for andrew crooke , and are to be sold at the green dragon without temple bar. 1674. his lordships preface . julius caesar did write a collection of apophthegms , as appears in an epistle of cicero ; so did macrobius a consular man. i need say no more , for the worth of a writing of that nature . it is pitty caesars book is lost : for i imagin ●bcy were collected with iudgment and choice : whereas that of plutarch and stoboeus ; and much more the modern ones , draw much of the drogs . certainly they are of excellent use . they are mucrones verborum , pointed speeches . the words of the wife are as goads , saith solomon . cicero prettily calleth them salinas , salt-pits , that you may extract salt out of , and sprinkle it where you will. they serve to be interlaced in continued speech . they serve to be recited upon occasion of themselves . they serve if you take out the kernel of them , and make them your own . i have for my recreation amongst more serious studies collected some few of them : therein fanning the old , not omiting any , because they are vulgar , ( for man● vulgar ones are excellent good ; norr for the meanness of the person ; but because they are dull and flat ; and adding many new that otherwise would have died . a collection of apophthegms , new and old. queenelizabeth , the marrow of her coronation , ( it being the custom to release prisoners at the inauguration of a prince , ) went to the chappel ; and in the great chamber , one of her courtiers , who was well known to her , either out of his own motion , or by the instigation of a wiser man , presented her with a petition , and before a great number of courtiers , besought her with a loud voice ; that now this good time , there might be four or five principal prisoners more released ; those were the four evangelists , and the apostle st. paul , who had been long shut up in an unknown tongue , as it were in prison ; so as they could not converse with the common people . the queen answered very gravely , that it was best first to enquire of them , whether they would be released or no. 2. queen ann bvllen , at the time when she was led to be beheaded in the tower , called one of the kings privy chamber to her , and said unto him , commend me to the king , and tell him , that he hath been ever constant in his conrse of advancing me ; from a private gentlewoman he made me a marchioness ; and from a marchioness a queen ; and now that he bath left no higher degree of earthly honour , he intends to crown my innocency with the glory of martyrdom . 3. his majesty iames the first , king of great britain , having made unto his parliament an excellent and large declaration , con●luded thus ; i have now given you a clear mirrour of my mind ; vse it therefore like a mirrour , and take heed how you let it fall , or how you soyle it with your breath . 4. a great officer in france was in danger to have lost his place , but his wife ●y her suit and means making , made his ●eace ; whereupon a pleasant fellow said , that he had been crush'd but that he saved himself upon his horns . 5. his majesty said to his parliament at another time , finding there were some causeless iealousies sown amongst them ; that the king and his people , ( whereof the parliament is the representative body , ) were as husband and wife ; and therefore that of all other things , iealousie was betwen them , most pernicious . 6. his majesty , when he thought his counsel might note in him some variety in businesses , though indeed he remained constant , would say ; that the sun many times shineth watery ; but it is not the sun which causeth it , but some cloud rising betwixt us and the sun ; and when that is scattered , the sun is as it was , and comes to its former brightness . 7. his majesty in his answer to the book of the cardinal of evereux ( who had in a grave argument of divinity , sprinkled many witty ornaments of poesy and humanity ) saith , that these flowers were like blew & yellow , and red flowers in the corn , which make a pleasant shew to those that look on , but they hurt the cor●● 8. sir edward cook being vehemen●● against the two provincial counsels o● wales , and the north , said to the king●● there was nothing there , but a kind of con●●● fusion , and hotch potch of iustice : on while they were a star-chamber ; ano●he● while a kings-bench ; another , a common-place ; another , a commission of oye● and terminer . his majesty answered ; why , sir edward cook ? they be lik●● houses in progress , where i have not , nor can have , such distinct rooms of state , a● i have here at white-hall , or at hampton court. 9. the commissioners of the treasure , ●● moved the king for the relief of his estate , to disafforess some fo●ests of his , explaining themselves of such ●orests as● lay out of the way , not neer any of the kings houses , nor in the course of his progress , whereof he should never have use nor pleasure . why , ( saith the king ) do you think that solomon had use and pleasure of all his 300 concubines ? 10. his majesty , when the committees of both houses of parliament presented unto him the instrument of vnion of england and scotland , was merry with them ; and amongst other pleasant speeches shewed unto them the laird of a wreston a scotchman , who was the ●allest and greatest man that was to ●●seen , and said ; well , now we are all 〈◊〉 , yet none of you will say , but here is one ●●othman greater than any english man , ●●ich was an ambiguous speech ; but it 〈◊〉 thought he meant it of himself . 11. his majesty would say to the ●ords of his counsel when they sate upon great matter , and came from counsel to him , well , you have set , but what ●ve you hatcht ? 12. when the arch-duke did raise his ●ege from the grave , the then secretary ●me ro queen elizabeth ; the queen having first intelligence thereof ) said 〈◊〉 the secretary , wote you what ? the ●rch-duke is risen from the grave : he ●●swered ; what , without the trumpet of ●e arch-angel ? the queen replyed yes , ●ithout the sound of trumpet . 13. queen elizabeth was importuned ●uch by my lord of essex ▪ to supply di●rs great offices , that had been long ●●id : the queen answered nothing to ●e matter ; but rose up on the sudden , ●d said ; i am sure my office will not be●●●g void . and yet at that time , the e as much speech of troubles , and divisions about the crown , to be after her de●●●ease : but they all vanished ; and kin● iames came in , in a profund peace . 14. the counsel did make remonstranc● unto queen elizabeth , of the continua● conspiracies against her life ; and namely that a man was lately taken , who stoo● ready in a very dangerous and suspicio●● manner to do the deed ; and they shew●ed her the weapon , wherewith he though● to have acted it . and therefore they ad●vised her , that she should go less abroa● to take the air , weakly attended , as sh●● used . but the qveen answered ; th● she had rather be dead , then put in custody . 15. the lady paget , that was very pr●●vate with queen elizabeth , declared he●●self much against the match with mo●●sieur . after monsieurs death , the quee● took extream grief , ( at least as she mad● shew ) and kept in within her bed-cha●●ber , and one ante-chamber for thr●● weeks space , in token of mourning : a●●last she came forth into her privi-cha●●ber , and admitted her ladies to have a●● eess unto her ; and amongst the rest , 〈◊〉 lady paget presented her self , and ca●● to her with a smiling countenance . t●● queen bent her brows , and seemed to 〈◊〉 highly displeased , and said to her ; m●●am , you are not ignorant of my extream ●rief , and do you come to me with a coun●nance of ioy ? my lady paget answered ; ●las if it please your majesty , it is impossi●le for me to be absent from you three weeks ●ut that when i see you , i must look chear●●ully . no no , ( said the queen , not for●etting her former averseness to the match ) you have some other conceit in i● , ●ell me plainly my lady answered ▪ i ●ust obey you ; it is this . i was thinking ●ow happy your majesty was , you married ●ot monsieur ; for seeing you take such ●hought for his death , being but your friend ; if he had been your husband sure it would ●ave cost you your life . 16. henry the 4th of france his queen was young with child ; count soisons , that had his expectation upon the crown , when it was twice or thrice thought that the queen was with child before , said to some of his friends ; that it was a but with 〈◊〉 pillow ; this had some ways come to the kings ear ; who kept it till such time as the queen waxed great : then he called the count of soisons to him , and said ; laying his hand upon the queens belly ; come cousin , is this a pillow ? the count of soisons answered ; yes sir , 〈◊〉 is a pillow for all france to sleep upon . 17. king henry the 4th of france , was so punctual of his word , after it was once passed , that they called him , the king of the faith. 18. the said king henry the 4th was moved by his parliament to war against the protestants : he answered ; yes , i mean it : i will make every one of you captains ; you shall have companies assigned you . the parliament observing whereunto his speech tended , gave over and deserted his motion . 19. queen elizabeth was wont to say , upon the commission of sales ; that the commissioners used her like strawberry-wives that layed two or three great strawberries at the mouth of their pot , and all the rest were little ones ; so they made her two or three good prises of the first particulars , but fell straight ways . 20. queen elizabeth used to say of her instructions , to great officers ; that they were like to garments , streight at the first putting on , but did by and by wear loose enough . 21. a great officer at court , when my lord of essex was first in trouble ; and that he , and those that dealt for him , would talk much of my lords friends ; and of his enemies , answered to one of them ; i will tell you , i know but one friend , and one enemy my lord hath ; and that one friend is the queen , and that one enemy is himself . 22. the book of deposing king richard the second , and the coming in of henry the 4th , supposed to be written by doctor hayward , who was committed to the tower for it , had much incensed queen elizabeth ; and she asked mr. bacon , being then of her counsel learned , whether there were any treason contained in it ? who intending to do him a pleasure , and to take of the queens bitterness with a merry concelt , answered ; no madam , for treason , i cannot deliver opinion , that there was any , but very much felony : the queen apprehending it gladly , asked , how ? and wherein ? mr. bacon answered ; because he had stolen many of his sentences and conceits out of cornelius tacitus . 23. queen elizabeth being to resolve upon a great officer , and being by some , that canvased for others , put in some doubt of that person , whom she meant to advance , called for mr. bacon ; and told him , she was like one , with a lanthorn , seeking a man ; and seemed unsatisfied in the choice she had of a man for that place . mr. bacon answered her , that he had heard that in old time , there was usually painted in the church walls , the day of doom , and god sitting in iudgment , and saint michael by him , with a pair of ballan●es ; and the soul , and the good deeds in the one ballance , and the faults , and the evil deeds in the other ; and the souls ballance went up far too light : then was our lady painted with a great pair of bends ; who cast them into the light ballance , and brought down the skale : so he said ; place and authority , which were in her majesties hands to give , were like our ladies beads , which though men , through any imperfections , were too light before , yet when they were cast in , made weight competent . 24. queen elizabeth was dilatory enough in suits , of her own nature ; and the lord treasurer burleigh being a wife man , and willing therein to feed her humour , would say to her ; madam , you do well to l●t suitors stay ; for i shall tell you , bis dat , qui cito dat ; if you grant them speedily , they will come again the sooner . 25. sir nicholas bacon , who was keeper of the great seal of england , when queen elizabeth , in her pr●gress , came to his house at gorhambury ; and said to him ; my lord , what a little house have you gotten ? answered her ; madam , my house is well , but it is you that have made me too great for my house . 26. there was a conference in parliament , betweeen the lords house , and the house of commons , about a bill of accountants , which came down from the lords to the commons ; which bill prayed ; that the lands of accountants , whereof they were seized , when they entred upon their office , might be liable to their arrears to the queen . but the commons desired , that the bill might not look back to the accountants that were already , but extend only to accountants heareafter . but the lord treasurer said ; why , i pray yru , if you had lost your purse by the way , would you look forwards , or would you look back ? the queen hath lost her purse . 27. the lord keeper , sir nicholas bacon was asked his opinion by my lord of leicester , concerning two persons whom the queen seemed to think well of : by my troth my lord ( said he ) the one is a grave counsellor ; the other is a proper young man ; and so he will be as long as he lives . 28. my lord of leicester , favourite to queen elizabeth , was making a large chace about cornbury park ; meaning to enclose it with posts aud rails ; and one day was casting up his charge what it would come to . mr. goldingham , a free-spoken man , stood by , and said to my lord ; methinks your lordship goeth not the cheapest way to work . why , goldingham , laid my lord ? marry my lord , said goldingham ; count you but upon the posts , for the country will find you railing . 29. the lord keeper , sir nicholas bacon , was asked his opinion by queen elizabeth , of one of these monopoly licenses : and he answered ; madam will you have me speak the t●uth ? licentiâ omnes deteriores sumus : we are all the worse for licenses . 30. my lord of essex , at the succour of rboane , made 24 knights , which at that time was a great number . divers of those gentlemen were of weak and small means ; which when queen elizabeth heard , she said ; my lord might have done well to have built his alms-house , before he made his knights . 31. the deputies of the reformed religion , after the massacre which was at paris upon saint bartholom●ws day , treated with the king and queen mother , and some other of the counsel for a peace . both sides were agreed upon the articles . the question was , upon the security for the performance . after some particulars propounded and rejected , the queen mo●her said , why is not the word of a king sufficient security ? one of the deputies answered ; no by saint bartho omew , madam . 32. there was a french gentleman , speaking with an english of the law sa●ique , that wome● were excluded from inheriting the c●own of france . the english said ; yes , but that was meant of the women themselves , not of such males as claimed by women . the french gen●leman said , where do you find that gloss ? the english answered , i 'le tell you sir , look on the back-side of the record , of the law salique , and there you shall find it endorsed : implying that there was no such thing as the law salique , but that ●t is a meer fiction . 33. a fryar of france , being in an earnest dispute about the law salique , would need prove it by scripture ; citing that verse of the gospel ; lilia agri , non ●aborant , neque nent , the lilies of the field do neither labour nor spin : applying it thus , that the flower de luces of france cannot descend , neither to the dr●●● staff , nor to the spade ; that is , not to 〈◊〉 woman , nor to a peasant . 34. when peace was renewed wit● the french in england , divers of th● great counsellors were presented from th● french with iewels : the lord hen●● howard , being then earl of northamp●on● and a counsellour , was omitted . where● upon the king said to him , my lord , how happens it that you have not a iew●● as well as the rest ? my lord answered● according to the fable in aesope ; no●● sum gallus , itaque non reperi gemman . 35. the same earl of northampton , then lord privy seal , was ask'd by kin● iames , openly at the table , where commonly he entertained the king with discourse ; the king ask'd him upon the sudden ; my lord , have you not a desire●● to see rome ? my lord privy seal answered ; yes indeed sir : the king said , and why ? my lord answered ; because , if it please your majesty , it was the seat of the greatest monarchy , and the s●minar● of the ●ravest men of the world , whilest● was heath●n ? and then secondly , bec●●se● afterwards it was the son of so many holy bishops in the primitive church , most of them martyr . the king would not give ●over , but said ; and for nothing else ? 〈◊〉 lord answered ; yes , if it please your ●ajesty , for two things more : the on● to ●him , who they say hath so great a power forgive other men their sins , to confess own ●ins upon his knees before a chap●in , or priest : and the other to hear anti●●rist say his creed . 36. sir nicholas bacon , being appoint●● a judge for the northern circuit , ●●d having brought his trails that came ●●fore him to such a pass , as the passing 〈◊〉 sentence on malefactors , he was by ●●e of the malefactors mightily impor●ned for to save his life , which when ●othing that he had said did avail , he at● ng●h desired his mercy on the account 〈◊〉 kindred : prethee said my lord judg , ●ow came that in ? why , if it please you 〈◊〉 lord your name is bacon , and 〈◊〉 is hog , and in all ages hog and ba●●n have been so neer kindred , that they ●●e not to be separated . i but ( replyed ●udg bacon ) you and i cannot be kind●●d , except you be●hanged ; for hog is not ●acon until it be well hanged . 37. two scholars and a countrey man ●●avelling upon the road , one night ●●dged all in one inn , and supt together , where the scholars thought to have pu● trick upon the country man , which 〈◊〉 thus ; the schola●s appointed for su●per two pigeons , and a fat capo● which being ready , was brought up , a● they having set down , the one scho●● took up one pigeon , the other scho●● took the other pigeon , thinking there that the country man should have 〈◊〉 still until that they were ready for t●● carving of the capon , which he perce●●ving , took the capon , and laid it on 〈◊〉 trencher , and thus said , daintily co●trived , every one a bird . 38. iack roberts was desired by h●● taylor , when the reckoning grew some● what high , to have a bill of his han● roberts said , i am content , but you mu● let no man know it ; when the tayl●●●●rought him the bill , he tore it as 〈◊〉 choler , and said to him , you use me n●● use me well , you promised me no man shou●● know it , and here you have put in ; be ● known unto all men by these presents . 39. sir walter raleigh was wont 〈◊〉 say of the ladies of queen elizabeths privy chamber , and bed chamber , tha● they were like witches , they could do hurt● but they could do no good . 40. there was a minister deprived fo●● ●●●conformity , who said , to some of his ●●iends , that if they deprived him , it ●●ould cost an hundred mens lives , the ●rty understood it as being a turbulent ●low , he would have move sedition , ●●●d complained of him , whereupon be●●g convented and opp●sed upon that ●eech , he said his meaning was , ●●at if he lost his benefice , he would pract●● physick , and then he thought he should 〈◊〉 an hundred men in time . 41. secretary bourns son kept a gen●●emans wife in shropshire , who lived ●om her husband with him , when he as weary of her , he caused her husband 〈◊〉 be dealt with to take her home , and ●fered him five hundred pounds for re●●ration : the gentleman went to sir 〈◊〉 sidney , to take his advice upon this 〈◊〉 , telling him , that his wife promised 〈◊〉 a new life ; and to tell him truth , 〈◊〉 hundred pounds would come well ●ith him ; and besides that , sometimes ●e wanted a woman in his bed. by my ●roth , said sir henry sidney , take her 〈◊〉 and take the money , then when as 〈◊〉 her cucholds wear their horns plain , you ●ay wear yours guilt . 42. when rablais the great ●ester of ●rance , lay on his death bed , and they gave him the extream unction , a fa●●●● liar friend of his came to him afterwar● and asked him how he did , rablais a●swered , even going my iourny , they 〈◊〉 greased my boots already . 43. mr. bron ley sollicitor , giving evidence for a deed , which was impeac●●ed to be fraudulent , was urged by 〈◊〉 council on the other side with this pr●●sumption , that in two former suits wh●●● title was made , that deed was passed ●●ver in silence , and some other conve●● ance stood upon : mr. iustice catii● taking in with that side , asked the sollic●●tor , i pray thee mr. sollicitor , let me a● you a familiar question , i have two ge●●●dings in my stable ; i have divers tim●● business of importance , and still i ser●●● forth one of my geldings and not the ●●ther , would you not think i set him asid●●● for a jade ? no my lord , said bro●nle● i would think you spared him for your o●● saddl● . 44. thal●s , as he was looking upon t●● stars , fell into the water , whereupon was after said , that if he had looked in●● the water , he might have seen the stars , 〈◊〉 looking up to the stars , he could not 〈◊〉 water . 45. a man and his wife in bed together , she towards morning pretended ●●self to be ill at ease , desiring to lie on●● husbands side , so the good man to ●ease her came over her , making some ●●ort stay in his passage over , where she ●●●d not long lain , but desired to lye in 〈◊〉 old place again : quoth he , how 〈◊〉 that be effected ? she answered , come 〈◊〉 me again : i had rather , said he , go 〈◊〉 and an half about . 46. a thief being arraigned at the 〈◊〉 for stealing a mare , in his pleading 〈◊〉 many things in his own behalf , and last nothing availing , he told the ●●●nch , the mare rather stole him , than the mare , which in brief he thus re●●●ed ; that passing over several grounds out his lawful occasions , he was pursued ●●●se by a fierce mastive dog , and so was ●●●ced to save himself by leaping over a ●edge , which being of an agil body , he ●●●ected ; and in●leaping , a mare stand●●g on the other side of the hedge , leap● on her back , who running furiously ●ay with him , he could not by any ●eans stop her until he came to the next own , in which town the owner of the ●ane lived , and there was he taken , and ●●re arraigned . 47. master mason of trinity colledg , sent his pupil to another of he fello●● to borrow a book of him , who told hi● i am loath to lend my books out of 〈◊〉 chamber , but if it please thy tutor to 〈◊〉 and read upon it in my chamber , he sh●●● as long as he will. it was winter , 〈◊〉 some days after the same fellow sent 〈◊〉 master mason to borrow his bellows , 〈◊〉 master mason said to his pupil , i 〈◊〉 loath to lend my bellows out of my cha●●ber , but if thy tutor would come and 〈◊〉 the fire in my chamber , he shall as long●●●● he will. 48. a notorious rog●e being broug●● to the bar , and knowing his case to●●● desperate , instead of pleading , he took t● himself the liberty of jesting , and thu● said ; i charge you in the kings name , 〈◊〉 seize and take away that man ( meanin● the judge ) in the red gown , for i g● in danger of my life because of him . 49. in flanders by accident , a flemis● tiler fell from the top of a house upon 〈◊〉 spaniard , and killed him , though he escaped himself , the next of the bloud pro●●secuted his death with great violence and when he was offered pecuniary re● compence , nothing would serve him , bu●● lex tulionis : whereupon the judge sai● to him , that if he did urg● that sentence 〈◊〉 must be , that he should go up to the top of 〈◊〉 house , and then f●ll down upon the ●iler . 50. a rough hewn seaman , being ●ught before a wife just-ass , for some ●isdemeanor , was by him commi●ted to ●rison , and being somewhat refractory , ●●ter he heard his doom , insomuch as he ●ould not stir a foot from the place he ●ood , saying , it were better to stand where 〈◊〉 was , than go to a worse place . the ●ustice thereupon , to shew the strength 〈◊〉 his learning , took him by the shoul●er , and said , thoushalt go nogus vogus , ●stead of nolens volens . 51. francis the first of france , used ●r his pleasure sometimes to go disguised : ●●walking one day in the company of 〈◊〉 cardinal of burhon , neer paris , he ●et with a peasant with a new pair of ●oos upon his arm ; so he called him un●● him , and said , by our lady , these are ●ood shoos , what did they cost thee ? the ●easant said guess , the king said , i think ●●●me five sols , said the peasant you have ●ed but a carlois : what villain said the ●ardinal of burbon , thou are dead , it is 〈◊〉 king. the peasant replyed , the d●● take him of you and me that knew so ●uch . 52. there was a young man in rome● that was very like augustus caesar , angustus took knowledg of him , and sent for the man , and asked him , was your mother never at rome ? he answered , no sir , but my father was . 53. a physitian advised his patient that had sore eyes , that he should abstain from wine , but the patient said , i think rather sir , from wine and water , for i have often marked it in bl●w eyes , and i have seen water come forth , but never wine . 54. a debaucht seaman being brought before a justice of peace upon the account of swearing , was by the justice commanded to deposit his fine in that behalf provided , which was two shillings , he thereupon , plucked out of his pocket a half-crown , asked the justice what was the rate he was to pay for cursing ; the justice told him six pence , quoth ●he then a pox take you all for a company of k●uav●s and fools , and there 's half a crown for you , i will never stand changing of money . 55. augustus caesar was invited to supper by one of his old friends that had conversed with him in his less fortunes , and had but ordinary entertainment , whereupon at his going away he said , i did not know that you and i were so familiar . 56. agathocles after he had taken syra●c●sa , the men where of during the srege , had in a bravery spoken of him all the villany that might be ; sold the syracu●ians for slaves , and said , now if you use such words of me , i will tell your masters of you . 59. dyonisius the elder , when he saw his son in many things very inordinate , said to him , did you ever know me do such things ? his son answered , no , but you had not a tyrant to your father ; the father replyed , no , nor you if you take these courses , will have a tyrant to your son. 58. calisthenes the philosopher , that followed alexanders court , and hated the king ; being asked by one , how one might be the famousest man in the world , answered , by taking away him that is . 59. age●ilaus , when one told him there was one did excellently counterfeit a nitingale , and would have had him heard him , said , why i have heard the nightingale her self . 60. a great nobleman upon the complaint of a servant of his , laid a citizen by the heels , thinking to bend him to his servants desire , but the fellow being stubborn , the servant came to his lord , and told him , your lordship i know hath gone as far as well you may , but it works not ; for yonder fellow is more perverse than before , said my lord , let 's forget him a while , and then he will remember himself . 61. one came to a cardinal in rome , and told him that he had brought his lordship a dainty white palfry , but he fell lame by the way ; saith the cardinal to him , i 'le tell thee what thou shalt do , go to such a cardinal , and such a cardinal , naming half a dozen cardinals , and tell them as much , and so whereas by thy horse if he had been sound , thou couldst have pleased but one , with thy lame horse tho● maist please half a dozen . 62. a witty rogue coming into a lace-shop , said he had occasion for some lace , choice whereof being shewed him , he at last piched upon one pattern , and asked them how much they would have for so much as would reaech from ear to ear , for so much he had occasion for ; they told him for so much : so some few words passing between them , he at last agreed , and told down his money for it , and began to measure on his own head , thus saying , one ●ar is h●re , and the ●ther is ●●iled to the pillory in bristol , and i fear you have not so much of this lace by you at present as will perfect my bargain ; therefore this piece of lace shall suffice at present in part payment , and provide the rest with all expedition . 63. iphicrates the athenian , in a treaty that he had with the lacedemonians for peace , in which question was about security for observing the same , said , the athenians would not accept of any security , except the lacedemonians did yield up unto them those things , whereby it might be manifest , that they could not burt them if they would . 64. euripides would say of persons that were beautiful , and yet in some years , in fairest bodies not only the spring is pleasant , but also the autumn . 65. there was a captain sent to an exploit by his general , with forces that were not likely to a●chieve the enterprise ; the captain said to him , sir , appoint but half so many : why , saith the general ? the captain answered , because it is better that fewer die than more . 66. there was a harbenger who had lodged a gentlemen in a very ill room , who expostulated with him somewhat rudely , but the harbenger carelesly said , you will take pleasure in it when you ar●●ut of it . 67. there is a spanish adage , lo●● without end , hath no end , meaning that 〈◊〉 it were begun without particular ends 〈◊〉 would last . 68. a woman being suspected by he●● husband for dishonesty , and being 〈◊〉 him at last prest very hard about it , mad●● him quick answer with many protestations , that she kn●w no more of what 〈◊〉 said , than the man in the moon . now th● captain of the ship called the moon w●● the very man she so much loved . 69. demosthenes when he fled from th● battel , and that it was reproached to him 〈◊〉 said , that he that flies might fight again ▪ 70. g●●●salv●● would say , the 〈◊〉 of● souldier ought to be of a strong 〈◊〉 meaning that it should not be so fine an● curious , that every little disgrace shoul● catch and stick in it . 71. an apprentice of london bein●● brought before the chamberlain by h●●● master , for the fin of incontinency , eve● with his own mistress : the chamberla●● thereupon gave him many christian ex●●hortations , and at last he mentione● and prest the chastity of ioseph whe● his mistress tempted him with the like crime of incontinency . i sir , said the apprentice , but if joseps mistress had been as handsom as mine is , he could not have forborn . 72. bias gave in precept , love as if you should hereafter hate , and hate as if you should hereafter love . 73. cineas was an excelleet oratour and states-man , and principal friend and counsellour to pyrrhus , and falling in inward talk with him , and discerning the kings endless ambitions , pyrrhus opened himself unto him , that he intended first a war upon italy , and hoped to atchieve it , cineas asked him , sir , what will you do then ? said pyrrhus , if the gods favour us , we may conquer africa and carthage : what then sir , saith cineas ? nay then saith pyrrhus , we may take our rest , and sacrifice and feast every day , and make merry with our friends , alas sir , said cineas , may we not do so now without all this ado ? 47. lamia the curtizan had all power with demetrius king of macedon ; and by her instigations he did many unjust and cruel acts ; whereupon lysimachus said , that it was the first time that ever he knew a whore act in a tragedy . 76. one of the romans said to his friend , what think you of one who wa● taken in the act and manner of adultery ? the other answered , marry i think he wa● toe slow at dispath . epaminondas , when his grea● friend and colleague in war was suito● to him to pardon an offender , denied him ; afterwards when a concubine of his made the same suit , he granted it to her ; which when p●●opidas seemed to take unkindly , he said , such suits are to be granted to whores , but not to personage●● 〈◊〉 worth . 77. t●●les being asked when a man should marry , said , ●oung men not yet , old 〈◊〉 not at all . 78. a company of scholars going together to catch conies , carried one scholar with them , which had not much more wit th●● he was born with , and to him they gave in charge , that if he saw any , 〈◊〉 should be silent for fear of scaring them ; but he no sooner espied a company of a rabits before the rest , but he cryed aloud , ecce , multi cuniculi , which in english signifies , b●h●ld , many c●ni●s , which he had no sooner said , but the conies ran to their boroughs , and he being checked by them for it , answered , who the devil would have thought the rabits understood latine ? 79. a welshman being at a sessions●ouse , and ●eeing the prisoners hold up ●heir hands at the bar , related to some ●f his acquaintance there , iudges were ●ood fortune tellers , for if they did but look ●pon their hand , they could certainly tell whether they should live or die . 80. solon compared the people unto ●he sea , and orators and counsellours ●o the winds ; for that the sea would be ●alm and quiet if the winds did not trou●le it . 81. socrates was pronounced by the oracle of delphos , to the wisest man of greece , which he would put from him●elf ironically , saying , there would be no●hing in him to verifie the oracle , except this , ●hat he was not wise and knew it , and o●●hers were not wise , and knew it not . 82. socrates when there was shewed him the book of heraclitus the obscure , and was asked his opinion of it , answered ; those things which i understood were excellent , i imagine so were those i understood not , but they require a diver of delos . 83. bion asked an envious man , that was very sad ; what harm had befallen unto him , or what good had befallen unto ●nother man. 84. stilpo the philosopher , when the people flocked about him , and that on● said to him , the people come wonderin●● about you , as if it were to see som● strang beast : no , ●aith he , it is to see man which diogene's sought with his la●●●orn at noon day . 85. a man being very jealous of h●● wife , insomuch that which way soev●● she went , he would be prying at her heel● and she being so grieved thereat , in pla●● terms told him , that if he did not for 〈◊〉 future leave off his proceedings in this n●●ture , she would gra●t such a pair of hor●● upon his head , that should hinder him fro● coming out at any door in the house . 86. a citizen of london passing t●● streets very hastily , came at last whe● some stop was made by carts , and fo● gentlemen talking together , who kn●● him , where being in some passion that●● could not suddenly pass , one of them●●● this wise spake to him , that others had 〈◊〉 by , & there was room enough , only he co●●● not tell if their horns were so wide as his●● 87. a tinker passing ch●●pside wi●● his usual tone , have you 〈◊〉 work for tinker ? an apprentice standing at dore opposite to a pillory there set u● called the tinker , with an intent to 〈◊〉 a jest upon him , and told him that should do very well if he would stop those two holes in the pillory : to which the tinker answered ; that if he would put his head and ears a while in that pillory , he would bestow both brass and nail upon him to hold him in , and give him his labour into the bargain . 88. a young maid having married an old man , was observed on the day of marriage to be somewhat moody , as if she had eaten a dish of chums ; which one of her bridemen observing , bid her●● be cheery , and told her moreover , that an old horse would hold out as long , and as well as a young one in travel : to which she answered , stroking down her belly with her hand , but not in this road , sir. 89. there was in oxford a cowardly fellow that was a very good archer , he was abused by another , and moaned himself to sir walter r●leigh , then a scholar , and askt his advice , what he should do to repair the wrong had been offered him ; raleigh answered , why challenge him at a match of shooting . 90. whitewood a grave divine was much esteemed by queen elizabeth , but not preferred , because he was against the government of bishops , he was of a blunt stoical nature ; he came one day to queen , and the queen happened to ●●ay to him , i like thee the better whitehead , because thou livest unmarried , he answered , in troth madam , i like you th●● worse for the same cause . 91. doctor lawd said , that some hypocrites and seeming mortifyed men , 〈◊〉 held down their heads like bulrushes , were like the little images that they place in the very bowing of the vaults o● churches , that look as if they held up the church , but are but puppets . 92. a noble man of this nation , famously known for his mad tricks , on 〈◊〉 time having taken physick , which h● perceiving began well to work , called up his man to go for a surgeon presently and to bring his instruments with him : th● surgeon comes in with all speed ; t●● whom my lord related , that he foun● himself much adicted to women , and therefore it was his will , that the cause of it might be taken away , and therefore commanded him forthwith to prepare hi●● instrument ready for to gueld him ; 〈◊〉 the surgeon forthwith prepares accordingly , and my lord told him he would not see it done , and therefore that h●● should do his work the back way ; 〈◊〉 both parties being contented my lord makes ready , and holds up his 〈◊〉 and when he perceives the surgeon very neer him , he lets flye full in his face , which made the surgeon step back , but coming presently on again ; hold , hold , saith my lord , i will better consider of it , for i feell the retentive faculty very weak at the reproach of such sharp instruments , 93. the lord henry howard , being lord privy seal , was asked by the king openly at the table , where commonly he entertained the king upon the sudden : my lord , have you not a desire to see rome ? my lord privy seal answered , yes indeed sir. the king said , and why ? my lord answered , because , and please your majesty , it was once the seat of the greatest monarchy , and the seminary of the bravest men in the world amogst the heathen ; and then again , because it was the see of many holy bishops in the primitive church , most of them martyrs . the king would not give it over , but said , and for nothing else ? my lord answered , yes , and it please your majesty , for two things especially , the one to see him who they say hath such a power to forgive other mens sins , confess ●is own sins upon ●is knees before a chaplain or priest , and the other is to hear a●tichrist say his cr●e● . 94. there was a curst page that h●● master whipt naked , and when he ha●● been whipt , would not put on his cloath and when his master bad him , he said take them you , for they are the hangma● fees 95. there was a lady of the we● country , that gave great entertainme●● at her house to most of the gallant gentlemen thereabout , and amongst other●● sir walter raleigh was one ; this lady though otherwise a stately dame , was notable and good house-wife , and i● the morning betimes , she called to one o● her maids that lookt to the swine , an● asked , are the pigs served ? sir walt●●● raleighs chamber was fast by the ladie● so as he heard her ; a little before dinne● the lady came down in great state int● the great chamber , which was full o● gentlemen , and as soon as sir walter ra●●leigh set eye upon her , madam , saith he are the pigs served ? the lady answered●● you know best , whether you have had you● breakfast . 96. the●e were fishermen drawing● the river at ch●lsey , mr. bacon cam● thither by chance in the after-noon●● and offered to buy their d●augh : they were willing . he 〈◊〉 them what they would take ? they asked thirty shil●●ings . mr bacon offered them ten : they refused it . why then saith mr. bae●●on , i will be only a looker on . they drew and catched nothing . saith mr. bacon , are not you mad fellows now , that might have had an angel in your purse , to have made merry withal , and to have warmed you thorowly , and now you must go home with nothing . i but saith the fishermen , we had hope then to make a better gain of it . saith mr. bacon , well my master , then i 'le tell you ; hope is a good break-fast , but it is a bad supper 97. a lady w●lking with mr. bacon in grays-inne walks , asked him whose that piece of ground lying next under the walls was ; he answered , theirs . then she asked him , if those fields beyond the walks were theirs too ? he answered , yes madam , those are ours , as you are ours , to look on , and no more . 98. his lordship when he was newly made lord-keeper , was in grays-inne walks with sir walter rawleigh ; one came and told him that the earl of exeter was above . he continued upon occasion still walking a good while . at last when he came up , my lord of e●●ter met him , and said ; my lord i have mad● a great v●nture to come up so high stairs , being a gowty man. his lordship answered , p●●don me my lord ; i have made the greatest venture of all ; for i have ventured upon your patience . 99. when sir francis bacon was made the ki●gs atturney , sir edward coo● was put up from being lord chief iu stice , of the common pleas , to be lor● chief iustice of the kings pench ; which is a place of greater honour , but of less profit ; and withal was made privy● counsellor . after a few days , the lord cook meeting with the kings a●●urney , said unto him ; m● . atturney , this is all your doing ; it is you that have made this● stir . mr. atturney answered ; ah my lord ! your lordship all this while ●●ath grown in bredth ; you must needs ●ow grow in heighth , or else you would be a monster . 100. one day queen elizabeth told mr. bacon , that my lord of essex , after great protestation of penitence , and affection fell in the end , but upon the suit of renewing his farm , of sweet wines : he answered ; i read that in nature , there be two kinds of motions or appetites in sympathy ; the one as of iron , to the adamant for perfection ; the other 〈◊〉 the vine , to the stake for sustentation , ●at her majesty was the one , and his ●●uit the other . 101. mr. bacon , after he had been ve●●ent in parliament , against depopu●●tion and enclosures ; and that soon ●●ter the queen told him , that she had ●●erred the hearing of mr. mills cause , 〈◊〉 certain counsellors and iudges ; and ●●●ked him how he liked of it ? answered , 〈◊〉 madam ! my mind is known ; i am ●●●ainst all enclosures , and especially again●●●●●closed iustice 102. when sir nicholas bacon the ●●rd keeper lived , every room in gor●●mbury was served with a pipe of wa● from the ponds , distant about a mile 〈◊〉 . in the life-time of mr. anthony ●●con , the water ceased . after whose ●●ath , his lordship coming to the inhe●●ance , could not recover the water ●●thout infinite charge : when he was ●●rd chancellor , he built verulam house , ●ose by the pond-yard , for a place of ●●ivacy when he was called upon , to spatch an urgent business : and being ●●ked , why he built that house there , is lordship answered ; that since he ●●uld not carry the water to his house , he would carry his house to the wa● ▪ 103. when my lord president of 〈◊〉 councel came first to be lord treasurer , 〈◊〉 complained to my lord chancellor of 〈◊〉 troublesomness of the place , for that 〈◊〉 exchequer was so empty . the lord ch●●●ellor answered ; my lord , be of 〈◊〉 cheer , for now you shall see the bottom 〈◊〉 your business at the first . 104. when his lordship was newly ●●●vanced to the great seal , gondomar ca●● to visit him : my lord said ; that he 〈◊〉 to thank god and the king for that ●●●●nour ; but yet , so he might be rid of 〈◊〉 , he could very willingly forb 〈◊〉 the honour . and that ●e formerly ha● desire , and the ●●me continued with 〈…〉 , to lead a private life : gond●● answered , that he would tell him 〈◊〉 tale , of an old rat that would 〈◊〉 leave the world : and acquai●ted the you● rats , that he would retire into his h●● and spend his days solitarily ▪ and wo●●● enjoy 〈…〉 comfort : and comman● them upon his high displ●●sure , not to 〈◊〉 to come in unto him . they for●●re two 〈◊〉 three days ; at last , one that was 〈◊〉 hurity than the rest , incited some of 〈◊〉 fellows to go in with him , and he wo●●● venture to see how his father did : for ●●ght be dead . they went in , and found 〈◊〉 old rat sitting in the midst of a rich ●●rmizan cheese . so he applyed the fa●● after this witty manner . 105. rablais tells a tale of one that ●s very fortunate in compounding dif●●rences . his son undertook the said ●●●ourse , but could never compound any . ●hereupon he came to his father and ●●ked him , what are he had to reconcile ●ifferences ? he answered ; he had no 〈◊〉 but this ; to watch when the two par●●● were much weari●d , and their hearts ●ere too great to seek reconcilement at 〈◊〉 ●●others hands ; then to be a means be●wixt them , and upon no other terms . af●er which the son went home , and pros●ered in the same undertakings . 106. alonso cartilio , was informed by ●●is steward of the greatness of his ex●ence , being such as he could not hold ●ut therewith . the bishop asked him , 〈◊〉 it chiefly arose ? his steward told ●im , in the multitude of his serv●●ts : the bishop ●id him make him a note of ●hose that were necessary , and those that : ●ight be spared . which he did ▪ and the bishop taking occasion to read it before ●ost of his servants , said to his steward ; ●ell , let these remain because i have need of them ; and these others ▪ because 〈◊〉 have need of me . 107. mr. marbury the pr●acher wo●●● say ; that god was fain to deal with wi●●●ed men , as men do with frisking jades a pasture , that cannot take them up , 〈◊〉 they get them at a gate : so wi●ked 〈◊〉 will not be taken up till the hour 〈◊〉 death . 108. pope xyst●● the fifth who wa● very poor mans son , and his fath●● house ill thatched , so that the sun ca●● in in many places ; would sport with 〈◊〉 ignobility , and say ; that he was , na● di casa illustre ; son of an illustri●● house . 109. when the king of spain co●quered portugal , he gave special charg● to the lieutenant , that the souldie● should not spoil , lest he should aliena●● the hearts of the people : the army al●● suffered much sca●city of victual . where upon the spanish souldiers would after wards say ; that they had won the king 〈◊〉 kingdom on earth ; as the kingdom 〈◊〉 heaven useth to be won ; by fasting an● abstaining from that which is anothe● mans. 110. they feigneda tale of sixtu●● quintus , whom they called size-a●●● ▪ ●●at after his death he went to hell , ●●d the p●●ter of hell said to him ; you ●●ve some reason to offer your self to this 〈◊〉 , because you were a wicked man ; 〈◊〉 yet , because you were a pope , i have ●er not to receive you : you have a place your own , purgatory , you may go thi●● . so he went away , and sought about ●●reat while for purgatory , and could 〈◊〉 no such place . upon that , he took ●●rt and went to heaven , and knocked ; 〈◊〉 st. peter asked who was there ? he 〈◊〉 , sixtus pope . whereunto st. peter 〈◊〉 , why do you knock ? you have the keys . ●●uts answered , it is true , but it is so ●g since they were given , as i doubt the ●●rds of the lock are altered . 111. charles king of swide , a great ●emy to the jesuites ; when he took 〈◊〉 of their colledges , he would hang 〈◊〉 old jesuites , and put the young to 〈◊〉 mines , saying ; that since they wrought ●ard above ground , he would try how ●d they could work under ground . 112. in chancery at one time , when 〈◊〉 counsel of the parties set forth the ●●undaries , of the land in question , by 〈◊〉 plot ; and the counsel of the one ●●rt said ; we lye on this side , my lord : ●●d the counsel of the other part said ; and we lye on this side , the lord chancellor hatton stood up and said ; if you lye on both sides , whom will you ●ave me to believe ? 113. sir edward cook was wont to say , when a great man came to dinner to him , and gave him no knowledg of his coming ; sir , since you sent me no word of your coming , you must dine with me ; but if i had known in due time , i would have dined with you . 114. william earl of pembrook , upon the complaint made of a servant of his , laid a citizen by the heals , thinking to bend him to his servants desire : but the fellow being stubborn , the servant came to his lord , and told him ; your lordship i know has gone as far as well you may , but it works not ; for yonder fellow is more perverse than before . said my lord , let 's forget him a while , and then he will remember himself . 115. pope iulius the 3●● , when he was made pope , gave his hat unto a youth , a favorite of his with great ●eandal ▪ whereupon , at one t●●e a cardinal that might be free with him , said modestly to him ; what did your holiness see in that young man to make him cardi●●l ? iulius answered , what did you see 〈◊〉 me , to make mr pope ? 116. the same iulius upon like occa●sion of speech , why he should bear so great affection to the same young man , would say ; that he found by astrology ●hat it was the youths destiny , to be a great prelate ; which were impossible , except himself were pope . and therefore that he did raise him , as the driver on of his own fortune . 117. sir thomas moor had only daughters at the first , and his wife did ever pray for a boy . at last she had a boy , which being come to mans estate , proved but simple . sir thomas said to his wife , thou prayedst so long for a boy , that he will be a boy as long as he lives . 118 ▪ sir fulk gravil , afterward lord brook , in parliam . when the house of commons in a great business , stood much upon precedents , said unto them ; why do you stand so much upon precedents ? the times hereafter will be good or bad . if good , precedents will do no harm ; if bad , power make away , where it finds none . 119. sir tho. moor , on the day that he was beheaded , had a barber sent to him , because his hair was long ; which was thought , would make him more commiserated with the people . the barber came to him , and asked him , whether he would 〈◊〉 pleased to ●e trim'd in good faith honest fellow , ( said sir thomas ) the king and i have a suit for my head ; and till the title be cleared , i will do no cost upon it . 120. stephen gardiner bishop of winchester , a great champion of the popish religion , was wont to say of the protestants , who ground upon the scripture ; that they were like posts , that bring truth in their letters , and lyes in their mouths . 121. the former sir thomas moor had sent him by a suiter in chancery two silver flagons . when they were presented by the gentlemans servant , he said to one of his men , have him to the celler , and let him have of my best wine : and turning to the servant , said ; tell they master if he like it , let him not spare it . 122. michael angelo the famous painter , painting in the popes chappel the pourtracture of hell and damned souls ; made one of the damned souls so like a cardinal that was his enemy , as every body at first sight knew it . whereupon the cardinal complained to pope clem●●t , humbly praying it might be defaced : the pope said unto him ; why , you know very well , that i have power to deliver a soul out of purgat●ry , but not out of hell. 123. there was an agent here of the dutch , called carroon ; and when he used to move the queen for further succours , and more men , my lord henry howard would say ; that he agreed well with the name of charon , ferry-man of hell ; for he cam still for more men , to increase regnum umbrarum . 124. they were wont to call , referring to the masters in chancery , committing . my lord keeper egerton , when he was master of the rolls , was wont to ask what the cause had done that it should ●e committed . 125. they feigned a tale , principally against doctors reports , in the cancery ; that sir nicholas bacon , when he came to heaven-gate was opposed , touching an unjust decree which had been made in the chancery . sir nicholas desired to see the order ▪ whereupon the decree was drawn up ; and finding it to begin veneris , &c. why ( saith he ) i was then sitting in the star-chamber ; this concerns the master of the rolls , let him answer for it . soon after came the master : of the rolls , cordial ; who died indeed a small time after sir nicholas bacon ; and he was likewise staid upon it : and looking into the order , he found , that upon the reading of a certificate of doctor gibson , it was ordered , that his report should be decreed . and so he put it upon doctor gibson , and there it stuck . 126. sir. nicholas bacon , when a certain nimble-witted counsellor at the bar , who was forward to speak , did interrupt him often said unto him ; there 's a great difference beiwixt you and me : a pain to me speak , and a pain to you to hold your peace . 127. the same sir nicholas bacon , upon bills exhibited to discover where lands lay ; upon proof , that they had a certain quantity of land , but could not set it wont to say ; and if you cannot forth ; was find your land in the country , how will you have me find it in the chancery ? 128. mr. houland , in conference with a young student , arguing a case , hapned to say , i would ask you but this question . the student presently interrupted him , to give him an answer . whereunto mr. houland gravely said ; may though i do ask you a question , ye● i did 〈◊〉 mean you should answer me , i mean to answer my self . 129. pope adrian the sixth , was talking with the duke of sesa , that pasquit gave great scandal , and that he would have him thrown into the river : but sesa answered ; do it not holy father , for then he will turn frog ; and whereas now he chants but by day , he will then chant both by day and by night . 130. there was a gentleman in italy , that writ to a great friend of his whom the pope had newly advanced to be cardinal ; that he was very glad of his advancement , for the cardinals own sake ; but he was sorry that himself had lost a good friend . 131. there was a king of hungary , took a bishop in battel , and kept him prisoner : whereupon the pope writ a monitory to him ; for that he had broken the privilege of holy church , and taken his son. the king sent his embassage to him , and sent withal the armour wherein the bishop was taken , and this only in writing ; vide num hae sit vestis filij tui : know now whether this be thy sons coat . 132. sir amyas pawlet , when he saw too much hast made in any matter , was wont to say ; stay a while , that we may make an end the sooner . 133. a master of the requests to queen elizabeth , had divers times moved for audience , and been put off . at last he came to the queen in a progress , and had on a new pair of boots . the queen who loved not the smell of new leather , said to him ; fye sloven , thy new boots stink . madam , said he , it is not my new boots that stink , but my stal● bills that i have kept so long . 134. at an act of commencement , the answerer gave for his question , that aristocracy was better than monarchy . the replyer , who was a dissolute man , did tax him that being a private bred man , he would give a question of state. the answerer said that the replyer did much wrong the priviledge of scholars , who would be much streightned if they should give questions of nothing , but such things wherein they are practised ; and added , we have heard your self dispute of virtue , which no man shall say you have put much in practise . 135. queen isabella of spain , used to say ; whosoever hath a good presence , and a good fashion , carries continual letters , of recommendation . 136. alonso of aragon was wont to say in commendation of age , that age appeared to be best in four things : old wood best to burn , old wine to drink , old friends to trust , and old authors to read . 137. it was said of augustus , and afterward the like was said of septimius severus : both which did infinite mischief in their beginnings , and infinite good toward their ends ; that they should either have never been born , or never died . 138. constantine the great , in a kind of envy , himself being a great builder , as trajan likewise was ; would call trajan parietaria wall flower , because his name was upon so many walls . 139. alonso of aragon , was wont to say of himself , that he was a great necromancer , for that he used to ask counsel of the dead : meaning of books . 140. ethelwold , bishop of winchester , in a famine , sold all the rich vessels and ornaments of the church , to relieve the poor with bread ; and said , there was no reason that the dead temples of god should be sumptuously furnished ; and the living temples suffer pe●●●ry . 141. many men ▪ especially such as affect gravity , have a m●●ner after other mens speech to shake their heads . a g●eat officer of this land would say , it was as men sh●ke a bottle , to see if there we ● any wit in their heads or no ? 142. after a great fight , there came to the camp of consalvo the great captain , a gentleman , proudly horsed and armed : diego de mendoza , asked the great captain ; who 's this ? who a●swered ; it is saint ermin , who never appears but after the storm . 143. there was one that died greatly in debt : when it was reported in some company , where divers of his creditors casually were , that he was dead ; one began to say ; well if he be gone , then ●e hath carried 500 duckets of mine with him into the other world . and another said ; and 200 of mine : and a third spake of great summes of his . whereupon one that was amongst them said ; i perceive now , that though a man cannot carry any of his own with him , into the next world , yet he may carry away that which is another mans. 144. francis car●ajal , that was the great captain of the rebels of peru , had often given the chace to diego centeno , a principal commander of the emperors party : he was afterwards taken by the emperors lieutenant , gasca ; and committed to the custody of diego cente●o ; who used him with all possible courtesie ; insomuch as carvajal asked him ; i pray sir who are you that use me with this courtesie ? centeno said ; do you not know diego centeno ? carvajal answered ; truly sir , i have been so used to see your back , as i knew not your face . 145. go●domar would say , love without ends , hath no end : meaning , that if it were begun , not upon particular ends , it would last . 146. there was a merchant died , that was very far in debt , his goods and housholdstuff were ●et forth to sale . a stranger would needs buy a pillow there , saying ; this pillow sure is good to sleep upon , since he could sleep that owed so many debts . 147. a lover met his lady in a close chair , she thinking to have gone unknown , he came and spake to her : she asked him , how did you know me ? he said , because my wounds bleed afresh ; alluding to the common tradition , that the wounds of a body slain , will bleed afresh upon the approach of the murtherer . 148. a gentleman brought musick to his ladies window . she hated him , and had warned him often away : and when he would not desist , she threw stones at him : whereupon a gentleman said unto him that was in his company : what greater honour can you have to your musick ▪ then that stones come about you , as they did to orpheus ? 149. coranus the spaniard , at a table at dinner , fell into an extolling of his own father ; saying , if he could have wished of god , he could not have chosen amongst men a better father : sir henry savil said , what not abraham ? now coranus was doubted to descend of a race of jews . 150. consalvo would say , that the honour of a souldier ought to be a good strong webb : meaning that if should not be so fine and curious , as for every small disgrace to catch and stick in it . 151. pre●quet , iester to francis the first of france , did keep a kalendar of fools , wherewith he did use to make the king sport ; telling him ever the reason , why he put any one into his kalendar . when charles the fifth emperor , upon confidence of the noble nature of francis passed through france , for the appeasing of the rebellion of gaunt , brisquet put him into his kalendar . the king asked him the cause ? he answered ; because you having suffered , at the hands of charles , the greatest bitterness that ever prince did from another , nevertheless he would trust his person into your hands . why bresquet , said the king , what wilt thou say , if thou seest him pass back in as great safety , as if he marched through the midst of spain ? saith bresquet ; why then i will put him out , and put in you . 152. archbishop grindal was wont to say ; that the physicians here in england , were not good , at the cure of particular diseases ; but had only the power of the church to bind and loose . 153. cosmus duke of florence was wont to say of persidious friends , t●at we r●●●d , that we ought to forgive our enemies ; but we do not read that we ought our friends . 154. a papist being opposed by a protestant , that they had no scripture for images , answered , yes ; for you read , that thy people laid their sick in the streets , that the shadow of saint peter might come upon them : and that a shadow was an image , and the obscurest of all images . 155. sir edward dyer ; a grave and wise gentleman , did much be●●eve in kelly the alchymist ; that he did indeed the work , and did make gold , ins●much , that he went into germany , where kelly then was , to inform himself fully thereof . after his return he dined with my lord of canterbury : where , at that time , was at the table dr. prown the physician . they fell in talk of kelly . sir edward dyer turning to the archbishop said ; i do assure your grace , that that i shall tell you is truth : i am an eye-witness thereof ; and if i had not seen it , i should not have believed it ; i saw mr. kelly , put of the base mettal into the chrysible ; and after it was set a little upon the fire ; and a very small quantity of the medicine put in , and stirred with a stick of wood ; it came forth in great proportion , perfect gold ; to the touch , to the hammer , a●● to the test. my lord archbishop said ; you had need take heed what you say , sir edward dyer ; for here is an insidel at the board . sir edward dyer said again pleasantly ; i should have looked for an infidel sooner in any place , then at your graces table . what say you dr. brown , said the archbishop ? dr. brown , answered , after his blunt and hudling manner ; the gentleman hath spoken enough for me . why , saith the archbishop , what hath he said ? marry , saith dr. brown , he said , he would not have believed it , except he had seen it ; and no more will i. 156. doctor ionson said ; that in sickness there were three things that were material , the physician , the disease , and the patients ▪ and if any two of these joyned , then they get the victory ; for , ne , he●cules quidem contra duos . if the physician and the patient joyn , then down goes the disease ; for then the patient recover● ; if the physician and the disease joyn ; that is a strong disease ; and physician mistaking the cure , then down goes the patient , if the patient and the disease joyn , then down goes the physician , for he is discredited . 157. mr. bettenham said ; that vertuous men were like some herbs , and spices that give not out their sweet smell , till they be broken or ●rushed . 158. the lord archbishop laud said ; t●at some hypocrites and seeming mortified men , which held down their heads , were like the little images in the vaults , or roofs of churches ; which look and bow down , as if they held up the church , when as they bear no weight at all . 159. there was a painter became a physician ; whereupon one said to him ; you have done well ; for before the faults of your work were seen ; but now they are unseen . 160. there was a gentleman , that came to the tilt , all in orenge taw●ey , and ran very ill . the next day he came again , all in green , and ran worse . there was one of the lookers on , asked another ; what is the reason that this gentleman changeth his colours ? the other answered , sure , because it may be reported ; that the gentleman in the green , ran worst than the gentleman in the orenge-tawney . 161. mr. whitehead , a grave divine , was much esteemed by queen elizabeth , but not preferred , because he was against the government of bishops . he came , one day of the queen , and the queen chanced to say to him ; i like thee the better , whitehead , because th●● livest vnmarried . he answered again ; in troth , madam , i like you the worse for the same cause . 162. zelim was the first of the ottomans , that did shave his beard , whereas his predecessors wore it long . one of he bashaws askt him ; why he altered the custom of his predecessors ? he answered , because you bashaws , may not lead me by the bread , as you did them . 163. aeneas sylvius , that was pope pius secundus , was wont to say ; that the former popes did wisely to set the lawyers awork , to debate ; whether the donation of constantine the great , to sylvester , of st. peters patrimony , were good or valid in law or no ? the better to skip over the matter in fact , whether there was ever any such thing at all , or no ? 164. the lord bishop andrews , was asked at his first coming over of the archbishop of spal●●o , whether he were a protestant or no ? he answered ; truly , i know not ; but i think he is a detestant ; that was , of most of the opinions of rome . 165. it was said amongst some of the grave prelates of the counsel of trent , in which the school-divines bare the sway ; that the school men were like the astronomers , who to save the phaenomena , framed to their conceit , eccentricks , and epicycles , and a wonderful engine of orbes ; though no such things were : so they to save the practise of the church , had devised a great number of strange positions . 166. aeneas sylvious would say ; that the christian faith and law , though it had not been confirmed by miracles , yet was worthy to be received for the honestly thereof . 167. mr. bacon would say ; that it was in his business , as it is frequently in ways : that the next way , is commonly the foulest ; and that if a man will go the fairest way , he must go somewhat about . 168. mr. bettenham , reader of grays-inne , used to say , that riches were like muck ; when it lay upon an heap , it gave but a stench and it odour ; but when it was spread upon the ground , then it was cause of much fruit. i69 . cicero married his daughter to dolabella , that held casars pa●ty : pompey had married iulia , that was caesars daughter . after , when caesar and pompey tock arms one against the other ; and pompey had passed the seas , and casar possessed italy ; cicero staid s●mewhat long in italy ; but at last sayled over to joyn with pompey . who when he came to him , pompey said , you are welcome , but where left you your son-in-law ? cicero answered , with your father-in-law . 170. vespasi●● , and titus his eldest son , were both absent from rome , when the empire was cast upon vespasian ; domitian his younger son was at rome , who took upon him the affairs ; and being of a turbulent spirit , made many changes ; and displaced divers officers and governours of provinces , sending them successors . so when vespasian returned to rome , and domitian came into his presence , vespasian said to him ; son i looked when you would have sent me a successor . 171. nero loved a beautiful youth , whom he used vitiously , and called him wife . there was a senator of rome , that said secretly to his friend , it was pity nero's father had not such a wife . 172. galba succeeded nero , and his age being despised , there was much license and confusion in rome , during his empire : whereupon a senator said in full senate ; it were better to live where nothing is lawful , than where all things are lawful . 173. augustus casar did write to livia , who was over-sensible of some ill words , that had been spoken of them both : let it not trouble thee , my livia , if any man speak ill of us ; for we have enough that no man can do ill unto us . 174. chilon said , that kings friends , and favourites , were like casting counters ; that sometimes stood for one , sometimes for ten , sometimes for an hundred . 175. theodosius , when he was pressed by a suitor , and denied him , the suitor said ; why , sir , you promised it . he answered ; i said it , but i did not promise it , if it be unjust . 176. the romans , when they spake to the people , were wont to stile them , ye romans : when commanders in war spake to their army , they stiled them my souldiers . there was a mutiny in c●●sars army , and somewhat the souldiers would have had , but they would not declare themselves in it , but only demanded a mission or discharge ; though with no intention it should be granted : but knowing that caesar had at that time great need of their service , thought by that means to wrench him to their other desires : whereupon with one cry , they asked mission . c●●sar after silence made , said ; i for my part ye romans , this title did actually speak them to be dismissed : which voice they had no sooner heard , but they mutinied again ; and would not suffer him to go on with his speech , until he had called them by the name of his souldiers , and so , with that one word he appeased the sedition . 177. caesar would say of sylla , for that he did resign his dictatorship ; sylla was ignorant of letters he could not dictate . ●78 . seneca said of caesar ; that he did quickly shew the sword , but never leave if off . 179. diogenes begging , as divers philosophers then used , did beg more of a prodigal man , than of the rest which were present . whereupon one said to him : see your baseness , that when you find a liberal mind , you will take most of him : no , said diogenes , but i mean to beg of the rest again . 180. themistocles , when an embassadour from a mean estate , did spake great matters ; said to him , friend thy words would require a city . 181. iphicrates , the athenian , in a treaty that he had with the lacedemonians for peace ; and that questian was made about security , for observing the same peace , said ; the athenians would not accept of any security , except the lacedemonians do yeild up unto them , those things , whereby it might be manifest , that they could not hurt them , though they would . 182. they would say of the duke of guise , henry ; that he was the greatest vsurer in france , for that he had turned all his estate into obligations . meaning ; that he had sold , and oppignerated all his patrimony , to give large donatives to other men . 183. c●●sar bo●gia , after long division between him and the lords of romagna , fell to accord with them . in this accord there was an article , that he should not call them at any time , all together in person . the meaning was , that knowing his dangerous nature , if he meant them treason , he might have opportunity to oppress them altogether at once . nevertheless , he used such fine art , and fair carriage , that he won their confidence to meet altogether in counsel at cinigalia ; where he murthered them all . this act , when it was related unto pop● alexander , his father , by a cardinal , as a thing happy , but very persidious ; the pope said ; it was they that broke their covenant first , in coming all together . 184. titus quinctius , was in the counsel of the achaians , what time they deliberated , whether in the war , then to follow , between the romans , and king autiochus , they should confederate themselves with the romans , or with king antiochus ? in that counsel the aetolians , who incited the achaians against the romans , to disable their forces , gave great words , as if the late victory the romans had obtained against philip king of macedon , had been cheifly by the strengh and forces of the aetoliaus themselves : and on the other side the embassadour of antiochus , did extol the forces of his master ; founding what an innumerable company , he brought in his army ; and gave the nations strange names ; as elymeans , caducians and others . after both their harangues , titus quinstius , when he rose up said ; it was an easie matter to perceive what it was , that had joined , antiochus , and the aetoliuns together ; that it appeared to be by reciprocal lying of each , touching the others forces . 185. plato was amorous of a young gentleman , whose name was stella , that studied astronomy ; and went oft in the clear nights to look upon the stars . whereupon plato wished himself heaven , that he might look upon stella with 〈◊〉 thousand eyes . 186. the lacedemonians were besieged by the athenians , in the port of peile , which was won , and some slain , and some taken . there was one said , to one of them , that was taken by way of scorn : were they not brave men that lost their ●ives at the port of peile ? he answered ; certainly , a persian arrow is much to be ●et by , if it can ch●se out a brave man. 187. clodius was acquit by 2 corrupt iury , that had palpably taken shares of money , before they gave up their verdict . they prayed of the senate a guard ; that they might do their conscienches , for that clodius was a very seditious young nobleman . whereupon all the world gave him for condemned . but acquitted he was : catulus , the next day seeing some of them that had acquitted him , together , said to them ; what made you ask of us a guard ? were you afraid your money should have been taken from you ? 188. at the same iudgment , cicer● gave in evidence upon oath : and when the iury which consisted of 57. had passed against his evidence , one day in the senate cicero and clodius being in altercation , clodius upbraided him , and said ; the iury gave you no credit : cicero answered , five and twenty gave me credit ; but there were two and thirty that gave you no credit ; for they had their money beforehand . 189. sir henry savil was asked by my lord of essex , his opinon touching poets ? he answered my lord ; that he thought them the best writers , next to them that writ prose . 190. diogenes having seen that the kingdom of macedon , 〈◊〉 bef●re was contemptible and 〈…〉 alo●t when he dyed 〈…〉 , how he would be buried ? he answered ; with my face downward : for within a while , the world will be turned upside down , and then i shall ●e right . 191. cato the elder was wont to say ; that the romans were like sheep ; a man were better to drive a flock of them , than one of them . 192. when lycurgus was to reform and alter the state of sparta ; in consultation one advised that it should be reduced to an absolute popular equality ▪ but lycurgus said to him ; sir begin it in your own house . 193. ●ion that was an atheist , was shewed in a port-city , in a temple of neptune , many tables of pictures , of such as had in tempests made their vows to neptune , and were saved from shipwrack : and was askt , how say you now ? do you not acknowledg the power of the gods ? but said he ; i but where are they painted , that have been drowned after their vows . 194. cicero was at dinner , where there was an ancient lady that spake of her own years , and said ; she was but forty years old . one that sat by cicero , rounded him in the ear , and ●aid ; she talks of forty year old ; but she is a far more out of question . cicero answered him again ; i must believe her , for i have heard her say so , any time these ten years . 195. there was a souldier that vaunted before iulius c●●sar , of the hurts he had received in his face . iulius caesar knowing him to be but a coward , told him ; you were best take ●eed , next time you run away , how you look back . 196. there was a suitor to vespasian , who to lay his suit fairer , said it was for his brother ; whereas indeed it was for a piece of money . some about vespasian told the emperour , to cross him ; that the party his servant spake for , was not his brother ; but that he did it upon a bargain . vespasian sent for the party interessed , and asked him ; whether his mean employed by him was his brother or no ? he durst not tell untruth to the emperour , and confessed he was not his brother . whereupon the emperour said , this do , fetch me the money , and you shall have your suit dispatched . which he did . the courtier which was the mean , sollicited vespasian soon after about his suit : why , ( saith vespasian , ) i gave it last day , to a brother of mine . 197. vespasian asked of apollonius ; what was 〈…〉 who answered , nero could tune the marp well , but in government he did always wind up the strings too high ; or let them down too low . 198. dionysi●s the tyrant , after he was deposed , and brought to corinth , kept a school . many used to visit him ; and amongst others , one when he came in , opened his mantle and shook his cloaths ; thinking to give dionysius a gentle scorn ; because it was the manner to do so , for them that came in to see him while he was tyrant . but dionysius said to him ; i prethee do so , rather when thou goest out , that we may see thou stealest nothing away . 199. diogenes one terrible frosty morning , came into the market-place , and stood naked , shaking to shew his tolerance . many of the people came about him , pitying him : plato passing by and knowing he did it to be seen , said to the people as he went by ; if you pity him indeed let him alone to himself . 200. aristippus was earnest suiter to di●●ysi●s for some grant , who would give no ear to his suit. aristippus fell at his ●tet , and then dionysius granted it . one that stood by , said afterwards 〈…〉 phylosopher and be so base as to throw your self at the tyrants feet to get a suit : aristippus answered ; the fault is not mine , but the fault is in dionysius that carries his ears in 〈◊〉 . 201. solon when he wept f●r 〈…〉 death , and one said to him ▪ 〈◊〉 will not help , answered ; 〈…〉 weep , because weeping will not 〈◊〉 . 202. the same solon being asked ; whether he had given the athenians the best laws ? answered ; the best of those that they would have received . 203. one said to aristippus , 't is a strange thing , why should men rather give to the poor , than to phylosophers : he answered , because they think themselves may sooner come to be poor , than to be philosophers . 204. trajan would say of the vain jealousie of princes , that seek to make away those that aspire to their succession ; that there was never king , that did put to death his successor . 205. when it was represented to alexander , to the advantage of antipater , who was a stern and imperious man ; that he only of all his lieutenants , wore no p●rple , but kept the macedonian habit of black ; alexander said yea , but antipater is all purple within . 206. alexander used to say of his two friends , craterus and ephestion ; that ephestion loved alexander , and craterus loved the king. 207. it fell out so , that as livia went abroad in rome , there met her naked young men that were sporting in the strects ; which augustus went about severely to punish in them : but livi● spake for them , and said : it was no more to chaste women , then so many statua's . 208. philip of macedon was wished to banish one , for speaking ill of him : but philip answered ; better he speak where we are both known , than where we are both unknown . 209. lucullus entertained pompey in one of his magnificent houses : pompey said , this is a marvellous fair , and stately house for the summer ; but methinks it should be very cold for winter : lucullus ●nswered ; do you not think me as wise 〈◊〉 divers fools are , to change my habi●ation in the winter season . 210. plato entertained some of his ●riends at a dinner , and had in the chamber a bed or couch neatly and cost●y furnished . diogenes came in , and got 〈◊〉 upon the bed , and trampled it , say●●g , i trample upon the pride of plato ; plato mildly answered ; but with greater pride diogenes . 211. pompey being commissioner for sending grain to rome , in time of dearth , when he came to the sea , found it very tempestuous and dangerous ; insom●ch as these about him , advised him by no means to embarque ; but pompey said ; it is of necessity that i go , not that i live . 212. demosthe●es was upbraided by aeschines , that his speeches did smell , of the lamp. but demosthe●es said ; indeed there is a great deal of difference between that which you and i do by lamp-light . 213. dem●des the oratour , in his age was talkative , and would eat hard : antipater would say of him ; that he was like a sacrifice , that nothing was left of it but the tongue and the paun●l . 214. themist●●●es after he was banished , and had wrought himself into great fav●ur , af●erwards , so that he was honoured , and sumptuously served , seeing hi● present glory said unto one of hi● friends ; if i had not been undone , i ha● been undone . 215. philo iadaeus saith , that the sens● is like the sun ; for the sun seals 〈◊〉 the globe of heaven , and opens the glob● of earth : so the sense doth obscurs heavenly things , and reveals earthly things . 216. alexander after the battel of granicum , had very great offers made him by darius : consulting with his captains concerning them , parmenio said ; sure i would except of these offers , if i were as alexander : alexander answered ; so would i , if i were as parmenio . 217. alexander was wont to say ; he kn●w himself to be mortal , chiefly by two things ; sleep , and lust. 218. augustus caesar would say ; that he wondred that alexander feared he should want work , having no more worlds to conquer : as if it were not as hard a matter to keep , as to conquer . 219. antigonus when it was told him that the enemy had such volleys of arrows that they did hide the sun , said ; that falls out well , for it is hot weather , and so we shall fight in the shade . 220. cato the elder being aged , buried his wife , and married a young woman . his son came to him , and said ; sir what have i offended , that you have brought a step-mother into your house ? the old man answered ; nay , quite contrary son ; thou 〈◊〉 me so wett , as i would be glad to have more such . 221. crassus the oratour had a fish which the romans called murena , that he made very tame and fond of him ; the fish died , and crassus wept for it . one day falling in contention with domitius in the senate , domitius said ; foolish crassus , you wept for your murena ▪ crassus replied : that 's more than you did for both your wives . 2●2 . philip , alexanders father , gave sentence against a prisoner , what time he was drowsy , and seemed to give small attention . the prisoner , after sentence was pronounced , said , i appeal . the king somewhat stirred , said ; to whom do you appeal ? the prisoner answered ; from philip when he gave no ear , to philip when he shall give ear . 223. there was a philosopher that disputed with adrian the emperour , and did it but weakly . one of his friends that stood by , afterwards said unto him : methinks you were not like your self last day , in argument with the emperour ; i could have answered better my self : why said the philosopher ; would you have me contend with him , that commands thirty legions ? 224. when alexander passed into asia ▪ he gave large donatives to his captains , and other principal men of vertue ; insomuch as parmenio asked him ; sir , what do you keep for your self ? he answered , hope . 225. vespasian set a tribute upon vrine : titus his son emboldened himself to speak to his father of it : and represented it as a thing indigne and fordid , vespasian said nothing , for the time ; but a while after , when it was forgotten , sent for a piece of silver out of the tribute-money ; and called to his son , bidding him to smell to it ; and asked him , whether he found any offence ? who said , no : why so , saith vespasian again ; yet this comes out of vrine . 226. nerva , the emperour , succeeded domitian , who had been tyrannical ; and in his time many noble houses were overthrown by false accusations ; the instruments whereof were chiefly , marcellus and regulus . the emperour nerva one night supp'd ●rivately with some six or seven : amongst which there was one that was a dangerous man ; and began to take the like courses , as marcellus and regulus had done . the emperour fell into discourse of the injustice and tyran●●● of the former time ; and by name , of the two accusers ; and said ; what should we do with them , if we had them nox ? one of them that was at supper , and was a free-spoken senatour , said ; marry , they should sup with us . 227. there was one that found a great mass of money digging under ground in his grand fathers-house ; and being somewhat doubtful of the case , signified it to the emperour , that he had found such treasure . the emperour made a resc●ipt thus ; vse it . he writ back again ; that the summe was greater than his estate or condition could use . the emperour writ a new rescript , thus ; abuse it . 228. iulius caesar , as he passed by , was by acclamation of some that stood in the way , termed king ; to try how the people would take it . the people shewed great murmure and distaste at it . caes●r finding where the wind stood , slighted it , and said ; i am not king but caeser : as if they had mistaken his name . for rex was a sir-name amongst the romans , as king is with us . 229. when craesus , for his glory , shewed solon his great treasures of gold ; solon said to him ; if a●other king come that hath better iron than you , he will be master of all this gold. 230. aristippus being reprehended of luxury , by one that was not rich ; for that he gave six crowns for a small fish ; answered , why , what would you have given ? the other said , some twelve pence . aristippus said again ; and six crowns is no more with me . 231. plato reprehended severely a young man , for entring into a dissolute house . the young man said to him ; why do you reprehend so sharply for so small a matter ? plat● replyed , but custom is no small matter . 232. archidamus , king of lacedemon , having received from philip , king of macedon ( after philip had won the victory of cherone● , upon the athenians ) proud letters , writ back to him ; that if he measured his own shadow , he would find it no longer than it was before his victory . 233. pyrrhus , when his friends congratulated to him his victory over the romans , under the conduct of fabritius , but with great slaughter of his own side , said to them again ; yes , but if we have such another victory , we are undone . 234. plato was wont to say of his master socrates ; that he was like the apothecaries galley-pots ; that had on the outside apes , and owls , and satyrs ; but within precious drugs . 235. alexunder sent to phocyon a great present of money . phocyon said to the messenger ; why doth the king send to me , and to none else ? the messenger answered , because he takes you to be the only good 〈◊〉 in athens . phocy●n replyed ; if he think so , pray ●et him suffer me to be so still . 236. at a banquet , where those that were called the seven wise-men of greece , were invited by the embassadour of a barbarous king ; the embassadour related ; that there was a neighbour mightier than his master , pict quarrels with him , by making impossible demands , otherwise threatning war , and now at that present had demanded of him , to drink up the sea. whereunto one of the wise men said , i would have him undertake it . why , saith the embassadour , how shall be come off ? thus , ( saith the wise man ) let that king first stop the rivers , which ran into the sea ; which are no part of the bargain ; and then your master will perform it . 238. the lacedemonians had in custom to speak very short , which being an empire , they might do at pleasure : but after their defeat at leuctra , in an assembly of the grecians , they made a long invective against epaminondas ; who stood up , and said no more but this ; i am glad we have brought you to speak long . 239. fabius maximus being resolved to draw the war in length , still waited upon hannibals progress to curb him : and for that purpose he encamped upon the high ground : but terentius his colleague , fought with hannibal , and was in great peril of overthrow , but then fabius came down from the high grounds , and got the day . whereupon hannibal said ; that he did ever think ●hat that same cloud that hanged upon the hills , would at one time or other give a tempest . 240. hanno the c●●thaginian , was ●ent commissioner by the state , after the ●econd carthaginian war , to supplicate for peace ; and in the end obtain'd it : yet one of the sharper senators said ; you have often broken with us the peaces , whe●eunto you have been sworn ; i pray , by what god will you swear ? hanno answered ; by the same gods that have punished the former perjury so severely . 241. caesar when he first possessed rome , pompey being fled , offered to en●er the sacred treasury to take the mo●eys that were there stored : and metel●● us , tribune of the people , did forbid him ; and when metellus was violent in it , and would not desist ; caesar turned to him , and said ; presume no further , or i will lay you dead . and when metellus was with those words somewhat astonished , caesar added ; young man , it had been easier for me to do this , tha● to speak it . 242. caius ma●ius , was general of the romans against the cimbers , who came with such a sea of people upon italy . in the fight there was a band of the cadurcians of a thousand , that did notable service ; whereupon , after the fight , marius did de●ison them all for ci●izens of rome , though there was no law to warrant it . one of his friends did present it unto him ; that he had transgressed the law , because that priviledge was not to be granted but by the people . whereunto marius answered ; that fo● the ●oyse of arms he could not ●ear the laws . 243. pompey did consummate the wa● against sertorius , when metellus ha● brought the enemy somewhat low . h● did also consummate the war against th● fugitives , whom crassus had before de●feated in a great battel . so when lucul●lus had great and glorious victori● against mithrid●tes and tigranes ; ye● pompey by means his friends made , wa● sent to put an end to that war. where upon luce●●us taking indignation , as disgrace offered to himself , said ; th● pompey was ● car●ion crow , when o●thers ha● strucken down the bodies , th● pompey came and preyed upon them . 244. antisthenes being asked of one what learning was ●●st necessary for man's life ? answered , to unlearn that which is nought . 245. alex●nder visited diogenes in his tub ; and when he asked him , what he would desire of him ? diogenes answered ; t●at you would stand a little a ●ide , that the sun m●y come t● me . 246 the same diogen●s , when mic● came about him , as he was eating , said ; i see ▪ that even diogenes nourisheth parasites . 248. heraclitus the obscure said ; the dry light is the best soul : meaning when the ●acul●ies intellectual are in vigour ; not drenhed , or as it were , blouded by the affections . 249. one of the philosophers was asked ; what 〈◊〉 wise man differed from a ●ool ? he answered , send them both naked to those that know them not , and you shall ●●●ceive . 250. there was a law made by the romans , against the bribery and extor●●●n of the governours of provinces . cic●●o saith in a speech of his ●o the people ; that ●e thought the provinces would petition to the state of rome to have tha●●aw repeated , ●●r ( ●aith he ) before the governo●rs did brib● and extort , as much as was sufficient f●r themselves : but now ●hey bribe and ext●rt as much as may b● enough , not only for themselves , but for the judges , and iurors , and magistates . 251. aristipp●● sayling in a tempest , shewed signs of fear . one of the seamen said to him , in an insulting manner ; w● that are plebeians , are ●ot troubled ; you that are a philosopher , are afraid . aristippus answered ; that there is not the like wager upon it , for you to perish and ●or me . 252. there was an or●tor , that defended a cause of aristippus , and prevailed . afterwards , he asked a●i●tippus ; now , in your distress , what did socrates do you good ? aristippus answered , thus , in making that which you said of me to be true . 253. there was an epicurea● vaunt●d , that divers of other sects of philosophers did after turn epicureans ; but there was never any epicur●an that turned to any other sect. whereupon a philosopher that was of another sect , said ; the reason was plai● , for that cocks may be mad● capons ; but capo●s could never b● mad● cocks . 254. chilo● would say : that gold was tryed with the touchstone : and m●n with g●ld . 255. si●onides being askt of hier● what he thought of god ? asked a seven-nights time to consider of it : and at the seven-nights end , he asked a fortnights time : at the fortnights end , a month. at which hier● marvelling , sim●nides answered ; that the longer he thought upon the matter ▪ the more difficult be found it . 258. a spaniard was censuring to a french gentleman the want of devotion , amongst the french ; in that , whereas in spai● , when the sacrament goes to the sick , any that meets with it , turns back and waits upon it to the house whither it goes ; but in france , they only do reverence , and pass by . but the fr●●ch gentleman answered him ; there is reason for it ; for here with us , christ is secure amongst his friends ; but in spain there b● so many iews , and marano's , that it is not amiss for him to have a conv●y . 259. mr. popham , ( afterwards lord chief justice popham ) when he was speaker ; and the house of commo●s had sate long and done , in effect nothing ; coming one day to queen elizabeth , the said to him ; now mr. speaker ; what hath passed in the commons house ? he answered , if it pl●ase your majesty , seven weeks . 260. agathocles , after he had taken syrac●s● , the men whereof during the siege , irad in a bravery spoken of him , all the vi●any that might be ; sold the syracus●●s for slaves , and said ; now if you use such words of me , i will tell your masters of you . 261. themistocles , in his lower fortune , was in love with a young gentleman who scorned him ; but when he grew to his greatness , which was soon after after he s●ught him ; themistocles said ; we ●re both grown wise , but too late . 262. bion was failing , and there fell out a great tempest ; and the ma●i●er● that were wicked and dissolute fellows , call●● upon the gods ; but bio● said to them , pe●ce , let them ●ot know you are here . 263. the tur●s made an expeditio● i●to persia ; and because of the strai● iaws of the mou●tai●● of a●me●i● , the bashaws consulted which way they should get in ? one that heard the debate said ; here 's much 〈◊〉 how you shall get in ; but i ●ear no body ●●ke care h●w yo● should 〈…〉 . 264. philip 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 maintained argua●●nts with a 〈◊〉 in points of his art , somewhat pe●e●ptorily ; but the musician said to him ; god forbid sir , your fortune were s● hard , that you should know these t●ings better than myself . 265. antalcidas , when an athenian said to him , ●e spartans ar● unlearned , said again ; true , ●or we have learned no ●vil nor vice of you . 266. pace the bitter fool , was not suffered to come at queen elizabeth , because of his bitter humour . yet at one time , some perswaded the queen that he should come to her ; undertaking for him , that he should keep within compass , so he was brought to her , and the queen ●aid ; come on pace , now we shall hear of our faults : ●aith pace ; i do not use t● talk of that , that all the town talks of . 267. bishop i atimer said , in a sermon at court ; that he heard great speech that the kind was poor ; and many ways were propounded to make him rich : for his part , ●e had thought o● one way , which was ; that they should help the king t● some good office ; for all his officers were rich . 268. after the defeat of cyrus the younger , falinus was sent by the king to the grecians , ( who had for their part rather victory , than otherwise ) to command the● to yield their arms ; which when it was denied , falinus said to clearch●s ; well then , t●e king lets you know ▪ that if you remove from the place where you are now e●camped , it is war ; if you stay it is truce : what shall ● say you will do ? clearchus answered , it pleaseth us , as it pleaseth the king. how is that ? fai●h falinus , saith clearchus ; if we remove , war ; if we stay , truce ; and so would not disclose his purpos● . 269. alcibiades came to pericles , and stayed a while e're he was admitted . when he came in , pericles civilly excused it , and said ; i was studying how to give mine account . but alcibiades said to him , if you will be ruled by me , study rather how to give no account . 270. mendoza that was vice-roy of per● , was wont to say ; that the governament of peru was the best plave that the king of spain gave , save that it was somewhat too nea● madrid . 271. when vesp●sian passed from jury , to take upon him the empire , he went by alexendria , where remained two famous philosphers ; apolloniu● and euphrates . the emperour heard the discourse , touching matter of state , in the presence of many . and when he was weary of them , he brake off , and in a secret derision , finding their discourses but speculative , and not to be put in practice , said ; oh that i might govern wise men , and wise men govern me . 272. cardinal xime●es upon a mu●ter , which was taken against the moors , was spoken to by a servant of his to stand ● little out of the smoak of the harque●uze , but he said again , that that was his ●●c●ns● . 273. nero was wont to say of his master seneca , that his ●●ile was like mortar without lim● . 275. augustus casar , out of great indignation against his two daughters ; ●nd posthumus agripp● , his grand-child , whereof the two first were infamous ; and the last otherwise unworthy , would ●ay ; that they were not his seed , but ●ome imposthumes tha● had broken from ●im . 276. a seaman coming before the ●udges of the admiralty for admittance ●●to an office of a ship , bound for the ●ndies , was by one of the judges much ●lighted , as an insufficent person for ●hat office he sought to obtain ; the ●udg telling him , that he believed he ●●●ld not say the points of his compass . the ●eamen answered ; that he could say them , ●nder favour , better than he could say his ●ater-noster . the judge replied ; that 〈◊〉 would w●g●r twenty shillings with him upon that . the seaman taking him up ▪ it came to tryal : and the seam●n began , and said all the points of his compass very exactly : the judg likewise said his pater-noster : and when he had finished it , ●e required the wager , according to agreement ; bec●●se the s●●man was to say his compass better , t●an he his pater-noster ; which h● had ●ot performed . nay , i pray sir , hold ( quoth the seaman ) the●wager is not fi●ished ; for i h●●e but hal● do●e : and so he immediately said his compass backward very exactly ; which the judg ●ailing of in his pater-noster , the seaman carrled away the prize . ●77 . there was a conspiracy against the emperor cl●udi●● , by scrib●nin●●s ▪ examined in the senate ; where cl●udius sate in his chair , and one of his freed servants stood at the back of hi● chair . in the examination , that freed servant , who had much power wi●h ●●a●di●● , very ●aw●ily , had almost all th● words : and amongst other things , 〈◊〉 asked in scorn , one of the examinates ▪ who was likewise freed servant of s●ribonianus ; i pray sir , i● scribon●anus had been emperour , what would you ●ave done ? he answered , i wo●ld have stood behind his chair , and held my pe●ce . 278. one was ●aying ; that his gr●at grand-father , and grand-father , and father died at sea : said another , ●hat heard ●im ; and i wer● as you , i would never come at sea. why ( saith he ) where did your great gra●d-father , and grand-f●●her , and father die ? he answered ; where , but in their beds ? he answered ; a●d i w●r● as you , i wo●ld never come in b●d . 279. t●ere was a dispute , whether great heads , or little heads had the better wit ? and one said ; it must needs be the little ; for that it is a maxi●e ; o●●ne m●jus 〈…〉 . 280. sir thom●● moor , when the counsel of ●he party pressed him for ● longer day to perform the decree , said ; take sai●● barnabies day , which is th● longest day in th● year . now saint bar●●●ies day , was within f●w days following . 281. one of the fathers saith ; that there is but this difference between the death of old men , and young me● ; that old men go to death ; and de●th comes to young men. 283. iason the th●ssalian , was wont to say ; that some things may be done u●justly , that many things may be done justly . ●84 . there was an harbinger had lodged a gentleman in a very ill room , who expostulated with him somewhat rudely : but the harbinger carelesly said ; yo● will take pleasure i● it , when you are o●t of it . 285. dem●trius king of m●c●don , would at times re●i●e himself from business , and give himself wholly to pleasures . one of those his retirings , giving out that he was sick , his father , antig●nus , came on the sudden to visit him ; and met a fair daintly youth coming out of his chamber . when antigonus came in , demetrius said ; sir the feaver left m● right now . antigonus replyed ; i think it was 〈◊〉 that i met at the door . 286. c●●● maj●r would say , tha● wise men lear●ed more by fools , than fools by wise men . 287. when it was said to a●axagoras ; the at●●●ians have condemned you to die ; he said again ; and ●●t●re them . 288. alexander , when his father wished him to run for the prize of the race , at the olympian games ; ( for he was very swift ) answered ; he wo●ld if h●●ight run with kings . 289. antigonus used often to go disguised , and to listen at the tents of his souldiers ; and at a time heard some that spoke very ill of him . whereupon he opened the tent a little , and said to them ; if you would speak ill ●f me , you should go a little furthe● off . 290. aristippus said ; that those that studied particular sciences , and neglected philosophy ; were like penelopes wooers , that made love to the waiting-woman . 291. the embassadours of asia minor , came to antonius , after he had imp●s●d upon them a double tax ; and said plainly to him ; that if he would have two tributes in one year ; he must give them ●wo seed times , and ●wo harvests . 293. an orator of athens , said to demosth●nes ; the athenians will kill you , i● they wax mad : demosthenes replyed , and th●y will kill you if they be in good sense . 294. epicletus used to say ; that one of the vulgar , in any ill that happens to him , blames others ; a novice in phylosophy blames himself ; and a phylosopher blames neither the one nor the other . 294. caeser in his book , that he made against cato , ( which is lost ) did write to shew the force of opinion and reverence , of a man that had once o●tained a popular reputation ; that there wer● s●me that found cato drunk , and wer● ashamed instead of cato . 295. there was a nobleman said of a great counsellour ; that he would have made the worst farrier in the world ; for he never shod horse , but he cloyed him : for he never commended any man to the king for service , or upon occasion of sute , or otherwise , but that he would come in , in the end with a but ; a●d drive in a nayl● to his disadvantage . 296. diogenes called an ill physician , cock , why ? ( saith he ) diogenes answered ; because when you crow , men use to rise . 297. there was a gentleman fell very sick , and a friend of his said to him ; surely , you are in danger ; i prayed send for a physician : but the sick man answered ; it is no matter , for if i dye , i will dye at leisure . 299. a certain friend of sir thomas moors , taking great pains about a book , which he intended to publish ( being well conceited of his own wit , which no man else thought worthy of commendation ) brought it to sir thomas moor to peruse it , and pass his judgment upon it ; which he did : and finding nothing therein worthy the press ; he said to him with a grave countenance ; that if it wer● in verse , it would be more worthy . upon which words , he went immediately and turned it into verse , and then brought it to sir thomas again , who looking thereon , said soberly ; yes marry , now it is somewhat ; for now it is rhime ; whereas before it was neither rhime nor reason . 300. sir henry wotton used to say : that criticks were like brushers of noble m●●ts cloaths . 301 hannibal said of fabius maximus , and of marcellus ; whereof the former waited upon him , that he could make no progress : and the latter had many sharp fights with him ; that he feared fabius like a tutor : a●d mercellus like an enemy . 302. when king edward the second , was amongst his torturers , who hurried him too and fro , that no man should know where he was , they set him dow● upon a bank : and one time the more to disguise his face shaved him , and washed him with cold water of a ditch by : the king said : well , yet , i will have warm water for m● beard : and to shed abundance of tears . 303. one of the seven was w●nt to say ; that laws wer● like cop we●s : wh●re the small flies were caught , and the great brak● through . 304. lewis the eleventh of france , having much abated the greatness and power of the peers , nobility , and court of parliament , would fay ; that he had brought the crown out of ward . 305. there was a cowardly spanish souldier , that in a defeat the moors gave , ran away with the foremost . afterwards when the army generally fled , thi● souldier was missing . whereupon 〈◊〉 said by some , that he was slain : no ●●re ( saith one ) he is alive : for the moors eat no hares flesh. 306. a gentleman that was punctual of his word , and loved the same in others : when he heard that two persons had agreed upon a meeting , about serious affairs , at a certain time and place ; and that the one party failed in the performance , or neglected his hour ; would usually say of him ; he is a young man then . 307. anacharsis would say , concerning the popular estates of graecia ; that he wondred how at athens , wise men did 〈◊〉 and fool dispose . 308. his lordship , wh●n he had finished this collection of apophthegms , concluded thus ; come now , all is well : they say , he is not a wise man that will lose his friend , for his wit : but he is less a wise man , that will lose his friend , for another mans wit. finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a28082-e130 this collection his lordship made out of his memory , without turning any book . the felicity of queen elizabeth: and her times, with other things; by the right honorable francis ld bacon viscount st alban. in felicem memoriam elizabethae. english bacon, francis, 1561-1626. 1651 approx. 127 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 98 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a76741 wing b297 thomason e1398_2 estc r17340 99860172 99860172 112282 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a76741) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 112282) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 181:e1398[2]) the felicity of queen elizabeth: and her times, with other things; by the right honorable francis ld bacon viscount st alban. in felicem memoriam elizabethae. english bacon, francis, 1561-1626. burghley, william cecil, baron, 1520-1598. [12], 168 p. printed by t. newcomb, for george latham at the bishops head in st. pauls church-yard, london : 1651. a translation of: in felicem memoriam elizabethae. "the apology of francis bacon; in, certain imputations concerning the late earl of essex" has separate dated title page; pagination and register are continuous. annotation on thomason copy: "octob: 8". reproductions of the original in the british library. the apology of francis bacon; in, certain imputations concerning the late earl of essex -the bacon his letter to the most illustrious and most excellent prince charles, prince of wales, duke of corn-wal, earl of chester, &c -the lord treasurer burleigh his advice to queen elizabeth in matters of religion and state -to the ld. bacon, then falling from favour -to my reverend friend doctor a -in obitum incomparailis fransci de verulamio, &c. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng elizabeth -i, -queen of england, 1533-1603 -early works to 1800. essex, robert devereux, -earl of, 1566-1601. great britain -politics and government -1558-1603 -early works to 1800. 2007-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-02 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-03 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2007-03 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the felicity of queen elizabeth : and her times , with other things ; by the right honorable francis l d bacon viscount s t alban , london , printed by t. newcomb , for george latham at the bishops head in st. pauls church-yard . 1651. to the reader . reader , here is presented to thy view certain tracts , containing divers arcana imperii ; by two in their times eminent councellors of estate . the one is the felicity of queen elizabeth , and her times , by that noble and learned gentleman , the lord bacon , viscount st. alban ; one of the standing honors of the law in general , and of grayes inn in particular . the other is the advices to queen elizabeth , by that well weigh'd states-man the lord burliegh , then lord treasurer , a man beyond expression excellent , whom it much availed queen elizabeth to have for minister , as appears by that favour shewed to him , the queen alwaies making him to sit in the presence ( by reason of the gout in his feet ) and telling him , my lord , we make much of you , not for your bad legs , but for your good head. and as for the lord bacon , ( certain of whose epistles are annexed to this book ) if it were expected , we must heap up abundant testimonies ; we will select some few out of many , omitting the for-rain of mersennus , and mr. pierre d'amboise , and others , who have translated and commented upon him , and confine our selves to those worthy men that are of our own nation ; and begin with the testimony of sir hennry wotton . the lord bacon hath done a great and everliving benefit to the children of nature , and to nature her self , in her uttermost latitude and extent , who never before had so noble and true an interpreter ; ( and as i am ready to stile his lordship ) never so inward a secretary of her majesties cabinet ; and he did determine to have his lordships work of novum organon , read , peice by piece , at certain hours in his domestick colledge , ( eaton ) as an ancient author . mr. george sands , in his coment on ovid , professes himself to be much assisted by our author , whom he calls , the crown of the latter age , the lord viscount st. alban . mr. howel , in his vocal forest , of him thus — the flexanimous and golden tongued orator , and chancellor of the kings conscience . the prefacer to lessius hygiasticon : the lo. bacon , the great lo. chancellor , of learning , aswell as law. dr. gilbert watts : the l. bacon , a learned man , happily , the learnedst that ever lived since the decay of the grecian and roman empires , when learning was at an high pitch . aud for a further testimony , we refer you to those copious and elegant verses , made by m. geo. herbert , somtime orator of the vniversity of cambridg , upon this author , and lately printed in a book , called , herberts remains . the felicity of queen elizabeth : writ , by sir francis bacon . queen elizabeth in regard both of nature and fortune , the pattern of princes , and wonder of her sex , of whose vertues and glories thereof monks that live in the shade of cloysters , tart in stile , loose in judgment , and not forgetful of themselves , would be no sufficient avowchers ; this testimony belongs to men of note , such as have stood at the helm of state , and been acquainted with the depth and tydes of civil affairs : in all antiquity the rule of a woman hath been very rare , in that rule the felicity rarer , and the continuance of that felicity rarest of all ; yet this lady raigned full four and fourty years , and overlived not her felicity ; of which happiness i purpose to speak a little without running into praises , for praises are given by men , but happiness is the gift of god. i say the first stept of her felicity , in that she was raised to the top of all from a private fortune , for customarily so run the opinions of men , to esteem that most happy , which happeneth most beyond hope and expectation . but this is not all i mean , my aim reacheth further , that princes brought up in regal houses , to hope of succession not uncertain , are often depraved with soft and licentious breeding , and become immoderate in their raign . from hence we finde the best and most excellent kings were taught in schooles of either fortune , such as with us was henry the seventh , and lewis the twelfth among the french , both of which about the same time ( as the memory yet remaineth ) obtained a kingdom , not from privacy only , but onely from adversity , whereof the latter flourished in justice , and the former in wisdom . like to theirs was the condition of this prince , whose hopes and beginnings fortune brauled , but was thence forward constant to her till her ending . for first , by birth she had her turn by succession , then she was disinherited , and at last laid aside , and forgotten ; in the raign of her brother her fortune was propitious and fair , which in her sisters grew dark and dangerous : but yet she was not suddenly taken from prison to the crown , least that fret of remembrance might perhaps make her swell , but being first restored to liberty , she afterwards obtained her claim without stir or competition , of whom god intending to make so rare a prince , it seemeth he prepared her mind , and made her ascend by the steps of her discipline to the crown of her own inheritance : neither ought the calamity of her mother blast the dignity of her birth , especially it being certain , that henry the eight was rather led with love towards another , then indignation against her : the nature of which king , light in his loves , apt to suspition , and in them hasty to blood , cannot avoid the note of posterity . as for the accusations made against her person in themselves improbable , and leaning upon slight conjectures , they were not onely detested by the silent murmurers of those times , but by queen anne her self in that memorable and heroical speech which she used at the instant of her death ; whereas preparing her self to leave this world , and having gotten as she thought a loving and trusty messenger , she bids him deliver this message to the king , that well she saw his majesty would not give over his old wont in heaping new honours upon her : first , from a gentlewoman he had made her a marquess , from thence his consort and a queen , and now finding no higher pitch of honour upon the earth , he was pleased to advance her in her innocency to the crown of martyrdom ; which though that messenger durst not relate to the king burning in new desires , yet fame ( preserver of truth ) hath kept it safe for after ages . moreover , i put no small part of her felicity in the measure and compass of her raign , not so much for being long , as beeause it took up that space of age , which is most fit to hold the raynes of publick government , for at five and twenty yeers ( when tuition beginneth to cease ) she began and raigned till threescore , and whereby she neither felt the wrongs of a pupil under anothers arbitration , nor yet the inconveniences of an old decrepit age , private men feel miseries enough in old age ; but usually it bringeth to princes ( besides those common griefs ) ends void of glory , and diminution of estate , few attaining an old and unwealdy age without some loss of reputation and state . take one example in philip the second king of spain , a most puissant prince , and coming in swaying a kingdom , who in his latter daies feeling the burthen and feebleness of age , helped weakness with wisedom , submitting himself to the course of mortal things ; thereupon he restored such places as had been won in , there he established a peace , and attempted the same elsewhere ; that his affairs being all compounded he might leavethem intire and illetigious to his heirs . the contrary in all things hapned to q. elizabeth to whom fortune was so firm , that she never suffered in flourishing or declining yeers any declination . and to seal up her rare felicity , she departed not this world till the rebellions in ireland were decided by stroke of an happy battail , that there might be no blemish nor imperfection in her glory . that is not also to be forgotten what kinde of people she governed ; had she raigned in palmgrevis , or over the milk sops of asia , it would have been no marvel that a female prince should command effeminate nations : but that in england , so warlike and stout a people should stir and stop at the beck of a woman , cannot be without great admiration ; yet , for all this inclination of her people longing for war , & of their rest impatient , she was never hindred from loving and keeping of peace , which will of hers was seconded with success , i reckon among her chiefest praises , for it not onely became her sex , and eased her age , but was certainly a great comfort to her conscience ; indeed about the tenth of her raign some tumults were attempted in the north , but they were quickly quenched , and she enjoyed ever after deep peace and security : which inward peace of her times , i judge was most glorious for two respects ; the one that it shone the better by the flames and combustions of her neighbours ; the other that notwithstanding the easiness of peace , armes wanted not their honour ; whereby the prowess of the english name was not onely kept up , but increased ; hence many supplies were sent into scotland , france , and the netherlands , divers expeditions by sea into the indies , some wherof gave the world a girdle , fleets were rigged to infest the coasts of spain and portugal . the rebels in ireland were often tamed and suppressed , so that she took a special care , that neither the courage of the people should rest , nor their fame suffer any diminution . to this glory the weight of desert was added ; for by her reasonable reliefs neighbouring princes were preserved in the kingdom ; and afflicted people ( exposed by their lords , badly counselled to the cruelty of their ministers , and devoted to the shambles ) received petition in their miseries , whereof they feel the benefit at this day . in her councels she was no less kinde and helpful then in her supplies , whereby she perswaded the king of spain to asswage his anger towards his subjects of the netherlands , & reduce them to obedience upon tollerable terms , and often solicited the kings of france to keep their faith , by not infringing the edicts granted to publick peace ; in the first whereof , she had regard to the state of europe in general , lest the boundless ambition of spain once broken out should fuse it self over the christian world , and endanger the common liberty . in the second she had compassion of so many innocents that suffered fire and sword with their wives and children ; among whom the scum of the people armed and animated with publick power , were let loose like wild beasts to devour them , whose blood called for vengeance , and expiation upon that kingdom which had made a league to commit inhumane murders and savage laniations ; in both which she omitted not do the office of a kinde , wise , and considerate prince . there is yet another cause which maketh the piece of her raign more admirable , namely , that it proceeded from her own wisedom and contriving against the disposition of the times ; for if we consider her kingdom either cut into factions at home by difference of religion , or abroad standing as the strength and bulwork of christendom against the monstrous designs and overflowing power of spain , we shall finde that there was no fuel wanting for a war , but she had provided for all , and gotten the reach both in force and councel ; as that memorable event well declared , which for the happiness thereof surpassed all the actions of our age ; for when that navy called invincible , whose sailes swelled with pride , and secure of victory , had entered the narrow seas , to the fear and astonishment of europe ; it neither took a cock-boat at sea , nor burnt a cottage at land , nor once touched upon the coasts ; but was miserably scattered and put to flight , and at last dashed upon against the rocks , whist peace remained in her confines , and no commotion was seen in the land. no less happy was she in escaping the plot of traytors , then defeating the power of her enemies , for though divers conspiracies were hatched against her life , yet all were either discovered or failed , neither did they work any jealousies or distrust in her mind , for she kept not the more within , nor went the less abroad , nor increased the number of her guard , but secure and confident , and mindful more of her deliverance from danger , then of the danger it self , she changed nothing from the wonted course of her life . it is not also unworthy to be marked the quality of those times wherein she flourished , for some ages fall out to be so barbarous and silly , that it were no harder matter to rule a nation of men , then to lead a flock of sheep , but she was eminent in learned and refined times , wherein it was not easie to excel without singular parts of nature , habituation of vertue , and extraordinary indowments of wit and temper . besides , the raign of women use to be obscured with marriage , whose worth and actions are commonly smothered up under the names and covert of their husbands : those onely that live unmarried have no partner in their glory , such was she , and this praise she deserved the more , because she was supported by no props but her own ; no half brother , nor uncle , nor prince of the blood was remaining to whom she might impart her cares , and receive assistance in her governing ; yea , those who she advanced to highest honours , she kept in such a ballance and restraint , that every one laboured most to please her will , whilst she remained mistris of her self . barren indeed she was , left no child behind her , which also happened to many fortunate princes , alexander the great , julius caesar , and trojaen the emperor ; but this may be a diverse construction , and be disputed on either part , some call it diminishment of happiness , as if those men were blessed above the conditions of men , who prove aswel happy in their propagation as in themselves . others make it the pitch of happiness , which , say they , is then onely compleat , when it is exempted from the wheel of fortune , and out of danger to be blemished by a degenerating issue . she wanted not also those outward adjuncts of happiness , she was tall of stature , of comely limbs and excellent feature in her countenance , majesty sate under the vail of sweetness , her health was sound and prosperous , and so drawing to her last without sense of age or misfortune , she had that which augustus so much desired , a gentle and happy departure . the which is likewise recorded of antonius pius that good emperor , whose death was like a dream or some sweet imagination : in all her sickness was nothing ominous , nor lamentable , nor uncouth to her kind , no symptom was seen strange or noisome , but all of such a frame , as rather shewed the frailty of the corruption of humane nature ; for some few daies before her death finding her body ( seldom moistened with wine , or a larger diet ) to shrink up with driness and cares which attend a crown , she suffered some convulsion in her nerves , still keeping ( though in a slow and weaker measure ) her speech , motion and understanding , which is not ordinary in that disease : but this estate not long abiding , seeming rather the first steps to death , then last act of life ; for when the powers of life are wasted , it is a wretched thing to remain in life ; but by the slumber of sense to haste insensibly to death , is a clement and easie close of life . add this to the hap of her felicity , that she was not onely happy in her own , but also in the abilities of her servants ; for she had such gifted men about her as perhaps this island had rarely brought forth before . but god when he favoureth kings enlargeth the hearts of their ministers . two felicities yet remain that may be called post humus , which are indeed higher and happier then all these that adorned her life : one of her successor , the other of her memory ; such a successor she had , who albeit in regard of his masculine vertue and fair progeny , and access of a new kingdom , might somwhat shadow or exceed her glory , yet he alwayes honoured her name , and gave a kinde of perpetuity to her deeds , for he made so small alteration in the orders he found established , or persons she had chosen , that so the son could succeed his father with greater silence , or less danger or disturbance of estate . and concerning the fame and happiness of her memory , that is yet so fresh in the mindes and mouths of men , as taking life from her ashes wherein all envy is raked up ; it seemeth to contend with the happiness of her life , for if any factious humor raised from dissent in religion be yet buzzing abroad ( though it seems by this time conjured down by consent of truth ) as it is most foul and false ; so it cannot be long lived , and truly i have gathered these notes of gods favour and her felicity for this special end ; that malicious men should be afraid to mingle their cursings ( amongst so many blessings of god. ) after all this , if any should say as one did of caesar , we hear of things whereat we wonder , but look for things which we might commend ; i verily think that true admiration is certain excess of praise , and verily these felicities here described , cannot befal to any who are not visibly sustained with divine favours , and in some sort have not set their lives in aim of glory ; nevertheless , i will recount some few things concerning her manners , and of those onely which might seem to lend occasion unto base speeches of contumelious men . in her religion she was pious , constant , moderate , and could not away with innovations , her piety chiefly appeared in her works and actions , but it was also seen in the ordinary course , and conversation of her life ; she was seldom absent from prayers in her closet , or at sermons and solemn service abroad ; diligent in reading the scriptures , well versed in the fathers , and above all in st. augustine ; upon divers occasions she composed sundry prayers : when she mentioned god ( though in common talk ) added for the most part of creator , casting , as i have often observed , her face & eies into a reverend form of humility : and whereat some have published , that she put off the thought of mortality , nor could abide to hear of old age or death . it is most untrue , for many years before her end she was not nice , often , and with much grace to call her self old woman , and used to discourse of her tomb , and what inscription would most please her , saying , she delighted not in long titles , or shadows of glory , a line or two would be enough for her memory , which in few words should only express her name in her virginity , the time of her raign , the restoring of religion , & establishment of peace : true it is , that being once importuned to declare her successor whilst she was yet in her full strength , not unfit to bear children , she would not endure her winding sheet to be spread before her eies , and yet not long before her death , sitting pensive , and , as it were , musing of mortality , as one came and told her , that divers places stood too long vacant in the state ; she rose up somwhat offended , and said , she knew well enough that her place would not stand an instant empty . her moderation may perchance be doubted in matter of religion , considering the severity of those lawes she made against the papists : but herein we will produce such onely things whereof we have certain knowledge , and made diligent search ; out of all question , the meaning of this princess minde , was this , neither to offer violence to the consciences of men , nor to suffer her state to be disquieted under pretext of conscience ; out of which foundation she judged , first of all , that the toleration of two religions in one hot heart-burning people , who from differenc in mind ) might break out into blows , might be of pernitious consequence to the state ; thereupon at her entrance upon the crown , when all things were ful of suspition , she used the power of the law , and committed som of the busiest , and most factious prelates for the rest of their coat : so far was she from vexing them with severe inquisitions , that she winked at their faults , and took them into her protection ; this was the first state of things : and although the interdiction of pius the fift might have stirred up her anger , and made her resolve of a sharper course , yet she departed not from her nature , and changed little from her mildness ; for , like a most wise and heroical lady , secure of her peoples love , and that the popish faction could not stir at home without far assistance , she passed little for the claps of the popes thunder : but about the three and twentieth of her raign things received an alteration , which change of time , was not complotted by design , but recorded in publick acts , and cut as it were , in brass for perpetuity ; till that year , no great or heavy punishment was laid upon her popish subjects by the lawes precedent ; but now the vast projects and ambitions of spain for subduing of this kingdom , began to be detected , whereof a principal part was , that a new fangled faction should be raised in the bowels of this state ; which should not onely be ready to receive a forraign invader , but also , ( under pretence of the roman religion , and power of the popes bull , ) should absolve her subjects from their faith and allegiance , and prepare their spirits for dangerous innovasions . about that time ireland was assaulted with open armes , scandalous libels were cast out against the fame , and government , and the queen ; and all things seemed to swell up in presage of greater motions . i would rather think , that many of the preists were made wicked instruments of other mens malice , then that all were privy to their councel ; yet this is true , and verified by sundry confessions , that almost all the priests that were sent over into this kingdom , from the three and twentieth to the thirtieth of this queens raign ( in which year that popish and spanish design was put in execution ) had private instructions to divulge abroad , that this estate could stand thus no longer ; that within a while they should see a new face of things , and notable alterations ; that the good of england was cared for by the pope , and popish princes , if they would not be wanting to themselves ; yea , some of the priests were manifestly found guilty of those plots and machinations , which tended to the subversion of the state. and that which moved most the carriage of their secret councels , was disclosed by letters intercepted , importing , that all the watchfulness of the queen and councel over the papists , would be utterly deluded ; for , albeit they laboured much , that no man of note or nobility should be head of the faction ; yet , a course was taken to effect the work by men of meaner and inferiour rancks , whose mindes ( though they knew not one another ) should be linked together by secret confessions , without need of assembly . such arts were then used , and , of late in a case ( not unlike ) resumed ; which ( it seems ) are familiar with those men : thus clangor approaching , like a storme , put a law of necessity upon the queen . it being now high time , that such part of her subjects as were estranged from her love , impoisoned without hope of cure , and yet grew rich withall in a private life , which freed them from publick charge , should be kept under and restrained with lawes of a more heavy nature : the course of all this misery still increasing , was imputed to the priests , who carried into forraign countries , and fed by the crums of stranger princes ( professed enemies to this state ) were brought up onely in such places where the name of the queen their soveraign was never heard of , but as an heretick and excommunicate person , torn with curses and excommunications ; if these men were not inticed with treacherous designes , they were surely known to be familiar with such as were ; who with the venom of their arts , had pernitiously depraved the minds of many papists , and sowred their whole lump with a new malignant livery , which was sweeter and less timerous before . now therefore , no safer reremedy could be found , then to debar these unnatural men from all entrance into this kingdom ; which was likewise decreed under penalty of their lives , in the seven and twentieth of her raign . not long after when the tempest rose and fell upon this land ; the event well declared what love remained in these mens brests towards their dearest country ; for , so were they blinded with hate and envy , that they rested neither night nor day , binding themselves with vowes and sacraments , to bring it into bondage of a forraign enemy . hereupon , albeit the clouds of spain ( which caused this severity ) were blown over , and vanished ; yet , the remembrance of danger passed , struck deep in the mindes of men ; and , because it would have been accounted levity to have repealed those lawes , and unfaithfulness to neglect them once established ; the queen was so drawn with weight of affairs , that it was no more in her power to set them in that former estate wherein they were before , in the twenty third of her raign . hereunto may be added , that although there was not wanting the industry of divers ministers to increase her exchequer ; and justice of others to urge exemption of the lawes , wherein they onely saw the publike safety to consist ; yet , constant to her natural clemency , she debated the keenness of their edge , that the priests who suffered death were very few in regard of their exceeding number . these things i rehearse , not , as points of her defence , this cause needeth no justification ; whereas both the safety of this kingdom required no less , and the whole course of this severity , fell far short of the bloody examples amongst the papists ; which rather flowed from pride and malice , then any necessity : but i am not forgetful of my first affection , having by this time sufficiently shown that this prince was moderate in cause of religion , and if any sharpness happened therein , that it proceeded not from her nature , but from the iniquity of the times . of her great care and constancy in true religion , this may be a certain argument , that albeit popery had been established by much power and study in her sisters raign , and had taken deep root by time , and was still confirmed by the writ and assent of all in authority ; yet , since that it neither agreed with the word of god , nor the primitive pureness , nor her own conscience , she pluck'd it up , with little help , and abolished it with great courage and resolution ; which was not done upon a rash impetuous fancy , but with maturity and advice ; whereof ( among many other things ) we may take a conjecture by an answer so made upon a by-occasion . in the beginning of her raign , when prisoners ( as the manner is ) were released , for a boon of her new inauguration ; a certain courtier , who by custome had taken up a boldness of speech , and jestingly waited for her as she went to chappel , when , either of himself , or set on by wiser men , he put an humble petition , crying out aloud withall , that yet there remained four or five honest prisoners , who were unjustly detained ; beseeching he majesty to set them at liberty ; and they were the four evangelists , and saint paul the apostle , who had been long shut up in a strange language , as in a prison , and kept from conversing among the people ; to whom she wisely answered , that full inquiry should be made of themselves , whether they would be released , yea , or no : whereby she put off a sudden question , with a suspended answer ; and stil reserved the interest of things in her own freedom and decision . in which business , she proceeded not by peeces , or with trepidation , but in a grave and setled order : first , calling the synods to conference , and the states to parliament ; and then within compass of one year , so reformed ecclesiastical affairs , that till her dying day she departed not a whit from the constitution then determined ; yea , ever after her custome was to warn almost every parliament when it sate , that nothing should be changed in the right , and discipline of the church ; and thus far concerning religion . now to leave these sadder things ; if any man should think it a lightness that she suffered her self to be courted and wooed , and refused not to be seen upon the scene of love , even beyond the condition of her age ; this , if it be gently construed , wanted not also a share in admiration ; for it soundeth unlike those old stories of a maiden queen living in elizian islands , from whose court none was debarred that used fair accostment , and no lasciviousness in love ; but if it be severely scanned , then greater is the wonder ; for , albeit that we often see , that a state is loosened by the looseness of the prince ; yet , these delights she used with such a curb , that they little dimmed her fame , less her majesty , and softned the vigour and dispensation of her state nothing at all . but to shut up my discourse ; the prince was certainly good and vertuous , and so she desired to seem , she hated vices , and took the way to fame , by that of honour : whilst i am upon her vertues , i cannot forget one passage , when letters were written to her ambassadors in france , to deliver some private message to the queen-mother then of valois ; wherein her secretary , as it were , to curry favour , had inserted this clause , that the ambassador should say , they two were two such queens , so versed in soveraign arts , and seen in politick affairs , as no kings nor men in the world went beyond them ; she misliked the assotiation , and commanded it to be blotted out , saying , the arts she had learned were of a better stamp , and the principles of a far higher nature , whereby she ruled her people . she was not puffed up with the length of her raign , although she was long a queen ; for , if any had told her fitly in discourse , that the world would have taken notice of her admirable parts , though she had lived in some mean estate ; she would have been well pleased with such insinuations ; so much she desired that her vertue should stand alone unbeholding to her fortune for praise . but if i should enter into her moral or regal commendations , or recite the roll of her vertue , and rank them in their proper place and light , befitting so rare a prince , which should slide into the story of her life , it would require greater leasure and a larger vein . i have onely summoned up these two parcels briefly , and sincerely , as i could ; for , it must be confessed , that no commender can be found sufficient for this prince , but onely time , which , from the first beginning , never produced in all her sex any one like to her for civil government and administration of affairs . finis . the apology of s r francis bacon ; in , certain imputations concerning the late earl of essex . written to the right honorable his very good lord , the earl of devonshire , lord lieutenant of ireland . london , printed 1651. to the right honorable his very good lord , the earl of devonshire , lord lieutenant of ireland . it may please your good lordship : i cannot be ignorant , and ought to be sensible of the wrong which i sustain in common speech , as if i had been false , or unthankful to that noble , but unfortunate earl the earl of essex : and for satisfying the vulgar sort , i do not so much regard it ; though i love a good name , but yet as an handmaid and attendant of honesty and vertue . for i am of his opinion that said pleasantly , that it was a shame to him that was a suter to the mistriss , to make love to the waiting woman ; and therfore to woo or court cōmon fame otherwise then it followeth on honest courses , i for my part , find not my self fit nor disposed . but on the other side , there is no worldly thing that concerneth my self , which i hold more dear , then the good opinion of certain persons ; amongst which there is none i would more willingly give satisfaction unto , then to your lordship . first , because you loved my l. of essex , and therefore will not be partial towards me ; which is part of that i desire , next , because it hath ever pleased you to shew your self to me an honorable friend ; and so no baseness in me to seek to satisfie you : and lastly , because i know your lordship is excellently grounded in the true rules and habits of duties & moralities ; which must be they which shall decide this matter : wherein ( my l. ) my defence needeth to be but simple and brief : namely , that whatsoever i did concering that action and proceeding , was done in my duty and service to the queen and the state ; in which i would not shew my self false hearted , nor faint hearted for any mans sake living . for every honest man that hath his heart wel planted , wil forsake his king rather then forsake god , & forsake his friend rather then forsake his king ; and yet will forsake any earthly commodity , yea , and his own life in some cases , rather then forsake his friend . i hope the world hath not forgotten these degrees , else the heathen , saying ; amicus usque ad aras , shall judge them . and if any man shall say , i did officiously intrude my self into that business , because i had no ordinary place ; the like may be said of all the business in effect that passed the hands of the learned councel , either of state or revenues these many years , wherein i was continually used . for , as your lordship may remember , the queen knew her strength so well as she looked her word should be a warrant ; and after the manner of the choisest princes before her , did not alwayes tye her trust to place , but did somtime divide private favor from office . and i for my part , though i was not so unseen in the world , but i knew the condition was subject to envy and peril ; yet because i knew again she was constant in her favours , and made an end where she began , and especially , because she upheld me with extraordinary access , and other demonstrations of confidence and grace , i resolved to indure it , in expectation of better . but my scope and desire is , that your lordship would be pleased to have the honorable patience , to know the truth , in some particularity , of all that passed in this cause , wherein i had any part , that you may perceive how honest a heart i ever bear to my soveraign and to my country , and to that noble man , who had so well deserved of me , and so well accepted of my deservings ; whose fortune i cannot remember without much grief . but for any action of mine towards him , there is nothing that passed me in my life time , that cometh to my remembrance with more clearness , and less check of conscience : for it will appear to your lordship , that i was not onely not opposite to my lord of essex , but that i did occupy the utmost of my wits , and adventure my fortune with the queen to have reintegrated his , and so continued faithfully and industriously till his last fatal impatience ( for so i wil call it ) after which day there was not time to work for him , though the same , my affection , when it could not work on the subject proper , went to the next , with no ill effect towards som others , who i think do rather not know it , then not acknowledge it . and this i will assure your lordsh . i wil leave nothing untold , that is truth for any enemy that i hav to add ; & on the other side , i must reserve much which makes for me , in many respects of duty , which i esteem above my credit : and what i have here set down to your lordsh . i protest , as i hope to have any part in god's favour , is true . it is well known , how i did many years since dedicate my travels and studies to the use and ( as i may tearm it ) service of my lord of essex , which i protest before god , i did not , making election of him as the likeliest mean of mine own advancement , but out of the humor of a man , that ever , from the time i had any use of reason ( whether it were reading upon good books , or upon the example of a good father , or by nature ) i loved my country more then was answerable to my fortune , and i held at that time , my l. to be the fitter instrument to do good to the state : and therefore i applied my self to him , in a manner which i think hapneth rarely among men : for i did not onely labour carefully and industriously in that he set me about , whether it were matter of advice or otherwise , but neglecting the queens service , mine own fortune , and in a sort my vocation , i did nothing but advise and ruminate with my self to the best of my understanding , propositions and memorials , of any thing that might concern his lordships honor , fortune , or service . and when not long after i entred into this course , my brother mr. anthony bacon came from beyond the seas , being a gentleman whose ability the world taketh knowledge of for matters of state , specially forraign ; i did likewise knit his service to be at my l ds disposing . and on the otherside , i must and will ever acknowledge my lords love , trust , and favour towards me , last of all his liberality , having infeofed me of land which i sold for eighteen hundred pounds to master reynold nicholas , and i think was more worth , and that at such a time , and with so kinde and noble circumstances , as the manner was as much as the matter : which though it be but an idle digression , yet because i am not willing to be short in commemoration of his benefits , i will presume to trouble your lordship with the relating to you the manner of it . after the queen had denied me the solicitors place , for the which his lordship had been a long and earnest sutor on my behalf , it pleased him to come to me from richmond to twicknam park , and brake with me , and said : mr. bacon , the queen hath denied me the place for you , and hath placed another ; i know you are the least part of your own matter , but , you fare ill because you have chosen me for your mean and dependance : you have spent your time and thoughts in my matters ; i die ( these were his very words ) if i do not somewhat towards your fortune , you shall not deny to accept a peece of land , which i will bestow upon you . my answer i remember was , that for my fortune it was no great matter : but that his lordships offer made me call to minde what was wont to be said when i was in france of the duke of guise , that he was the greatest usurer in france because he had turned all his estate into obligations ; meaning that he had left himself nothing , but onely had bound numbers of persons to him . now my lo. ( said i ) i would not hav you immitate his course , nor turn your state thus by great gifts into obligations , for you wil find many bad debtors . he bad me take no care for that , & pressed it : whereupon i said my lor. i see i must be your homager , and hold land of your gift : but do you know the manner of doing homage in law ? alwaies it is with a saving of his faith to the king and his other lords , and therefore my l. ( said i ) i can be no more yours then i was , and it may be with the ancient savings : and if i grow to be a rich man , you will give me leave to give it back to some of your unrewarded followers . but to return , sure i am ( though i can arrogate nothing to my self , but that i was a faithful remembrance to his lordship ) that while i had most credit with him , his fortune went on best . and yet in two main points we alwaies directly and contradictorily differed , which i will mention to your lordship , because it giveth light to all that followed . the one was , i ever set this down , and that the onely course to be held with the queen , was by obsequiousness & observance ; and i remember i would usually engage confidently , that if he would take that course constantly , and with choise of good particulars to express it , the queen would be brought in time to assuerus question , to ask , what should be done to the man , that the king would honour : meaning , that her goodness was without limit , where there was a true concurrence , which i knew in her nature to be true . my lord on the otherside had a setled opinion , that the queen could be brought to nothing , but by a kinde of necessity and authority ; and i will remember , when by violent courses at any time he had got his will he would ask me . now sir : whose principles be true ? and i would again say to him : my lord , these courses be like to hot waters , they will help at a pang : but if you use them , you shall spoil the stomack , and you shall be fain still to make them stronger and stronger , and yet in the end they will less their operation : with much other variety , wherewith i used to touch that string . another point was , that i alwaies vehemently disswaded him from seeking greatness by a military dependance , or by a popular dependance , as that which would breed in the queen jealousie , in himself presumption , and in the state perturbation : and i did usually compare them to icarus two wings which were joyned on with wax , and would make him venture to soar too high , and then fail him at the height . and i would further say unto him : my lord , stand upon two feet , and fly not upon two wings . the two feet , are the two kinds of justice , commutative and distributive : use your greatness for advancing of merit and vertue , and relieving wrongs and burdens , you shall need no other art or fineness : but he would tell me , that opinion came not from my minde , but from my robe . but it is very true , that i that never meant to inthral my self to my lord of essex , nor any other man , more then stood with the publick good , did ( though i could little prevail ) divert him by all means possible from courses of the wars and popularity : for i saw plainly the queen must either live or die ; if she lived , then the times would be as in the declination of an old prince , if she died , the times would be as in the beginning of a new : and that if his lordship did rise too fast in these courses , the times might be dangerous for him , and he for them : nay , i remember i was thus plain with him upon his voyage to the ilands , when i saw every spring put forth such actions of charge and provocation , that i said to him , my lord , when i came first unto you , i took you for a physition that desired to cure the diseases of the state ; but now i doubt you will be like those physitians , which can be content to keep their patients low , because they would alwayes be in request : which plainness he nevertheless took very well , as he had an excellent ●ar , and was patientissimus veri , and assured me the case of the realm required it : and i think this speech of mine , and the like renewed afterwards , pricked him to write that apology which is in many mens hands . but this difference in two points so main and material , bred in process of time a discontinuance of privateness ( as it is the manner of men feldom to communicate where they think their courses not approved ) between his lordship and my self ; so as i was not called nor advised with , for some yeer and a half before his lordships going into ireland as in former time : yet nevertheless touching his going into ireland , it pleased him expresly and in a set manner to desire mine opinion and counsel . at which time i did not onely disswade , but protest against his , going telling him with as much vehemency and asseveration as i could , that absence in that kinde would exulcerate the queens minde , whereby it would not be possible for him to carry himself so , as to give her sufficient contentment : nor for her to carry her self so , as to give him sufficient countenance , which would be ill for her , ill for him , and ill for the state. and because i would omit no argument , i remember i stood also upon the difficulty of the action : setting before him out of histories , that the irish was such an enemy as the ancient gaules or britons , or germanes were , and that we saw how the romans , who had such discipline to govern their soldiers , and such donatives to encourage them , and the whole world in a manner to levy them ; yet when they came to deal with enemies which placed their felicity onely in liberty , and the sharpness of their sword , and had the natural and elemental advantages of woods , and boggs , and hardness of bodies , they ever found they had their hands full of them : and therefore concluded that going over with such expectation as he did , and through the churlishness of the enterprise not like to answer it , would mightily diminish his reputation ; and many other reasons i used , so as i am sure i never in any thing in my life time dealt with him in like earnestness by speech , by writing , and by all the means i could devise . for i did as plainly see his overthrow chained as it were by destiny to that journey , as it is possible for a man to ground a judgement upon future contingents . but my lord , howsoever his ear was open , yet his heart and resolution was shut against that advise , whereby his ruine might have been prevented . after my lords going , i saw then how true a prophet i was , in regard of the evident alteration which naturally succeeded in the queens mind ; and thereupon i was still in watch to find the best occasion that in the weakness of my power i could either take or minister , to pull him out of the fire if it had been possible : and not long after , me thought i saw some overture thereof , which i apprehended readily ; a particularity i think be-known to very few , and the which i do the rather relate unto your lordship , because i hear it should be talked , that while my lord was in ireland , i revealed some matters against him , or i cannot tell what ; which if it were not a meer slander as the rest is , but had any , though never so little colour , was surely upon this occasion . the queen one day at nonesuch , a little ( as i remember ) before cuffes coming over , i attending on her , shewed a passionate distast of my lords proceeding in ireland , as if they were unfortunate , without judgement , contemptuous , and not without some private end of his own , and all that might be , and was pleased , as she spake of it to many that she trusted least , so to fall into the like speech with me ; whereupon i who was still awake , and true to my grounds which i thought surest for my lords good , said to this effect : madam , i know not the particulars of estate , and i know this , that princes actions must have no abrupt periods or conclusions , but otherwise i would think , that if you had my lord of essex here with a white staff in his hand , as my lord of leicester had , and continued him still about you for society to your self , and for an honor and ornament to your attendance and court in the eies of your people , and in the eies of forraign ambassadors , then were he in his right element : for , to discontent him as you do , and yet to put arms and power into his hands , may be a kinde of temptation to make him prove combersome and unruly . and therefore if you would imponere bonum clausulam , & send for him and satisfie him with honor here neer you , if your affairs which ( as i have said ) i am not acquainted with , will permit it , i think were the best way . which course your lordship knoweth , if it had been taken then all had been well , and no contempt in my lords coming over , nor continuance of these jealousies , which that employment of ireland bred , and my lord here in his former greatness . well , the next news that i heard , was , that my lord was came over , and that he was committed to his chamber for leaving ireland without the queens licence : this was at nonesuch , where ( as my duty was ) i come to his lorship , and talked with him privately about a quarter of an hour , and he asked mine opinion of the course was taken with him ; i told him : my lord , nubecula est , cito transibit : it is but a mist : but shal i tel your lordship , it is as mists are , if it go upwards , it may haps cause a showre , if downwards it wil clear up . and therefore good my lo. carry it so , as you take away by all means all ombrages and distasts from the queen , & especially if i were worthy to advise you , ( as i have been by your self thought , and now your question imports the continuance of that opinion ) observe 3. points : first , make not this cessation or peace which is concluded with tyrone , as a service wherein you glory , but as a shuffling up of a prosecution which was not very fortunate . next , represent not to the queen any necessity of estate , whereby as by a coercion or wrench , she should think her self inforced to send you back into ireland ; but leave it to her . thirdly , seek accesse importune , oportune , seriously , sportingly every way . i remember my lord was willing to hear me , but spake very few words , and shaked his head sometimes , as if he thought i was in the wrong ; but sure i am , he did just contrary in every one of these three points . after this , during the while since my lord was committed to my lord keepers , i came divers times to the queen , as i had used to do , about causes of her revenue and law business , as is well known : by reason of which accesses , according to the ordinary charities of court , it was given out , that i was one of them that incensed the queen against my lord of essex . these speeches i cannot tell , nor i will not think that they grew any way from her majesties own speeches , whose memory i will ever honour : if they did , she is with god , and miserum est ab illis laedi , de quibus non possis queri . but i must give this testimony to my lord cecil , that one time in his house at the savoy he dealt with me directly , and said to me ; cousin , i hear it , but i beleeve it not , that you should do some ill office to my lord of essex : for my part i am meerly passive and not active in this action , and i follow the q. and that heavily , and i lead her not ; my lord of essex is one that in nature i could consent with as well as with any one living ; the queen indeed is my soveraign , and i am her creature , i may not lose her , and the same cours i would wish you to take : whereupon i satisfied him how far i was from any such minde . and as sometimes it cometh to pass , that mens inclinations are opened more in a toy , then in a serious matter : a little before that time , being about the middle of michaelmas terme , her majesty had a purpose to dine at my lodge at twicknam park , at which time i had ( though i profess not to be a poet ) prepared a sonnet directly tending & alluding to draw on her majesties reconcilement to my lord , which i remember also i shewed to a great person , and one of my lords neerest friends , who commended it : this , though it be ( as i said ) but a toy , yet it shewed plainly in what spirit i proceeded , & that i was ready not only to do my l. good offices , but to publish and declare my self for him ; and never was so ambitious of any thing in my life time , as i was to have carried some token or favour from her majesty to my lord , using all the art i had , both to procure her majesty to send , and my self to be the messenger : for as to the former i feared not to alledge to her , that this proceeding toward my lord , was a thing towards the people very implausible , and therefore wished her majesty however she did , yet to discharge her self of it ; and to lay it upon others , and therefore that she should intermix her proceeding with some immediate graces from her self , that the world might take knowledge of her princely nature and goodness , lest it should alienate the hearts of her people from her , which i did stand upon , knowing wel that if she once relented to send or visit , those demonstrations would prove matter of substance for my lords good . and to draw that employment upon my self , i advised her majesty , that whensoever god should move her to turn the light of her favours towards my lord , to make signification to him thereof : that her majesty if she did it not in person , would at the least use some such mean as might not intitle themselves to any part of the thanks , as persons that were thought mighty with her , to work her , or to bring her about ; but to use some such as could not be thought but a meer conduct of her own goodness : but i could never prevail with her , though i am perswaded she saw plainly whereat i levelled : but she plainly had me in jealousie , that i was not hers intirely , but still had inward and deep respects towards my lord , more then stood at that time with her will and pleasure . about the same time i remember an answer of mine in a matter which had some affinity with my lords cause , which though it grew from me , went after about in others names . for her majesty being mightily incensed with that book which was dedicated to my lord of essex being a story of the first year of king henry the fourth , thinking it a seditious prelude to put into the peoples head boldness and faction , said , she had an opinion , that there was treason in it , and asked me if i could not finde any places in it , that might be drawn within case of treason : whereto i answered ; for treason surely i found none , but for fellony very many . and when her majesty hastily asked me wherein ; i told her , the author had commited , very apparent theft , for he had taken most of the sentences of cornelius tacitus , and translated them into english , and put them into his text . and another time when the qu. would not be perswaded , that it was his writing whose name was to it , but that it had some more mischievous author , and said with great indignation , that she would have him racked to produce his author ; i replyed , nay , madam , he is a doctor , never rack his person , but rack his stile ; let him have pen , ink , and paper , and help of books , and be enjoyned to continue the story where it breaketh off , and i will undertake by collecting the stiles , to judge whether he were the author or no. but for the main matter , sure i am , when the qu. at any time asked mine opinion of my lords case , i ever in one tenor , said unto her : that they were faults which the law might terme contempts , because they were the transgression of her particular directions and instructions : but then what defence might be made of them , in regard of the great interest the person had in her majesties favour , in regard of the greatness of his place , and the ampleness of his commission ; in regard of the nature of the business being action of war , which in common cases cannot be tyed to strictness of instructions , in regard of the distance of the place , having also a sea between , that demands and commands , must be subject to winde and weather ; in regard of a councel of state in ireland which he had at his back to avow his actions upon , and lastly in regard of a good intention that he would alledge for himself , which i told her in some religions was held to be a sufficient dispensation for gods commandements , much more for princes . in all these regards , i besought her majesty to be advised again and again , how she brought the cause into any publick question : nay , i went further , for i told her , my lord was an eloquent and wel spoken man , and besides his eloquence of nature or art , he had an eloquence of accident which passed them both , which was the pity and benevolence of his hearers ; and therefore that when he should come to his answer for himself , i doubted his words would have so unequal passage above theirs that should charge him , as would not be for her majesties honor ; and therefore wished the conclusion might be , that they might wrap it up privately between themselves , and that she would restore my lord to his former attendance , with some addition of honour to take away discontent . but this i wil never deny , that i did shew no approbation generally of his being sent back again into ireland , both because it would have carried a repugnancy with my former discourse , and because i was in mine own heart fully perswaded , that it was not good neither for the queen , nor for the state , nor for himself : and yet i did not disswade it neither , but left it ever as locus lubricus . for this particularity i do well remember that after your lordship was named for the place in ireland , and not long before your going , it pleased her majesty at white hall to speak to me of that nomination : at which time i said to her : surely , madam , if you mean not to imploy my lord of essex thither again , your majesty cannot make a better choise , and was going on to show some reason , and her majesty interrupted me with great passion : essex ! ( said she ) whensoever i send essex back again into ireland , i will marry you , claim it of me : whereunto i said ; well , madam , i will release that contract if his going be for the good of your state. immediately after the queen had thought of a course ( which was also executed to have somewhat published in the star-chamber , for the satisfaction of the world touching my lord of essex his restraint , and my lord of essex not to be called to it , but occasion to be taken by reason of some libels then dispersed ; which when her majesty propounded unto me , i was utterly against it ; and told her plainly ; that the people would say , that my lord was wounded upon his back , and that justice had her balance taken from her , which ever consisted of an accusation and defence , with many other quick and significant tearms to that purpose : insomuch that i remember i sad , that my lord in foro famae was too hard for her ; and therefore wished her as i had done before , to wrap it up privately . and certainly i offended her at that time , which was rare with me : for i call to mind that both the christmas , lent , and easter terme following , though i came divers times to her upon law business yet me thought her face and maner was not so clear and open to me , as it was at the first . and she did directly charge me , that i was absent that day at the star-chamber , which was very true ; but i alleged som in disposition of body to excuse it : and during all the time aforesaid , there was altum silentium from her to me touching my lord of essex causes . but towards the end of easter terme , her majesty brake with me , and told me that she had found my words tru , for that the proceeding in the star-chamber had done no good , but rather kindled factious bruits ( as she termed them ) then quenched them , and therefore that she was determined now for the satisfaction of the world , to proceed against my-lord in the star-chamber by an information ore tenus , and to have my lo. brought to his answer : howbeit she said , she would assure me that whatsoever she did , should be towards my l. ad castigationem , & non ad destructionem , as indeed she had often repeated the same phrase before : whereunto i said ( to the end utterly to divert her : ) madam , if you will have me speak to you in this argument , i must speak to you as frier bacons head spake , that said first , time is , and then , time was , and time would never be ; for certainly ( said i ) it is now far to late , the matter is cold and hath taken too much wind ; where at she seemed again offended , and rose from me , and that resolution for a while continued ; and after , in the beginning of midsomer tearm , i attending her , and finding her setled in that resolution ( which i heard of also otherwise ) she falling upon the like speech , it is true , that seeing no other remedy , i said to her slightly , why , madam , if you wil needs hav a proceeding , you were best have it in some such sort as ovid spake of his mistress , est aliquid luce patente minus , to make a counsel table matter of it , and there an end ; which speech again she seemed to take in ill part , but yet i think it did good at that time , and helped to divert that course of proceeding by information in the star-chamber . nevertheless afterwards it pleas'd her to make a more solemn matter of the proceeding , and some few daies after when order was given that the matter should be heard at york hous , before an assembly of councellers , peers , and judges , & some audience of men of quality to be admitted : and then did some principal councellers send for us of the learned councel , and notifie her majesties pleasure unto us , save that it was said to me openly by one of them , that her majesty was not yet resolved whether she would have me forborn in the business or no. and hereupon might arise that other sinister and untrue speech that i hear is raised of me , how i was a suter to be used against my lo. of essex at that time : for it is very true , that i that knew well what had passed between the queen and me , and what occasion i had given her both of distast and distrust , in crossing her disposition , by standing steadfastly for my l. of essex , and suspecting it also to be a stratagem arising from some particular emulation , i writ to her two or three words of complement , signifying to her majesty , that if she would be pleased to spare me in my lord of essex cause , out of the consideration she took of my obligation towards him , i should reckon it for own of her greatest favors : but otherwise desiring her majesty to think that i knew the degrees of duties , & that no particular obligation whatsoever to any subject could supplant or weaken that entireness of duty that i did ow & bear to her and her service ; & this was the goodly sute i made , being a respect no man that had his wits could hav omitted : but nevertheless i had a further reach in it , for i judged that daies work would be a full period of any bitternes or harshness between the queen and my lord , and therefore if i declared my self fully according to her minde at that time , which could not do my lord any manner of prejudice , i should keep my credit with her ever after , whereby to do my lord service . hereupon the next news that i heard , was , that we were all sent for again , and that her majesties pleasure was , we all should have parts in the business ; and the lords falling into distribution of our parts , it was allotted to me , that i should set forth some undutiful carriages of my lord , in giving occasion and countenance to a seditious pamphlet , as it was termed , which was dedicated unto him , which was the book before mentioned of k. henry the fourth . whereupon i replyed to that allotment , and said to their lordships , that it was an old matter , and had no manner of coherence with the rest of the charge , being matters of ireland , and therfore that i having been wronged by bruits before , this would expose me to them more ; and it would be said , i gave in evidence mine own tales . it was answered again with good shew , that because it was considered how i stood tyed to my lord of essex , therefore that part was thought fittest for me , which did him least hurt : for that whereas all the rest was matter of charge and accusation , this onely was but matter of caveat and admonition . wherewith though i was in mine one minde little satisfied , because i knew well a man were better to be charged with some faults , then admonished of some others : yet the conclusion binding upon the queens pleasure directly , volens nolens , i could not avoid that part that was laid upon me ; which part if in the delivery i did handle not tenderly ( though no man before me did in so clear tearms free my lord from all disloyalty as i did ) that your lordship knoweth , must be ascribed to the superiour duty i did ow to the queens fame and honour in a publick proceeding , and partly to the intention i had to uphold my self in credit and strength with the queen , the better to be able to do my lord good offices afterwards : for assoon as this day was past , i lost no time , but the very next day following ( as i remember ) i attended her majesty , fully resolved to try and put in ure my utmost endeavor ( so far as i in my weaknes could give furtherance ) to bring my lord again speedily into court and favour , and knowing ( as i supposed at least ) how the queen was to be used , i thought that to make her conceive that the matter went well then , was the way to make her leave off there ; and i remember well , i said to her , you have now madam obtained victory over two things which the greatest princes in the world cannot at their wills subdue : the one is over fame , the other is over a great minde : for surely the world is now ( i hope ) reasonably well satisfied ; & for my lord , he did shew that humiliation towards your majesty , as i am perswaded he was never in his life time more fit for your favor then he is now : therefore if your majesty will not marre it by lingring , but give over at the best , and now you have made so good a full point , receive him again with tenderness , i shall then think that all that is past , is for the best . whereat i remember she took exceeding great contentment , and did often iterate and put me in minde , that she had ever said , that her proceedings should be ad reparationem , and not adruinam , as who saith , that now was the time i should well perceive , that that saying of hers should prove true . and further she willed me to set down in writing all that passed that day . i obeyed her commandment , and within some few daies brought her again the narration , which i did read unto her at 2 several afternoons : and when i came to that part that set forth my lords own answer , ( which was my principal care ) i do well bear in mind , that she was extrordinarily moved with it , in kindness and relenting towards my lord , and told me afterwards ( speaking how well i had expressed my lords part ) that she perceived old love would not easily be forgotten : wherto i answered suddenly , that i hoped she meant that by her self . but in conclusion i did advise her , that now she had taken a representation of the matter to her self , that she would let it go no further : for , madam , ( said i ) the fire blazeth well already , what should you tumble it : and besides it may please you keep a convenienc with your self in this case : for since your express direction was , there should be no register nor clarke to take this sentence , nor no record or memorial made up of the proceeding , why should you now do that popularly , which you would not admit to be done judicially ? whereupon she did agree , that that writing should be suppressed , and i think there were not ▪ persons that ever saw it . but from this time forth during the whole latter end of that summer while the court was at nonsuch and otlands , i made it my task and scope to take and give occasions for my lords reintegration in his fortune : which my intention i did also signifie to my lord , assoon as ever he was at his liberty ; whereby i might without peril of the queens indignation write to him , and having received from his lordship a courteous and loving acceptation of my good will and indeavours , i did apply it in all my accesses to the queen , which were very many at that time , and purposely sought and wrought upon other variable pretences , but onely and chiefly for that purpose . and on the otherside , i did not forbear to give my lord from time to time faithful advertisement what i found , and what i wished . and i drew for him by his appointment some letters to her majesty , which though i knew well his lordships gift and stile was far better then mine own , yet because he required it , alledging that by his long restraint he was grown almost a stranger to the queens present conceipts , i was ready to perform it : and sure i am , that for the space of six weeks , or two months it prospered so well , as i expected continually his restoring to his attendance . and i was never better welcom to the queen , nor more made of , then when i spake fullest and boldest for him : in which kinde the particulars were exceeding many , whereof for an example i will remember to your lordship one or two ; as at one time i call to minde , her majesty was speaking of a fellow that undertook to cure , or at least to ease my brother of his gout , and asked me how it went forwards ; and i told her majesty , that at the first he received good by it , but after in the course of his cure he found himself at a stay or rather worse : the queen said again , i will tell you bacon the error of it , the manner of these physitians , and especially these empericks is to continue one kinde of medicine , which at the first is proper , being to draw out the ill humor , but after they have not the discretion to change their medicine , but apply still drawing medicines , when they should rather intend to cure and corroborate the part . good lord , madam , ( said i ) how wisely and aptly can you speak and discern of physick ministred to the body , and consider not that there is the like occasion of physick ministred to the minde : as now in the case of my lord of essex , your princely word ever was , that you intended ever to reform his minde , and not ruine his fortune : i know well you cannot but think that you have drawn the humor sufficiently , and therefore it were more then time , and it were but for doubt of mortifying or exulcerating , that you did apply and minister strength and comfort unto him : for these same gradations of yours are fitter to corrupt then correct any mind of greatness ▪ and another time i remember she told me for news , that my lord had written unto her some very dutiful letters , and that she had been moved by them , and when she took it to be the abundance of the heart , she found it to be but a preparative to a suit for the renuing of his farme of sweet wines : whereunto i replyed ; o madam , how doth your majesty consture these things , as if these two could not stand well together , which indeed nature hath planted in all creatures . for there are but two sympathies , the one towards perfection , the other towards preservation . that to perfection , as the iron con●ēdeth to the loadstone : that to preservation , as the vine will creep towards a stake or prop that stands by it , not for any love to the stake , but to uphold it self . and therefore , madam , you must distinguish my lords desire to do you service , is as to his perfection , that which he thinks himself to be born for : whereas his desire to obtain this thing of you , is but for a sustentation . and not to trouble your lordship with many other particulars like unto these , it was at the self same time that i did draw with my lords privity , and by his appointment , two letters , the one written as from my brother , the other as an answer returned from my lord , both to be by me in secret manner shewed to the queen , which it pleased my lord very strangely to mention at the bar : the scope of which were but to represent and picture forth unto her majesty my lords minde to be such , as i knew her majesty would fainest have had it , which letters whosoever shall see , ( for they cannot now be retracted or altered , being by reason of my brothers , or his lordships servants delivery , long since come into diverse hands ) let him judge , especially if he knew the queen , and do remember those times , whether they were not the labors of one that sought to bring the queen about for my lord of essex his good . the troth is , that the issue of all his dealing grew to this , that the queen by some slackness of my lords , as i imagine , liked him worse and worse , and grew more incensed towards him . then , she remembring belike the continual , and incessant , and confident speeches and courses that i had held on my lords side , became utterly alienated from me , and for the space of ( at least ) three moneths , which was between michaelmas and new-years tide following , would not so much as look on me , but turned away from me with express and purpose-like discountenance wheresoever shee saw me : and at such time as i desired to speak with her about law business , ever sent me forth very slight refusals , insomuch as it is most true , that immediately after newyears tide i desired to speak with her ; and being admitted to her , i dealt with her plainly , and said : madam , i see you withdraw your favor from me and now i have lost many friends for your sake , i shall lose you too : you have put me like one of those that the frenchmen call enfans perdus , that serve on foot before horsmen , so have you put me into matters of envy without place , or without strength : and i know at chess a pawn before the king , is ever much plaid upon : a great many love me not , because they think i have been against my lord of essex ; and you love me not , because you know i have been for him : yet will i never repent me , that i have dealt in simplicity of heart towards you both , without respect of cautions to my self : and therefore vivus vidensque pereo . if i do break my neck , i shall do it in a manner as master dorrington did it , which walked on the battlements of the church many daies , and took a view & survey where he should fall : and so , madam , ( said i ) i am not so simple , but that i take a prospect of mine overthrow , onely i thought i would tel you so much , that you may know that it was faith , and not folly that brought me into it , & so i will pray for you . upon which speeches of mine uttered with some passion , it is true her majesty was exceedingly moved ; and accumulated a number of kind & gratious words upon me , and willed me to rest upon this , gratia mea sufficit , and a number of other sensible & tender words and demonstrations , such as more could not be ; but as touching my lord of essex , ne verbum quidem . whereupon i departed , resting then determined to meddle no more in the matter ; as that , that i saw would overthrow me , and not be able to do him any good . and thus i made mine own peace with mine own confidence at that time ; and this was the last time i saw her majesty , before the eight of february , which was the day of my lord of essex his misfortune , after which time for that i perform at the bar in my publick service , your lordship knoweth by the rules of duty , that i was to do it honestly and without prevarication : but for any putting my self into it , i protest before god , i never moved neither the queen , nor any person living concerning my being used in the service , either of evidence or examination : but it was meerly laid upon me with the rest of my fellows . and for the time which passed , i mean between the arraignment and my lords suffering , i well remember but i was once with the qu. at what time though i durst not deal directly for my lord as things then stood ; yet generally i did both commend her majesties mercie , terming it to her as an excellent balm that did continually distil from her soveraign hands , and made an excellent odour in the senses of her people : and not onely so , but i took hardiness to extenuate , not the fact , for that i durst not ; but the danger , telling her that if some base or cruel minded persons had entered into such an action , it might have caused much blood and combustion : but it appeared well they were such as knew not how to play the malefactors , and some other words which i now omit . and as for the rest of the carriage of my self in that service , i have many honorable witnesses that can tel , that the next day after my lords arraignment , by my diligence and information touching the quality and nature of the offendors , six of nine were stayed , which otherwise had been attainted , i bringing their lordships letter for their stay , after the jury was sworn to pass upon them ; so neer it went : and how careful i was , and made it my part , that whosoever was in trouble about that matter , assoon as ever his case was sufficiently known and defined of , might not continue in restraint , but be set at liberty : and many other parts , which i am well assured of stood with the duty of an honest man. but indeed i will not deny for the case of sir thomas smith of london , the q. demanding my opinion of it , i told her , i thought it was as hard as many of the rest : but what was the reason ? because at that time i had seen only his accusation , and had never been present at any examination of his : and the matter so standing , i had been very untrue to my service , if i had not delivered that opinion . but afterwards upon a re-examination of som that charged him , who weakned their own testimony ; & especially hearing himself viva voce , i went instantly to the q. out of the soundness of my conscience , & not regarding what opinion i had formerly delivered , told her majesty , i was satisfied and resolved in my conscience , that for the reputation of the action , the plot was to countenance the action further by him in respect of his place , then they had indeed any interest or intelligence with him . it is very true also , about that time her majesty taking a liking of my pen , upon that which i had done before concerning the proceeding at york house , and likewise upon some other declarations , which in former times by her appointment i put in writing , commanded me to pen that book , which was published for the better satisfaction of the world : which i did , but so , as never secretary had more perticular , and express directions and instructions in every point how to guide my hand in it : and not onely so , but after that i had made a first draught thereof and propounded it to certain principal councellors , by her majesties appointment , it was perused , weighed , censured , altered , and and made almost anew , writing according to their lordships better consideration , wherein their lordships and my self both were as religious and curious of truth , as desirous of satisfaction : and my self indeed gave onely words and form of stile in pursuing their direction . and after it had passed their allowance , it was again exactly perused by the queen her self , and some alterations made again by her appointment : nay , and after it was set to print , the queen , who as your lordship knoweth , as she was excellent in great matters , so she was exquisite in small : and noted that i could not forget my ancient respect to my lord of essex interming him ever my lo. of essex , my lord of essex almost in every page of the book , which she thought not fit , but would have it made , essex , or the late earl of essex : whereupon of force it was printed de novo , & the first copies suppressed by her peremptory commandment . and this my good lord , to my furthest remembrance , is all that passed wherein i had part , which i have set down as neer as i could in the very words and speeches that were used , not because they are worthy the repetition , i mean those of mine own ; but to the end your lordship may lively and plainly discern between the face of truth , and a smooth tale . and the rather also because in things that passed a good while since , the very words and phrases did sometimes bring to my remembrance the matters , wherein i report me to your honorable judgement , whether you do not see the traces of an honest man : and had i been as well beleeved either by the queen or by my lord , as i was well heard by them both , both . my lord had been fortunate , and so had my self in his fortune . to conclude therefore , i humbly pray your lordship to pardon me for troubling you with this long narration , and that you will vouchsafe to hold me in your good opinion , till you know i have deserved , or finde that i shall deserve the contrary ; and even so i continue at your lordships honorable commandments very humbly . the ld. bacon his letter to the most illustrious , and most excellent prince charls , prince of wales , duke of corn-wal , earl of chester , &c. it may please your highness , in part of my acknowledgement to your highness , i have endevoured to do honor to the memory of the last king of england that was ancestor to the king your father and your self , and was that king to whom both unions may in a sort refer , that of the roses being in him consummate , and that of the kingdoms by him begun : besides his times deserve it , for he was a wise man , and an excellent king ; and yet the times very rough and full of mutations and rare accidents : and it is with times , as it is with wayes , some are more up hill and down hill , and some are more flat and plain , and the one is better for the liver , and the other for the writer : i have not flattered him , but took him to life as well as i could , sitting so far of , and having no better light ; it is true your highness hath a living patern , incomparable of the king your father , but is not amiss for you also to see it one of these ancient pieces : god preserve your highness . your highness most humble and devoted servant , francis s t alban . finis . the lord treasurer bur leigh his advice to queen elizabeth in matters of religion and state. most gratious soveraign , care ( one of the true bred children of my unfained affection ) awaked with the late wicked and barbarous attempts , would needs exercise my pen to your sacred majesty , not onely encouraging me , that it would take the whole fault of boldness upon it self ; but , also , that even the world should not doubt to appear in your highness presence in their kindly rudeness . for that if your majesty with your voice did but read them , your very reading would grace them with eloquence . therefore laying aside all self guilty conceits of ignorance ( knowing that the sign is not angry with the well meaning astronomer , though he hap to miss his course ; i will with the same sincerity display my humble conceits ) wherewith my life shall be amongst the foremost to defend the blessings which god ( in you ) hath bestowed upon us . so far then as can be perceived by my humane judgment , dread soveraign , you may judge , that the happiness of your present estate , can no ways be encumbred with one of these two means , ( viz ) either by your 1 factious subjects , or 2 forraign enemies . your strong and factious subjects are the papists , strong i account them , both in number and nature ; for by number they are able to raise a great army , and by their natural and mutual confidence , and intelligence , they may soon bring to pass an uniting with forraign enemies ; factious i call them , because they are discontented , of whom in all reason of state your majesty must determine ; if you will suffer them to be strong to make them the better content , or if you will discontent them , by making them weaker ; for what the mixture of strength and discontent are in genders , there needs no syllogism to prove . to suffer them to be strong with hope , that with reason they will be contented , carrieth with it in my opinion , but a fairer enamling of a terrible danger . for first , mens natures are not only to strive against a present smart , but to revenge by-past injury , though they be never so well contented hereafter , which cannot be so sufficient a pledg to your majesty , but that when opportunity shal flatter them , they will remem . +ber , not the after slacking , but the former binding , and so much the more when they shall imagine this relenting rather to proceed from fear , the which is the poyson of all government , when the subject thinks the prince doth any thing more out of fear then favour . and therefore the romans would rather abide the uttermost extremities , then by their subjects to be brought to any conditions . again , for to make them contented absolutely , i do not see how your majesty either in conscience will do or in policy may do it , since you cannot throughly discontent your faithful subjects , and to fasten an unreconciled love , with the losing of certain love , is to build a house with the sale of lands ; so much the more in that your majesty is imbarqued in the protestant cause , as in many respects by your majesty it cannot be with any safety abandoned , they having been so long time the onely instruments both of your councel and power ; and to make them half content , and half discontent , methinks carries with it as deceitful a shadow of reason as can be , since there is no pain so small , but if we can cast it off , we will ; and no man loves one the better for giving him the bastinado though with never so little a cudgel . but the course of the most wise , most politick , and best grounded estate , hath ever been to make an assuredness of friendship , or to take away all power of enmity . yet , here must i distingiush between discontent and dispair , for it sufficeth to waken the discontented ; but there is no way but to kill desperates ( which in such a number as they are ) were as hard and difficult , as impious and ungodly . and therefore , though they must be discontented , yet , i would not have them desperate ; for among many desperate men , it is like some one will bring forth some desperate attemps . therefore , considering that the urging of the oath , must needs in some degree beget despair , since therein he must either think ( as without the special grace of god he cannot think otherwise ) or else become a traitor , which before some hurt done seemeth hard : i humbly submit this to your excellent consideration , whether with as much sincerity of your majesties person and state , and more satisfaction for them , it were not better to leav the oath to this sense , that whosoever would not bear arms against all forraign princes , and namely , the pope , that should any way invade your majesties dominions , he should be a traytor ; for hereof this commodity will ensue ; that those papists ( as i think most papists would that should take this oath ) would be devided from the great mutual confidence which now is betwixt the pope and them , by reason of their afflictions for him : and such priests as would refuse that oath then no tongue could say for shame , that they suffer for religion , if they did suffer . but here it may be objected , they would dissemble and equivocate with this oath ; and that the oath would dispence with them in that case . even so may they with the present oath both dissemble and equivocate , and also have the popes dispensation for the present oath , as well as for the other . but this is certain , that whomsoever the conscience , or fear of breaking an oath doth binde , him would that oath binde . and that they make conscience of an oath , the troubles , losses , and disgraces , that they suffer for refusing the same , do sufficiently testifie : and you know that the perjury of either oath is equal . so then the farthest point to be sought for their contentment is but to avoid their dispair . how to weaken their contentment is the next consideration . weakned they may be , by two means . first , by lessening their number . secondly , by taking away from their force , their number will easily be lessened , by the means of careful and diligent preachers in each parish to that end appointed ; and especially , by good school-masters , and bringers up of their youth ; the former by converting them after their fall ; and the latter , by preventing them from falling into their errors . for preachers ( because their own ) groweth a great question ; i am provoked to lay at your highness feet my opinion touching the preciser sort . first , protesting to god almighty , and your sacred majesty , that i am not given over , no , nor so much as addicted to their preciseness ; therfore till i think , that you think otherwise , i am bold to think , that the bishops in these dangerous times , take a very ill and unadvised course in driving them from their cures ; and this i think , for two causes . first , because it doth discredit the reputation and estimation of your power ; when the princes shal perceive , and know ; that even in your protestant subjects ( in whom consisteth all your force , strength , and power ) there is so great , and heart burning a division , and how much reputation swayeth in these , and all other worldly actions ; there is none so simple , as to be ignorant : and the papists themselves ( though there be most manifest , and apparent discord between the franciscans and dominicans , the jesuites , and other orders or religious persons , especially the benedictims : ) yet will they shake off none of them , because in the maine point of popery they all agree , and hold together : and so far they may freely brag and vaunt of their unity . the other reason is , because in truth , ( in their opinions ) though they are oversqueamish , and nice , and more scrupulous then they need ; yet with their careful catechizing , and diligent preaching , they bring forth that fruit which your most excellent majesty is to desire , and wish , namely , the lessning and diminishing the papistical numbers . and therefore in this time your majesty hath especial cause to use and imploy them , if it were but as frederick the second ( that excellent emperor ) did use and employ the sarazens souldiers against the pope , because he was well assured , and certainly knew , that they onely would not spare his sanctity . and for those objections what they would do , if once they got a full and entire authority in the church , methinks they are inter remota & in certa mala , and therefore , vicinia & certa , to be first considered . as for school-masters ( they may be a principal means of diminishing their number ) the lamentable and pittiful abuses of them are easie to be seen , since the greatest number of papists is of very young men ; but your majesty may prevent that bud , and may use therein not onely a pious and godly means , in making the parents of every shire to send their children to be vertuously brought up at a certain place , for that end appointed ; but you shall also ( if it please your majesty ) put in practice a notable stratagem , used by certories in spaine , by choosing such fit and convenient places for the same , as may surely be at your devotion ; and by this means you shall under colour of education , have them as hostages of the parents fidelities , that have any power in england : and by this way their number will quickly be lessned ; for i account death doth no wayes lessen them , since we find by experince , that death worketh no such effect ; but that like hydra's heads , upon cutting off one , seven growes up ; persecution being accounted as the badg of the church ; and therfore they should never have the honour to take any pretence of martyrdom in england , where the fulness of blood , and greatness of heart is such , that they will even for shameful things go bravely to death ; much more when they think themselves to climb heaven , and that vice of obstinacy seems to the common people a divine constancy . but for my part i wish no lessning of their number , but by preaching , and of the youngers education under good school-masters ; there taking away of their forces , is as wel by peace's authority , as of war provision . their peace's authority standeth , either in offices , or tenantries . for their offices , their credit w●ll seem available , if order be taken , that from the highest councellor to the lowest constable , none to have any charge or office , but such as will really pray and communicate in their congregation according to the doctrine received generally into this realm . for their tenantries , this conceit i have thought upon , ( which i submit to your farther piercing judgment ) that your majesty in every shire should give strict order , to some that are indeed trusty and religious gentlemen ; that whereas your majesty is given to understand that divers popish landlords , do hardly use all such of your people and subjects , ( as being their tenants ) do embrace and live after the authorised and true religion ; that therefore you do constitute and appoint to deal both with intreaty and authority , ( paying as others do ) that they be not thrust out of their living , nor otherwise unreasonably molested . this would greatly bind the commons hearts unto you ( on whom indeed consisteth the power and strength of your realm ) and it will make them much the less , or nothing at all depend upon their landlords . and although there may hereby grow some wrong , which the tenants upon that confidence may offer to their landlords ; yet , those wrongs are very easily , even , with one wink of your majesty redressed ; and are nothing comparable , to the danger , of having many thousands depending upon the adverse party . their wars provision , i account men and munition , of whom in some , i could wish no man , either great or smal , should so much as be trained up in any musters ; except his ●arishioners would answer for him , that he orderly and duly receiveth the communion ; and for munition , that not one should keep in his house , or have at command , so much as a halbert , without he were conformable to the church , and of the condition aforesaid . and if such order were taken , that considering they were not put to the labour and charge of mustering and training ; therefore their contribution should be more and more narrowly looked into : this would breed a chilness unto their fervour of superstition ; especially in popular resolutions , who if they love egypt , is chiefly for the flesh pots , so that me-thinks this temper should well agree with your wisdom , and the mercifulness of your nature . for to compel them you would not ; kill them you would not ; so in reason to trust them you should not ; trust being in no case to be used , but where the trust is of one minde , with the trusting reason , which ever commandeth every wise man to fly and avoyd that shamefac'dness with the greeks ; which is , not to seem to doubt them , which give just occasion of doubt . this ruined hercules the son of great alexander ; for , although he had most manifest reasons , and evident arguments to induce him to suspect his ill servant poliperchon , yet , out of the confidence he had of him , and the experience he had of his former loyalty , he would make provision accordingly , because , he would not seem so much as to misdoubt or suspect him ; and so by that means he was murthered by him . but the knot of this discourse is ; that if your majesty finde it reasonable of the one side , by relenting the rigour of the oath , and of the other by disabling the unsound subjects , you shall neither execute any , but very traytors , in all mens opinions and constructions ; nor yet put faith and confidence in those , even for their own sakes which must be faithful . the second point of the general part of my discourse , is , the consideration of your forraign enemies , which may prove either able or willing to hurt you ; and those are scotland , for his pretence and neighbourhood , and spain , for his religion and power ; as for france , i see not why it should not rather be made a friend , not an enemy ; for though he agree not with your majesty , in matters of conscience and religion ; yet , in hoc termino , he doth agree , that he feareth the greatness of spain , and therefore , that may soder the link which religion hath broken , and make him hope by your majesties friendship , to secure himself of so potent an adversary . and though he were evilly affected towards your majesty , yet , i do not think it greatly to be feared , the pres●●● condition of his estate , himself being a prince who hath given an assurance to the world , that he loves his ease much better then victories , and a prince , that is neither beloved nor feared of his people : and the people themselves being of a very light , and unconstant disposition ; and besides , they are altogether unexperienced , and undisciplined how to do their duties , either in war or peace ; they are ready to begin and undertake any enterprize before they enter into consideration thereof , and yet weary of it before it be well begun , they are generally poor and weak , and subject to sickness at sea , divided and subdivided into sundry heads , and several f●●tions , not onely between hugonites and papists , but also between the memorancis , guises , and migonominies ; the people being opressed by all due hate ; so that for a well setled and established government , and common-wealth , as your majesties is , i see no grounds why to misdoubt or fear them , but onely fo farforth as the guisars hap to serve for boutefeus in scotland ; and while it shall please your majesty , but with reasonable favour to support the king of navar , i do not think the french king will ever suffer you to be from thence anoyed . therefore , for france , your majesty may assure your self of one of these two ; either to make with him a good aliance , in respect of the common enemy of both kingdoms , or at the least so to muzle him , as that he shall have little power to bite you . as for scotland , if your majesty assist and help those noble men there , which are by him suspected , your majesty may be sure of this , that those will keep at home . and also whilst he is a protestant , no forraign prince will take part with him against your majesty : and of himself he is not able to do much harm , the better part of his nobles being for your majesty ; and if in time he should grow to be a papist , your majesty shall always have a strong party at his own doors , in his own kingdom , to restrain his malice ; who since they depend upon your majesty , they are in all policy never to be abandoned ; for by this resolution the romans anciently , and the spaniards presently , have most of all prevailed : and on the contrary , the macedonians in times past , & the french men in our age , have lost all their forraign friends , because of their aptness to neglect them who depended upō them ; but if your majesty could by any means possible devise to bring in again the hamiltons , he should then be beaten with his own weapons , and should have more cause to look to his own succession then to be too busie abroad . but spain , yea , spain it is , in which ( as i conceive ) all causes do concur , to give a just alarm to your excellent highness judgement . first ; because in religion , he is so much the popes , and the pope in policy so much his , as that the minde of pope gregory , and the power of king philip , will , nor can compass , or bring us in all probability to be expected , himself being a prince , whose closet hath brought forth geater victories , then all his fathers journies , absolutely by ruling his subjects ; a people all one hearted in religion , constantly ambitious , politick , and valiant ; the king rich and liberal , and ( which of all i like worst ) greatly beloved amongst all the discontented party of your highness subjects ; a more lively proof whereof one could never see , then in the poore don anthonio , who when he was here , was as much at mass , as any man living , yet there did not so much as one papist in england give him any good countenance ; so factious an affection is born the spaniards . now , as of him is the chief cause of doubt , so of him the chief care must be had of providence . but this offers a great question , whether it bebetter to procure his amity , or stop the course of his enmity ; as of a great lion , whether it be more wisdom , to trust to the taming of him , or tying of him . i confess , this requires a longer and larger discourse , and a better discourser then my self ; and therefore i will stay my self from roaving over so large a field , but onely with the usual presumption of love , yeeld this to your gratious consideration . first , if you have any intention of league , you see upon what assurance , or at least what likelihood you may have , that he will observe the same . secondly , that in a parlying season it it be not as a countenance unto him the sooner to overthrow the low countries , which hitherto hath been as a counter-scarff to your majesties kingdom . but if you doe not league , then your majesty is to think upon means for strengthening your self and weakning of him , and therein your own strength is to be tendered both at home and abroad . for your home strength in all reverence i leave it as the thing which contains in effect the universal consideration of government . for your strength abroad , it it must be in joyning in good confederacy , or at least intelligence with those that would willingly embrace the same . truly , not so much as the turk and morocco , but at some time they may serve your majesty to great purpose , but from florence , ferrara , and especially venice , i think your majesty might reap great assurance and service , for undoubtedly they fear his frauds , and abhor his greatness . and for the dutch and nothern princes being in effect of your majesties religion , i cannot think but their alliance may be firm , and their power not to be contemned , even the countenance of united powers doth much in matters of state. for the weakning of him , i would ( i must confess from my heart ) wish that your majesty did not spare throughly and manifestly both upon the indies , and the low-countries , which would give themselves unto you ; and rather take him while he hath one hand free and at liberty , then both of them sharply weaponed . but if this seem foolish hardiness to your majesties wisdom , yet i dare not presume to councel ( but beseech ) your majesty , that what , i say , your majesty ( without warre ) can give to the low-countries , you would vouchfafe to do it , since as king of spain without the low countries , he may trouble our skirts of ireland , but can never come to grasp with you ; but if he once reduce the low-countries to an absolute subjection , i know not what limit any man of judgment can set unto his greatness : divers wayes are to be tryed , among the rest one , ( not the worst ) in my opinion , might be to seek either the winning of the prince of parma from the king of spain , or at the least to have the matter so handled , so as the jealousie thereof may arise betwixt them , as pope clement did by the notable marquess of pescara , for he practized , with him for offering the kingdom of naples , not so much with whom to joyn him , as to make his master suspect him , for when i confider that parma is a roman by blood , a prince born , placed in the place he hath by don john , and maintained in it by the male-contents ; whereunto the king hath rather yeelded of necessity then any other way . lastly , when i remember the cittadel of pierensa , kept by the spaniards , and the apparent title of his son remutio to the crown of portugal , things hardly to be digested by an italian stomack , i cannot see how such a mind in such a fortune can sell it self to a forraign servitude . the manner of dealing with him , should be by some man of spirit , with the venetian ambassadors at paris , and afterwards with his own father in italy , both which are in their hearts mortal enemies of the greatness of spain . but these sheets of paper bare witness against me , of having offered too tedious a discourse to your majesty , divers of which points , yet , as of mittigating the oath , the school hostages , the heartning of tennants , and the dealing with the prince of parma , would require a more ample handling ; but it is first , reason to know whether your majesty like of the stuff before it be otherwise trimmed . for my self , as i will then only love my opinions , when your majesty liketh them ; so will i daily pray , that all opinions may be guided with as much faith , as i have zeal to your majesties service , and that they may be followed with infinite success . finis . to the ld. bacon then faling from favour . dazel'd thus with height of place , whilst our hopes our wits beguile ; no man markes the narrow space 'twixt a prison and a smile : then since fortune's favors fade , you that in her arms do sleep , learn to swim and not to wade , for , the hearts of kings are deep . but if greatness be so blinde , as to trust in towers of air ; let it be with goodness lin'd , that at least the fall be fair : then though darkned you shall say , when friends fail and princes frown , vertue is the roughest way , but proves at night a bed of down . to my reverend friend ; doctor a. sir , amongst consolations , it is not the least to represent to a mans self ; like examples of calamity in others . for examples give a quicker impression then arguments , and besides , they certifie us that which the scripture also tenders for satisfaction ; that no new thing is hapned unto us : this they do the better , by how much the examples are liker in circumstances to our own case , and more especially , if they fall upon persons that are greater and worthier then our selves : for as it savoureth of vanity to match our selves highly in our own conceit ; so on the other side , it is a good sound conclusion , that if our betters have sustained the like events , we have the less cause to be grieved . in this kind of consolation i have not been wanting to my self , though as a christian i have tasted ( through gods great goodness ) of higher remedies . having therefore through the variety of my reading , set before me many examples , both of ancient and latter times ; my thoughts i confess have chiefly staid upon three particulars , as the most eminent & the most resembling all three persons that had held chief places of authority in their countries , all three ruined , not by war , or by any other disaster , but by justice and sentence , as delinquents and criminals : all three famous writers , insomuch as the remembrance of their calamity is now as to posterity , but as a little picture of night-work , remaining amongst the faire and excellent tables of their acts and works : and all three ( if that were any thing to the matter ) fit examples to quench any mans ambition of rising again ; for that they were every one of them restored with great glory , but to their further ruine and destruction , ending in a violent death . the men were demosthenes , cicero , and seneca , persons that i durst not claim affinity with , except the similitude of our fortunes had contracted it . when i had cast mine eyes upon these examples , i was carried on further to observe , how they did beare their fortunes , and principally how they did imploy their times , being banished and disabled for publick businesse , to the end that i might learn by them , and that they might be as well my counsellors as my comforters . whereupon i h●pned to note , how diversly their fortunes wrought upon them , especially in that point at which i did most aim , which was the employing of their times and pens . in cicero i saw , that during his banishment ( which was almost two years ) he was so softned and dejected , that he wrote nothing but a few womanish epistles . and yet in mine own opinion , he had least reason of the three , to be discouraged : for that although it was judged , and judged by the highest kind of judgement , in form of a statute , or law , that hee should be banished , and his whole estate confiscated and seised , and his houses puld down ; and that it should be highly penal for any man to propound his repeale : yet his case even then had no great blot of ignominy , but it was thought but a tempest of popularity which overthrew him . demost henes contrariwise , though his case was foule , being condemned for bribery , and not simple bribery , but bribery in the nature of treason and disloyalty ; yet nevertheles took so little knowledge of his fortune , as during his banishment , hee did much busie himselfe , and entermedle with matters of state , and took upon him to counsel the state ( as if he had been stil at the helm ) by letters , as appears by some epistles of his , which are extant . seneca indeed , who was condemned for many corruptions and crimes , and banished into a solitary island , kept a mean ; & though his pen did not freeze , yet he abstained from intruding into matters of business ; but spent his time in writing books of excellent argument and use for all ages , though hee might have made better choyce ( sometimes ) of his dedications . these examples confirmed mee much in a resolution ( whereunto i was otherwise inclined ) to spend my time wholly in writing , & to put forth that poor talent , or half talent or what it is that god hath given me . but revolving with my self my writings as wel those which i have publisht , as those i have in hand , me thought they all went into the city and none into the temple ; where , because i found so great consolation , i desire to make some poor oblation : therefore i have chosen an argument mixt of reliligious and civill considerations ; and likewise mixt between contemplative and active . this work , because i was ever an enemy to flattering dedications , i have dedicated to you , in respect of our ancient and privat acquaintance . and because amongst the men of our times , i held you in especiall reverence . your loving friend , fra. st. alban . in obitum incomparabilis fransci de verulamio , &c. dum moriens tantam nostris verulamius heros tristitiam musis , luminaque uda facit : credimus heu nullū fieri post fata beatum , credimus & samium desipuisse senem . scilicet hic miseris , felix nequit esse camaenis nec se quam musas plus amat iste suas . at luctantē animā clotho imperiosa cöegit ad coelum , invitos traxit in astra pedes . ergone phoebeias jacuisse putabimus artes ? atque herbas clarii nil valuisse dei ? phoebus idē potuit , nec virtus abfuit herbis hunc artem atque illas vim retinere putes : at phoebū ( ut metuit ne rex foret iste camaenis ) rivali medicam crede negasse manum . hinc dolor est ; quod cum phoebo verulamius heros major erat reliquis , hac foret arte minor . vos tamē , ô tantū manes atque umbra , camaenae et poenae inferni pallida turba jovis , si spiratis adhuc , & non lucistis ocellos , sed neque post illum vos superesse putem : si vos ergo aliquis de morte reduxerit orpheus , istaque non aciem fallit imago meam : discite nunc gemitus , & lamentabile carmen , exoculis vestris lacryma multa fluat . en quam multa fluit ? veras agnosco camaenas et lacrymas , helicon vix satis unus erit ; deucalionaeis & qui non mersus inundis pernassus ( mirum est ) hisce latebit aquis . scilicet hic periit , per quē vos vivitis , & qui multâ pierias nutriit artes deas . vidit ut hic artes nulla radice retentas , languere ut summo semina sparsa solo ; crescere pegaseas docuit , velut hasta quirini crevit , & exiguo tempore laurus erat . ergo heliconiadas docuit cū crescere divas , diminuent hujus secula nulla decus . nec ferre ulterius generosi pectoris aestus contemptū potuit , diva minerva , tuum , restituit calamus solitū divinus honorem , dispulit & nubes alter apollo tuas . dispulit & tenebras sed quas obsusca vetustas , temporis & prisci lippasenecta tulit ; atque alias methodos sacrum instauravit acumen , gnossiaque eripuit , sed sua fili dedit . scilicet antiquo sapientum vulgus in aevo tam claros oculos non habuisse liquet ; hi velut eoo surgens de littore phoebus , hic velut in mediâ fulget apollo die : hi veluti typhis tentarunt aequora primum , at vix deseruit littora prima ratis , pleiadas hic hyadasque atque omnia sydera noscens , syrtes , atque tuos , improba sylla , canes ; scit quod vitandum est , quo dirigat aequore navem , certius & cursum nautica monstrat acus ; infantes illi musas , hic gignit adultas ; mortales illi , gignit at iste deas . palman ideo reliquis magna instauratio libris abstulet , & cedunt squalida turba sophi , et vestita novo pallas modo prodit amictu anguis depositis ut nitet exuviis . sic phoenix cineres spectat modo nata paternos , aesonis & rediit prima juventa senis . instaurata suos & sic verulamia muros jactat , & antiquum sperat ab inde decus sed quāta effulgēt plus quā mortalis ocelli lumina , dum regni mystica sacra canat ? dum sic naturae leges , arcanaque regum , tanquam à secretis esset utrisque can●t : dū canat henricū , qui rex , idemque sacerdos connubio stabili junxitutramque rosam . arqui haec sunt nostris longe majora camaenis , non haec infaelix granta sed aula sciat : sed cum granta labris admoverit ube●a tantis jus habet in laudes ( maxime alumne ) tuas jus habet , ut moestos lacrymis extingueret ignes , posset ut è medio diripuisse rogo . at nostrae tibi nulla ferant encomia musae , ipse canis , laudes & canis inde tuas . nos tamen & laudes , quâ possumus arte , canemus , si tamen ars desit , laus erit iste dolor . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a76741-e180 page 412. of wotton's letters . the vvisedome of the ancients, written in latine by the right honourable sir francis bacon knight, baron of verulam, and lord chancelor or england. done into english by sir arthur gorges knight de sapientia veterum. english bacon, francis, 1561-1626. 1619 approx. 156 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 86 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a01185 stc 1130 estc s100339 99836182 99836182 438 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a01185) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 438) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 822:03) the vvisedome of the ancients, written in latine by the right honourable sir francis bacon knight, baron of verulam, and lord chancelor or england. done into english by sir arthur gorges knight de sapientia veterum. english bacon, francis, 1561-1626. gorges, arthur, sir, 1557?-1625. [24], 175, [1] p. imprinted by iohn bill, london : 1619. translation of: de sapientia veterum. in this edition the title page line 8 begins: chancelor. reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 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clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng mythology, classical -early works to 1800. 2002-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-05 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-06 olivia bottum sampled and proofread 2002-06 olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-07 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the vvisedome of the ancients , written in latine by the right honourable sir francis bacon knight , baron of verulam , and lord chancelor of england . done into english by sir arthur gorges knight . scutum inuincibile fides . london , imprinted by iohn bill . 1619. to the high and illvstriovs princesse , the lady elizabeth of great brittain . duchesse of bauiere , countesse palatine of rheine , and chiefe electresse of the empire . madam , among many the worthie chancellors of this famous isle , there is obserued in sir thomas more , and sir francis bacon an admirable sympathy of wit and humour : witnesse those graue monuments of inuention & learning , wherewith the world is so plentifully enricht by them both . i will instance onely in the conceaued vtopia of the one , and the reuealed sapientia veterum of the other : whereof the first ( vnder a meere idea of perfect state gouerment ) containes an exact discouerie of the vanities and disorders of reall countries : and the second ( out of the foulds of poeticall fables ) laies open those deepe philosophicall mysteries , which had beene so long lockt vp in the casket of antiquity ; so that it is hard to iudge to whether of these two worthies , policy and morality is more behoulding . i make no question therefore but this obseruation ( touching the parallel of their spirits ) shal passe so currant to succeeding ages , that it will be said of thē as in former times pronounced of xenophon & plato , fuere aequales . and for this booke that humbly present to your highnes , which so eminently expresseth its owne perfection , in me it would seeme no lesse a vanity to giue it attributes of glory and praise , then if i should lend spectacles to lynx , or an eye to argus , knowing it needles to wast guilding on pure gould , which is euer best valued by its owne true touch & luster . but to descend to my selfe , that doe now lay before your princely cēsure the translation of these excellent and iudicious discourses , so barely wrapt vp in my harsh english phrase , that were by the author so richly attired in a sweet latine stile : i must therein flie to the sanctuary of your gracious acceptance . in which hope securing my doubts , doe with all reuerence kisse your princely hands : remaining euer readie to approue my selfe your highnesse most dutifull and most deuoted seruant arthur gorges . to the booke . rich mine of art : minnion of mercury ; true truch-man of the mind of mystery inuentions storehouse ; nymph of helicon : deepe moralist of times tradition : vnto this paragon of brutus race present thy seruice , and with cheerefull grace say ( if pythagoras beleeu'd may bee ) the soule of ancient wisedome liues in the the table . 1. cassandra , or diuination . 2. typhon , or a rebell . 3. the cyclops , or the ministers of terror . 4. narcissus , or self-loue . 5. styx , or leagues . 6. pan , or nature . 7. perseus , or warre . 8. endymion , or a fauorite . 9. the sisters of the giants , or fame . 10. actaeon and pentheus , or a curious man. 11. orpheus , or philosophy . 12. caelum , or beginnings . 13. proteus , or matter . 14. memnon , or a youth too forward . 15. tythonus , or satiety . 16. iuno's sutor , or basenesse . 17. cupid , or an atome . 18. diomedes , or zeale . 19. daedalus , or a mechanique . 20. erycthoneus , or impostury . 21. deucalion , or restitution . 22. nemesis , or the vicissitude of things . 23. achelous , or battell . 24. dyonisus , or passions . 25. atalanta , or gaine . 26. prometheus , or the state of man. 27. scylla and icarus , or the middle way . 28. sphnix , or science . 29. proserpina , or spirit . 30. metis , or counsell . 31. the sirenes , or pleasures . the preface . the antiquities of the first age ( except those we find in sacred writ ) were buried in obliuion and silence : silence was succeeded by poeticall fables ; and fables againe were followed by the records we now enioy . so that the mysteries and secrets of antiquity were distinguished and separated from the records and euidences of succeeding times , by the vaile of fiction which interposed it selfe and came betweene those things which perished , and those things which perished , and those which are extant . i suppose some are of opinion , that my purpose is to write toyes and trifles , and to vsurpe the same liberty in applying , that the poets assumed in faining , which i might doe ( i confesse ) if i listed , and with more serious contemplations intermixe these things , to delight either my selfe in meditation , or others in reading . neither am i ignorant how fickle and inconstant a thing fiction is , as being subiect to be drawen and wrested any way , and how great the commoditie of wit and discourse is , that is able to apply things well , yet so as neuer meant by the first authors . but i remember that this liberty hath beene lately much abused ; in that many to purchase the reuerence of antiquitie to their owne inuentions and fancies , haue for the same intent laboured to wrest many poeticall fables . neither hath this old and common vanity bene vsed onely of late or now and then : for euen crisippus long agoe did ( as an interpreter of dreames ) ascribe the opinions of the stoikes to the ancient poets ; and more sottishly doe the chymicks appropriate the fancies & delights of poets in the transformations of bodies , to the experiments of their furnace . all these things ( i say ) i haue sufficiently considered and weighed , and in them haue seene and noted the generall leuity and indulgence of mens wits about allegories . and yet for all this i relinquish not my opinion . for first it may not be , that the folly and loosenesse of a few should altogither detract from the respect due to the parables : for that were a conceit which might sauour of prophanenesse and presumption : for religion it selfe doth somtimes delight in such vailes and shadowes : so that who so exempts them , seemes in a manner to interdict all commerce betweene things diuine and humane . but concerning humane wisedome , i doe indeed ingenuously and freely confesse , that i am enclined to imagine , that vnder some of the ancient fictions lay couched certaine mysteries and allegories , euen from their first inuention . and i am perswaded ( whether rauished with the reuerence of antiquity , or because in some fables i finde such singular proportion betweene the similitude and the thing signified ; and such apt and cleare coherence in the very structure of them , and propriety of names wherewith the persons or actors in them are inscribed and intitled ) that no man can constantly deny , but this sense was in the authours intent and meaning when they first inuented them , and that they purposely shadowed it in this sort : for who can be so stupid & blind in the open light , as ( when he heares how fame , after the gyants were destroyed , sprang vp as their yongest sister ) not to refer it to the murmers and seditious reports of both sides , which are wont to fly abroad for a time after the suppressing of insurrections ? or when he heares how the gyant typhon hauing cut out and brought away iupiters nerues , which mercurie stole from him , and restored againe to iupiter ; doth not presently perceiue how fitly it may be applyed to powerfull rebellions , which take from princes their sinewes of money and authority , but so , that by affability of speech , and wise edicts ( the minds of their subiects being in time priuily , and as it were by stealth reconciled ) they recouer their strength againe ? or when he heares how ( in that memorable expedition of the gods against the gyants ) the braying of silenus his asse , conduced much to the profligation of the gyants ; doth not confidently imagine , that it was inuented to shew , how the greatest enterprises of rebels are oftentimes dispersed with vaine rumors and feares ? moreouer , to what iudgement can the conformitie and signification of names seeme obscure ? seeing metis the wife of iupiter doth plainely signifie councell : typhon , insurrection ; pan , vniuersality ; nemesis , reuenge , and the like . neither let it trouble any man , if sometimes hee meete with historicall narrations , or additions for ornaments sake , or confusion of times , or something transferred from one fable to another , to bring in a new allegory : for it could be no otherwise , seeing they were the inuentions of men , which liued in diuers ages , and had also diuers ends : some being auncient , others neotericall : some hauing an eye to things naturall , others to morall . there is another argument ( and that no small one neither ) to prooue that these fables containe certaine hidden and inuolued meanings , seeing some of them are obserued to be so absurd and foolish in the very relation , that they shew , and as it were proclaime a parable afar off : for such tales as are probable , they may seeme to be inuented for delight , and in imitation of history . and as for such as no man would so much as imagin or relate , they seem to be sought out for other ends : for what kinde of fiction is that , wherein iupiter is said to haue taken metis to wife , and , perceiuing that she was with child , to haue deuoured her , whence himselfe conceiuing , brought forth pallas armed out of his head ? truly i thinke there was neuer dreame ( so different to the course of cogitation , and so full of monstrosity ) euer hatcht in the braine of man. aboue all things this preuailes most with me , and is of singular moment , that many of these fables seeme not to be inuented of those by whom they are related and celebrated , as by homer , hesiod , and others : for if it were so , that they tooke beginning in that age , and from those authours by whom they are deliuered and brought to our hands ; my mind giues me there could be no great or high matter expected , or supposed to proceed from them in respect of these originals . but if with attention we consider the matter , it will appeare that they were deliuered and related as things formerly beleeued and receiued , and not as newly inuented and offered vnto vs. besides , seeing they are diuersly related by writers that liued neere about one and the selfe same time , we may easily perceiue that they were common things , deriued from precedent memorials : and that they became various by reason of the diuers ornaments bestowed on them by particular relations . and the consideration of this must needs encrease in vs a great opinion of them , as not to be accounted either the effects of the times or inuentions of the poets , but as sacred reliques or abstracted ayres of better times , which by tradition from more ancient nations fell into the trumpets and flutes of the graecians . but if any doe obstinately contend , that allegories are alwaies aduentitially , & as it were by constraint , neuer naturally and properly included in fables , we will not be much troublesome , but suffer them to enioy that grauity of iudgment which i am sure they affect , although indeed it be but lumpish and almost leaden . and ( if they be worthy to be taken notice of ) we will begin afresh with them in some other fashion . there is found among men ( and it goes for currant ) a two-fold vse of parables , and those ( which is more to be admired ) referred to contrary ends ; conducing as well to the foulding vp and keeping of things vnder a vaile , as to the inlightning and laying open of obscurities . but omitting the former ( rather then to vndergoe wrangling , and assuming ancient fables as things vagrant and composed onely for delight ) the latter must questionlesse still remaine , as not to be wrested frō vs by any violence of wit , neither can any ( that is but meanely learned ) hinder , but it must absolutely be receiued , as a thing graue and sober , free from all vanitie , and exceeding profitable and necessary to all sciences . this is it ( i say ) that leads the vnderstanding of man by an easie and gentle passage through all nouell and abstruse inuentions , which any way differ from common receiued opinions . therefore in the first ages ( when many humane inuentions and conclusions , which are now common and vulgar , were new and not generally knowen ) all things were full of fables , aenigmaes , parables , and similies of all sortes : by which they sought to teach and lay open , not to hide and conceale knowledge , especially , seeing the vnderstandings of men were in those times rude and impatient , and almost incapable of any subtilties , such things onely excepted , as were the obiects of sense : for as hieroglyphicks preceded letters , so parables were more ancient then arguments . and in these daies also , he that would illuminate mens minds anew in any old matter , and that not with disprofit and harshnesse , must absolutely take the same course , and vse the help of similies . wherefore all that hath beene said , wee will thus conclude : the wisedome of the ancients , it was either much or happy ; much if these figures and tropes were inuented by studie and premeditation . happy if they ( intending nothing lesse ) gaue matter and occasion to so many worthy meditations . as concerning my labours ( if there bee any thing in them which may do good ) i will on neither part count them ill bestowed , my purpose being to illustrate either antiquity , or things themselues . neither am i ignorant that this very subiect hath beene attempted by others : but to speake as i thinke , and that freely without ostentation , the dignitie and efficacy of the thing is almost lost by these mens writings , though voluminous and full of paines , whilst not diuing into the depth of matters , but skilfull onely in certaine common places , haue applyed the sense of these parables to certaine vulgar and generall things , not so much as glancing at their true vertue , genuine proprietie , and full depth . i ( if i be not deceiued ) shall be new in common things . wherefore leauing such as are plaine and open , i will ayme at further and richer matters . the wisedome of the ancients . 1 cassandra , or diuination . the poets fable that apollo being enamored of cassandra , was by her many shifts & cunning sleights still deluded in his desire ; but yet fed on with hope vntill such time as shee had drawen from him the gift of prophesying ; and hauing by such her dissimulation in the end , atteined to that which from the beginning shee sought after , at last flatly reiected his suite . who finding himselfe so farre engaged in his promise , as that hee could not by any meanes reuoke againe his rash gift , and yet enflamed with an earnest desire of reuenge , highly disdayning to bee made the scorne of a craftie wench , annexed a penaltie to his promise , to wit , that shee should euer foretell the trueth , but neuer be beleeued : so were her diuinations alwayes faithfull , but at no time regarded , whereof shee still found the experience , yea euen in the ruine of her owne countrey , which shee had often forewarned them of , but they neither gaue credite nor eare to her words . this fable seemes to intimate the vnprofitable liberty of vntimely admonitions and counselles . for they that are so ouerweened with the sharpnesse and dexteritie of their owne wit and capacitie , as that they disdaine to submit themselues to the documents of apollo , the god of harmonie , whereby to learne and obserue the method and measure of affaires , the grace and grauitie of discourse , the differences between the more iudicious and more vulgar eares , and the due times when to speake and when to be silent ; bee they neuer so sensible and pregnant , and their iudgements neuer so profound and profitable , yet in all their endeuours either of perswasion or perforce , they auaile nothing , neither are they of any moment to aduantage or mannage matters , but do rather hastē on the ruine of all those that they adhere or devote themselues vnto . and then at last when calamitie hath made men feele the euent of neglect , then shall they too late be reuerenced as deep foreseing and faithfull prophets . whereof a notable instance is eminently set forth in marcus catovticēsis , who as from a watchtower discouered afar off , and as an oracle long foretold , the approching ruine of his countrey , and the plotted tyrannie houering ouer the state , both in the first conspiracie , and as it was prosecuted in the ciuill contention between cesar and pompey , and did no good the while , but rather harmed the commonwealth , and hastned on his countreys bane , which m. cicero wisely obserued , and writing to a familiar friēd doth in these termes excellently describe , cato optimè sentit , sed nocet interdum reipublicae : loquitur enim tanquam in republicâ platonis , non tanquam in faece romuli . cato ( saith he ) iudgeth profoundly , but in the meane time damnifies the state , for he speakes as in the commonwealth of plato , and not as in the dregs of romulus . 2 typhon , or a rebell . ivno being vexed ( say the poets ) that iupiter had begotten pallas by himselfe without her , earnestly pressed all the other gods and goddesses that shee might also bring forth of herselfe alone without him ; and hauing by violence and importunitie obteyned a graunt thereof , shee smote the earth , and forthwith sprang vp typhon a huge and horrid monster : this strange birth shee committes to a serpent ( as a foster father ) to nourish it , who no sooner came to ripenes of yeeres , but hee prouokes iupiter to battell . in the conflict the gyant getting the vpper hand , takes iupiter vppon his shoulders , caries him into a remote and obscure countrey , and ( cutting out the sinewes of his hands and feet ) brought them away , and so left him miserably mangled and maymed . but mercury recouering these nerues from typhon by stealth , restored them againe to iupiter . iupiter being againe by this meanes corroborated , assaultes the monster afresh , and at the first strikes him with a thunderboult , from whose bloud serpents were ingendred . this monster at length fainting and flying , iupiter casts on him the mount aetna , and with the weight thereof crusht him . this fable seemes to point at the variable fortune of princes , and the rebellious insurrection of traytors in a state. for princes may well be said to be maried to their dominions , as iupiter was to iuno : but it happēs now & then , that being deboshed by the long custome of empyring & bending towards tyrāny , they endeuour to draw all to themselues , and ( contemning the counsell of their nobles and senatours ) hatch lawes in their owne braine , that is , dispose of things by their owne fancie and absolute power . the people ( repyning at this ) study how to create and set vp a cheefe of their owne choise . this proiect by the secret instigation of the peeres and nobles , doth for the most part take his beginning ; by whose conniuence the commons being set on edge , there followes a kind of murmuring or discontent in the state , shadowed by the infancie of typhon , which being nurst by the naturall prauitie and clownish malignity of the vulgar sort ( vnto princes as infestious as serpents ) is againe repaired by renewed strength , and at last breakes out into open rebellion , which ( because it brings infinite mischiefs vpon prince and people ) is represented by the monstrous deformity of typhon : his hundred heads signifie their deuided powers ; his fiery mouthes their inflamed intents ; his serpentine circles their pestilent malice in besieging ; his yron hands , their merciles slaughters ; his eagles tallents , their greedy rapynes ; his plumed body , their continuall rumors , and scouts , & feares and such like . and sometimes these rebellions grow so potent that princes are inforc't ( transported as it were by the rebels , and forsaking the chiefe seates and cities of the kingdome ) to contract their power , and ( being depriued of the sinewes of money & maiestie ) betake thēselues to some remote & obscure corner within their dominions : but in processe of time ( if they beare their misfortunes with moderation ) they may recouer their strength by the vertue and industry of mercury , that is , they may ( by becomming affable & by reconcyling the minds and willes of their subiects with graue edicts & gratious speech . ) excite an alacritie to graunt ayds and subsidies whereby to strengthen their authority anew . neuertheles hauing learned to be wise and warie , they will refraine to try the chaunce of fortune by warre , and yet studdy how to suppresse the reputation of the rebels by some famous action , which if it fall out answerable to their expectation , the rebels finding themselues weakned , and fearing the successe of their broken proiects ; betake themselues to some sleight and vaine brauadoes , like the hissing of serpents , and at length in despaire betake themselues to flight , and then when they beginne to breake , it is safe and timely for kings to pursue and oppresse them with the forces and weight of the kingdome , as it were with the mountaine aetna . 3 the cyclopes , or the ministers of terror . they say that the cyclopes ( for their fiercenes & crueltie ) were by iupiter cast into hell , and there doomed to perpetuall imprisonment : but tellus perswaded iupiter that it would doe well , if being set at liberty , they were put to forge thunderboults , which being done accordingly , they became so painefull and industrious , as that day and night they continued hammering out in laborious diligence thunderboults and other instruments of terrour . in processe of time iupiter hauing conceiued a displeasure against aesculapius the sonne of apollo for restoring a dead man to life by physicke ; and concealing his dislike ( because there was no iust cause of anger , the deed being pious and famous ) secretly incens't the cyclopes against him , who without delay slew him with a thunderboult : in reuenge of which act ; apollo ( iupiter not prohibiting it ) shotte them to death with his arrowes . this fable may be applyed to the proiects of kings , who hauing cruell , bloudy , & exacting officers , do first punish and displace them , afterwards by the counsell of tellus , that is of some base and ignoble person , and by the preuayling respect of profite they admit them into their places againe , that they may haue instruments in a readynes , if at any time there should need either seuerity of execution , or acerbity of exaction . these seruile creatures being by nature cruell , and by their former fortune exasperated , and perceiuing well what is expected at their hands , doe shew themselues wonderfull officious in such kinde of imployments but being too rash and precipitate in seeking countenance and creeping into fauour , doe somtimes take occasion from the secret becknings and ambiguous commandes of their prince to performe some hatefull execution . but princes ( abhorring the fact , and knowing well that they shall neuer want such kind of instruments ) doe vtterly forsake them , turning them ouer to the friends & allyes of the wronged to their accusations and reuenge , and to the generall hatred of the people , so that with great applause and prosperous wishes and exclamations towards the prince , they are brought , rather too late then vndeseruedly , to a miserable end . 4 narcissvs , or selfe-loue . they say that narcissus was exceeding faire and beautifull but wonderfull proud and disdainfull ; wherefore dispising all others in respect of himselfe , hee leades a solitary life in the woods and chases with a few followers , to whom hee alone was all in all , among the rest there aboue like a man , below like a beast , his feet like goates hoofes , bearing these ensignes of his iurisdiction ; to wit , in his left hand a pipe of seauen reeds , and in his right a sheephooke , or a staffe crooked at the vpper end , and his mantle made of a leopards skinne . his dignities and offices were these : hee was the god of hunters , of shepheards , and of all rurall inhabitants : cheefe president also of hils and mountaines , & next to mercury the embassadour of the gods. moreouer hee was accounted the leader and comaunder of the nymphes , which were alwaies wont to dance the rounds and friske about him , hee was acosted by the satyres and the olde sileni . hee had power also to strike men with terrors , and those especially vaine & superstitious , which are tearmed panicque feares . his acts were not many , for ought that can bee found in records , the cheefest was that hee challenged cupid at wrestling , in which conflict hee had the foile . the tale goes too that hee caught the giant typhon in a net , and held him fast . moreouer when ceres ( grumling and chafing that proserpina was rauished ) had hid her selfe away , and that all the gods tooke pains ( by dispersing themselues into euery corner ) to find her out , it was onely his good hap ( as hee was hunting ) to light on her , and acquaint the rest where she was . he presumed also to put it to the tryall who was the better musitian hee or apollo , and by the iudgment of midas was indeed preferred : but the wise iudge had a paire of asses eares priuily chopt to his nodle for his sentence . of his louetrickes , there is nothing reported , or at least not much , a thing to be wondred at , especially being among a troope of gods so profusly amorous . this onely is said of him , that hee loued the nymph eccho ( whom he tooke to wyfe ) and one pretty wench more called syrinx , towards whom cupid ( in an angry and reuengefull humor because so audaciously hee had challenged him at wrestling ) inflamed his desire . moreouer hee had no issue ( which is a maruell also , seeing the gods , especially those of the malekind , were very generatiue ) onely hee was the reputed father of a litle girle called lambe , that with many pretty tales was wont to make strangers merry : but some thinke hee did indeed beget her by his wife lambe . this ( if any bee ) is a noble tale , as being laid out , and bigg bellied with the secrets and mysteries of nature . pan ( as his name imports ) represents and lays open the all of things or nature . concerning his originall there are two onely opinions that goe for currant : for either hee came of mercury , that is , the word of god , which the holy scriptures without all controuersie affirme , & such of the philosophers as had any smacke of diuinity assented vnto : or els from the confused seedes of things . for they that would haue one simple beginning referre it vnto god : or if a materiate beginning , they would haue it various in power . so that wee may end the controuersie with this distribution that the world tooke beginning either from mercury , or from the seeds of all things . virg. eolog . 6. namque canebat vti magnum per inane coacta semina , terrarumque , animaeque , marisque fuissent , et liquidi simulignis : & his exordia primis omnia , & ipse tener mundi concreuerit orbis . for rich-vaind orpheus sweetly did rehearse how that the seeds of fire , ayre , water , earth , were all pact in the vast void vniuerse : and how from these all firstlings all had birth , and how the bodie of this orbicque frame from tender infancy so bigg became . but as touching the third conceipt of pans originall , it seemes that the grecians ( either by intercourse with the egyptians or one way or other ) had heard something of the hebrew mysteries : for it points to the state of the world not considered in immediate creation , but after the fall of adam , exposed and made subiect to death and corruption : for in that state it was ( and remains to this day ) the ofspring of god and sinne. and therefore all these three narrations , concerning the manner of pans birth , may seeme to bee true , if it bee rightly distinguished betweene things and times . for this pan or nature ( which wee suspect , contemplate , and reuerence more then is fit ) tooke beginning from the word of god by the meanes of confused matter , and the entrance of preuarication and corruption . the destinies may well be thought the sisters of pan or nature , because the beginnings , and continuances , and corruptions , and depressions , and dissolutions , and eminences , and labours , and felicities of things , and all the chances which can happen vnto any thing are linckt with the chaines of causes naturall . hornes are attributed vnto him , because hornes are broad at the roote and sharpe at the ends , the nature of all things being like a pyramis sharpe at the toppe . for indiuiduall or singular things being infinite are first collected into species , which are many also ; then from species into generals , and from generals ( by ascending ) are contracted into things or notions more generall , so that at length nature may seeme to be contracted into a vnity . neither is it to be wondred at , that pan toucheth heauen with his hornes , seeing the height of nature or vniuersall ideas doe in some sort , pertaine to things diuine , and there is a ready and shorte passage from metaphysicke to naturall theologie . the body of nature is elegantly and with deepe iudgement depainted hairy , representing the beames or operations of creatures : for beames are as it were the haires and bristles of nature , and euery creature is either more or lesse beamie , which is most apparent in the facultie of seeing , and no lesse in euery vertue and operation that effectuals vpon a distant obiect : for whatsoeuer workes vp any thing afarre off ; that may rightly bee saide to darte forth rayes or beames . moreouer pans beard is said to bee exceeding long , because the beames or influences of celestiall bodies doe operate and pierce farthest of all , and the sunne when ( his higher halfe is shadowed with a cloud ) his beames breake out in the lower , and lookes as if he were bearded . nature is also excellently set forth with a biformed body , with respect to the differences betweene superiour and inferiour creatures . for the one part by reason of their pulchritude , & equabilitie of motiō , & constancy , & dominion ouer the earth & earthly things , is worthily set out by the shape of man : and the other part in respect of their perturbations and vnconstant motions ( and therefore needing to be moderated by the celestiall ) may be well fitted with the figure of a brute beast . this description of his body perteines also to the participation of species , for no naturall beeing seemes to be simple , but as it were participating and compounded of two . as for example ; man hath somthing of a beast : a beast something of a plant : a plant something of a inanimate bodie , so that all naturall things are in very deed biformed , that is to say compounded of a superiour , and inferiour species . it is a wittie allegorie that same of the feet of a goate , by reason of the vpward tending motion of terrestriall bodies towards the ayer and heauen : for the goate is a clyming creature , that loues to bee hanging about the rockes and steep mountaines ; and this is done also in a wonderfull manner , euen by those things which are destinated to this inferiour globe , as may manifestly appeare in cloudes and meteors . the two ensignes which pan beares in his hands do point , the one at harmony , the other at empiry : for the pipe consisting of seauen reedes doth euidently demonstrate the concent and harmony and discordant concord of all inferior creatures , which is caused by the motion of the seuen planets : and that of the shep-hooke may be excellently applied to the order of nature , which is partly right , partly crooked : this staffe therefore or rodde is especially crooked in the vpper end , because all the workes of diuine prouidence in the world are done in a far fetcht and circular manner , so that one thing may seeme to be effected , and yet indeed a cleane cōtrary brought to passe , as the selling of ioseph into egypt , and the like . besides in all wise humane gouerment , they that sit at the helme doe more happily bring their purposes about , and insinuate more easily into the minds of the people , by pretexts and oblique courses , then by direct methods ; so that all scepters and mases of authority ought in very deed to be crooked in the vpper end . pans cloake or mantle is ingeniously fained to be the skin of a leopard , because it is full of spottes : so the heauens are spotted with stars , the sea with rockes and islands , the land with flowers , and euery particular creature also is for the most part garnished with diuers colours about the supersicies , which is as it were a mantle vnto it . the office of pan can bee by nothing so liuely conceaued and exprest , as by fayning him to bee the god of hunters , for euery naturall action , and so by consequence , motion and progression , is nothing els but a hunting . arts and sciences haue their workes , and humane counsels their ends which they earnestly hunt after . all naturall things haue either their food as a prey , or their pleasure as a recreation which they seeke for , and that in most expert and sagacious manner . torua leaena lupum sequitur , lupus ille capellam : florentem cythisum sequitur lasciua capella . the hungry lionesse ( with sharp desire ) pursues the wolfe , the wolfe the wanton goate : the goate againe doth greedily aspire . to haue the trifol-iuyce passe downe her throate . pan is also saide to bee the god of the countrey clownes , because men of this condition lead liues more agreeable vnto nature , then those that liue in the cities and courts of princes , where nature by too much arte is corrupted : so as the saying of the poet ( though in the sense of loue ) might be here verified : pars minima est ipsa puella sui . the maid so trickt her selfe with arte . that of her selfe shee is least parte . hee was held to be lord president of the mountaines , because in high mountaines and hilles , nature layes herselfe most open , and men most apt to viewe and contemplation . whereas pan is said to bee ( next vnto mercury ) the messenger of the gods , there is in that a diuine mystery cōteined , for next to the word of god the image of the world proclaimes the power and wisedome diuine , as sings the sacred poet. psal. 19. 1. caeli enarrant gloriam dei , atque opera manuum eius indicat firmamentum . the heauens declare the glory of god , and the firmament sheweth the workes of his hands . the nymphes , that is , the soules of liuing things take great delight in pan : for these soules are the delights or minions of nature , and the direction or conduct of these nymphes is with great reason attributed vnto pan , because the soules of all things liuing doe follow their naturall dispositions as their guides , and with infinite varietie euery one of them after his own fashion doth leape and friske and dance with incessant motion about her . the satyres and sileni also , to wit , youth and old age are some of pans followers : for of all naturall things there is a liuely iocund and ( as i may say ) a dauncing age , and an age againe that is dull bibling and reeling . the cariages and dispositions of both which ages to some such as democritus was ( that would obserue them duely ) might peraduenture seeme as ridiculous and deformed as the gambols of the satyrs , or the gestures of the sileni . of those feares and terrours which pan is said to be the author , there may be this wise construction made , namely , that nature hath bredde in euery liuing thing a kinde of care and feare tending to the preseruation of its owne life and being , and to the repelling and shunning of all things hurtfull . and yet nature knowes not how to keepe a meane , but alwaies intermixes vaine and emptie feares with such as are discreet and profitable ; so that all things ( if their insides might bee seene ) would appeare full of panicque frights : but men especially in hard and fearefull , and diuers times are wonderfully infatuated with superstition , which indeed is nothing els but a panicque terrour . concerning the audacity of pan in challenging cupid at wrestling , the meaning of it is , that matter wants no inclination and desire to the relapsing and dissolution of the world into the old chaos , if her malice and violence were not restrained and kept in order , by the prepotent vnitie and agreement of things signified by cupid , or the god of loue ; and therefore it was a happie turne for men and all things els , that in that conflict pan was found too weake and ouercome . to the same effect may be interpreted his catching of typhon in a net : for howsoeuer there may sometimes happen vast and vnwonted tumors ( as the name of typhon imports ) either in the sea or in the ayre , or in the earth , or els where , yet nature doth intangle in an intricate toile , and curbe & restraine , as it were , with a chaine of adamant the excesses and insolences of these kind of bodies . but for as much as it was pans good fortune to finde out ceres as he was hunting , and thought little of it , which none of the other gods could doe , though they did nothing els but seeke her , and that very seriously , it giues vs this true and graue admonition , that we expect not to receaue things necessary for life and manners from philosophicall abstractions , as from the greater gods , albeit they applied themselues to no other studie , but from pan , that is from discreet obseruation , & experience , and the vniuersall knowledge of the things of this world , whereby ( oftentimes euen by chance , and as it were going a hunting ) such inuentions are lighted vpon . the quarrell he made with apollo about musicke , and the euent thereof conteines a wholsome instruction , which may serue to restraine mens reasons and iudgements with the reines of sobriety from boasting and glorying in their gifts . for there seemes to be a twofold harmonie , or musicke ; the one of diuine prouidence , and the other of humane reason . now to the eares of mortals , that is to humane iudgement , the administration of the world and the creatures therein , and the more secret iudgements of god , sound very hard and harsh ; which folly albeit it bee well set out with asses eares , yet notwithstanding these eares are secret , and doe not openly appeare , neither is it perceiued or noted as a deformity by the vulgar . lastly , it is not to be wondred at , that there is nothing attributed vnto pan concerning loues , but onely of his mariage with eccho : for the world or nature doth enioy it selfe , and in it selfe all things els . now hee that loues would enioy something , but where there is inough there is no place left to desire . therefore there can be no wanton loue in pan or the world , nor desire to obteine any thing ( seeing he is contented with himselfe ) but onely speeches , which ( if plaine ) may bee intimated by the nymph eccho , or , if more quaint , by syrinx . it is an excellent inuention , that pan or the world is said to make choise of eccho onely ( aboue all other speeches or voices ) for his wife : for that alone is true philosophy , which doth faithfully render the very words of the world , and is written no otherwise then the world doth dictate , it being nothing els but the image or reflection of it , not adding any thing of its owne , but onely iterates and resounds . it belongs also to the sufficiency or perfection of the world , that the begets no issue : for the world doth generate , in respect of its parts , but in respect , of the whole , how can it generate , seeing without it there is no body ? notwithstanding all this , the tale of that tatling girle faltred vpon pan may in very deed with great reason be added to the fable : for by her are represented those vaine and idle paradoxes concerning the nature of things which haue bene frequent in all ages , and haue filled the world with nouelties , fruitles if you respect the matter , changlings if you respect the kind , sometimes creating pleasure , sometimes tediosnes with their ouermuch pratling . 7. persevs , or warre . perseus is said to haue beene emploied by pallas for the destroying of medusa , who was very infestious to the western parts of the world , and especially about the vtmost coasts of hyberia . a monster to dire and horrid , that by her onely aspect shee turned men into stones . this medusa alone of all the gorgons was mortall , the rest not subiect to death . perseus therefore preparing himself for this noble enterprise had armes , and guifts bestowed on him by three of the gods : mercury gaue him wings annexed to his heeles , pluto a helmet , pallas a sheild and a looking glasse . notwithstanding ( although hee were thus furnished ) hee went not directly to medusa , but first to the greae which by the mother side were sisters to the gorgons . these greae from their birth were hoare-headed , resembling old women . they had but one onely eye , and one tooth among them all , both which shee that had occasion to goe abroad was wont to take with her , & at her returne to lay them downe againe . this eye and tooth they lent to perseus : and so finding himselfe throughly furnished for the effecting of his designe hastens towards medusa . her hee found sleeping , and yet durst not present himselfe with his face towards her , least shee should awake , but turning his head aside beheld her in pallases glasse , and ( by this meanes directing his blowe ) cut of her head , from whose blood gusshing out instātly came pegasus the flying horse . her head thus smit of , perseus bestows on pallas her sheild , which yet reteined his vertue , that whosoeuer looked vpon it should become as stupid as a stone or like one plannet-strucken . this fable seemes to direct the preparation and order , that is to be vsed in making of warre : for the more apt & considerat vndertaking whereof , three graue and wholsome precepts ( sauouring of the wisedome of pallas ) are to be obserued . first , that men doe not much trouble themselues about the conquest of neighbour nations , seeing that priuate possessions , & empires are inlarged by different meanes : for in the augmentation of priuate reuenues the vicinity of mens territories is to bee considered : but in the propogation of publike dominions , the occasion and facility of making warre , and the fruit to bee expected ought to be in steed of vicinity . certeinly the romans what time their conquests towards the west scarce reacht beyond liguria , did yet in the east bring all the prouinces as far as the mountain taurus within the compasse of their armes and commaund : and therefore perseus , although he were borne and bred in the east , did not yet refuse to vndertake an expedition euen to the vttermost bounds of the west . secondly , there must bee a care had that the motiues of warre bee iust and honorable : for that begets an alacrity , aswel in the souldiers that fight , as in the people that affoord pay : it draws on and procures aids , and brings manie other comodities besides . but there is no pretence to take vp armes more pious , then the suppressing of tyrāny , vnder which yoake the people loose there courage , and are cast downe without heart & vigor , as in the sight of medusa . thirdly , it is wisely added ; that seeing there were three gorgons ( by which wars are represented ) perseus vndertooke her onely that was mortal , that is hee made choice of such a kind of war as was likely to bee effected and brought to a period , not pursuing vast and endles hopes . the furnishing of perseus with necessaries was that which only aduanced his attempt & drew fortune to bee of his side : for hee had speed from mercury , concealing of his counsels from orcus , and prouidence from pallas . neither is it without an allegory , and that ful of matter to , that those wings of celerity were fastned to perseus his heeles , and not to his anckles , to his feet and not to his shoulders ; because speed and celerity is required , not so much in the first preparationes for warre , as in those things which second & yeeld ayd to the first : for there is no error in warre more frequent , then that prosecutions and subsidiary forces doe faile to answer the alacrity of the first onsets . now for that helmet which pluto gaue him ; powerful to make men inuisible , the moral is plaine : but that two-fould guift of prouidence ( to wit the sheild & looking glasse ) is ful of morality : for that kind of prouidēce which like a sheild auoids the force of blows is not alone needfull , but that also by which the strength , and motions , and councels of the enemy are descried , as in the looking glasse of pallas . but perseus albeit he were sufficiently furnished with aid and courage , yet was hee to doe one thing of speciall importance before hee entred the lists with this monster , & that was to haue some intelligence with the greae . these greae are treasōs which may be termed the sisters of warre , not descended of the same stocke , but farre vnlike in nobility of birth ; for warres are generall and heroicall , but treasons are base and ignoble . their description is elegant : for they are said to bee grayheaded , and like old women from their birth , by reason that traitors are continually vext with cares and trepidations . but all their strength ( before they breake out 8 endymion , or a fauorite . it is saide that luna was in loue with the shepheard endymion , and in a strange and vnwonted manner bewrayed her affection : for he lying in a caue framed by nature vnder the mountaine latmus , shee oftentimes descended from her sphere to enioy his companie as he slept , and after shee had kissed him ascended vp againe . yet notwithstanding this his idlenes and sleepie security did not any way impaire his estate or fortune ; for luna brought it so to passe that hee alone ( of all the rest of the shepheards ) had his flocke in best plight , and most fruitfull . this fable may haue reference to the nature and disposition of princes : for they beeing full of doubts and prone to iealousie , doe not easily acquaint men of prying and curious eyes , and as it were of vigilant and wakefull dispositions , with the secret humours and manners of their life : but such rather as are of quiet and obseruant natures , suffering them to doe what they list without further scanning , making as if they were ignorant and perceiuing nothing , but of a stupid disposition and possest with sleepe , yeelding vnto them simple obedience , rather then slie complements : for it pleaseth princes now and then to descend from their thrones of maiestie ( like luna from the superiour orbe ) and laying aside their robes of dignity ( which alwaies to bee cumbred with , would seeme a kinde of burthen ) familiarly to conuerse with men of this condition , which they thinke may bee done without danger ; a quality chiefly noted in tiberius caesar , who ( of all others ) was a prince most seuere , yet such onely were gracious in his fauour , as being well acquainted with his disposition , did yet constantly dissemble as if they knew nothing . this was the custome also of lewis the eleuenth king of france , a cautious and wily prince . neither is it without elegancy , that the caue of endymion is mentioned in the fable , because it is a thing vsuall with such as are the fauorites of princes , to haue certaine pleasant retyring places whither to inuite them for recreation both of body and mind , and that without hurt or preiudice to their fortunes also . and indeed these kind of fauorites are men commonly well to passe : for princes although peraduenture they promote them not euer to places of honour , yet doe they aduance them sufficiently by their favour and countenance : neither doe they affect them thus onely to serue their owne turne , but are wont to enrich them now and then with great dignities and bounties . 9. the sister of the gyants , or fame . it is a poeticall relation that the gyants begotten of the earth made warre vpon iupiter , and the other gods , and by the force of lightning they were resisted & ouerthrowne . whereat the earth being excitated to wrath , in reuenge of her children brought forth fame , the youngest sister of the gyants . illam , terra parens ira irritata deorum . extremam ( vt perhibent ) caeo enceladoque sororem , progenuit . — prouok't by wrothfull gods the mother earth giues fame the gyants yongest sister birth . the meaning of the fable seemes to bee thus , by the earth is signified the nature of the vulgar , alwaies swolne and malignant , and still broaching new scandals against superiors , and hauing gotten fit oportunity , stirres vp rebels , and seditious persons , that with impious courage doe molest princes , and endeuour to subuert their estates : but being supprest , the same naturall disposition of the people stil leaning to the viler sort , ( being impatient of peace and tranquility ) spread rumors , raise malitious slanders , repining whisperings , infamous libelles , and others of that kind , to the detraction of them that are in authority : so as rebellious actions , and seditious reports , differ nothing in kind and blood , but as it were in sex onely ; the one sort being masculine , the other feminine . 10. actaeon , and penthevs , or a curious man. the curiosity of men , in prying into secrets , and coueting with an indiscreet desire to atteine the knowledge of things forbidden , is set forth by the ancients in two examples : the one of actaeon , the other of pentheus . actaeon hauing vnawares , and as it were by chance beheld diana naked , was turned into a stag , and deuoured by his owne dogges . and pentheus climing vp into a tree , with a desire to bee a spectator of the hidden sacrifices of bacchus , was strucken with such a kind of frensie , as that whatsoeuer he look't vpon , he thought it alwaies double , supposing ( among other things ) he saw two sunnes , and two thebes ; insomuch that running towards thebes , spying another thebes , instantly turned back againe , and so kept stil running forward and backward with perpetuall vnrest . eumenidum veluti demens videt agmina pentheus , et solem geminum , & duplices se ostendere thebas . pentheus amaz'd doth troops of furies spie , and sunne and thebes seeme dooble to his eye . the first of the fables pertains to the secrets of princes : the second to diuine mysteries . for those that are neare about princes , and come to the knowledge of more secretes then they would haue them , doe certainly incurre great hatred . and therefore ( suspecting that they are shot at , & opportunities watcht for their ouerthrow ) doe lead their liues like stagges , fearefull and full of suspition . and it happens oftentimes that their seruants , and those of their houshould ( to insinuate into the princes fauor ) doe accuse them to their destruction : for against whomsoeuer the princes displeasure is knowne , looke how many seruants that man hath , and you shall find them for the most part so many traytors vnto him , that his end may proue to bee like actaeons . the other is the misery of pentheus : for they that by the height of knowledge in nature and philosophy , hauing climed , as it were , into a tree , doe with rash attempts ( vnmindfull of their frailtie ) pry into the secrets of diuine mysteries , and are iustly plagued with perpetuall inconstancy , and with wauering and perplexed conceits : for seeing the light of nature is one thing , and of grace another , it happens so to them as if they saw two sunnes . and seeing the actions of life , and decrees of will doe depend of the vnderstanding , it follows that they doubt , and are inconstant no lesse in will then in opinion , and so in like manner they may bee said to see two thebes : for by thebes ( seeing there was the habitation and refuge of pentheus ) is meant the ende of actions . hence it comes to passe that they knowe not whither they goe , but as distracted and vnresolued in the scope of their intentions , are in all things caried about with sudden passions of the mind . 11 orphevs , or philisophy . the tale of orpheus , though common , had neuer the fortune to bee fitly applyed in euery point . it may seeme to represent the image of philosophy : for the person of orpheus ( a man admirable and diuine , and so excellently skilled in all kinde of harmony , that with his sweet rauishing musicke he did as it were charme and allure all things to follow him ) may cary a singular description of philosophy : for the labours of orpheus doe so far exceed the labors of hercules , in dignity & efficacy , as the works of wisdom , excell the works offortitude . orpheus for the loue hee bare to his wife ( snacht as it were from him by vntimely death ) resolued to goe downe to hell with his harpe , to try if hee might obtaine her of the infernall powers . neither were his hopes frustrated : for hauing appeased them with the melodious sound of his voice and touch , preuailed at length so farre , as that they granted him leaue to take her away with him , but on this condition that shee should follow him , and hee not to looke backe vpon her , till he came to the light of the vpper world , which he ( impatient of , our of loue and care , and thinking that he was in a manner past all danger ) neuerthelesse violated , insomuch that the couenant is broken , and shee forthwith tumbles backe againe headlong into hell . from that time orpheus falling into a deepe melancholy became a contemner of women kind , and bequeathed himselfe to a solitary life in the deserts , where by the same melody of his voice and harpe , hee first drew all manner of wild beasts vnto him , who ( forgetfull of their sauage fiercenes , and casting off the precipitate prouocations of lust and fury , not caring to satiate their voracity by hunting after prey ) as at a theater in fawning and reconciled amity one towards another , stand all at the gaze about him , and attentiuely lend their eares to his musicke . neither is this all : for so great was the power and alluring force of his harmony , that he drew the woods & moued the very stones to come and place themselues in an orderly and decent fashion about him . these things succeeding happily and with great admiration for a time , at length certaine thracian women ( possest with the spirit of bacchus ) made such a horrid and strange noise with their cornets , that the sound of orpheus harp could no more be heard , insomuch as that harmony , which was the bond of that order and society beeing dissolued , all dissorder began againe , and the beasts ( returning to their wonted nature ) pursued one another vnto death as before : neither did the trees or stones remaine any longer in their places : and orpheus himselfe was by these femall furies torne in pieces , and scattered all ouer the desart . for whose cruell death the riuer helicon ( sacred to the muses ) in horrible indignation , hid his head vnder ground , and raised it againe in another place . the meaning of this fable seemes to be thus . orpheus musicke is of two sorts , the one appeasing the infernall powers , the other attracting beasts and trees . the first may bee fitly applyed to naturall philosophie , the second to morall or ciuill discipline . the most noble worke of naturall philosophy , is the restitution and renouation of things corruptible , the other ( as a lesser degree of it ) the preseruation of bodies in their estate , deteining them from dissolution and putrefaction . and if this gift may be in mortals , certenly it can be done by no other meanes then by the due and exquisite temper of nature , as by the melody and delicate touch of an instrument . but seeing it is of all things the most difficult , it is seldome or neuer attained vnto , and in all likelyhood for no other reason , more then through curious diligence and vntimely impatience . and therefore philosophy hardly able to produce so excellent an effect , in a pensiue humour ( and not without cause ) busies herselfe about humane obiects , and by perswasion and eloquence , insinuating the loue of vertue , equitie , and concord in the minds of men , draws multitudes of people to a society , makes them subiect to lawes , obedient to gouerment , and forgetfull of their vnbridled affections , whilst they giue eare to precepts , and submit themselues to discipline , whence followes the building of houses , erecting of townes , and planting of fields and orchards , with trees and the like , insomuch that it would not be amisse to say , that euen thereby stones , and woods were called together , and setled in order . and after serious tryall made and frustrated about the restoring of a body mortall ; this care of ciuill affaires followes in his due place : because by a plaine demonstration of the vneuitable necessity of death , mens minds are moued to seeke eternity by the fame and glory of their merits . it is wisely also said in the fable , that orpheus was auerse from the loue of women and mariage , because the delights of wedlocke and loue of children doe for the most part hinder men from enterprising great and noble designes for the publique good , holding posterity a sufficient step to immortalitie without actions . besides euen the very workes of wisedome , ( although amongst all humane things they doe most excell ) doe neuerthelesse meete with their periods . for it happens that ( after kingdomes and common-wealths haue flourished for a time ) euen tumults , and seditions , and warres arise ; in the midst of which hurly burlies : first , lawes are silent , men returne to the prauity of their natures , fields and townes are wasted and depopulated , and then , ( if this fury continue ) learning and philosophy must needs be dismembred , so that a few fragments onely , and in some places will bee found like the scattered boords of shipwracke , so as a barbarous age must follow ; and the streames of helicon being hid vnder the earth vntill ( the vicissitude of things passing ) they breake out againe and appeare in some other remote nation , though not perhaps in the same climate . 12. coelvm , or beginnings . wee haue it from the poets by tradition , that coelum was the ancientest of the gods , and that his mēbers of generation were cut off by his sonne saturne . saturne had many children , but deuoured them as soone as they were borne . iupiter onely escapt , who being come to mans estate , thrust saturne his father into hell , and so vsurped the kingdome . moreouer he pared off his fathers genitals with the same faulchin that saturne dismembred coelum , and cast them into the sea , from whence came venus . not long after this , iupiter ( being scarce setled and confirmed in this kingdome ) was inuaded by two memorable warres . the first of the titans , in the suppressing of which sol ( who alone of all the titans fauouring iupiters side ) tooke exceeding great pains . the second was of the gyants , whom iupiter himselfe destroied with thunderboults , and so all warres being ended , hee raigned secure . this fable seemes enigmatically to shew from whence all things tooke their beginning , not much differring from that opinion of philosophers , which democritus afterwards laboured to mainteine , attributing eternity to the first matter and not to the world . in which he comes somwhat neere the truth of diuine writ , telling vs of a huge deformed masse , before the beginning of the six daies worke . the meaning of the fable is this , by coelum may be vnderstood that vast concauity , or vaulted compasse that comprehends all matter : and by saturne may bee meant the matter it selfe , which takes from its parent all power of generating : for the vniuersality or whole bulke of matter alwaies remaines the same , neither increasing or diminishing in respect of the quality of its nature : but by the diuers agitations and motions of it were first produced imperfect , & ill agreeing cōpositiōs of things , making , as it were certaine worlds for proofes or assaies , and so in processe of time a perfect fabricke or structure was framed , which should still reteine and keepe his forme . and therefore the gouerment of the first age was shaddowed by the kingdome of saturne , who for the frequent dissolutions & short continuances of things was aptly fained to deuoure his children . the succeeding gouerment was deciphered by the raigne of iupiter , who confined those continuall mutations vnto tartarus , a place signifying perturbation . this place seemes to bee all that middle space between the lower superficies of heauen and the center of the earth : in which all perturbation and fragility and mortality or corruption are frequent . during the former generation of things in the time of saturns raigne , venus was not borne : for so long as in the vniuersality of matter , discord was better & more preualent then concord , it was necessary that there should bee a totall dissolution or mutation , and that in the whole fabricke . and by this kind of generation were creatures produced before saturne was depriued of his genitalles . when this ceased , that other which is wrought by venus , immediately came in , consisting in setled and preualent concord of things , so that mutation should bee onely in respect of the parts , the vniuersall fabrick remaining whole and inuiolate . saturne they say was deposed & cast downe into hell , but not destroyed and vtterly extinguisht , because there was an opinion that the world should relapse into the old chaos & interregnum againe , which lucretius praied might not happen in his time . quod procul a nobis , flectat fortuna gubernans et ratio potius quam res persuadeat ipsa . oh guiding prouidence bee gratious , that this doomes-day bee farre remou'd from vs. and graunt that by vs it may bee expected , rather then on vs in our times effected . for afterward the world should subsist by its owne quantity and power . yet from the beginning there was no rest : for in the celestiall regions there first followed notable mutations , which by the power of the sunne ( predominating ouer superior bodies ) were so quieted , that the state of the world should be conserued : and afterward ( in inferior bodies ) by the suppressing and dissipating of inundations , tempests , winds , and generall earthquakes , a more peacefull & durable agreement and tranquility of things followed . but of this fable it may conuertibly be said , that the fable conteines philosophy , and philosophy againe the fable : for wee know by faith , that all these things are nothing els but the long-since ceasing and failing oracles of sence , seeing that both the matter and fabrick of the world are most truly referred to a creator . 13. protevs , or matter . the poets say that proteus was neptunes heard-man , a graue syer , and so excellent a prophet , that hee might well bee termed thrice excellent : for hee knew not onely things to come ; but euen things past aswell as present , so that besides his skill in diuination , hee was the messenger and interpreter of all antiquities and hidden mysteries . the place of his abode was a huge vast caue , where his custome was euery day at noone to count his flock of sea-calues , and then to goe to sleep . moreouer he that desired his aduice in any thing , could by no other meanes obteine it , but by catching him in manacles , and holding him fast therewith ; who neuerthelesse to bee at liberty would turne himselfe into all manner of formes and wonders of nature , somtimes into fire , somtimes into water , somtimes into the shape of beasts and the like , till at length he were restored to his owne forme againe . this fable may seeme to vnfold the secrets of nature , and the properties of matter . for vnder the person of proteus , the first matter ( which next to god is the auncientest thing ) may be represented : for matter dwelles in the concauity of heauen as in a caue . he is neptunes bond-man , because the operations and dispensations of matter are chiefly exercised in liquid bodies . his flocke or heard seemes to be nothing but the ordinary species of sensible creatures , plants , and mettals : in which matter seemes to diffuse and as it were spend it selfe , so that after the forming and perfecting of these kinds , ( hauing ended as it were her taske ) shee seemes to sleepe and take her rest , not attempting the composition of any more species . and this may be the morall of proteus his counting of his flocke , and of his sleeping . now this is said to be done , not in the morning , nor in the euening , but at noone , to wit at such time as is most fit , and conuenient for the perfecting and bringing forth of species out of matter , duely prepared and predisposed , and in the middle , as it were , betweene their beginnings and declinations , which wee know sufficiently ( out of the holy history ) to be done about the time of the creation : for then by the power of that diuine word ( producat ) matter at the creators commaund did congregate it selfe ( not by ambages or turnings , but instantly to the production of its worke into act and the constitution of species . and thus farre haue wee the narration of proteus ( free , and vnrestrained ) together with his flocke compleat : for the vniuersality of things with their ordinary structures and compositions of species beares the face of matter not limited and constrained , and of the flocke also of materiall beings . neuerthelesse , if any expert minister of nature , shall encounter matter by main force , vexing , and vrging her with intent and purpose to reduce her to nothing ; shee contrariwise ( seeing annihilation and absolute destruction cannot be effected but by the omnipotency of god ) being thus caught in the straites of necessitie , doth change and turne her selfe into diuers strange formes and shapes of things , so that at length ( by fetching a circuit , as it were ) shee comes to a period , and ( if the force continue ) be takes her selfe to her former being . the reason of which constraint or binding will bee more facile and expedite , if matter be laide hold on by manacles , that is , by extremities . nowe whereas it is fained that proteus was a prophet , well skilled in three differences of times , it hath an excellent agreement with the nature of matter : for it is necessary that he that will knowe the properties and proceedings of matter , should comprehend in his vnderstanding the summe of all things , which haue bene , which are , or which shall be , although no knowledge can extend so farre as to singular and indiuiduall beings . 14 memnon , or a youth too forward . the poets say , that memnon was the sonne of aurora , who ( adorned with beautifull armour , and animated with popular applause ) came to the troiane warre : where ( in a rash boldnes , hasting vnto , and thristing after glory ) he enters into single combate with achilles the valiantest of all the grecians , by whose powerfull hand he was there slaine . but iupiter pittying his destruction , sent birds to modulate certaine lamentable and dolefull notes at the solemnization of his funerall obsequies . whose statue also ( the sunne reflecting on it with his morning beames ) did vsually ( as is reported ) send forth a mournfull sound . this fable may be applied to the vnfortunate destinies of hopefull young men , who like the sonnes of aurora ( puft vp with the glittering shew of vanity and ostentation ) attempt actions aboue their strength , and prouoke and presse the most valiant heroes to combate with them , so that ( meeting with their ouermatch ) are vanquished and destroyed , whose vntimely death is oft accompanied with much pitty and commiseration . for among all the disasters that can happen to mortals , there is none so lamentable and so powrefull to moue compassion as the flower of vertue cropt with too sudden a mischance . neither hath it beene often knowne that men in their greene yeares become so loathsome and odious , as that at their deathes either sorrow is stinted , or commiseration moderated : but that lamentation and mourning doe not onely flutter about their obsequies like those funerall birds ; but this pittifull commiseration doth continue for a long space , and especially by occasions and new motions , and beginning of great matters , as it were by the morning raies of the sunne , their passions and desires are renued . 15. tithonvs , or satiety it is elegantly fained that tithonus was the paromour of aurora , who ( desirous for euer to enjoy his company ) petitioned iupiter that he might neuer dye , but ( through womanish ouersight ) forgetting to insert this clause in her petition , that he might not withall grow old and feeble , it followed that he was onely freed from the condition of mortality , but for old age , that came vpon him in a maruelous and miserable fashion , agreeable to the state of those who cannot die , yet euery day grow weaker and weaker with age . insomuch that iupiter ( in commiseratio of this his misery ) did at length metamorphose him into a grashopper . this fable seemes to bee an ingenuous character or description of pleasure , which in the beginning , & as it were in the morning seemes to be so pleasant and delightfull that men desire they might enjoy & monopolize it for euer vnto thēselues , vnmindfull of that satiety and loathing , which ( like old age ) will come vpon them before they bee aware . and so at last ( when the vse of pleasure leaues men , the desire & affection not yet yeilding vnto death ) it comes to passe that men please themselues onely by talking and commemorating those things which brought pleasure vnto them in the flower of their age , which may be obserued in libidinous persons , and also in men of military professions : the one delighting in beastly talke , the other boasting of their valorous deeds like grashoppers , whose vigor consists onely in their voyce . 16. ivnos svtor , or basenesse . the poets say , that iupiter to enioy his lustfull delights tooke vpon him the shape of sundry creatures , as of a bull , of an eagle , of a swane , and of a goulden shower : but being a sutor to iuno hee came in a forme most ignoble and base , an obiect full of contempt and scorne , resembling indeed a miserable cuckow , weather-beaten with raine & tempest , nummed , quaking , and halfe dead with coulde . this fable is wise and seemes to bee taken out of the bowels of morallity , the sence of it being this , that men boast not too much of themselues , thinking by ostentation of their owne worth to insinuate themselues into estimation and fauor with men , the successe of such intentions being for the most part measured by the nature and disposition of those to whom men sue for grace : who if of themselues they bee indowed with no guifts and ornaments of nature , but are onely of haughtie and malignant spirits ( intimated by the person of iuno ) then are sutors to know that it is good policy to omit all kind of apparance that may any way shew their owne least praise or worth : and that they much deceiue themselues in taking any other course . neither is it inough to shew deformity in obsequiousnes , vnlesse they also appeare euen abiect and base in their very persons . 17. cvpid , or an atome . that which the poets say of cupid or loue cannot properly be attributed to one and the selfe same person ; and yet the difference is such , that ( by reiecting the confusion of persons ) the similitude may be receaued . they say that loue is the ancientest of all the gods , and of all things els except chaos , which they hould to bee a contemporary with it . now as touching chaos , that by the ancients was neuer dignified with diuine honour , or with the title of a god. and as for loue , they absolutely bring him in without a father , onely some are of opinion that hee came of an egge which was laid by nox , and that on chaos hee begot the gods and all things els . there are fower things attributed vnto him , perpetuall infancy , blindnes , nakednes , and an archery . there was also another loue which was the yongest of the gods , and he , they say , was the sonne of venus . on this also they bestowe the attributes of the elder loue , as in some sort well applie vnto him . this fable tends and lookes to the cradle of nature , loue seeming to bee the appetite or desire of the first matter , or ( to speake more plaine ) the naturall motion of the atome , which is that ancient and onely power that formes and fashions all things out of matter , of which there is no parent , that is to say , no cause , seeing euery cause is as a parent to its effect . of this power or vertue there can bee no cause in nature ( as for god , we alwaies except him ) for nothing was before it , and therefore no efficient cause of it . neither was there any thing better knowen to nature , and therefore neither genus nor forme . wherefore whatsoeuer it is , positiue it is , and but inexpressible . moreouer , if the manner and proceeding of it , were to be conceiued , yet could it not bee by any cause , seeing that ( next vnto god ) it is the cause of causes , it selfe onely without any cause . and perchance there is no likely hood , that the manner of it may bee conteined or comprehended within the narrow compasse of humane search . not without reason therefore is it fained to come of an egge which was layed by nox . certenly the diuine philosopher grants so much . eccl. 3. 11. cuncta fecit tempestatibus suis pulchra , & mundum tradidit disputationibus eorum , it a tamen vt non inueniat homo opus , quod operatus est deus , a principio ad finem . that is , he hath made euery thing beautifull in their seasons , also he hath set the world in their meditations , yet cannot man find out the worke that god hath wrought , from the beginning euen to the end . for the principall law of nature , or power of this desire , created ( by god ) in these parcels of things , for concurring and meeting together ( from whose repetitions and multiplications , all variety of creatures proceeded and were composed ) may dazzle the eies of mens vnderstandings , and comprehended it can hardly bee . the greeke philosophers are obserued to be very acute and diligent in searching out the materiall principles of things : but in the beginnings of motion ( wherein consists all the efficacy of operation ) they are negligent and weake , and in this that wee handle , they seeme to be altogether blind and stammering : for the opinion of the peripatetickes concerning the appetite of matter caused by priuation , is in a manner nothing els but words , which rather sound then signifie any realty . and those that referre it vnto god , doe very well , but then they leape vp , they ascend not by degrees : for doubtles there is one chiefe lawe subordinate to god , in which all naturall things concurre and meete , the same that in the fore-cited scripture is demonstrated in these words . opus , quod operatus est deus a principio vsque ad finem , the worke that god hath wrought from the beginning euen to the ende . but democritus which entred more deepely into the consideration of this point after he had conceaued an atome with some small dimension and forme , he attributed vnto it one onely desire , or first motion simply or absolutely , and another comparatiuely or in respect : for hee thought that all things did properly tend to the center of the world , whereof those bodies which were more materiall descended with swifter motion , and those that had lesse matter did on the contrary tend vpward . but this meditation was very shallow conteyning lesse then was expedient : for neither the turning of the celestiall bodies in a round , nor shutting and opening of things may seeme to be reduced or applied to this beginning . and as for that opinion of epicurus concerning the casuall declination and agitation of the atome , it is but a meere toy , and a plaine euidence , that he was ignorant of that point . it is therefore more apparent ( then wee could wish ) that this cupid or loue remaines as yet clouded vnder the shades of night . now as concerning his attributes : hee is elegantly described with perpetuall infancie desire to some indiuiduall nature , so that the generall disposition comes from venus , the more exact sympathy from cupid , the one deriued from causes more neere , the other from beginnings more remote and fatall , and as it were from the elder cupid , of whom euery exquisite sympathie doth depend . 18 diomedes , or zeale . diomedes flourishing with great fame and glory in the troian warres , and in high fauour with pallas was by her instigated ( beeing indeed forwarder then he should haue bene ) not to forbeare venus a iote , if he encountred with her in fight , which very boldly hee performed , wounding her in the right arme . this presumptuous fact hee caried cleare for a while , and being honored and renowned for his many heroicke deeds ; at last returned into his owne countrey , where finding himselfe hard besteed with domesticke troubles , fled into italy , betaking himselfe to the protection of forreiners , where in the beginning he was fortunate and royally entertained by king daunus with sumptuous gifts , raising many statues in honour of him throughout his dominions . but vpon the very first calamity that hapned vnto this nation whereunto he was fled for succor : king daunus enters into a conceipt with himselfe that he had entertained a wicked guest into his family , and a man odious to the gods and an impugner of their diuinity , that had dared with his sword to assault and wound that goddesse , whom in their religion they held it sacrilege so much as to touch . therfore , that he might expiat his countreyes guilt ( nothing respecting the duties of hospitality , when the bonds of religion tyed him with a more reuerend regarde ) suddenly slew diomedes , commanding withall time in their senses and memories . 19. daedalvs , or mechanique . mechanicall wisedome and industry , and in it vnlawfull science peruerted to wrong ends , is shadowed by the ancients vnder the person of daedalus , a man ingenious , but execrable . this daedalus ( for murthering his fellow seruant that emulated him ) being bannished , was kindly interteined ( during his exile ) in many cities , and princes courts : for indeed he was the raiser and builder of many goodly structures , as well in honour of the gods , as for the beautie and magnificence of cities , and other publick places : but for his works of mischeefe he is most notorious . it is he which framed that engine which pasiphae vsed to satisfie her lust in companying with a bull , so that by this his wretched industrie and pernicious deuice , that monster minotaur ( the destruction of so many hopefull youthes ) tooke his accursed and infamous beginning , and studying to couer and increase one mischeife with another , for the security & preseruation of this monster hee inuented and built a labyrinth , a worke for intent and vse most nefarious and wicked , for skill and workmanship famous and excellent . afterward that he might not bee noted onely for works of mischeefe , but be sought after as well for remedies , as for instruments of destruction ; hee was the author of that ingenious deuice concerning the clue of threed , by which the labyrinth was made passable without any let . this daedalus was persecuted by minos with great seuerity , diligence and inquiry , but he always found the meanes to auoid and escape his tyranny . lastly he taught his sonne icarus to flie , but the nouice in ostentation of his art soaring too high , fell into the sea , and was drowned . the parable seemes to be thus : in the beginning of it may be noted that kind of enuie or emulation that lodgeth and wonderfully swaies and domineers amongst excellent artificers , there being no kinde of people more reciprocally tormented with bitter and deadly hatred then they . the bannishment also of dedalus ( a punishment inflicted on him against the rules of policy and prouidence ) is worth the nothing : for artificers haue this prerogatiue to find enterteinment and welcome in all countries , so that exile to an excellent workman can hardly bee termed a punishment , whereas other conditions and states of life can scarce liue out of their owne country . the admiration of artificers is propogated and increast in forrein and strange nations , seeing it is a naturall and inbred disposition of men to value their owne countrimen ( in respect of mechanicall works ) lesse then strangers . concerning the vse of mechanicall arts , that which follows is plaine . the life of man is much beholding to them , seeing many things ( conducing to the ornament of religion , to the grace of ciuill discipline , and to the beautifying of all humane kind ) are extracted out of their treasuries : and yet notwithstanding from the same megazine or storehouse are produced instruments both of lust and death , for ( to omit the wiles of bandes ) we well know how farre exquisit poisons , warlike engines , and such like mischeifs ( the effects of mechanicall inuentions ) doe exceed the minotaur himselfe in malignity & sauage cruelty . moreouer , that of the labyrinth is an excellent allegory , whereby is shadowed the nature of mechanicall sciences : for all such handicrafte works as are more ingenious and accurate , may bee compared to a labyrinth in respect of subtilty and diuers intricate passages , and in other plaine resemblances , which by the eye of iudgement can hardly be guided and discerned , but onely by the line of experience . neither is it impertinently added , that hee which inuented the intricate nooks of the labyrinth , did also shew the cōmodity of the clue : for mechanicall arts are of ambiguous vse , seruing as well for hurt as for remedy , and they haue in a manner power both to loose and bind themselues . vnlawfull trades , and so by consequence arts themselues are often persecuted by minos , that is by lawes , which doe condemne them and prohibit men to vse them . neuerthelesse they are hid and retained euery where , finding lurking holes , and places of receipt , which was well obserued by tacitus of the mathematicians and figure flingers of his time in a thing not much vnlike ; genus ( inquit ) hominum quod in ciuitate nostra semper & retinebitur & vetabitur . there is a kind of men ( faith hee ) that will always abide in our citie though always forbiddē . and yet notwithstanding vnlawfull & curious arts of what kind soeuer , in tract of time , when they cannot performe what they promise , doe fall from the good opinion that was held of them ( no otherwise then icarus fell downe from the skies ) they growe to be contemned and scorned , and so perish by too much ostentation . and , to say the truth , they are not so happily restreined by the raines of law , as bewraied by their owne vanitie . 20. ericthonivs , or imposture . the poets fable that vulcan sollicited minerua for her virginity , and impatient of deniall with an inflamed desire offered her violence , but in struggling his seed fell vpon the ground , whereof came mother they cast them behind their backs , which at first struck them with great amazement and dispaire , seeing ( all things being defaced by the flood ) it would be an endles worke to find their mothers sepulcher , but at length they vnderstood that by bones the stones of the earth ( seeing the earth was the mother of all things ) were signified by the oracle . this fable seemes to reueale a secret of nature , and to correct an error familiar to mens conceipts : for through want of knowledge , men thinke that things may take renouation and restauration from their putrefaction and dregs , no otherwise then the phoenix from the ashes , which in no case can be admitted , seing such kind of materials , when they haue fulfilled their periods , are vnapt for the beginings of such things : wee must therefore looke back to more common principles . 22. nemesis , or the vicissitude of things . nemesis is said to be a goddesse venerable vnto all , but to bee feared of none but potentates and fortunes fauorites . she is thought to be the daughter of oceanus and nox . shee is purtrayed with wings on her shoulders , and on her head a coronet ; bearing in her right hand a iauelin of ash , and in her left a pitcher with the similitudes of aethiopians engrauen on it : and lastly shee is described sitting on a hart. the parable may bee thus vnfolded . her name nemesis doth plainly signifie . reuenge or retribution , her office and administration being ( like a tribune of the people ) to hinder the constant & perpetuall felicity of happy men , and to interpose her word , veto , i forbid the continuance of it , that is , not onely to chastice insolency , but to intermix prosperity ( though harmles and in a meane ) with the vicissitudes of aduersity , as if it were a custome , that noe mortall man should be admitted to the table of the gods but for sport . truly when i read that chapter , wherein caius plinius hath collected the misfortunes and miseries of augustus caesar , whom of all men i thought the most happy , who had also a kind of arte to vse and inioy his fortune , and in whose mind might be noted neither pride , nor lightnes , nor nicenes , nor disorder , nor melancholly ( as that he had appointed a time to die of his owne accord ) i then deemed this goddesse to be great and powerfull , to whose altar so worthy a sacrifice as this was drawen . the parents of this goddesse were oceanus and nox that is , the vicissitude of things , and diuine iudgement obscure and secret : for the alterations of things are aptly represented by the sea , in respect of the continuall ebbing and flowing of it : and hidden prouidence is well set forth by the night : for euen the nocturnall nemesis ( seeing humane iudgement differs much from diuine ) was seriously obserued by the heathen . virgill aeneid . lib. 2. — cadit & ripheus instissimus vnus , qui fuit ex teucris , & seruantissimus equi , dijs aliter visum — . that day by greekish force was ripheus slaine , so iust and strict obseruer of the law , as troy within her walles did not containe a better man : yet god then good it saw . shee is described with wings , because the changes of things are so sudden , as that they are seene , before foreseene : for in the records of all ages , wee finde it for the most part true , that great potentates , and wise men haue perished by those misfortunes which they most contemned , as may be obserued in marcus cicero , who being admonished by decius brutus of octauius cesars hippocriticall friendshippe and hollow heartednes towards him , returnes this answere ; te autem , mi brute , sicut debeo , amo , quod istud quicquid est nugarum me scire voluisti . i must euer acknowledge my selfe ( deare brutus ) beholding to thee , in loue , for that thou hast bene so carefull to acquaint mee with that which i esteeme but as a needles trifle to be doubted . nemesis is also adorned with a coronet , to shew the enuious and malignant disposition of the vulgar , for when fortunes fauourites and great potentates come to ruine , then doe the common people reioyce , setting as it were a crowne vpon the head of reuenge . the iauelin in her right hand points at those , whom shee actually strikes and pierceth thorow . and before those , whom shee destroyes not in their calamitie and misfortune , shee euer presents that blacke and dismall spectacle in her left hand : for questionles to men sitting , as it were , vpon the pinnacle of prosperity , the thoughts of death & painfulnes of sicknes and misfortunes , perfidiousnes of friends , treachery of foes , change of state , and such like , seeme as ougly to the eye of their meditations , as those ethiopians pictured in nemesis her pitcher . virgill in describing the battell of actium , speakes thus elegantly of cleopatra . regina in medijs patrio vocat agmina sistro , nec dum etiam geminos à tergo respicit angues .. the queene amidst this hurly burly stands , and with her countrey timbrell calles her bands ; not spying yet where crawld behind her backe two deadly snakes with venom speckled blacke . but not long after , which way soeuer shee turned , troops of ethiopians were still before her eies . lastly , it is wisely added , that nemesis rides vpon an hart , because a hart is a most liuely creature . and albeit it may be , that such as are cut off by death in their youth , preuent and shunne the power of nemesis , yet doubtles such , whose prosperity and power continue long , are made subiect vnto her , and lye as it were troden vnder her feete . 23. achelovs , or battell . it is a fable of antiquitie , that when hercules and achelous as riuals contended for the mariage of deianira , the matter drew them to combate , wherein achelous tooke vpon him many diuers shapes , for so was it in his power to doe , and amongst others , transforming himselfe into the likenes of a furious wild bull , assaults hercules and prouokes him to fight . but hercules for all this , sticking to his old humane forme , couragiously encounters him , & so the combate goes roundly on . but this was the euent , that hercules tore away one of the buls hornes , wherewith he being mightily daunted and greeued , to ransome his horne againe , was contented to giue hercules in exchange thereof , the anealthean horne , or cornu-copia . this fable hath relation vnto the expeditions of warre , for the preparations thereof on the defensiue parte ( which exprest in the person of achelous ) is very diuers and vncertaine . but the inuading party is most commonly of one sorte , and that very single , consisting of an armie by land , or perhaps of a nauie by sea. but for a king that in his owne territorie expects an enemy , his occasions are infinite . he fortifies townes , he assembles men out of the countreyes and villages , hee raiseth cittadels , hee builds and breakes downe bridges , hee disposeth garrisons , and placeth troopes of soldiers on passages of riuers , on ports , on mountaines , and ambushes in woods , and is busied with a multitude of other directions , insomuch that euery day he prescribeth new formes and orders , and then at last hauing accomodated all things compleat for defence , he then rightly represents the forme and manner of a fierce fighting bull. on the other side , the inuader his greatest care is , the feare to bee distressed for victuals in an enemy countrey . and therefore affects chiefly to hasten on battell : for if it should happen that after a fielde fought , he proue the victor , and as it were breake the horne of the enemy , then certainly this follows that his enemy being strucken with terrour and abased in his reputation , presently bewraies his weaknes , and seeking to repaire his losse , retyres himselfe to some strong hold , abandoning to the conqueror the spoile and sacke of his countrey and citties : which may well bee termed a type of the amalthean horne . 24. dionysvs , or passions . they say that semele iupiters sweet-heart ( hauing bound her paramour by an irreuocable oath to grant her one request which shee would require ) desired that he would accompany her in the same forme , wherein hee accompanied iuno : which he granting ( as not able to deny ) it came to passe that the miserable wench was burnt with lightning . but the infant which she bare in her wombe , iupiter the father tooke out , and kept it in a gash which hee cut in his thigh , till the moneths were compleat that it should be borne . this burden made iupiter somewhat to limpe , whereupon the child ( because it was heauy and troublesome to its father , while it lay in his thigh ) was called dionysus , being borne , it was committed to proserpina for some yeeres to be nurs't , and being growne vp , it had such a maiden face , as that a man could hardly iudge whether it were a boy or a girle . he was dead also , and buried for a time , but afterward reuiued . being but a youth he inuented , and taught the planting and dressing of vines , the making also and vse of wine , for which becomming famous and renowned , he subiugated the world , euen to the vttermost bounds of india . he rode in a chariot drawen with tygers . there danc't about him certaine deformed hobgoblins called cobali , aoratus , and others , yea euen the muses also were some of his followers . hee tooke to wife ariadne , forsaken and left by theseus . the tree sacred vnto him was the iuie . he was held the inuentor and institutor of sacrifices , and ceremonies , and full of corruption and cruelty . hee had power to strike men with fury or madnes ; for it is reported , that at the celebration of his orgies , two famous worthies , pentheus and orpheus were torne in pieces by certaine franticke women , the one because he got vpon a tree to behold their ceremonies in these sacrifices , the other for making melodie with his harpe . and for his gests , they are in a manner the same with iupiters . there is such excellent morality coucht in this fable , as that morall philosophy affoords not better : for vnder the person of bacchus is described the nature of affection , passion , or perturbation , the mother of which ( though neuer so hurtful ) is nothing els but the obiect of apparent good in the eies of appetite . and it is alwaies conceiued in an vnlawfull desire rashly propounded and obteined , before well vnderstood and considered , and when it beginnes to growe , the mother of it , which is the desire of apparent good by too much feruency is destroyed and perisheth : neuerthelesse ( whilst it is yet an imperfect embrio ) it is nourished and preserued in the humane soule , ( which is as it were a father vnto it , and represented by iupiter ) but especially in the inferiour parte thereof , as in a thigh , where also it causeth so much trouble and vexation , as that good determinations and actions are much hindred and lamed thereby , and when it comes to be confirmed by consent and habite , and breakes out , as it were , into act , it remaines yet a while , with proserpina as with a nurse , that is , it seekes corners and secret places , and , as it were , caues vnder ground , vntill ( the reines of shame and feare being laid aside in a pampered audaciousnes ) it either takes the pretext of some vertue , or becomes altogether impudent and shameles . and it is most true , that euery vehement passion is of a doubtfull sexe , as being masculine in the first motion , but faeminine in prosecution . it is an excellent fiction that of bacchus his reuiuing : for passions doe somtimes seeme to be in a dead sleepe , and as it were vtterly extinct , but wee should not thinke them to be so indeed , no , though they lay , as it were , in their graue ; for , let there be but matter and opportunitie offered , and you shall see them quickly to reuiue againe . the inuention of wine is wittily ascribed vnto him , euery affection being ingenious and skilfull in finding out that which brings nourishment vnto it ; and indeed of all things knowen to men , wine is most powerfull and efficacious to excite and kindle passions of what kind soeuer , as being in a manner , a common nurse to them all . againe his conquering of nations , and vndertaking infinite expeditions is an elegant deuice ; for desire neuer rests content with what it hath , but with an infinite and vnsatiable appetite still couets and gapes after more . his chariot also is well said to be drawen by tygers : for as soone as any affection shall from going afoot , be aduanc't to ride in a chariot and shall captiuate reason , and leade her in a triumph , it growes cruell , vntamed , and fierce , against whatsoeuer withstands or opposeth it . it is worth the nothing also , that those ridiculous hobgoblins are brought in , dancing about his chariot : for euery passion doth cause , in the eies , face , and gesture , certaine vndecent , and ill-seeming , apish , and deformed motions , so that they who in any kind of passion , as in anger , arrogancy , or loue , seeme glorious and braue in their owne eies , do yet appeare to others misshapen and ridiculous . in that the muses are saide to be of his company , it shewes that there is no affection almost which is not soothed by some art , wherein the indulgence of wits doth derogate from the glory of the muses , who ( when they ought to bee the mistresses of life ) are made the waiting maids of affections . againe , where bacchus is saide to haue loued ariadne that was reiected by theseus ; it is an allegory of speciall obseruation : for it is most certaine , that passions alwaies couet and desire that which experience forsakes , and they all knowe ( who haue paide deare for seruing and obeying their lusts ) that whether it be honour , or riches , or delight , or glory , or knowledge , or any thing els which they seeke after , yet are they but things cast off , and by diuers men in all ages , after experience had , vtterly reiected and loathed . neither is it without a mysterie , that the iuie was sacred to bacchus : for the application holds , first , in that the iuie remaines greene in winter . secondly , in that it stickes too , embraceth , and ouertoppeth so many diuers bodies , as trees , walles , and edifices . touching the first , euery passion doth by resistance , and reluctation , and as it were by an antiparistasis ( like the iuie of the colde of winter ) growe fresh and lusty . and as for the other euery predominate affection doth againe ( like the iuie ) embrace and limite all humane actions and determinations , adhering and cleauing fast vnto them . neither is it a wonder , that superstitious rites , and ceremonies were attributed vnto bacchus seeing euery giddy headed humour keepes in a manner , reuell-rout in false religions : or that the cause of madnes should bee ascribed vnto him , seeing euery affection is by nature a short fury , which ( if it growe vehement , and become habituall ) concludes madnes . concerning the rending and dismembring of pentheus and orpheus , the parable is plaine , for euery preualent affection is outragious and seuere against curious inquiry , and wholsome and free admonition . lastly , that confusion of iupiter and bacchus , their persons may be well transferred to a parable , seeing noble and famous acts , and remarkable and glorious merits , doe sometimes proceed from vertue , and well ordered reason , and magnanimitie , and sometimes from a secret affection , and hidden passion , which are so dignified with the celebritie of fame and glory , that a man can hardly distinguish betweene the actes of bacchus , and the gests of iupiter . 25. atalanta , or gaine . atalanta who was reputed to excell in swiftnesse , would needs challenge hippomanes at a match in running . the conditions of the prize were these : that if hippomanes wonne the race , he should espouse atalanta ; if he were out-runne , that then hee should forfeit his life . and in the opinion of all , the victorie was thought assured of atalantas side , beeing famous as shee was for her matchlesse and inconquerable speed , whereby shee had bene the bane of many . hippomanes therefore bethinkes him how to deceiue her by a tricke , and in that regarde prouides three golden apples , or balles which he purposely caried about him . the race is begunne , and atalanta gets a good start before him . hee seeing himselfe thus cast behind , being mindfull of his deuice , throwes one of his golden balles before her , and yet not outright , but somewhat of the one side , both to make her linger , and also to draw her out of the right course : shee out of a womanish desire , ( beeing thus enticed with the beautie of the golden apple ) leauing her direct race , runnes aside , and stoops to catch the ball : hippomanes the while holds on his course , getting thereby a great start , and leaues her behind him : but shee by her owne naturall swiftnes , recouers her lost time , and gets before him againe . but hippomanes still continues his sleight , and both the second and third times casts out his balles , those enticing delayes ; and so by craft and not by his actiuitie winnes the race and victorie . this fable seemes allegorically to demonstrate a notable conflict betweene art and nature : for art ( signified by atalanta ) in its worke ( if it be not letted and hindred ) is farre more swift then nature , more speedie in pace ; and sooner attaines the end it aimes at , which is manifest almost in euery effect : as you may see in fruit-trees , whereof those that growe of a kernell are long ere they beare , but such as are grafted on a stocke a great deale sooner . you may see it in clay , which in the generation of stones , is long ere it become hard , but in the burning of brickes , is very quickly effected . also in morall passages you may obserue , that it is a long time ere ( by the benefit of nature ) sorrowe can be asswaged and comfort attained , whereas philosophy ( which is , as it were , art of liuing ) taries not the leasure of time , but doth it instantly , and out of hand ; and yet this prerogatiue and singular agility of art is hindred by certaine golden apples , to the infinite preiudice of humane proceedings : for there is not any one art or science which constantly perseueres in a true and lawfull course , till it come to the proposed ende or marke : but euer and anone makes stops , after good beginnings , leaues the race , and turnes aside to profite and commoditie , like atalanta . declinat cursus , aurumque volubile tollit . who doth her course forsake , the rolling gold to take . and therefore it is no wonder that art hath not the power to conquer nature , and by pact or lawe of conquest , to kill and destroy her : but on the contrary , it falles out , that art becomes subiect to nature , and yeelds the obedience , as of a wife to her husband . 26. promethevs , or the state of man. the ancients deliuer , that prometheus made a man of clay , mixt with certaine parcels taken from diuers animales , who studying to maintaine this his worke by art ( that he might not be accounted a founder onely , but a propagator of humane kinde ) stole vp to heauen with a bundle of twigs , which hee kindling at the chariot of the sun , came downe againe , and communicated it with men : and yet they say , that ( notwithstanding this excellent worke of his ) he was requited with ingratitude , in a treacherous conspiracie : for they accused both him and his inuention to iupiter , which was not so taken as was meet it should , for the information was pleasing to iupiter and all the gods. and therefore in a merry mood , graunted vnto men , not onely the vse of fire , but perpetuall youth also , a boone most acceptable and desireable . they being , as it were , ouerioyed , did foolishly lay this gift of the gods vpon the backe of an asse , who being wonderfully opprest with thirst , and neere a fountaine , was tolde by a serpent ( which had the custody thereof ) that hee should not drinke , vnlesse he would promise to giue him the burden that was on his backe . the silly asse accepted the condition , and so the restauration of youth ( sold for a draught of water ) past from men to serpents . but prometheus full of malice , being reconciled vnto men , after they were frustrated of their gift , but in a chafe yet with iupiter , feared not to vse deceit in sacrifice : for hauing killed two bulles , and in one of their hides wrapt vp the flesh and fat of them both , and in the other onely the bones , with a great shew of religious deuotion , gaue iupiter his choise , who ( detesting his fraude and hypocrisie , but taking an occasion of reuenge ) chose that that was stuft with bones , and so turning to reuenge ( when hee saw that the insolencie of prometheus would not be repressed , but by laying some grieuous affliction vpon mankind , in the forming of which , hee so much bragged and boasted ) commanded vulcan , to frame a goodly beautifull woman , which beeing done , euery one of the gods bestowed a gift on her ; whereupon shee was called pandora . to this woman they gaue in her hand , a goodly box , full of all miseries and calamities , onely in the bottome of it , they put hope : with this box shee comes first to prometheus , thinking to catch him , if peraduenture , he should accept it at her hands , and so open it : which he neuerthelesse , with good prouidence and foresight refused . whereupon shee goes to epimetheus ( who , though brother to prometheus , yet was of a much differing disposition ) and offers this box vnto him , who , without delay , tooke it , and rashly opened it , but when hee sawe that all kind of miseries came fluttering about his eares , being wise too late , with great speed and earnest indeauour , clapt on the couer , and so , with much adoe , retained hope sitting alone in the bottome . at last iupiter laying many and grieuous crimes to prometheus his charge ( as namely that he had stollen fire from heauen , that in contempt of his maiestie , he sacrificed a bulles hide stuft with bones , that he scornfully reiected his gift , and besides all this that hee offered violence to pallas ) cast him into chaines , and doomd him to perpetuall torment : and by iupiters command , was brought to the mountaine caucasus , and there bound fast to a pillar that he could not stirre ; there came an eagle also , that euery day sate tyring vpon his liuar , and wasted it , but as much as was eaten in the day , grew againe in the night , that matter for torment to worke vpon might neuer decay . but yet , they say , there was an end of this punishment : for hercules crossing the ocean in a cup , which the sun gaue him , came to caucasus , and set prometheus at libertie , by shooting the eagle with an arrowe . moreouer in some nations there were instituted in the honor of prometheus , certaine games of lamp-bearers , in which they that striued for the prize , were wont to carie torches lighted ; which , who so suffered to goe out , yeelded the place and victory to those that followed , and so cast backe themselues , so that whosoeuer came first to the marke with his torch burning , got the prize . this fable demonstrates and presseth many true and graue speculations , wherein some things haue bene heretofore well noted , others not so much as touc ht . prometheus doth cleerely and elegantly signifie prouidence : for in the vniuersality of nature , the fabricque and constitution of man onely was by the ancients pict out and chosen , and attributed vnto prouidence , as a peculiar worke . the reason of it seemes to bee , not onely in that the nature of man is capable of a minde and vnderstanding , which is the seate of prouidence , and therefore it would seeme strange and incredible that the reason and minde should so proceed and flowe from dumbe and deafe principles , as that it should necessarily be concluded , the soule of man to be indued with prouidence , not without the example , intention , and stampe of a greater prouidence . but this also is chiefly propounded , that man is as it were , the center of the world , in respect of finall causes , so that if man were not in nature , all things would seeme to stray and wander without purpose , and like scattered branches ( as they say ) without inclination to their ende : for all things attend on man , and he makes vse of , and gathers fruit from all creatures : for the reuolutions and periods of starres make both for the distinctions of times , and the distribution of the worlds site . meteors also are referred to the presages of tempests ; and winds are ordained , as well for nauigation , as for turning of milles , and other engines : and plants , and animals of what kind soeuer , are vsefull either for mens houses , and places of shelter , or for raiment , or food , or medicine , or for ease of labour , or in a word , for delight and solace , so that all things seeme to worke , not for themselues , but for man. neither is it added without consideration , that certaine particles were taken from diuers liuing creatures , & mixt & tempered with that clayie masse , because it is most true that of all things comprehended within the compasse of the vniuerse , man is a thing most mixt and compounded , insomuch that hee was well termed by the ancients , a little world : for although the chymicques doe , with too much curiositie , take and wrest the elegancie of this word ( microcosme ) to the letter , contending to finde in man all minerals , all vegetables and the rest , or any thing that holds proportion with them , yet this proposition remaines sound and whole , that the body of man , of all material beings , is found to bee most compounded , and most organicall , whereby it is indued and furnished with most admirable vertues and faculties . and as for simple bodies , their powers are not many , though certaine and violent , as existing without being weakned , diminished , or stented by mixture : for the multiplicitie and excellencie of operation haue their residence in mixture and composition , and yet neuerthelesse , man in his originals , seemes to be a thing vnarmed , and naked , and vnable to helpe it selfe , as needing the aide of many things ; therefore prometheus made haste to finde out fire , which suppeditates and yeelds comfort and helpe , in a manner , to all humane wants and necessities : so that if the soule be the forme of formes , and if the hand be the instrument of instruments ; fire deserues well to be called the succour of succours , or the helpe of helpes , which infinite waies affoords ayde and assistance to all labours and mechanicall artes , and to the sciences themselues . the manner of stealing this fire is aptly described , euen from the nature of the thing : it was , as they say , by a bundle of twigs held to touch the chariot of the sunne : for twigs are vsed in giuing blowes or stripes , to signifie clearely , that fire is ingendred by the violent percussion , and mutuall collision of bodies , by which their materiall substances are attenuated , and set in motion , and prepared to receiue the heat or influence of the heauenly bodies , and so , in a clandestine manner , and as it were , by stealth , may be said to take and snatch fire from the chariot of the sunne . there followes next a remarkable part of the parable , that men in steed of gratulation , and thanksgiuing , were angry , and expostulated the matter with prometheus , insomuch that they accused both him and his inuention vnto iupiter , which was so acceptable vnto him , that hee augmented their former commodities with a new bountie . seemes it not strange , that ingratitude towards the authour of a benefit ( a vice that , in a manner , containes all other vices ) should find such approbation and reward ? no , it seemes to be otherwise : for the meaning of the allegory is this , that mens outcries vpon the defects of nature and arte , proceed from an excellent disposition of the minde , and turne to their good , whereas the silencing of them is hatefull to the gods , and redounds not so much to their profit : for they that infinitly extoll humane nature , or the knowledge they possesse , breaking out into a prodigall admiration of that they haue and enioy , adoring also those sciences they professe , would haue them be accounted perfect ; they doe first of all shewe little reuerence to the diuine nature , by equalizing , in a manner , their owne defects with gods perfection ; againe , they are wonderfull iniurious to men , by imagining they haue attained the highest step of knowledge ( resting themselues contented ) seeke no further . on the contrary , such as bring nature and art to the barre with accusations and billes of complaint against them , are indeed of more true and moderate iudgements , for they are euer in action , seeking alwaies to finde out new inuentions . which makes mee much to wonder at the foolish and inconsiderate dispositions of some men , who ( making themselues bondslaues to the arrogancy of a fewe ) haue the philosophy of the peripateticques ( containing onely a portion of graecian wisedome , and that but a small one neither ) in so great esteeme , that they hold it , not onely an vnprofitable , but a suspicious , and almost hainous thing , to lay any imputation of imperfection vpon it . i approue rather of empedocles his opinion , ( who like a madman , and of democritus his iudgement , who with great moderation complained how that all things were inuolued in a mist ) that wee knew nothing , that wee discerned nothing , that trueth was drowned in the depthes of obscuritie , and that false things were wonderfully ioynd and intermixt with true ( as for the new academie that exceeded all measure ) then of the confident and pronuntiatiue schoole of aristotle . let men therefore be admonished , that by acknowledging the imperfections of nature and arte , they are gratefull to the gods , and shall therby obtaine new benefits and greater fauours at their bountifull hands , and the accusation of prometheus their authour and master , ( though bitter and vehement ) will conduce more to their profit , then to be effuse in the congratulation of his inuention : for in a word , the opinion of hauing inough , is to be accounted one of the greatest causes of hauing too little . now as touching the kind of gift which men are said to haue receiued in reward of their accusation ( to wit , hauing the vse of that celestiall fire , and of so many arts , are not able to get vnto themselues such things as nature it selfe bestowes vpon many other creatures . but that sudden reconciliation of men to prometheus , after they were frustrated of their hopes , containes a profitable and wise note , shewing the leuity and temerity of men in new experiments : for if they haue not present successe answerable to their expectation , with too suddaine haste desist from that they beganne , and with precipitancy returning to their former experiments are reconciled to them againe . the state of man in respect of arts , and such things as concerne the intellect , being now described , the parable passeth to religion : for after the planting of arts followes the setting of diuine principles , which hypocrisie hath ouerspread and polluted . by that twofold sacrifice therefore is elegantly shadowed out , the persons of a true religious man and an hypocrite . in the one is contained fatnes , which ( by reason of the inflamation and fumes thereof ) is called the portion of god , by which his affection and zeale ( tending to gods glory , and ascending towards heauen ) is signified . in him also are contained the bowels of charity , and in him is founde that good and wholsome flesh . whereas in the other , there is nothing but dry and naked bones , which neuerthelesse doe stuffe vp the hide , and make it appeare like a faire and goodly sacrifice : by this may well be meant those externall and vaine rites , and emptie ceremonies by which men doe oppresse and fill vp the sincere worshippe of god , things composed rather for ostentation then any way conducing to true piety . neither doe they hold it sufficiēt to offer such mock-sacrifices vnto god , except they also lay them before him , as if he had chosen and bespoke them . certainly the prophet in the person of god , doth thus expostulate concerning this choise . esa. 58. 5. num tandem hoc est illud ieiunium , quod elegi , vt homo animam suam in diem vnum affligat , & caput instar iunceae demittat ? is it such a fast , that i haue chosen , that a man should afflict his soule for a day , and to bow downe his head like a bull-rush ? hauing now toucht the state of religion , the parable conuerts it selfe to the manners and conditions of humane life . and it is a common , but apt , interpretation , by pandora to be meant pleasure & voluptuousnes , which ( when the ciuill life is pampered with too much arte , and culture , and superfluitie ) is ingendred , as it were , by the efficacy of fire , and therefore the worke of voluptuousnes is attributed vnto vulcan , who also himselfe doth represent fire . from this doe infinite miseries , together with too late repentance , proceed and ouerslowe the minds , and bodies , and fortunes of men , and that not onely in respect of particular estates , but euen ouer kingdomes and common-wealthes : for from this fountaine haue wars , and tumults , and tyrannies deriued their originall . but it would bee worth the labour , to consider how elegantly and proportionably this fable doth deliniate two conditions , or ( as i may say ) two tables or examples of humane life , vnder the persons of prometheus and epimetheus : for they that are of epimetheus his sect , are improuident , not foreseeing what may come to passe hereafter , esteeming that best which seemes most sweete for the present ; whence it happens that they are ouertaken with many miseries , difficulties and calamities , and so leade their owne liues almost in perpetuall affliction , but yet notwithstanding they please their fancy , and out of ignorance of the passages of things , doe entertaine many vaine hopes in their mind , whereby they sometimes ( as with sweet dreames ) solace themselues , and sweeten the miseries of their life . but they that are prometheus his schollers , are men endued with prudence , foreseeing things to come warily , shunning and auoyding many euils and misfortunes . but to these their good properties they haue this also annexed , that they depriue themselues , and defraud their genius of many lawfull pleasures , and diuers recreations , and ( which is worse ) they vexe and torment themselues with cares and troubles and intestine feares : for beeing chained to the pillar of necessitie , they are afflicted with innumerable cogitations ( which because they are very swift , may bee fitly compared to an eagle ) and those griping , and , as it were , gnawing and deuouring the liuer , vnlesse sometimes , as it were by night , it may bee they get a little recreation and ease of mind , but so , as that they are againe suddenly assaulted with fresh anxieties and feares . therefore this benefit happens to but a very few of either condition , that they should retaine the commodities of prouidence , and free themselues from the miseries of care and perturbation ; neither indeed can any attaine vnto it , but by the assistance of hercules , that is , fortitude , and constancie of minde , which is prepared for euery euent , and armed in all fortunes , foreseeing without feare , enioying without loathing , and suffering without impatience . it is worth the noting also , that this vertue was not naturall to prometheus , but aduentitiall , & from the indulgence of another : for no in-bred and naturall fortitude is able to encounter with these miseries . moreouer this vertue was receiued and brought vnto him from the remotest parte of the ocean , and from the sunne , that is , from wisedome as from the sunne , and from the meditation of inconstancie , or of the waters of humane life , as from the sailing vpon the ocean , which two virgill hath well conioyned in these verses . and betweene the oracles of sense , and the mysteries of faith , vnlesse an hereticall religion , and a commentitious philosophy be pleasing vnto vs. lastly , it remaines that wee say something of the games of prometheus performed with burning torches , which againe hath reference to arts and sciences , as that fire , in whose memory and celebration , these games were instituted , and it containes in it a most wise admonition , that the perfection of sciences is to be expected from succession , not from the nimblenesse and promptnes of one onely authour : for they that are nimblest in course , and strongest in contention , yet happily haue not the lucke to keepe fire still in their torch ; seeing it may be as well extinguished by running too fast , as by going too slowe . and this running and contending with lampes , seemes long since to be intermitted , seeing all sciences seeme euen now to flourish most in their first authours , aristotle , galene , euclid and ptolomie , succession hauing neither effected , nor almost attempted any great matter . it were therefore to bee wished , that these games in honour of prometheus or humane nature were again restored , & that matters should receiue successe by combate and emulation , & not hang vpon any one mans sparkling and shaking torch . men therefore are to bee admonished to rouse vp their spirits , & trie their strengths and turnes , and not referre all to the opinions and braines of a few . and thus haue i deliuered that which i thought good to obserue out of this so wel knowen and common fable ; and yet i will not denie but that there may bee some things in it , which haue an admirable consent with the mysteries of christian religion , and especially that sailing of hercules in a cuppe ( to set prometheus at libertie ) seemes to represent an image of the diuine word comming in flesh as in a fraile vessell to redeeme man from the slauery of hell. but i haue interdicted my penne all liberty in this kinde , lest i should vse strange fire at the altar of the lord. 27. scylla and icarvs , or the middle-way . mediocrity or the middle-way is most commended in morall actions , in contemplatiue sciences not so celebrated , though no lesse profitable and commodious : but in politicall imployments to be vsed with great heed and iudgement . the ancients by the way prescribed to icarus , noted the mediocrity of manners : and by the way betweene scylla and charybdis ( so famous for difficulty and danger ) the mediocritie of intellectuall operations . icarus being to crosse the sea by flight , was commanded by his father that hee should flie neither too high nor too lowe ; for his wings being ioynd with waxe , if he should mount too high , it was to be feared lest the waxe , would melt by the heat of the sunne ; and if too lowe , least the mistie vapours of the sea would make it lesse tenacious : but he in a youthfull iollitie soaring too high , fell downe headlong and perished in the water . the parable is easie and vulgar : for the way of vertue lies in a direct path betweene excesse and defect . neither is it a wonder that icarus perished by excesse , seeing that excesse , for the most part , is the peculiar fault of youth , as defect is of age , and yet of too euill and hurtfull waies , youth commonly makes choise of the better , defect being alwaies accounted worst : for whereas excesse containes some sparkes of magnanimitie , & like a bird claimes kindred of the heauens , defect onely like a base worme crawles vpon the earth . excellently therefore said heraclitus , lumen siccum optima anima . a drie light is the best soule : for if the soule contract moisture from the earth it becomes degenerate altogether . againe on the other side , there must be moderation vsed , that this light be subtilized by this laudable siccity , and not destroyed by too much feruency . and thus much euery man , for the most part , knowes . now they that would saile betweene scylla & charybdis must be furnished , as well with the skill , as prosperous successe of nauigation : for if their shippes fall into scylla they are split on the rocks : if into charybdis they are swallowed vp of a gulfe . the morall of this parable ( which we will but briefly touch , although it containe matter of infinite contemplation ) seemes to be this , that in euery art and science , and so in their rules and axiomes , there bee a meane obserued betweene the rocks of distinctions and the gulfes of vniuersalities , which two are famous for the wracke both of wittes and artes . 28. sphinx , or science . they say that sphinx was a monster of diuers formes , as hauing the face and voice of a virgine , the wings of a bird , and the talents of a griphin . his abode was in a mountaine neere the citie of thebes , he kept also the high waies , and vsed to lie in ambush for travellers , and so to surprize them ; to whom ( being in his power ) he propounded certaine darke and intricate riddles , which were thought to haue bene giuen and receiued of the muses . now if these miserable captiues were not able instantly to resolue and interprete them in the middest of their difficulties and vnto it for its gratious countenance and volubilitie of tongue . wings are added because sciences and their inuentions , doe passe and flie from one to another , as it were in a moment , seeing that the communication of science is as the kindling of one light at another . elegantly also is it fained to haue sharpe and hooked talents , because the axioms and arguments of science doe so fasten vpon the mind , and so strongly apprehend and hold it , as that it cannot stirre or euade , which is noted also by the diuine philosopher . eccl. 12. 11. verba sapientum ( saith he ) sunt tanquam aculei & veluti claui in altum defixi . the words of the wise are like goads , and like nailes driuen farre in . moreouer , all science seemes to be placed in steepe and high mountaines : as being thought to be a loftie and high thing , looking downe vpon ignorance with a scornefull eye . it may bee obserued and seene also a great way , and farre in compasse , as things set on the toppes of mountaines . furthermore , science may well be fained to besette the high waies , because which way so euer we turne in this progresse and pilgrimage of humane life , wee meete with some matter or occasion offered for contemplation . sphinx is saide to haue receiued from the muses diuers difficult questions and riddles , and to propound them vnto men , which remaining with the muses are free ( it may be ) from sauage cruelty : for so long as there is no other ende of studie and meditation , then to know ; the vnderstanding is not rackt and imprisoned , but enioyes freedome and libertie , and euen in doubts and variety findes a kind of pleasure and delectation : but when once these aenigmaes are deliuered by the muses to sphinx , that is , to practise , so that it bee sollicited and vrged by action , and election , and determination ; then they beginne to be troublesome and raging ; and vnlesse they be resolued and expedited , they doe wonderfully torment and vexe the minds of men , distracting , and in a manner rending them into sundry parts . moreouer there is alwaies a twofold condition propounded with sphinx her aenigmaes ; to him that doth not expound them , distraction of minde , and to him that doth , a kingdome : for he that knowes that which he sought to knowe , hath attained the end he aimed at , and euery artificer also commands ouer his worke . of sphinx her riddles , there are generally two kinds ; some concerning the nature of things , others touching the nature of man. so also there are two kindes of emperies , as rewards to those that resolue them : the one ouer nature , the other ouer men ; for the proper and chiefe end of true naturall philosophy is to command and sway ouer naturall beeings , as bodies , medicines , mechanicall workes , and infinite other things ; although the schoole ( being content with such things as are offered , and pryding it selfe with speeches ) doth neglect realties , and workes , treading them , as it were , vnder foote . but that aenigma propounded to oedipus ( by meanes of which hee obtained the thebane empire ) belonged to the nature of man : for whosoeuer doth throughly consider the nature of man , may be , in a manner , the contriuer of his owne fortune , and is borne to command , which is wel spoken of the romane arts. tu regere imperio populos , romane memento : hae tibi erunt artes . — romane remember that with scepters awe thy realmes thou rule . these arts let be thy lawe . it was therefore very apposit , that augustus caesar ( whether by premeditation or by chance ) bare a sphinx in his signet : for hee ( if euer any ) was famous not onely in politicall gouernment , but in all the course of his life ; he happily discouered many new aenigmaes concerning the nature of man , which if he had not done with dexteritie and promptnesse , he had oftentimes fallen into imminent danger and destruction . moreouer it is added in the fable , that the body of sphinx when shee was ouercome was laide vpon an asse : which indeed is an elegant fiction , seeing there is nothing so accute and abstruse , but ( beeing well vnderstood and diuulged ) may be apprehended by a slowe capacitie . neither is it to be omitted , that sphinx was ouercome by a man lame in his feet : for when men are too swift of foot and too speedy of pace in hasting to sphinx her aenigmaes , it comes to passe that ( shee getting the vpper hand ) their wits and mindes are rather distracted by disputations , then that euer they come to command by workes and effects . 16. proserpina , or spirit . pluto they say , being made king of the infernall dominions ( by that memorable diuision ) was in despaire of euer attaining any one of the superiour goddesses in mariage , especially if he should venter to court them either with words or with any amorous behauiour , so that of necessitie he was to lay some plot to get one of them by rapine , taking therefore the benefit of opportunitie , he caught vp proserpina ( the daughter of ceres , a beautifull virgine ) as shee was gathering narcissus flowers in the meadowes of sicily , and caried her away with him in his coach to the subterranean dominions , where shee was welcomed with such respect , as that shee was stiled the lady of dis. but ceres her mother , when in no place shee could finde this her onely beloued daughter , in a sorrowfull humour and distracted beyond measure , went compassing the whole earth with a burning torch in her hand , to seeke and recouer this her lost child . but when shee saw that all was in vaine , supposing peraduenture that she was caried to hell , shee importuned iupiter with many teares and lamentations , that shee might be restored vnto her again , & at length preuailed thus farre , that if she had tasted of nothing in hell , shee should haue leaue to bring her from thence . which condition was as good as a deniall to her petition , proserpina hauing already eaten three graines of a pome-granat . and yet for all this , ceres gaue not ouer her suite , but fell to prayers and moanes afresh . wherefore it was at last granted , that ( the yeere being diuided ) proserpina should by alternate courses , remaine one sixe moneths with her husband , and other six moneths with her mother . not long after this theseus and perithous in an ouer hardy aduenture attempted to fetch her from plutos bed , who being wearie with trauell and sitting downe vpon a stone in hell to rest themselues , had not the power to rise againe , but sate there for euer . proserpina therefore remained queene of hell , in whose honour there was this great priuiledge granted , that although it were enacted that none that went downe to hell should haue the power euer to returne from thence , yet was this singular exception annexed to this law , that if any presented proserpina with a golden bough , it should bee lawfull for him to come and goe at his pleasure . now there was but one onely such bough in a spacious and shady groue , which was not a plant neither of it selfe , but budded from a tree of another kinde , like a rope of gumme , which beeing pluckt of another would instantly spring out . this fable seemes to pertaine to nature , and to diue into that rich and plentifull efficacy and variety of subalternall creatures , from whom whatsoeuer wee haue is deriued , and to them doth againe returne . by proserpina the auncients meant that aethereall spirite which ( beeing separated from the vpper globe ) is shut vp and detained vnder the earth ( represented by pluto ) which the poet well expressed thus . siue recens tellus , seductaque nuper ab alto aethere , cognati retinebat semina coeli . whither the youngling tellus ( that of late was from the high-reard aether seperate ) did yet containe her teeming wombe within the liuing seeds of heauen , her neerest kin . this spirit is fained to be rapted by the earth , because nothing can with-hold it when it hath time and leasure to escape . it is therefore caught and stayed by a sudden contraction , no other wise then if a man should goe about to mixe ayre with water , which can be done by no meanes , but by a speedy and rapid agitation , as may bee seene in froth , wherein the ayre is rapted by the water . neither is it inelegantly added that proserpina was rapte as shee was gathering narcissus flowers in the valleyes , because narcissus hath his name from slownesse or stupiditie : for indeed then is this spirit most prepared and fitted to be snatcht by terrestiall matter , when it beginnes to be coagulated , and becomes as it were slowe . rightly is proserpina honoured more then any of the other gods bed-fellowes , in beeing styled the lady of dis , because this spirit doth rule and swaye all things in those lower regions , pluto abiding stupid and ignorant . this spirit the power celestiall ( shadowed by ceres ) striues with infinite sedulity to recouer and get againe : for that brand or burning torch of aether ( which ceres caried in her hand ) doth doubtles signifie the sunne , which enlightneth the whole circuit of the earth , and would bee of greatest moment to recouer proserpina , if possibly it might be . but proserpina abides still , the reason of which is accuratly and excellently propounded in the conditions betweene iupiter and ceres : for first it is most certaine there are two waies to keepe spirit in solid and terrestriall matter ; the one by constipation or obstruction , which is meere imprisonment and constraint ; the other by administration of proportionable nutriment , which it receiues willingly and of its owne accord : for after that the included spirit beginnes to feed and nourish it selfe , it makes no haste to be gone , but is , as it were , linckt to its earth : and this is pointed at by proserpina her eating of a pome granat ; which if shee had not done , shee had long since beene recouered by ceres with her torch , compassing the earth . now as concerning that spirit which is in mettals and minerals , it is chiefly perchance restrained by the solidity of masse : but that which is in plants and animals , inhabites a porous body , and hath open passage to bee gone in a manner as it lists , were it not that it willingly abides of its owne accord , by reason of the relish it finds in its entertainment . the second condition concerning the six moneths custome , it is no other then an elegant description of the diuision of the yeere , seeing this spirit mixt with the earth appeares aboue ground in vegetable bodies during the summer months , and in the winter sinkes downe againe . now as concerning theseus , and perithous their attempt to bring proserpina quite away ; the meaning of it is , that it oftentimes comes to passe , that some more subtill spirits descēding with diuers bodies to the earth , neuer come to sucke of any subalternall spirit , whereby to vnite it vnto them , and so to bring it away . but on the contrary are coagulated themselues and neuer rise more , that proserpina should bee by that meanes augmented with inhabitants and dominion . all that wee can say concerning that sprig of gold is hardly able to defend vs from the violence of the chymicks , if in this regarde they set vpon vs , seeing they promise by that their elixar to effect golden mountaines , and the restoring of naturall bodies , as it were , from the portall of hell. but concerning chymistry , and those perpetuall sutors for that philosophicall elixar , wee know certainly that their theory is without grounds , & we suspect that their practise also is without certaine reward . and therefore ( omitting these ) of this last part of the parable this is my opinion . i am induced to beleeue by many figures of the ancients , that the conseruation and restauration of naturall bodies in some sorte was not esteemed by them as a thing impossible coronets . so as euer since that time all the muses haue attired them selues with plumed heads , except terpsichores onely that was mother to the sirenes . the habitation of the sirenes was in certaine pleasant ilands , from whence as soone as out of their watch-tower they discouered any ships approching , with their sweet tunes they would first entice and stay them , and hauing them in their power would destroy them . neither was their song plaine and single , but consisting of such variety of melodious tunes , so fitting and delighting the eares that heard them , as that it rauished and betrayed all passengers . and so great was the mischiefe they did , that these iles of the sirenes , euen as farre off as a man could ken them , appeared all ouer white with the bones of vnburied carcases . for the remedying of this miserie , a double meanes was at last found out , the one by vlisses , the other by orpheus . vlisses ( to make experiment of his deuice ) caused all the eares of his companie to bee stopt with waxe , and made himselfe to be bound to the maine mast , with speciall commandement to his mariners not to bee loosed , albeit himselfe should require them so to doe . but orpheus neglecting and disdaining to be so bound , with a shrill and sweet voice singing the praises of the gods to his harpe , supprest the songs of the sirenes , and so freed himselfe from their danger . this fable hath relation to mens manners , and containes in it a manifest and most excellent parable : for pleasures doe for the most part proceed out of the abundance and superfluitie of all things , and also out of the delights and iouiall contentments of the minde ; the which are wont suddenly , as it were , with winged entisements to rauish and rapt mortall men . but learning and education brings it so to passe , as that it restraines and bridles mans mind , making it so to consider the ends and euents of things , as that it clippes the wings of pleasure . and this was greatly to the honour and renowne of the muses : for after that by some examples it was made manifest that by the power of philosophy vaine pleasures might growe contemptible ; it presently grew to great esteeme , as a thing that could raise and eleuate the mind aloft that seemed to be base and fixed to the earth ; and make the cogitations of men ( which doe euer recide in the head ) to be aethereall , and as it were winged . but that the mother of the sirenes was left to her feet and without wings ; that no doubt is no otherwise meant , then of light and superficiall learning , appropriated and defined onely to pleasures , as were those which petronius deuoted himselfe vnto , after he had receiued his fatall sentence , and hauing his foot , as it were , vpon the threshold of death sought to giue himselfe all delightfull contentments , in so much as when he had caused consolatory letters to be sent him , hee would peruse none of them as tacitus reports ) that should giue him courage and constancie , but onely reade fantasticall verses , such as these are . viuamus , mea lesbia , atque amemus , rumoresque senium seueriorum , omnes vnius aestimemus assis . my lesbia , let vs liue and loue ; though wayward dottards vs reproue , weigh their words light for our behoue . and this also ; iura senes nôrint , & quid sit fasque nefasque inquirant tristes , legumque examina seruent . let doting grandsires know the lawe , and right and wrong obserue with awe : let them in that stricte circle drawe . this kind of doctrine wold easily perswade to take these plumed coronets from the muses , & to restore the wings again to the sirens . these sirenes are saide to dwell in remote iles , for that pleasures loue priuacie and retired places , shunning alwaies too much companie of people . the sirenes songs are so vulgarly vnderstood together with the deceits and danger of them , as that they need no exposition . but that of the bones appearing like white cliffes ; and descryed a farre off , hath more acutenesse in it : for thereby is signified , that albeit the examples of afflictions be manifest and eminent ; yet doe they not sufficiently deterre vs from the wicked enticements of pleasures . as for the remainder of this parable , though it be not ouer mysticall , yet is it very graue and excellent : for in it are set out three remedies for this violent enticing mischiefe ; to wit , two from philosophy , and one from religion . the first meanes to shunne these inordinate pleasures is , to withstand and resist them in their beginnings , and seriously to shunne all occasions that are offered to debaush & entice the mind , which is signified in that stopping of the eares ; & that remedie is properly vsed by the meaner and baser sorte of people , as it were , vlisses followers or marriners ; whereas more heroique and noble spirits , may boldly conuerse euen in the midst of these seducing pleasures , if with a resolued constancie they stand vpon their guard , and fortefie their minds ; and so take greater contentment in the triall and experience of this their approued vertue ; learning rather throughly to vnderstand the follies and vanities of those pleasures by contemplation , then by submission . which salomon auouched of himselfe , when hee reckoning vp the multitude of those solaces and pleasures wherein he swamme , doth conclude with this sentence ; sapientia quoque perseuerauit mecum . wisedome also continued with mee . therefore these heroes , and spirits of this excellent temper , euen in the midst of these enticing pleasures , can shew themselues constant and inuincible , and are able to support their owne vertuous inclination , against all headdy and forcible perswasions whatsoeuer ; as by the example of vlisses that so peremptorily interdicted all pestilent counsels and flatteries of his companions , as the most dangerous and pernicious poisons to captiuate the mind . but of all other remedies in this case , that of orpheus is most predominant : for they that chaunt and resound the praises of the gods , confounde and dissipate the voices and incantations of the sirenes ; for diuine meditations doe not onely in power subdue all sensuall pleasures ; but also farre exceed them in sweetnesse and delight . finis . gesta grayorum, or, the history of the high and mighty prince, henry prince of purpoole ... who reigned and died, a.d. 1594 : together with a masque, as it was presented (by his highness's command) for the entertainment of q. elizabeth, who, with the nobels of both courts, was present thereat. canning, william, fl. 1686-1690. 1688 approx. 158 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 37 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a33253 wing c444 estc r5680 11964045 ocm 11964045 51650 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a33253) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 51650) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 862:8) gesta grayorum, or, the history of the high and mighty prince, henry prince of purpoole ... who reigned and died, a.d. 1594 : together with a masque, as it was presented (by his highness's command) for the entertainment of q. elizabeth, who, with the nobels of both courts, was present thereat. canning, william, fl. 1686-1690. bacon, francis, 1561-1626. davison, francis, 1575?-1619? gray's inn. [4], 68 p. printed for w. canning ..., london : 1688. reproduction of original in bodleian library. account of gray's inn revels, 1594-5, under the leadership of h. helmes. "there are three main points of literary interest in the gesta grayorum, namely, a supposed allusion to shakespeare's comedy of errors, the speeches of the six councillors [ascribed to francis bacon] and the masque of proteus ... [of the masque ...] francis davison was ... the main author."--lib. of congress. epistle dedicatory signed: w.c. [i.e. william canning], to whom halkett and laing attribute the work. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng helmes, henry. 2002-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-04 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-05 tcp staff (oxford) sampled and proofread 2002-05 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-06 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion gesta grayorum : or , the history of the high and mighty prince , henry prince of purpoole , arch-duke of 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 duke of 〈◊〉 and 〈…〉 , marquis of st. 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 count palatine of 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 great lord of the cantons of 〈…〉 and 〈…〉 knight of the most heroical order of the helme●● and sovereign of the 〈◊〉 who reigned and died , a.d. 1594. together with a masque as it was presented ( by 〈…〉 command ) for the entertainment of 〈…〉 who , with the 〈◊〉 of both 〈◊〉 was present thereat . london , printed for 〈…〉 at this shop in the 〈…〉 mdclxxxviii . price , one shilling . to the most honourable matthew smyth , esq ; comptroller of the honourable society of the inner-temple . sir , the state of purpoole ( so long obscur'd in it self ) could no otherwise express its grandeur , but by shewing to posterity what it was : this moved those ingenious gentlemen to leave to succeeding times the memory of those actions , which they themselves had done ; not for the vain air of popularity , but generously to give an example , which others might desire to follow . accordingly they have , by this history , set forth their actions , which seem to be writ with the same gallantry of spirit as they were done . the language it self is all that age could afford ; which , allowing something for the modern dress and words in fashion , is not beneath any we have now : it was for that reason thought necessary not to clip any thing ; which , though it may seem odd , yet naturally begets a veneration , upon account of its antiquity . what more could they have wished , than to have found a patron worthy the protecting the memory of such a prince ? and what more can they require , than the safety of your patronage . it was fortune , undoubtedly , that reserved it for this happy opportunity of coming forth under your protection . that strict alliance which ever was betwixt your states seems to ask it of you , as the only person in whom are revived the ancient honours of both houses : it was certainly a publick sense of the same personal abilities ( which made that prince so conspicuous ) that gives us all a publick view of those vertues , so much admired in private . sir , 't is for these reasons humbly offerred to you , presuming upon a favourable acceptance of that which naturally falls under your care. may time perfect the character already so well begun , that posterity may hear you equal , if not greater than the prince of purpoole . i am , sir , your honour' 's most obedient servant , w. c. gesta grayorum : or , the history of the prince of purpoole , anno domini , 1594. the great number of gallant gentlemen that grays-inn afforded at ordinary revels , betwixt all-hollontide and christmas , exceeding therein the rest of the houses of court , gave occasion to some well-willers of our sports , and favourers of our credit , to wish an head answerable to so noble a body , and a leader to so gallant a company : which motion was more willingly hearkened unto , in regard that such pass-times had been intermitted by the space of three or four years , by reason of sickness and discontinuances . after many consultations had hereupon , by the youths , and others that were most forward herein , at length , about the 12 th . of december , with the consent and assistance of the readers and ancients , it was determined , that there should be elected a prince of purpoole , to govern our state for the time ; which was intended to be for the credit of grays inn , and rather to be performed by witty inventions , than chargeable expences . whereupon , presently they made choice of one mr. henry h●lmes , a norfolk-gentleman , who was thought to be accomplished with all good parts , fit for so great a dignity ; and was also a very proper man of personage , and very active in dancing and revelling . then was his privy council assigned him , to advise of state-matters , and the government of his dominions : his lodging also was provided according to state ; as the presence-chamber , and the council-chamber : also all officers of state , of the law , and of the house-hold . there were also appointed gentlemen-pensioners to attend on his person , and a guard , with their captain , for his defence . the next thing thought upon , as most necessary , was , provision of treasure , for the support of his state and dignity . to this purpose , there was granted a benevolence by those that were then in his court abiding ; and for those that were not in the house , there were letters directed to them , in nature of privy seals , to injoin them , not only to be present , and give their attendance at his court ; but also , that they should contribute to the defraying of so great a charge , as was guessed to be requisite for the performance of so great intendments . the form of the privy seals directed to the foreigners , upon occasion as is aforesaid . your friends of the society of grays-inn , now residing there , have thought good to elect a prince , to govern the state of the signiory , now by dis-continuance , much impaired in the ancient honour wherein heretofore it hath excelled all other of like dignity . these are therefore , in the name of the said prince , to require you forthwith to resort to the court there holden , to assist the proceedings with your person ; and withal , upon the receipt hereof , to make contribution of such benevolence as may express your good affection to the state , and be answerable to your quality . we have appointed our well● beloved edward jones our foreign collector , who shall attend you by himself , or by his deputy . your loving friend , grays-inn . dated at our court of graya , the 13 th . of december , 1594. if , upon the receipt of these letters , they returned answer again , that they would be present in person at our sports , as divers did , not taking notice of the further meaning therein expressed , they were served with an alias , as followeth . to our trusty and well beloved , w. b. at l. give these . whereas upon our former letters to you , which required your personal appearance and contribution , you have returned us answer that you will be present , without satisfying the residue of the contents for the benevolence , these are therefore to will and require you , forthwith , upon the receipt hereof , to send , for your part , such supply by this bearer , as to you , for the defraying so great a charge , shall seem convenient : and herein you shall perform a duty to the house , and avoid that ill opinion which some vngentlemanly spirits have purchased by their uncivil answers to our letters directed to them , whose demeanour shall be laid to their c●arge when time serveth ; and in the mean time , order shall be taken , that their names and defaults shall be proclaimed in our publick assemblies , to their great dis-credit , &c. your loving friend , grays-inn . by this means the prince's treasure was well increased ; as also by the great bounty of divers honourable favourers of our state , that imparted their liberality , to the setting forward of our intended pass-times . amongst the rest , the right honourable sir william cecill , kt. lord treasurer of england , being of our society , deserved honoura●le remembrance , for his liberal and noble mindfulness of us , and our state ; who , undesired , sent to the prince , as a token of his lordship's favour , 10 l. and a purse of ●ine rich needle-work . when all these things sorted so well to our desires , and that there was good hope of ●ffecting that that was taken in hand , there was dispatched from our state a messenger to our ancient allied friend , the inner temple , that they might be acquainted with our proceedings , and also to be invited to participate of our honour ; which to them was most acceptable , as by the process of their letters and ours , mutually sent , may appear . the copies of the letters that passed betwixt the two most flourishing estates of the grayans and templarians . to the most honourable and prudent , the governors , assistants and society of the inner temple . most grave and noble , we have , upon good consideration , made choice of a prince , to be predominant in our state of purpoole , for some important causes that require an head , or leader : and as we have ever had great cause , by the warrant of experience , to assure our selves of your unfeigned love and amity , so we are , upon this occasion , and in the name of our prince elect , to pray you , that it may be continued ; and in demonstration thereof , that you will be pleased to assist us with your counsel , in the person of an ambassador , that may be resident here amongst us , and be a minister of correspondence between us , and to advise of such affairs , as the effects whereof , we hope , shall sort to the benefit of both our estates . and so , being ready to requite you with all good offices , we leave you to the protection of the almighty . your most loving friend and ally grays-inn . dated at our court of graya , this 14 th of . december , 1594. to the most honourable state of the grayans . right honourable , and most firmly united , if our deserts were any way answerable to the great expectation of your good proceedings , we might with more boldness accomplish the request of your kind letters , whereby it pleaseth you to interest us in the honour of your actions ; which we cannot but acknowledge for a great courtesie and kindness ( a thing proper to you , in all your courses and endeavours ) and repute it a great honour intended towards our selves : in respect whereof , we yield with all good will , to that which your honourable letters import ; as your kindness , and the bond of our ancient amity and league requireth and deserveth . your assured friend , the state of templaria , from templaria , the 18 th . of december , 1594. the order of the prince of purpoole's proceedings , with his officers and attendants at his honourable inthronization ; which was likewise obs●rved in all his solemn marches on grand days , and like occasions ; which place every officer did duly attend , during the reign of his highness's government . a marshal . a marshal . trumpets . trumpets . pursuevant at arms , lanye . towns-men in the prince's livery , with halberts . yeomen of the gua●d , three couples . captain of the guard , grimes . baron of the grand port , dudley . baron of the base port , grante . gentlemen for entertainment , three couples . binge , &c. baron of the petty port , williams . baron of the new port , lovel . gentlemen for entertainment , three couples . wentworth . zukenden . forrest . lieutenant of the pensioners , tonstal . gentlemen-pensioners , twelve couples , viz. lawson . devereux . stapleton . daniel . rotts . anderson . glascott . elken . davison , cum reliquis . chief ranger , and master of the game , forrest . master of the revels , lambert . master of the revellers , tevery . captain of the pensioners , cooke . sewer , archer . carver , moseley . another sewer , drewry . cup-bearer , painter . groom-porter , bennet . sheriff , leach . clerk of the council , iones . clerk of the parliament , clerk of the crown , downes . orator , heke . recorder , starkey . sollicitor , dunne . serjeant , goldsmith . speaker of the parliament , b●llen . commissary , greenwood . attorney , holt. serjeant , hitchcombe . master of the requests , faldo . chancellor of the exchequer , kitts . master of the wards and idiots , ellis . reader , cobb . lord chief baron of the exchequer , briggs . master of the rolls , hetlen . lord chief baron of the common pleas , damporte . lord chief justice of the prince's bench , crew . master of the ordnance , fitz-williams . lieutenant of the tower , lloyd . master of the jewel-house , darlen . treasurer of the house-hold , smith . knight-marshal , bell. master of the ward-robe , conney . comptroller of the house-hold , bouthe . bishod of st. giles's in the fields , dandye . steward of the house-hold , smith . lord warden of the four ports , damporte . secretary of state , iones . lord admiral , cecill ( richard. ) lord treasurer , morrey . lord great chamberlain , southworth . lord high constable , lord marshal , knaplock . lord privy seal , lamphew . lord chamberlain of the house-hold , markham . lord high steward , kempe . lord chancellor , iohnson , archbishop of st. andrews in holborn , bush. serjeant at arms , with the mace , flemming . gentleman-usher , chevett . the shield of pegasus , for the inner-temple , scevington . serjeant at arms , with the sword , glascott . gentleman-usher , paylor . the shield of the griffin , for grays-inn , wickliffe . the king at arms , perkinson . the great shield of the prince's arms , cobley . the prince of purpoole , helmes . a page of honour , wandforde . gentlemen of the privy chamber , six couples , a page of honour , butler ( roger. ) vice-chamberlain , butler ( thomas . ) master of the horse , fitz-hugh . yeomen of the guard , three couples . towns-men in liveries . the family , and followers . upon the 20 th . day of december , being st. thomas's eve , the prince , with all his train in order , as above set down , marched from his lodging , to the great hall ; and there took his place in his throne , under a rich cloth of state : his counsellors and great lords were placed about him , and before him ; below the half-pace , at a table , sate his learned council and lawyers ; the rest of the officers and attendants took their proper places , as belonged to their condition . then the trumpets were commanded to sound thrice ; which being done , the king at arms , in his rich surcoat of arms , stood forth before the prince , and proclaimed his style as followeth . by the sacred laws of arms , and authorized ceremonies of the same ( maugre the conceit of any malecontent ) i do pronounce my sovereign liege lord , sir henry , rightfully to be the high and mighty prince of purpoole , arch-duke of stapulia and bernardia , duke of the high and nether holborn , marquis of st. giles's and tottenham , count palatine of bloomsbury and clerkenwell , great lord of the cantons of islington , &c. knight of the most honourable order of the helmet , and sovereign of the same . after that the king at arms had thus proclaimed his style , the trumpets sounded again ; and then entred the prince's champion , all in compleat armour , on horse-back , and so came riding round about the fire ; and in the midst of the hall , stayed , and made his challenge in these words following . if there be any man , of high degree , or low , that will say that my sovereign is not rightly prince of purpoole , as by his king at arms right-now hath been proclaimed , i am ready here to maintain , that he lieth as a false traitor ; and i do challenge , in combat , to fight with him , either now , or at any time or place appointed : and in token hereof , i gage my gauntlet , us the prince's true knight , and his champion . when the champion had thus made his challenge , he departed ; then the trumpets were commanded to sound , and the king at arms blazoned the prince his highness's arms , as followeth . the most mighty prince of purpoole , &c. beareth his shield of the highest jupiter . in point , a sacred imperial diadem , safely guarded by the helmet of the great goddess pallas , from the violence of darts , bullets and bolts of saturn , momus , and the idiot ; all environed with the ribband of loyalty , having a pendant of the most heroical order of knighthood of the helmet ; the word hereunto , sic virtus honorem . for his highness's crest , the glorious planet sol , coursing through the twelve signs of the zodiack , on a celestial globe , moved upon the two poles , artick and antartick ; with this motto , dum totum peragraverit orbem . all set upon a chaphew : mars turned up , luna mantelled , sapphire doubted pearl , supported by two anciently renowned and glorious griffyns , which have been always in league with the honourable pegasus . the conceit hereof was to shew , that the prince , whose private arms were three helmets , should defend his honour by vertue , from reprehensions of male-contents , carpers and fools . the ribband of blue , with an helmet pendant , in intimation of st. george . in his crest , his government for the twelve days of christmas was resembled to the sun 's passing the twelve signs , though the prince's course had some odd degrees beyond that time : but he was wholly supported by the griffyns ; for grays-inn-gentlemen , and not the treasure of the house , was charged . the words , sic virtus honorem , that his vertue should defend his honour , whilst he had run his whole course of dominion , without any either eclipse or retrogradation . after these things thus done , the attorney stood up , and made a speech of gratulation to the prince ; and therein shewed what great happiness was like to ensue , by the election of so noble and vertuous a prince , as then reigned over them ; rightly extolling the nobility , vertue , puissance , and the singular perfections of his sovereign ; whereby he took occasion also to move the subjects to be forward to perform all obedience and service to his excellency ; as also to furnish his wants , if so be that it were requisite ; and , in a word , perswaded the people , that they were happy in having such a prince to rule over them ; and likewise , assured the prince , that he also was most happy , in having rule over so dutiful and loving subjects , that would not think any thing , were it lands , goods , or life , too dear to be at his highness's command and service . the prince's highness made again this answer , that he did acknowledge himself to be deeply bound to their merits ; and in that regard did promise , that he would be a gracious and loving prince to so well-deserving subjects . and concluded with good liking and commendations of their proceedings . then the sollicitor , having certain great old books and records lying before him , made this speech to his honour , as followeth . most excellent prince , high superiority and dominion is illustrated and adorned by the humble services of noble and mighty personages : and therefore , amidst the garland of your royalties of your crown , this is a principal flower , that in your provinces and territories , divers mighty and puissant potentates are your homagers and vassals ; and , although infinite are your feodaries , which by their tenures do perform royal service to your sacred person , pay huge sums into your treasury and exchequer , and maintain whole legions for the defence of your country ; yet some special persons there are , charged by their tenures , to do special service at this your glorious inthronization ; whose tenures , for their strangeness , are admirable ; for their value , inestimable ; and for their worthiness , incomparable : the particulars whereof do here appear in your excellency's records , in the book of dooms-day , remaining in your exchequer , in the 50th . and 500th . chest there . the names of such homagers and tributaries as hold any signiories , lordships , land●● privileges , or liberties under his honour , and the tenures and services belonging to the same , as followeth . alfonso de stapulia , and davillo de bernardia , hold the arch-dukedoms of stapulia and bernardia , of the prince of purpoole , by grand serjeantry , and castle-guard of the castles of stapulia and bernardia , and to right and relieve all wants and wrongs of all ladies , matrons and maids within the said arch-dutchy ; and rendring , on the day of his excellency's coronation , a coronet of gold , and yearly five hundred millions , sterling . marotto marquarillo de holborn holdeth the mannors of high and nether holborn by cornage in capite , of the prince of purpoole ; and rendring on the day of his honour's coronation , for every of the prince's pensioners , one milk-white doe , to be bestowed on them by the prince , for a favour , or new-years-night-gift ; and rendring yearly two hundred millions , sterling . lucy negro , abbess de clerkenwell , holdeth the nunnery of clerkenwell , with the lands and privileges ther●unto belonging , of the prince of purpoole by night-service in cauda , and to find a choir of nuns , with burning lamps , to chaunt placebo to the gentlemen of the prince's privy-chamber , on the day of his excellency's coronation . ruffiano de st. giles's holdeth the town of st. giles's by cornage in cauda , of the prince of purpoole , and rendring on the day of his excellency's coronation , two ambling , easie paced gennets , for the prince's two pages of honour ; and rendring yearly two hundred millions , sterling . cornelius combaldus , de tottenham , holdeth the grange of tottenham of the prince of purpoole , in free and common soccage , by the twenty fourth part of a night's fee , and by rendring to the master of the ward rope so much cunny-furr as will serve to line his night-cap , and face a pair of mittins ; and yielding yearly four quarters of rye , and threescore double duckets on the feast of st. pancras . bartholomeus de bloomsbury holdeth a thousand hides in bloomsbury , of the prince of purpoole , by escuage incertain , and rendring on the day of his excellency's coronation one amazon , with a ring to be run at by the knight's of the prin●● band , and the mark to be his trophy that shall be adjudged the bravest courser ; and rendring yearly fifty millions , sterling . amarillo de paddington holdeth an hundred ox-gangs of land in paddington , of the prince of purpoole , by petty-serjeantry , that when the prince maketh a voyage royal against the amazons , to subdue and bring them under , he do find , at his own charges , a thousand men , well furnished with long and strong morris-pikes , black bills , or halberts , with morians on their heads ; and rendring yearly four hundred millions , sterling . bawdwine de islington holdeth the town of islington of the prince of purpoole , by grand-serjeantry ; and rendring , at the coronation of his honour , for every maid in islington , continuing a virgin after the age of fourteen years , one hundred thousand millions , sterling . iordano surtano de kentish-town , holdeth the canton of kentish-town of the prince of purpoole , in tail-general , at the will of the said prince , as of his mannor of deep-inn , in his province of islington by the veirge , according to the custom of the said mannor ; that when any of the prince's o●ficers or family do resort thither , for change of air , or else variety of diet , as weary of court-li●e , and such provision , he do provide for a mess of the yeomen of the guard , or any of the black-guard , or such l●ke inferior officers so coming , eight loins of mutton , which are sound , well fed , and not infectious ; and for every gentleman-pensioner , or other of good quality , coneys , pidgeons , chickens , or such dainty morsels . but the said iordano is not bound by his tenure , to boil , roast , or bake the same , or meddle further than the bare delivery of the said cates , and so to leave them to the handling , dressing and breaking up of themselves ; and rendring for a fine to the prince one thousand five hundred marks . markasius rusticanus , and hieronymus paludensis de knights-bridge , do hold the village of knights-bridge , with the appurtenances in knights-bridg● , o● the prince of purpoole , by villenage in base tenure , that they two shall jointly find three hundred able and sufficient labouring men , with instruments and tools necessary for the making clean of all channels , sinks , creeks and gutters within all the cities of his highness's dominions ; and also shall cleanse and keep clean all , and all manner of ponds , puddles , dams , springs , locks , runlets , becks , water-gates , sluces , passages , strait entrances , and dangerous quagmires ; and also shall repair and mend all common h●gh and low-ways , by laying stones in the pits and naughty places thereof ; and also that they do not suffer the aforesaid places to go to decay through their de●ault , and lack of looking unto , or neglect of doing their parts and duties therein . the tenures being thus read by the soll●citor , then were called by their names those homagers that were to perform their services , according to their tenures . upon the summons given , alfonso de stapuli● , and davillo de bernardia came to the prince's foot-stool , and off●●ed a coronet , according to their service , and did homage to his highness in solemn manner , kneeling , according to the order in such cases accustomed . the rest that appeared were deferred to better leisure ; and they that made default were fined at great sums , and their defaults recorded . there was a parliament intended , and summoned ; but by reason that some special officers that were by necessary occasions , urged to be absent , without whose presence it could not be performed , it was dashed . and in that point our purpose was frustrate , saving only in two branches of it : the one was , a subsidy granted by the commons of his dominions , towards the support of his highness's port and sports . the other was by his gracious , general and free pardon . henry prince of purpoole , arch-duke of stapulia and bernardia , duke of high and nether holborn , marquis of st. giles's and tottenham , count palatine of bloomsbury and clerkenwell , great lord of the canton of islington , kentish-town , paddington and knights-bridge , knight of the most heroical order of the helmet , and sovereign of the same , to all , and all manner of persons to whom these presents shall appertain ; greeting . in tender regard , and gracious consideration of the humble affection of our loyal lords and subjects ; and by understanding that by often violating of laudable customs , prescriptions and laws , divers have incurred inevitable and incurable dangers of lands , goods , life and members , if it be not by our clemency redressed , respected and pardoned . we therefore , hoping for better obedience and observation of our said laws and customs , do grant and publish this our general and free pardon of all dangers , pains , penalties , forfeitures , or o●fences , whereunto and wherewith they are not charged , or chargeable , by reason of mis-government , mis-demeanour , mis-behaviour , or fault , either of commission , or omission , or otherwise howsoever or whatsoever . it is therefore our will and pleasure , that all and every publick person and persons , whether they be strangers or naturals , within our dominions be by virtue hereof excused , suspended and discharged from all , and all manner of treasons , contempts , offences , trespasses , forcible entries , intrusions , disseisins , torts , wrongs , injuries , over-throws , over-thwartings , cross-bitings , coney-catchings , frauds , conclusions , fictions , fractions , fashions , fancies , or ostentations : also all , and all manner of errors , misprisions , mistakings , overtakings , double-dealings , combinations , confederacies , conjunctions , oppositions , interpositions , suppositions and suppositaries : also all , and all manner of intermedlance , or medlance , privy-searches , routs and riots , incumberances , pluralities , formalities , deformalities , disturbances , duplicities , jeofails in insufficiencies or defects : also all , and all manner of sorceries , inchantments , conjurations , spells , or charms : all destructions , obstructions and constructions : all evasions , invasions , charges , surcharges , discharges , commands● countermands , checks , counter-checks and counter-buffs : also all , and all manner of inhibitions , prohibitions , insurrections , corrections , conspiracies , concavities , coinings , superfluities , washings , clippings and shavings : all , and all manner of multiplications , inanities , installations , destillations , constillations , necromancies and incantations : all , and all manner of mis-●easance , non-feasance , or too much feasance : all attempts or adventures , skirmages , assaults , grapplings , closings , or encounters : all mis-prisonments , or res●raints of body or member : and all , and all manner of pains and penalties , personal or pecuniary whatsoever , committed , made , or done against our crown and dignity , peace , prerogatives , laws and customs , which shall not herein hereafter be in some sort expressed , mentioned , intended , or excepted . except , and always fore-prized out of this general and free pardon , all and every such p●rson and persons as shall imagine , think , suppose , or speak and utter a●y ●alse , seditious , ignominious , or slanderous words , reports , rumours , or opinions , against the dignity , or his excellency's honourable actions , counsels , consultations , or state of the prince , his court , counsellors , nobles , knights and officers . except , all such persons as now , or hereafter shall be advanced , admitted , or induced to any corporal or personal benefice , administration , charge , or cure of any mann●r of personage , and shall not be personally resident , commorant , or incumbent in , at , or upon the whole , or some part or parc●l of the said benefice , administration , or cure ; but absent himself wilfully or negligently , by the space of fourscore days , nights or hours , and not having any special substituted , instituted or inducted vicar , incumbent or concumbent , daily , or any other time , duly to express , enjoy and supply his absence , room , or vacation . except , all such p●rsons as have , or shall have any charge , occasion , chance , opportunity , or possible means to entertain , serve , recreate , delight , or discourse with any vertuous or honourable lady or gentlewoman , matron or maid , publickly , privately , or familiarly , and shall faint , fail , or be deemed to faint or fail in courage , or countenance , semblance , gesture , voice , speech , or attempt , or in act or adventure , or in any other matter , thing , manner , mystery , or accomplishment , due , decent , or appertinent to her or their honour , dignity , desert , expectation , desire , affection , inclination , allowance , or acceptance ; to be daunted , dismayed , or to stand mute , idle , frivolous , or defective , or otherwise dull , contrary , sullen , male-content , melancholy , or dif●erent from the profession , practice and perfection of a compleat and consummate gentleman or courtier . except , all such persons as by any force , or fraud and dissimulation , shall procure , be it by letters , promises , messages , contracts , and other inveaglings , any lady or gentlewoman , woman or maid , sole or covert , into his possession or convoy , and shall convey her into any place where she is , or shall be of ●ull power and opportunity to bargain , give , take , buy , sell , or change ; and shall suffer her to ●scape and return at large , without any such bargain , sale , gift , or exchange performed and made , contrary to former expected , expressed , employed contract or consent . except , all such persons as by any slander , libel , word , or note , bewray , betray , defame , or suffer to be defamed any woman , wife , widow , or ma●d , in whose affairs , secrets , suits , services , causes , actions , or other occupations , he hath been at any time conversant , employed , or trained in , or admitted unto , contrary to his plighted promise , duty and allegiance ; and to the utter disparagement of others hereafter to be received , retained , em●raced , or liked in like services , performances , or advancements . except , all intrusions and forcible entries , had , made , or done into or upon any the prince's widows , or wards female , without special licence ; and all fines passed for the same . except , all concealed fools , idiots and mad-men , that have not to this present sued forth any livery of their wits , nor ouster le mayne of their senses , until the prince have had primer seisin thereof . except , all such persons as , for their lucre and gain of living , do keep or maintain , or else frequent and resort unto any common house , alley , open or privy place of unlawful exercises ; as of vaulting , bowling , or any forbidden manner of shooting ; as at pricks in common high-ways , ways of sufferance or ease to market-towns or fairs , or at short butts , not being of sufficient length and distance , or at any roving or unconstant mark , or that shoot any shafts , arrows , or bolts of unseasonable wood or substances , or without an head , or of too short and small a size , contrary to the customs , laws and statutes , in such cases made and provided . except , all such persons as shall put or cast into any waters , salt or fresh , or any brooks , brinks , chinks , pits , pools , or ponds , any snare , or oth●r engine , to danger or destroy the fry or breed of any young lampreys , boads , loaches , bull-heads , cods , whitings , pikes , ruffs , or pearches , or any other young store of spawns or fries , in any flood-gate , sluce , pipe , or tail of a mill , or any other streight stream , brook , or river , salt or fresh ; the same fish being then of insu●ficiency in age and quantity , or at that time not in convenient season to be used and taken . except , all such persons as shall hunt in the night , or pursue any bucks or does ; or with painted faces , vizards , or other disguisings , in the day-time ; or any such as do wrongfully and unlawfully , without consent or leave given or granted , by day , or by night , break or enter into any park impailed , or other several close , inclosure , chase , or purliew , inclosed or compassed with wall , pale , grove , hedge , or bushes , used still and occupied for the keeping , breeding , or cherishing of young deer , prickets , or any other game , fit to be preserved and nourished ; or such as do hunt , chase , or drive out any such deer , to the prejudice and decay of such game and pass-times within our dominions . except , all such persons as shall shoot in any hand-gun , demy-hag , or hag-butt , either half-shot , or bullet , at any fowl , bird , or beast ; either at any deer , red or fallow , or any other thing or things , except it be a butt set , laid , or raised in some convenient place , fit for the same purpose . except , all and every artificer , crafts-man , labourer , hous●holder , or servant , being a lay-man , which hath not lands to the yearly value of forty shillings ; or any clerk , not admitted or advanced to the benefice of the value of ten pounds per annum , that with any grey-hound , mongrel , mastiff , spaniel , or other dogs , doth hunt in other men's parks , warrens and coney-grees ; or use any ferrets , hare-pipes , snarles , ginns , or other knacks or devices to take or destroy does , hares , or coneys , or other gentlemen's game , contrary to the form and meaning of a statute in that case provided . except , all merchant-adventurers , that ship or lade any wares or merchandize , into any port or creek , in any flemish , french , or dutch , or other outlandi●h hoy , ship , or bottom , whereof the prince , nor some of his subjects be not possessioners and proprietaries ; and the masters and mariners of the same vessels and bottoms to be the prince's subjects ; whereby our own shipping is many times unfraught , contrary unto divers statutes in that case provided . except , all owners , masters and pursers of our ships , as for the transportation of freight from one port to another , have received and taken any sums o● money above the statute-allowance in that behalf , viz. for every dry fatt , 6 d. for every bale , one foot long , 1 s. for every hogshead , pipe , or tierce of wine , 5 s. except , all decayed houses of husbandry , and housewifery , and inclosures , and severalties , converting of any lands used and occupied to tillage and sowing , into pasture and feeding ; whereby idleness increaseth , husbandry and housewifery is decayed , and towns are dis-peopled , contrary to the statute in that case made and provided . except , all such persons as shall maliciously and willingly burn or cut , or cause to be burned or cut , any conduit , or trough , pipe , or any other instrument used as means of conveyance of any liquor , water , or other kind of moisture . except , all commoners within any forest , chace , moor , marsh , heath , or other waste ground , which hath put to pasture into , or upon the same , any stoned horses , not being of the altitude and heighth contained in the statute , in that case made and provided for the good breed of strong and large horses , which is much decayed , little stoned horses , nags and hobbies being put to pasture there , and in such commons . except , all fugitives , failers and flinchers , that with shame and discredit are fled and vanished out of the prince's dominions of purpoole , and especially from his court at graya , this time of christmas , to withdraw themselves from his honour's service and attendance , contrary to their duty and allegiance , and to their perpetual ignominy , and incurable loss of credit and good opinion , which belongeth to ingenious and well-minded gentlemen . except , all concealments , and wrongful detainments of any subsidies and revenues , benevolences and receipts upon privy seals , &c. except , all , and all manner of offences , pains , penalties , mulcts , fines , amerciaments and punishments , corporal and pecuniary , whatsoever . the pardon being thus read by the sollicitor , the prince made a short speech to his subjects , wherein he gave them to understand , that although in clemency he pardoned all offences , to that present time ; yet notwithstanding , his me●ning thereby was not to give any the least occasion of presumption in breaking his laws , and the customs laudably used through his dominions and government . neither did he now so graciously forgive all errors and misdemeanours as he would hereafter severely and strictly reform the same . his will was , that justice should be administred to every subject , without any partiality● and that the wronged should make their causes known to himself , by p●tition to the master of the requests : and further excused the causes of the great taxes , and sums of money , that were levied , by reason that his predecessors had not left his coffers full of treasure , nor his crown so furnished , as became the dignity of so great a prince . then his highness called for the master of the revels , and willed him to pass the time in dancing : so his gentlemen-pensioners and attendants , very gallantly appointed , in thirty couples , danced the old measures , and their galliards , and other kind of dances , revelling until it was very late ; and so spent the rest of their performance in those exercises , until it pleased his honour to take his way to his lodging , with sound of trumpets , and his attendants in order , as is above set down . there was the conclusion of the first grand night , the performance whereof increased the expectation of those things that were to ensue ; insomuch that the common report amongst all strangers was so great , and the expectation of our proceedings so extraordinary , that it urged us to take upon us a greater state than was at the first intended : and therefore , besides all the stately and sumptuous service that was continually done the prince , in very princely manner ; and besides the daily revels , and such like sports , which were usual , there was intended divers grand nights , for the entertainment of strangers to our pass-times and sports . the next grand night was intended to be upon innocents-day at night ; at which time there was a great presence of lords , ladies , and worship●ul personages , that did expect some notable performance at that time ; which , indeed , had been effected , if the multitude of beholders had not been so exceeding great , that thereby there was no convenient room for ●hose that were actors ; by reason whereof , very good inventions and conceipts could not have opportunity to be applauded , which otherwise would have been great contentation to the beholders . against which time , our friend , the inner temple , determined to send their ambassador to our prince of state , as sent from frederick templarius , their emperor , who was then busied in his wars against the turk . the ambassador came very gallantly appointed , and attended by a great number of brave gentlemen , which arrived at our court about nine of the clock at night . upon their coming thither , the king at arms gave notice to the prince , then sitting in his chair of state in the hall , that there was come to his court an ambassador from his ancient friend the state of templaria , which desired to have present access unto his highness ; and shewed his honour ●urther , that he seemed to be of very good sort , because he was so well attended ; and therefore desired that it would please his honour that some of his nobles and lords might condu●t him to his highness's presence ; which was done . so he was brought in very solemnly , with sound of trumpets , the king at arms and lords of purpoole making to his company , which marched before him in order . he was received very kindly of the prince , and placed in a chair besides his highness , to the end that he might be partaker of the sports intended . but first , he made a speech to the prince , wherein he declared how his excellent renown and fame was known throughout all the whole world ; and that the report of his greatness was not contained within the bounds of the ocean , but had come to the ears of his noble sovereign , frederick templarius , where he is now warring against the turks , the known enemies to all christendom ; who having heard that his excellency kept his court at graya this christmas , thought it to stand with his ancient league of amity and near kindness , that so long hath been continued and increased by their noble ancestors of famous memory and desert , to gratulate his happiness , and ●lourishing estate ; and in that regard , had sent him his ambassador , to be residing at his excellency's court , in honour of his greatness , and token of his tender love and good will he beareth to his highness ; the confirmation whereof he especially requir●d , and by all means possible , would study to increase and eternize : which function he was the more willing to accomplish , because our state of graya did grace templaria with the presence of an ambassador about thirty years since , upon like occasion . our prince made him this answer , that he did acknowledge that the great kindness of his lord , whereby he doth invite to further degrees in firm and loyal friendship , did deserve all honourable commendations , and effectual accomplishment , that by any means might be devised ; and that he accounted himself happy , by having the sincere and sted●ast love of so gracious and renowned a prince , as his lord and master deserved to be esteemed ; and that nothing in the world should hinder the due observation of so inviolable a band as he esteemed his favour and good will. withal , he entred into commendations of his noble and cou●ageous enterprizes , in that he chuseth out an adversary fit for his greatness to encounter with , his honour to be illustrated by , and such an enemy to all christendom , as that the glory of his actions tend to the safety and liberty of all civility and humanity ; yet , notwithstanding that he was thus employed , in this action of honouring us , he shewed both his honourable mindfulness of our love and friendship , and also his own puissance , that can afford so great a number of brave gentlemen , and so gallantly furnished and accomplished : and so concluded , with a welcome both to the ambassador himself , and his favourites , for their lord and master's sake , and so for their own good deserts and condition . when the ambassador was placed , as aforesaid , and that there was something to be performed for the delight of the beholders , there arose such a disordered tumult and crowd upon the stage , that there was no opportunity to effect that which was intended : there came so great a number of worshipful personages upon the stage , that might not be displaced ; and gentlewomen , whose sex did privilege them from violence , that when the prince and his officers had in vain , a good while , expected and endeavoured a reformation , at length there was no hope of redress for that present . the lord ambassador and his train thought that they were not so kindly entertained , as was before expected , and thereupon would not stay any longer at that time , but , in a sort , discontended and displeased . after their departure the throngs and tumults did somewhat cease , although so much of them continued , as was able to disorder and confound any good inventions whatsoever . in regard whereof , as also for that the sports intended were especially for the gracing of the templarians , it was thought good not to offer any thing of account , saving dancing and revelling with gentlewomen ; and after such sports , a comedy of errors ( like to plautus his menechmus ) was played by the players . so that night was begun , and continued to the end , in nothing but confusion and errors ; whereupon , it was ever afterwards called , the night of errors . this mischanceful accident sorting so ill , to the great prejudice of the rest of our proceedings , was a great discouragement and disparagement to our whole state ; yet it gave occasion to the lawyers of the prince's council , the next night , after revels , to read a commission of oyer and terminer , directed to certain noble-men and lords of his highness's council , and others , that they should enquire , or cause enquiry to be made of some great disorders and abuses lately done and committed within his highness's dominions of purpoole , especially by sorceries and inchantments ; and namely , of a great witchcraft used the night before , whereby there were great disorders and misdemeanours , by hurly-burlies , crowds , errors , confusions , vain representations and shews , to the utter discred●t of our state and policy . the next night upon this occasion , we preferred judgments thick and threefold , which were read publickly by the clerk of the crown , being all against a sorcerer or conjurer that was supposed to be the cause of that confused inconvenience . therein was contained , how he had caused the stage to be built , and scaffolds to be reared to the top of the house , to increase expectation . also how he had caused divers ladies and gentlewomen , and others of good condition , to be invited to our sports ; also our dearest friend , the state of templaria , to be disgraced , and disappointed of their kind entertainment , deserved and intended . also that he caused throngs and tumults , crowds and outrages , to disturb our whole proceedings . and lastly , that he had ●oisted a company of base and common fellows , to make up our disorders with a play of errors and confusions ; and that that night had gained to us discredit , and it self a nick-name of errors . all which were against the crown and dignity of our sovereign lord , the prince of purpoole . under colour of these proceedings , were laid open to the view , all the causes of note that were committed by our chiefest states-men in the government of our principality ; and every officer in any great place , that had not performed his duty in that service , was taxed hereby , from the highest to the lowest , not sparing the guard and porters , that suffered so many disordered persons to enter in a● the court-gates : upon whose aforesaid indictments , the prisoner was arra●gned at the bar , being brought thither by the lieutenant of the tower ( for at that time the stocks were graced with that name ; ) and the sheriff impannelled a jury of twenty four gentlemen , that were to give their verdict upon the evidence given . the prisoner appealed to the prince his excellency for justice , and humbly desired , that it would please his highness to understand the truth of the matter by his supplication , which he had ready to be offered to the master of the requests . the prince gave leave to the master of the requests , that he should read the petition ; wherein was a disclosure of all the knavery and juggling of the attorney and sollicitor , which had brought all this law-stuff on purpose to blind the eyes of his excellency , and all the honourable court there , going about to make them think , that those things which they all saw and preceived sensibly to be in very deed done , and actually performed , were nothing else but vain illusions , fancies , dreams and enchantments , and to be wrought and compass●d by the means of a poor harmless wretch , that never had heard of such great matters in all his life : whereas the very fault was in the negligence of the prince's council , lords and officers of his state , that had the rule of the roast , and by whose advice the commonwealth was so soundly mis-governed . to prove these things to be true , he ●rought divers instances of great absurdities committed by the greatest ; and made such allegations , as could not be denied . these were done by some that were touched by the attorn●y and sollicitor , in their former proceedings , and they used the prisoners names for means of quittance with them in that behalf . but the prince and states-men ( being pinched on both sides , by both the parties ) were not a little offended at the great liberty that they had taken , in censuring so far of his highness's government ; and thereupon the prisoner was freed and pardoned , the attorney , sollicitor , master of the requests , and those that were a●quainted with the draught of the petition , were all of them commanded to the tower ; so the lieutenant took charge of them . and this was the end of our law-sports , concerning the night of errors . when we were wearied with mocking thus at our own follies , at length there was a great consultation had for the recovery of our lost honour . it was then concluded , that first the prince's council should be reformed , and some graver conceipts should have their places , to advise upon those things that were propounded to be done afterward . therefore , upon better consideration , there were divers plots and devices intended against the friday after new-years-day , being the 3 d. of ianuary : and to prevent all unruly tumults , and former inconveniences , there was provided a watch of armed men , to ward at the four ports ; and whifflers , to make good order under the four barons ; and the lord warden to over-see them all , that none but those that were of good condition might be suffered to be let into the court : and the like officers were every where appointed . on the 3 d. of ianuary at night , there was a most honourable presence of great and noble personages , that came as invited to our prince ; as namely , the right honourable the lord keeper , the earls of shrewsbury , cumberland , northumberland , southampton and essex , the lords buckhurst , windsor , mountjoy , sheffield , compton , rich , burleygh , mounteagle , and the lord thomas howard ; sir thomas henneage , sir robert cecill ; with a great number of knights , ladies and very worshipful personages : all which had convenient places , and very good entertainment , to their good liking and contentment . when they were all thus placed and setled in very good order , the prince came into the hall with his wonted state , and ascended his throne at the high end of the hall , under his highness's arms ; and after him came the ambassador of templaria , with his train likewise , and was placed by the prince as he was before ; his train also had places reserved for them , and were provided for them particularly . then , after variety of musick , they were presented with this device . at the side of the hall , behind a curtain , was erected an altar to the goddess of amity ; her arch-flamen , ready to attend the sacrifice and incense that should , by her servants , be offered unto her : round about the same sate nymphs and fairies , with instruments of musick , and made very pleasant melody with viols and voices , and sang hymns and praises to her deity . then issued forth of another room the first pair of friends , which were theseus and perithous ; they came in arm in arm , and offered incense upon the altar to their goddess , which shined and burned very clear , without blemish ; which being done , they departed . then likewise came achilles and patroclus ; after them , pilades and orestes ; then scipio and lelius : and all these did , in all things , as the former , and so departed . lastly , were presented graius and templarius ; and they two came lovingly , arm in arm , to the altar , and offered their incense as the rest , but the goddess did not accept of their service ; which appeared by the troubled smoak , and dark vapour , that choaked the flame , and smothered the clear burning thereof . hereat , the arch-flamen , willing to pacifie the angry goddess , preferred certain mystical ceremonies and invocations , and commanded the nymphs to sing some hymns of pacification to her deity , and caused them to make proffer of their devotion again ; which they did , and then the flame burnt more clear than at any time before , and continued longer in brightness and shining to them , than to any of those pairs of friends that had gone before them ; and so they departed . then the arch-flamen did pronounce grayus and templarius to be as true and perfect friends , and so familiarly united and linked with the bond and league of sincere friendship and amity , as ever were theseus and perithous , achilles and patroclus , pilades and orestes , or scipio and lelius ; and therewithal did further divine , that this love should ●e perpetual . and lastly , denounced an heavy curse on them that ●hall any way go about to break or weaken the same ; and an happiness to them that study and labour to eternize it for ever . so with sweet and pleasant melody , the curtain was drawn , as it was at the first . thus was this shew ended , which was devised to that end , that those that were present might understand , that the unkindness which was growing betwixt the templarians and us , by reason of the former night of errors , and the uncivil behaviour wherewith they were entertained● as before i have partly touched , was now clean rooted out and forgotten , and that we now were more firm friends , and kind lovers , than ever before we had been , contrary to the evil reports that some enviers of our happiness had sown abroad . the prince then spake to the ambassador , that the shew had contented him exceedingly ; the rather , that it appeared thereby , that their ancient amity was so fresh and flourishing , that no friendship in the world hath been compared to the love and good will of the grayans and templarians . and to the end that he might shew that the conceipt was pleasing unto him , his highness offered the lord ambassador , and some of his retinue , with the knighthood of the helmet , an order of his own institution . to that end his excellency called to him his king at arms , and willed him to place the ambassador , and some of his followers , and also some of his own court , that they might receive the dignity at his hands ; which being done , and the master of the jewels attending with the collar of the order , the prince came down from his chair of state , and took a collar , and put it about the lord ambassador's neck , he kneeling down on his left knee , and said unto him , sois chivaler ; and so was done to the rest , to the number of twenty four . so the prince and the lord ambassador took their places again in their chairs , and the rest according to their condition . then helmet , his highness's king at arms , stood forth before the prince , in his surcoat of arms , and caused the trumpets to sound , and made his speech , as doth follow . the most mighty and puissant prince , sir henry , my gracious lord and sovereign , prince of purpoole , arch-duke of stapulia and bernardia , duke of high and nether holborn , marquis of st. giles's and tottenham , count palatine of bloomsbury and clerkenwell , great lord of the cantons of islington , kentish-town , paddington and knights-bridge , hath heretofore , for the special gracing of the nobility of his realm , and honouring the deserts of strangers , his favourites , instituted a most honourable order of knighthood of the helmet , whereof his honour is sovereign , in memory of the arms he beareth , worthily given to one of his noble ancestors , many years past , for saving the life of his then sovereign ; in regard that as the helmet defendeth the chiefest part of the body , the head ; so did he guard and defend the sacred person of the prince , the head of the state. his highness at this time had made choice of a number of vertuous and no●le personages , to admit them into his honourable society ; whose good example may be a spur and encouragement to the young nobility of his dominions , to cause them to aspire to the heighth of all honourable deserts . to the honourable order are annexed strict rules of arms , and civil government , religiously to be observed by all those that are admitted to this dignity . ●ou therefore , most noble gentlemen , whom his highness at this time so greatly honoureth with his royal order , you must every one of you kiss your helmet , and thereby promise and vow to observe and practise , or otherwise , as the case shall require , shun and avoid all these constitutions and ordinances , which , out of the records of my office of arms , i shall read unto you . then the king at arms took his book , and turned to the articles of the orders , and read them , as followeth . imprimis , every knight of this honourable order , whether he be a natural subject , or stranger born , shall promise never to bear arms against his highness's sacred person , nor his state ; but to assist him in all his lawful wars , and maintain all his just pretences and titles ; especially , his highness's title to the land of the amazons , and the cape of good hope . item● no knight of this order shall , in point of honour , resort to any grammar-rules out of the books de dullo , or such like ; but shall , out of his own brave mind , and natural courage , deliver himself from scorns , as to his own discretion shall seem convenient . item , no knight of this order shall be inquisitive towards any lady or gentlewoman , whether her beauty be english or italian , or whether , with care taking , she have added half a foot to her stature ; but shall ●ake all to the best . neither shall any knight of the aforesaid order presume to affirm , that faces were better twenty years ago , than they are at this present time , except such knight have passed three climacterical years . item , every knight of this order is bound to perform all requisite and manly service , be it night-service , or otherwise , as the case requireth , to all ladies and gentlewomen , beautiful by nature , or by art ; ever offering his aid , without any demand thereof : and if in case he fail so to do , he shall be deemed a match of disparagement to any his highness's widows , or wards-female ; and his excellency shall in justice forbear to make any tender of him to any such ward or widow . item , no knight of this order shall procure any letters from his highness , to any widow or maid , for his enablement and commendation , to be advanced to marriage ; but all prerogative , wooing set apart , shall for ever cease , as to any of these knights , and shall be left to the common laws of this land , declared by the statute , quia electiones liberoe esse debent . item , no knight of this honourable order , in case he shall grow into decay , shall procure from his highness relief and sustentation , any monopolies or privileges , except only these kinds following ; that is to say , upon every tabaco-pipe , not being one foot wide . upon every lock that is worn , not being seven foot long . upon every health that is drank , not being of a glass five foot deep . and upon every maid in his highness's province of islington , continuing a virgin after the age of fourteen years , contrary to the use and custom in that place always had and observed . item , no knight of this order shall have any more than one mistress , for whose sake he shall be allowed to wear three colours : but if he will have two mistresses , then must he wear six colours ; and so forward , after the rate of three colours to a mistress . item , no knight of this order shall put out any money upon strange returns or performances to be made by his own person ; as , to hop up the stairs to the top of st. paul's , without intermission ; or any other such like agilities or endurances , except it may appear , that the same performances or practices do enable him to some service or employment ; as , if he do undertake to go a journy backward , the same shall be thought to enable him to be an ambassador into turky . item , no knight of this order , that hath had any licence to travel into foreign countries , be it by m●p , card , sea , or land , and hath returned from thence , shall presume , upon the warrant of a traveller , to report any extraordinary varieties ; as , that he hath ridden through venice on horse-back post , or that in december he sailed by the cape of norway , or that he hath travelled over the most part of the countries of geneva , or such like hyp●rbolies , contrary to the statute , propterea quod qui diversos terrarum ambitus errant & vagantur , &c. item , every knight of this order shall do his endeavour to be much in the books of the worshipful citizens of the principal city , next adjoining to the territories of purpoole ; and none shall unlearnedly , or without looking , pay ready money for any wares , or other things pertaining to the gallantness of his honour's court ; to the ill example of others , and utter subversion of credit betwixt man and man. item , every knight of this order shall apply himself to some or other vertuous quality or ability of learning , honour and arms ; and shall not think it sufficient to come into his honour's presence-chamber in good apparel only , or to be able to keep company at play and gaming : for such it is already determined , that they be put and taken for implements of houshold , and are placed in his honour's inventory . item , every knight of this order shall endeavour to add conference and experience by reading ; and therefore shall not only read and peruse guizo , the french aca●●●● , galiat●o the courtier , plutarch , the arcadia , and the neoterical writers , from time to time ; but also frequ●nt the theatre , and such like places of experience ; and resort to the better sort of ord'naries for conference , whereby they may not only become accomplished with civil conversations , and able to govern a table with discourse ; but also sufficient , if n●ed be , to make epigrams , emblems , and other devices appertaining to his honour 's learned revels . item , no knight of this order shall give out what gracious words the prince hath given him , nor leave word at his chamber , in case any come to speak with him , that he is above with his excellency ; nor cause his man , when he shall be in any publick assembly , to call him suddainly to go to the prince , nor cause any packet of letters to be brought at dinner or supper-time , nor say that he had the re●usal of some great office , nor satisfie suitors , to say , his honour is not in any good disposition , nor make any narrow observation of his excellency's nature and fashions , as if he were inward privately with his honour ; contrary to the late inhibition of selling of smoak . item , no knight of this order shall be armed , for the safe-guard of his countenance , with a pike in his mouth , in the nature of a tooth-picker , or with any weapon in his hand , be it stick , plume , wand , or any such like : neither shall he draw out of his pocket any book or paper , to read , for the same intent ; neither shall he retain any extraordinary shrug , nod , or other ●amiliar motion or gesture , to the same end ; for his highness , of his gracious clemency , is disposed to lend his countenance to all such knights as are out of countenance . item , no knight of this order , that weareth fustian , cloth , or such statute-apparel , for necessity , shall pretend to wear the same for the new fash●on's sake . item , no knight of this order , in walking the streets , or other places of resort , shall bear his hands in his pockets of his great rolled hose , with the spanish wheel , if it be not either to defend his hands from the cold , or else to guard forty shillings sterling , being in the same pockets . item , no knight of this order shall lay to pawn his collar of knighthood for an hundred pounds ; and if he do , he shall be , ipso facto , discharged ; and it shall be lawful for any man whatosever , that will retain the same collar ●or the sum afor●said , forthwith to take upon him the said knighthood , by reason of a secret vertue in the collar ; for in this order , it is holden for a certain rule , that the knighthood followeth the collar , and not the collar the knighthood . item , that no knight of this order shall take upon him the person of a male-content , in going with a more private retinue than appertaineth to his degree , and using but certain special , obscure company , and commending none but men disgraced , and out of office ; and smiling at good news , as if he knew something that were not true ; and making odd notes of his highness's reign , and former governments ; or saying , that his highness's sports were well sorted with a play of errors ; and such like pretty speeches of jest , to the end that he may more safely utter his malice against his excellency's happiness ; upon pain to be present at all his excellency's most glorious triumphs . lastly , all the knights of this honourable order , and the renowned sovereign of the same , shall yield all homage , loyalty , unaffected admiration , and all humble service , of what name or condition soever , to the incomparable empress of the fortunate island . when the king at arms had read all these articles of the order of the knighthood , and finished the ceremonies belonging to the same , and that every one had taken their places as before , there was variety of consort-musick ; and in the mean while , the knights of the order , which were not strangers , brought into the hall a running banquet in very good order , and gave it to the prince , and lords , and other strangers , in imitation of the feast that belongeth to all such honourable institutions . this being done , there was a table set in the midst of the stage , before the prince's seat ; and there sate six of the lords of his privy council , which at that time were appointed to attend , in council , the prince's leisure . then the prince spake to them in this manner . my lords , we have made choice of you , as our most faithful and favoured counsellors , to advise with you , not any particular action of our state , but in general , of the scope and end whereunto you think it most for our honour , and the hap●iness of our state , that our government be rightly bent and directed : for we mean not to do as many princes use ; which conclude of their ends out of their own honours , and take counsel only of the means ( abusing , for the most part , the wisdom of their counsellors ) set them the right way to the wrong place . but we , desirous to leave as little to chance or humour as may be , do now give you liberty and warrant to set before vs , to what port , as it were , the ship of our government should be bounden . and thi● we require you to do , without either respect to our affections , or your own ; neither g●essing what is most agreeable with our disposition , wherein we may easily deceive you ; for princes hearts are inscrutable : nor , on the other side , putting the case by your selves , as if you would present vs with a robe , whereof measure were taken by your selves . thus you perceive our mind , and we expect your answer . the first counsellor advising the exercise of war. most excellent prince , except there be such amongst us , as i am fully perswaded there is none , that regardeth more his own greatness under you , than your greatness over others , i think there will be little difference in the chusing for you a goal worthy your vertue and power . for he that shall set before him your magnanimity and valour , supported by the youth and disposition of your body ; your ●lourishing court , like the horse of troy , full of brave commanders and leaders ; your populous and man-rife provinces , over●lowing with warlike people ; your co●fers , like the indian mines , when that they are first opened ; your store-houses are as sea-walls , like to vulcan's cave ; your navy like to an huge floating city ; the devotion of your subjects to your crown and person , their good agreement amongst themselves , their wealth and provision ; and then your strength and unrevocable confederation with the noble and honourable personages , and the fame and reputation without of so rare a concurrence , whereof all the former regards do grow : how can he think any exercise worthy of your means , but that of conquest ? for , in few words , what is your strength , if you find it not ? your fortune , if you try it not ? your vertu● , if you shew it not ? think , excellent prince , what sense of content you found in your self , when you were first invested in our state : for though i know your excellency is far from vanity and lightness , yet it is the nature of all things to find rest when they come to due and proper places . but be assured of this , that this delight will languish and vanish ; for power will quench appetite , and satiety will endure tediousness . but if you embrace the wars , your trophies and triumphs will be as continual coronations , that will not suffer your glory and contentment to fade and wither . then when you have enlarged your territories , ennobled your country , distributed fortunes , good or bad , at your pleasure , not only to particulars , but to cities and nations ; marked the computations of times with your expeditions and voyages , and the memory of places by your exploits and victories , in your later years you shall find a sweet respect into the adventures of your youth , you shall enjoy your reputation , you shall record your travels , and after your own time , you shall eternize your name , and leave deep foot-steps of your power in the world. to conclude , excel●ent prince , and most worthy to have the titles of victories added to other your high and deserved titles ; remember , the d●vines find nothing more glorious to resemble our state unto , than a warfare . all things in earnest and jest do affect a kind of victory , and all other victories are but shadows to the victories of the wars . therefore embrace the wars , for they disparage you not ; and believe that if any prince do otherwise , it is either in the weakness of his mind or means . the second councellor advising the study of philosophy . it may seem , most excellent prince , that my lord , which now hath spoken , did never read the just censures of the wisest men , who compared great conquerors to great rovers and witches , wh●se power is in destruction , and not in preservation ; else would he never have advised your excellency to become as some comet , or blazing star , which should threaten and pretend nothing but death and dearth , combustions and troubles of the world. and whereas the governing faculties of men are two , force and re●son ; whereof the one is bruit , and the other divine , he wisheth you , for your principal ornament and regality , the talons of the eagle to catch the prey , and not the piercing sight which seeth into the bottom of the sea : but i , contrary-wise , will wish unto your highness the exercise of the best and purest part of the mind , and the most innocent and meriting request , being the conquest of the works of nature ; making his proportion , that you bend the excellency of your spirits to the searching out , inventing and discovering of all whatsoever is hid in secret in the world , that your excellency be not as a lamp that shineth to others , and yet s●eth not it self ; but as the eye of the world , that both carrieth and useth light. antiquity , that presenteth unto us in dark visions , the wisdom of former times , infor●eth us , that the kingdoms have always had an affinity with the secrets and mysteries of learning . amongst the persians , the kings were attended on by the magi ; the gymnasophists had all the government under the princes of asia ; and generally , those kingdoms were accounted most happy , that had rulers most addicted to philosophy : the ptolemies in egypt may be for instance ; and solyman was a man so seen in the vniversality of nature , that he wrote an herbal of all that was green upon the earth . no co●quest of julius caesar m●de him so remembred as the calendar . alexander the great wrote to aristotle , upon the publishing of the p●ysi●ks , that he esteemed more of excellent men in knowledge , than in the empire . and to this purpose i will commend to your highness four principal works and monuments of your self : first , the collecting of a most perfect and general library , wherein whatsoever the wit of man hath heretofore committed to books of worth , be they ancient or modern , printed or manuscript , european or of the other parts , of one or other language , may be made contributary to your wisdom . next , a spacious , wonderful garden , wherein whatsoever plant , the sun of divers climates , out of the earth of divers moulds , either wild , or by the culture of man , brought forth , may be , with that care that appertaineth to the good prospering thereof , set and cherished . this garden to be built about with rooms , to stable in all rare beasts , and to cage in all rare birds ; with two lakes adjoining , the one of fresh water , and the other of salt , for like variety of fishes : and so you may have , in a small compass , a model of vniversal nature made private . the third , a goodly huge cabinet , wherein whatsoever the hand of man , by exquisite art or engine , hath made rare in stuff , form , or motion , whatsoever singularity , chance and the shuffle of things hath produced , whatsoever nature hath wrought in things that want life , and may be kept , shall be sorted and included . the fourth , such a still-house so furnished with mills , instruments , furnaces and vessels , as may be a palace fit for a philosopher's stone . thus when your excellency shall have added depth of knowledge to the fineness of spirits , and greatness of your power , then indeed shall you lay a trismegistus ; and then , when all other miracles and wonders shall cease , by reason that you shall have discovered their natural causes , your self shall be left the only miracle and wonder of the world. the third councellor advising eternizement and fame , by buildings and foundations . my lords that have already spoken , most excellent prince , h●v● both used one fallacy , in taking that for certain and granted , which was most uncertain and doubt●ul ; for the one hath neither drawn in question the succes● and f●rtune of the wars , nor the other , the difficulties and errors in the conclusions of nature : but these immoderate hopes and promises do many times issue from those of the wars , into tragedies of calamities and distress●s ; and those of mystical philosophy , into comedies of ridiculous frustrations and disappointments of such conceipts and curiosities : but , on the other side , in one point my lords have well agreed ; that they both , according to their several intentions , counselled your excellency to win fame , and to eternize your name ; though the one adviseth it in a course of great peril , and the other , of little dignity and magnificence . but the plain and approved way that is safe , and yet proportionable to the greatness of a monarch , to present himself to posterity , is not rumour and hear-say ; but the usual memory of himself , is the magnificence of goodly and royal buildings and foundations , and the new institutions of orders , ordinances and societies ; that is , that your coin be stamped with your own image ; so in every part of your state there may be somewhat new ; which , by continuance , may make the founder and author remembred . it was perceived at the first , when men sought to cure mortality by fame , that buildings was the only way ; and thereof proceeded the known holy antiquity of building the tower of babel ; which , as it was a sin in the immoderate appetite of fame , so was it punished in the kind ; for the diversities of languages have imprisoned fame ever since . as for the pyramids , the colosses , the number of temples , colleges , bridges , aquaeducts , castles , theatres , palaces , and the like , they may shew us , that men ever mistrusted any other way to fame than this only , of works and monuments . yea , even they which had the best choice of other means . alexander did not think his fame so engraven in his conquests , but that he thought it further shined in the buildings of alexandria . augustus caesar thought no man had done greater things in military actions than himself , yet that which , at his death , ran most in his mind , was his building ; when he said , not as some mistake it , metaphorically , but literally , i found the city of brick , but i leave it of marble . constantine the great was wont to call with envy the emperor trajan , wall-flower , because his name was upon so many buildings ; which notwithstanding , he himself did embrace in the new founding of constantinople , and sundry other buildings : and yet none greater conquerors than these two . and surely they had reas●n ; for the fame of great actions is like to a land-flood , which hath no certain head or spring ; but the memory and fame of buildings and foundations hath , as it were , a fountain in an hill , which continually seedeth and refresheth the other waters . neither do i , excellent prince , restrain my speeches to dead buildings only , but intend it also to other foundations , institutions and creations ; wherein i presume the more to speak confidently , because i am warranted herein by your own wisdom , who have made the first fruits of your actions of state , to institute the honourable order of the helmet : the less shall i need to say , leaving your excellency not so much to follow my advice , as your own example . the fourth councellor , advising absoluteness of state and treasure . let it not seem pusillanimity for your excellency , mighty prince , to descend a little from your high thoughts to a necessary consideration of your own estate . neither do you deny , honourable lords , to acknowledge safety , profit and power to be of the substance of policy , and fame and honour rather to be as flowers of well ordered actions , than as good guides . now if you examine the courses propounded according to these respects , it must be confessed , that the course of wars may seem to encrease power , and the course of contemplations and foundations not prejudice safety ; but if you look beyond the exterior , you shall find that the first breeds weakness , and the latter note peril ; for certain it is during wars , your excellency will be enforced to your souldiers , and generally to your people , and become less absolute and monarchical than if you reign'd in peace ; and then if your success be good , that you make new conquests , you shall be constrained to spend the strength of your ancient and setled provinces , to assure your new and doubtful , and become like a strong man , that by taking a great burden upon his shoulders , maketh himself weaker than he was before . again , if you think you may not end contemplations with security , your excellency will be deceived ; for such studies will make you retired and disused with your business ; whence will follow admiration of your authority ; as for the other point , of exercising in every part of your state something new , derived from your self , it will acquaint your excellency with an humor of innovation and alteration ; which will make your reign very turbulent and unsetled , and many times your change will be for worse ; as in the example last touched , of constantine , who by his new translation of his estate , ruinated the roman empire . as for profit , there appeareth a direct contrariety betwixt that and all the three courses ; for nothing causeth such dissipation of treasure as wars , curiosities and buildings ; and for all this to be recompensed in a supposed honour , a matter apt to be much extolled in words , but not greatly to be praised in conceit , i do think it a losers bargain . besides that , many politick princes have received as much commendation for their wise and well ordered government , as others have done for their conquests and glorious affections . and more worthy , because the praise of wisdom and iudgment is less communicated with fortune . therefore , excellent prince , be not transported with shews ; follow the order of nature , first to make the most of that y●u possess , before you seek to purchase more . to put the case by a private man ( for i cannot speak high ) if a man were born to an hundred pounds by the year , and one shew him how with charge to purchase an hundred pounds more , and another should shew him how without charge to raise that hundred pounds unto five hundred pounds , i should think the latter advice should be followed . the proverb is a countrey-proverb , but significative , milk the cow that standeth still ; why follow you her that flieth away ? do not think , excellent prince , that all the conquests you are to make be foreign ; you are to conquer here at home the overgrowing of your grandees in factions , and too great liberties of your people , the great reverence and formalities given to your laws and customs , in derogation of your absolute prerogatives ; these and such like be conquests of state , though not of war. you want a joseph , that should by advice make you the only proprietor of all the lands and wealth of your subjects . the means how to strain up your sovereignty , and how to accumulate treasure and revenue , they are the secrets of your state : i will not enter into them at this place ; i wish your excellency as ready to them , as i know the means ready to perform them . the fifth councellor advising him vertue , and a gracious government . most excellent prince , i have heard sundry plats and propositions offered unto you severally : one , to make you a great prince ; another , to make you a strong prince ; and another , to make you a memorable prince ; and a fourth , to make you an absolute prince ; but i hear of no mention to make you a good and a vertuous prince ; which surely my lords have le●t out in discretion , as to arise o● your own motion and choice ; and so i should have thought , had they not handled their own propositions so artificially and perswadingly , as doth assure me their speech was not formal . but , most worthy prince , fame is too light , and pro●it and surety are too low , and power is either such as you have , or ought not so to seek to have ; it is the meriting of your subjects , the making of golden times , the becoming of a natural parent to your state : these are the only and worthy ends of your grace's vertuous reign . my lords have taught you to refer all things to your self , your greatness , memory and advantage ; but whereunto shall your self be referred ? if you will be heavenly , you must have influence ; will you be as a standing pool , that spendeth and choaketh his spring within its self , and hath no streams nor current to bless and make fruitful whole tracts of countreys , wher●●y it reneweth ? wherefore , first of all , m●st ver●uous prince , assure your s●lf of an inward peace , that the storms without do not d●●turb any of your repair●rs of state within ; therein use and pra●tise all honourable divers●ons ; that done , visit all the parts of your s●ate , and let the balm d●st●l every where from your sovereign hands to the medicining of any part that complaineth , beginning with your seat of state , take order that the fault of your greatne●s do not reb●und upon your s●lf ; have care that your intelligence , which is the light of your state , do not go out or burn dim or obscu●e ; advan●e men of vertue , and not of mercenary minds ; repress all factio● , be it either malign or violent . then look into the state of your laws and justice of your land ; purge out multiplicity of laws , clear the incertainty of them , repeal those that are snaring , and prize the execution of those that are wholesom and necessary ; define the jurisdiction of your courts , reprize all suits and vexations , all causless delays and fraudulent shifts and devices , and reform all such abuses of right and justice , assist the ministers thereof , punish severely all extortions and exactions of officers , all corruptions in trials and sentences of judgment . yet when you have done all this , think not that the bridle and spur will make the horse to go alone without time and custom . trust not to your laws for correcting the times , but give all strength to good education ; see to the government of your universities , and all seminaries of youth , and of the private order of families , maintaining due obedience of children towards their parents , and reverence of the younger sort towards the ancient . then when you have confirmed the noble and vital parts of your realm of state , proceed to take care of the blood and flesh and good habit of the body . remedy all decays of population , make provision for the poor , remove all stops in traffick , and all cancers and causes of consumption in trades and mysteries ; redress all : but whither do i run , exceeding the bounds of that perhaps i am now demanded ? but pardon me , most excellent prince , for as if i should commend unto your excellency the beauty of some excell●nt lady , i could not so well express it with relation , as if i shewed you her picture ; so i esteem the best way to commend a vertuous government , to describe and make appear what it is ; but my pencil perhaps disgrac●th it : therefore i leav● it to your excellency , to take the picture out of your wise observation , and then to double it , and express it in your government . the sixth councellor perswading pass-times and sports . when i heard , most excellent prince , the three first of my lords so careful to continue your fame and memory , methought it was as if a man should come to some young prince , as your self is ; and immediately after his coronation , be in hand with him to make himself a sumptuous and stately tomb. and , to speak out of my soul , i muse how any of your servants can once endure to think of you , as of a prince past . and for my other lords , who would engage you so deeply in matters of state ; the one perswading you to a more a●solute , the other to a more gracious government ; i assure your excellency , their lessons were so cumbersome , as if they would make you a king in a play ; who when one would think he standeth in great majesty and felicity , he is troubled to say his part . what! nothing but tasks , nothing but working-days ? no feasting , no musick , no dancing , no triumphs , no comedies , no love , no ladies ? let other men's lives be as pilgrimages , because they are tied to divers necessities and duties ; but princes lives are as progresses , dedicated only to variety and solace . and if your excellency should take your barge in a summer-evening , or your h●●se or chariot , to take the air ; and if you should do any the honour to visit hi● ; y●t your pleasure is the principal , and that is but as it falleth out . s● if any of these matters which have been spoken of , fall out in the w●y 〈◊〉 your pl●asure , it may be taken ; but no otherwise . and therefore leave your wars to your lieutenants , and your works and buildings to your surveyors , and your books to your vniversities , and your state-matters to your councellors , and attend you that in person , which you cannot execute by deputy : vse the advantage of your youth , be not sullen to your fortune ; make your pleasure the distinction of your honours , the studies of your favourites , the talk of your people , and the allurement of all foreign gallants to your court. and , in a word , sweet sovereign , dismiss your five councellors , and only take councel of your five senses . but if a man should follow your five senses ( said the prince ) i perceive he might ●ollow your lordship , now and then , into an inconvenience . your lordship is a man of a very lively and pleasant advice ; which though one should not be forward to follow , yet it fitteth the time , and what our own humour inclined o●tentimes to , delight and merriment . for a prince should be of a chearful and pleasant spirit ; not austere , hard-●ronted and sto●cal ; but after serious affairs , admitting recreation , and using pleasures , as sauces for meats of better nourishment . the prince's answer and conclusion to the speeches of the councellors . my lords , we thank you for your good opinions ; which have been so well set forth , as we should think our selves not capable of good counsel , if , in so great variety of perswading reasons , we should suddainly resolve . mean while , it shall not be amiss to make choice of the last , and upon more deliberation to determine of the rest ; and what time we spend in long consulting , in the end we will gain by prompt and speedy executing . the prince having ended his speech , arose from his seat , and took that occasion of revelling : so he made choice of a lady to dance withal ; so likewise did the lord ambassador , the pensioners and courtiers attending the prince . the rest of that night was passed in those pass-times . the performance of which nights work being very carefully and orderly handled , did so delight and please the nobles , and the other auditory , that thereby grays-inn did not only recover their lost credit , and quite take away all the disgrace that the former night of errors had incurred ; but got instead thereof , so great honour and applause , as either the good reports of our honourable friends that were present could yield , or we our selves desire . the next day the prince , accompanied with the ambassador of templaria , and attended by both trains , took his progress from his court of graya , to the lord mayor's house , called cosby's place , in bishop's-gate-street ; as being , before that time , invited to dine with him . this shew was very stately and orderly performed ; the prince being mounted upon a rich foot-cloth , the ambassador likewise riding near him ; the gentlemen attending , with the prince's officers , and the ambassador's favourites , before ; and the other coming behind the prince ; as he set it down in the general marshalling , in the beginning . every one had his feather in his cap , to distinguish of whether state he was ; the grayans using a white , and the templarians using ash-colour'd feathers ; to the number of fourscore in all , very well appointed , and provided of great horses and foot-cloths , according to their places . thus they rode very gallantly , from grays-inn , through chancery-lane , fleet-street , so through cheap-side , corn-hill , and to cosby's place , in bishop's-gate-street ; where was a very sumptuous and costly dinner for the prince , and all his attendants , with variety of musick , and all good entertainment . dinner being ended , the prince and his company having revelled a while , returned again the same way , and in the same order as he went thither , the streets being thronged and filled with people , to see the gentlemen as they passed by ; who thought there had been some great prince , in very deed , passing through the city . so this popular shew through the streets pleased the lord mayor and his commonalty so well , as the great lords , and others of good condition and civility , were contented with our former proceedings . shortly after this shew , there came letters to our state from frederick templarius ; wherein he desired , that his ambassador might be dispatched with answer to those things which he came to treat of . so he was very honourably dismissed , and accompanied homeward with the nobles of purpoole : which departure was before the next grand day . the next grand night was upon twelfth-day at night ; at which time the wonted honourable and worshipful company of lords , ladies and knights were , as at other times , assembled ; and every one of them placed conveniently , according to their condition . and when the prince was ascended his chair of state , and the trumpets sounded , there was presently a shew which concerned his highness's state and government : the invention was taken out of the prince's arms , as they are blazon'd in the beginning of his reign , by the king at arms. first , there came six knights of the helmet , with three that they led as prisoners , and were attired like monsters and miscreants . the knights gave the prince to understand , that as they were returning from their adventures out of russia , wherein they aided the emperor of r●ssia , against the tartars , they surprized these three persons , which were consp●●●●g against his highness and dignity : and that being apprehended ●y them , they could not urge them to disclose what they were : by w●●ch they res●ing very doubtful , there entred in the two goddesses ●●●e●y and amity ; and they said , that they would disclose to the pr●●●● who these suspected persons were ; and thereupon shewed , that they were envy , male-content and folly : which three had much mis-liked his highness's proceedings , and had attempted many things against his state ; and but for them two , vertue and vnited friendship , all their inventions had been disappointed . then willed they the knights to depart , and to carry away the offenders ; and that they themselves should come in more pleasing sort , and better befitting the present . so the knights departed , and vertue and amity promised , that they two would support his excellency against all his foes whatsoever , and then departed with most pleasant musick . after their departure , entred the six knights in a very stately mask , and danced a new devised measure ; and after that , they took to them ladies and gentlewomen , and danced with them their galliards , and so departed with musick . which being done● the trumpets were commanded to sound , and then the king at arms came in before the prince , and told his honour , that there was arrived an ambassador from the mighty emperor of russia and moscovy , that had some matters of weight to make known to his highness . so the prince willed that he should be admitted into his presence ; who came in attire of russia , accompanied with two of his own country , in like habit . when they were come in presence of the prince , the ambassador made his obeysance , and took out letters of credence , and humbly delivered them to the prince , who gave them to the king at arms , to be read publickly , as followeth . to the most high and mighty henry , prince of purpoole . theodore evanwhich , the great and mighty emperor of all russia , valderomia , muscovia and nevogordia ; king of rasan , and of astrakan ; lord of plescoe and sinelescoe ; prince of tnaria , s●goria , perma , vachekey and bolgaria ; lord and great duke of valhadha , norgordia in the country of cherenega ; and also of rescod , polotzkoe , ogdor and belesor ; sole prince of lothekey , rostow , geroslave , the white lake liselrund , owdoria , condencia and fludoria ; great ruler and commander of siberia , and of all the north-side ; and lord governor of many other countries and provinces : to the most mighty , and glorious renowned henry , prince of purpoole , arch-duke of stapulia and bernardia , duke of high and nether holborn , marquis of st. giles's and tottenham , count palatine of bloomsbury and clerkenwell , great lord of the cantons of islington , kentish-town , paddington and knights-bridge , knight of the most heroical order of the helmet , and sovereign of the same ; all health , and glorious renown . we have thought good , most invincible prince , upon some accidents of importance happened to our state , wherein the worthiness of some of your subjects remaining here have increased your fame , to dispatch to your highness our most faithful councellor , faman bega , to intreat with you , in our name , of certain important affairs : which , though we must confess , do concern vs in policy , to have an effectual regard unto ; yet withal , they are such as may minister occasion to your highness to add beams of honour to your praise and glory , which hath already , in a manner , equalled the light of heaven in brightness , which is seen throughout the whole world. we refer you herein for the particulars , to such instructions as we have , under our own hand , delivered to this our present ambassador : wherein , as also in any other points , whereof he shall treat with your highness , in our name and affairs , we pray your sacred majesty to give credit to him , as if our self were present , and treated with you in pers●n . and so we wish to your excellency all happiness answerable to your peerless vertue . dated at our imperial city of mosco . when the king at arms had read this letter , the ambassador made this speech to the prince . most excell●nt prince , fame seemed to the emperor , my sovereign , to do your highness right , by filling the world with the renown of your princely vertues , and valour of your brave court ; till of late , the gallant behaviour , and heroical prowess of divers your knights of the helmet , whom the good fortune of russia , addressed to your cold climate , discovered that fam● , to be either envious in suppressing a great part of your valour , or unable to set forth so admirable vertues to their full merits : for by these five knights ( whose greatest vaunts were , that they were your excellency's servants ) an exceeding number of bigarian tartars , whose vagabond in-roads , and inhumane fierceness insested his borders , captivated his people , burnt his cities , and spoiled whole provinces , was by a most wonderful victory , repulsed , and beaten back . and withal , by their brave conduct , they sur●●●zed another army of ne-gro-tartars ; whose wretched devices ceased not to work the confusion and combustion of our whole country , and diverted their barbarous cruelty where it might do us most damage . these same worthy knights , before they could receive that honour wherewith my soveraign intended to adorn their vertues , did withdraw themselves , and are retired , as his majesty is informed , to your court. whereupon , he sent me , partly to congratulate your happiness , who deserve to command over such a number of gallant gentlemen ; but especially , to conjure your excellency ( according to the ancient league and amity continued betwixt you ) that you would send him these six knights , accompanied with an hundred other of the same order ; for he doubteth not , but by their vertues , accompanied and attended with his own forces , who are , in largeness of dominion , and number of people , and all other warlike furniture and provision , inferiour to no earthly potentate , that these runagate tartars shall be again confined to their deserts , with their memorable slaughter , and your common glory and profit : common indeed , both to your highness , and him ; inasmuch as his imperial majesty , contented only with security and assurance of his people and borders , will permit all those large territories , and battable grounds , which now serve those vermine for pasturage , be sorted into several governments , and strengthned with forts and castles by your direction , to be holden of your excellency , as commendations by the knights of special vertue and merit of your order . so shall you , with honourable commodity , have a perpetual exercise of your vertues , become a bulwark of christendom , and by raising continual trophies of strengthned tartars , keep the glory of your vertue in everlasting flourish . my sovereign , not doubting but that your resolution will be conformable to your magnanimous vertue , and his honourable demand , charged me only to sollicite expedition , such as the necessity of his people and country doth require . in the mean time , he hath sent your exc●llency , for a present , a ship laden with divers of the best and fairest fruits , and other richest commodities of our country : not so much , by gifts to draw on your speedy help , to which , he knoweth , the truth and justice of the case will be a spur sufficient ; or for complement of an ordinary and seldom omitted companion of great embassies ; but rather for a seal and testimony of the exceeding honour that he beareth to your matchless vertue , and the great love he beareth to your incomparable person . the present is at your next haven , ready to be offer●d to your sacred hands , at your convenient leisure ; together with some small gifts sent to those valiant knights , whose highly deserving vertues my sovereign meaneth , at their long expected return to his court , to crown with a garland more worthy his greatness , and their merits . the answer of the prince to the former speech . russia lord , the emperor , your master , is happy in having so honourable a gentleman , as your self , to do him service . he shall well perceive , that there is nothing in the world more acceptable to vs , than the friendship of a prince so mighty and illustrious . we account , amongst our greatest happinesses , t●is honourable embassage . his presents are so large and bountiful , as we have right good occasion to hold him the most free and magnificent prince in the world. we joy to hear of his hardy adventures , that by our knights in those parts have been atchieved . they may be glad that our worthy brother invited them to so high an enterprize , wherein they may do themselves honour , and his greatness service . rest and refresh your lordship this present , for now we bid you welcome : assure your self , your request is already granted , and that in far greater measure than you expec●●d or desired . when the prince had thus spoken , the ambassador was placed in a chair near the prince ; and then was served up a running banquet , for the prince , and the lord● present , and the rest , with variety of musick . whilst th●se things were thus a doing , there came a post-boy , with letters of intelligence concerning the state , from divers parts of his highness●s provinces , and delivered them to the secretary ; who made the prince acquainted therewith , and caused them to be read openly and publickly . a letter of advertisement from knights-bridge , to the honourable council . i beseech your honours to advertise his highness , that in his excellency's canton of knights-bridge , there do haunt certain foreigners , that sieze upon all passengers , taking from them by force their goods , under a pretence that being merchants strangers , and using traffick into his highness's territories of clerken-well , islington , and elsewhere , they have robbed of their goods , spoiled of their wares ; whereby they were utterly undone : and that his honour , of his good will , hath been pleased to grant them letters of reprisal , to recover their loss of them that come next to their hands : by colour whereof , they lay hold of all that pass by , without respect . some of their names , as i understand , are johannes shagbag , robertus untruss , james rapax , aliàs capax . there do reign likewise thereabouts another sort of dangerous people , under the name of poor soldiers , that say they were mamed , and lost their limbs in his honour's service and wars against the amazons ; and they pretend to have pass-ports from their captains . some of them say , they have served under sir robert kemp , and sir william cooke ; others , under william knaplocks , lord marshal , sir francis marham , captain crymes , captain conny , yelverton , hugan , sir francis davison , and some other of good place . some say , that they were mamed with fire-locks ; others , in the trenches ; others , in going with their captains , to discover ambuscadoes of the enemy , and to view the forts ; others , in standing sentry , whilst the captains were busied in entring the breach ; others , in the very approach at the first . but the number of them is great , and the same inclined to do much mischief . another sort there is , that pretend that they have protections to beg , in regard of their losses by shipwreck upon certain rocks of hazard , barred quarter-trays , high-men and low-men , bom-cards , the sands of bowle-allies , the shelf of new-cut , the gulf of myne and gill , and such other like places of peril . some of them are called by the names of harry ordinary , jack moneyless , will cog-all , and roger spend-all . these aforesaid people do gather together in great numbers , and his excellency's subjects hereabouts stand in great fear of outrages by them to be committed , except his highness do prevent the same , and that speedily , by sending some of the captains aforesaid to disperse them . your honours at command , henry brownbill . from knights-bridge ian. 5. 1594. another letter from sea , directed to the lord admiral . by my letters given at pont-holborn , the last of december , i gave your honour to understand , that his excellency's merchants of purpoole began to surcease their traffick to clerkenwell , newington and bank-side , and such like roads of charge and discharge , because they feared lest certain rovers , which lay hovering about the narrow seas , should intercept them in their voyages . since which time , may it please your honour , i have discovered an huge armado of french amazons , to the number of seven hundred caracts , galeasses , great galeasses , and tall ships ; besides pinnaces , frigots , carvels , shallops , and such small vessels innumerable ; which being dispersed into sundry creeks , work daily much damage to all sorts of people , and adventurers hold in durance ; not suffering one man to escape , till he have turned french. divers ensigns , standards , pendants , tilting-staves , short trunchions for the principal officers , and such like provision for his excellency's triumphs , they have cast over-board ; for no other cause , save that his subjects were bound inward from gelderland , a nation that they have always hated : besides that , they exact so unreasonably of those that trade into netherland , that they leave them neither lands , goods , nor good wares . also they sink all those that use any dealings with the people of cleive , without respect , whether he be merchant , or man of war. to conclude , they burn all those vessels that transport any dry wares into the low-countries . moreover , i am to advertise your honour , that on the 9 th . day of ianuary , in the straits of the gulf of clerkenwell , there was an hot skirmish between a merchant of st. giles's , called amarpso , and the admiral of the amazons , called the rowse-flower ; wherein the merchant having gained the wind , came up with her in such close manner , that he brake his bolt-sprite in her hinder quarter : yet notwithstanding , the fight continued fiercely , on either part , two long hours , and more ; in which time , our gunner , being a very expert soldier , shot her ●our or five times under water : then the merchant perceiving his powder to be spent , was inforced to grapple ; and so , with great resolution , laid her a-board on the waste , which he found stoutly defended by the french ; yet , at length , being driven from their close fight , they were constrained to keep under hatches , where one of the soldiers entring , spied fire in the gun-room ; notwithstanding● he descended very desperately . then the admiral , seeing no hope to escape , fired her powder , and burnt her self . the soldiers , and the ship , which , as i after learned , was of an incomparable burthen ; insomuch that she had been known to have born nine hundred fighting men in her poup . her chief lading was cochenella , musk , guaiacum , tabaco and le grand vezolle . the chief of account that were blown up , were catharina dardana , pecta de lee , and maria de rotulis . the rich carrick of newington coming to rescue their admiral , were so close at fight when she was fired , that the flame of the wild-fire caught hold of t●eir captain 's inner cabbin ; and had not one barbara de chirurgia been ready with his syringe , to have cast on water , milk , lotium , and such like cooling liquors , and there quenched the wild-fire betimes , they had been both , doubtless , consumed to ashes : but by his care and coming , they are both escaped alive , though shrewdly scorched , and are taken prisoners . the whole number of them that perished in this hot conflict , is five hundred fifty five ; and prisoners , ninety nine . our ship had no other hurt , save that she sprang her main-mast in such sort , as that she is not able to bear any high sa●l . thus having advertised your honour of every particular accident which i could learn , i am humbly to desire your lordship to acquaint his excellency and his privy council therewith ; that such speedy order may be taken therein , as seemeth to their wisdoms most conv●nient . and so , with all duty , i kiss your hands . your honour's servant , john puttanemico . from the harbour of bride-well , the 10 th . of january , 1594. there were also read like letters from stapulia and bernardia , of intelligences , and also from low-holborn ; wherein were set forth the plots of rebellion and insurrection , that those , his excellency's subjects , had devised against his highness and state , and of some other occurrences in those parts of his highness's dominions . and when they were all read , the prince made this speech following . these suddain accidents ( lords ) would make a prince of little spirit suspect himself to be unfortunate . the stapulian fallen away ; the bernardian holds out ! news of tumults , treasons , conspiracies , commotions , treacheries , insurrections ! say our lands were sacked , our wealth spoiled , our friends slain , our self forsaken , vanquished , captivated , and all the evils that might be , were fallen upon us ; yet could there be nothing so adverse , but that our fortitude and heighth of courage were able to over-work . these events are not matters of moment , or of substance of our government : these are not misfortunes , but fortune's iests , that gives them she loves not , shews of good luck , that in the end she may do them greater spight : but when she meaneth good , she prepares men with some little bitterness , that her good turns , when they come , may seem more pleasant and delightful . these events proceed of error in our former government , who should not have put great men , well loved , or popular , into so great places of sovereignty ; nor one man should possess so great a place , of so great command ; by too much authority and greatness , a right good mind is oftentimes corrupted : in this late , we rather allow a severe man , somewhat hated ; for better were a little profitable civil dissention , than a league and love that were likely to prove dangerous . lords , you shall find it an harder matter to keep things once gotten , than at the first to obtain it . hitherto no prince in this world hath had better success than our self . men say , that sovereignty is uncertain , and an ill security ; subject to cares , troubles , envy , treacheries , hate , fear , distrust : we have hitherto found none of those . that a prince hath no sure friend , no faithful servant , no safe place , no quiet hour , no secure pleasure : all these have we , and more , in great abundance ; and these things , which to other princes have been the occasions of mis-hap , have been to vs the very instruments of pleasure , and much service . what prince ever found in his subjects , in matters of weight , more love , more loyalty , more readiness , more service ? when we have been inclined to solace , what liveliness , what alacrity , what ingenious devices , sports , iollities , what variety of pleasure ? how have we been honoured with the presents of divers princes , lords , and men of great worth ; who , confident in our love , without fear or distrust , have come to visit vs ; by whose honourable kindness , we are to them for ever devinct , and most firmly bounden ? how hath the favourable regard , and bright eyes of brave ladies shined upon our endeavours , which to their honours and service have been ever intended ? how have we been gratulated with divers ambassadors from divers nations ? what concourse of all people hath been continually at our court , to behold our magnificence ? shall small matters therefore daunt vs ? shall a few tumultuary disorders dismay vs ? shall ill-guided insurrections trouble vs , that are , like mushrooms , sprung up in a night , and rotten before the morning ? we are loath to believe that there be such sparks of dissention and mischief ; but if there be , we will make haste to quench them , before they grow into violent flames ; for it is no longer consulting , where a man cannot commend the counsel , before he hath seen the effect . nor shall it require the presence of a prince to settle these small commotions : lords , we send you to these places where need is ; and as occasion serveth , we will take order that garisons be planted , citadels erected , and whatsoever else be performed , that shall be convenient to sub-act and bring under these unsetled provinces . our self , with our chosen knights , with an army royal , will make towards our brother of russia , with my lord here , his ambassador , presently to join with him against his enemies , the negarian tartars ; more dreadful , the barbarian tartars : and if fortune will not grace our good attempt , as i am rightful prince , and true sovereign of the honourable order of the helmet , and by all those ladies whom , in knightly honour , i love and serve , i will make the name of a grayan knight more dreadful to the barbarian tartars , than the macedonian to the wearied persians , the roman to the dispersed britains , or the cas●alian to the weakned indians . gentle ladies , be now benign and gracious to your knights , that never pleased themselves , but when their service pleased you ; that for your sakes shall undertake hard adventures , that will make your names and beauties most famous , even in foreign regions ; let your favour kindle the vigour of their spirits , wherewith they abound ; for they are the men , by whom your fame , your honour , your vertue shall be for ever advanced , protected and admired . when the prince had concluded , for his farewel , he took a l●dy to dance withal , and so did the rest of the knights and courtiers ; and after some time spent in revelling , the prince took his way to his lodging , and so the company dissolved , and made an end of this night's work. on the next morning his highness took his journey towards russia , with the ambassador , and there he remained until candlemas ; at which time , after his glorious conquests abroad , his excellency returned home again ; in which the purpose of the gentlemen was much disappointed by the readers and ancients of the house , by reason of the term : so that very good inventions , which were to be performed in publick at his entertainment into the house again , and two grand nights which were intended at his triumphal return , wherewith his reign had been conceitedly determined , were by the aforesaid readers and governors made frustrate , for the want of room in the hall , the scaffolds being taken away , and forbidden to be built up again ( as would have been necessary for the good discharge of such a matter ) thought convenient ; but it shewed rather what was performed , than intended . brie●ly , it was as followeth . upon the 28 ●h . of ianuary , the hall being sate at dinner , with readers , and all the rest of the house , suddainly sounded a trumpet ; which being thrice done , there entred the king at arms , and in the midst of them , said as followeth . on the b●half of my sovereign lord , sir henry , the right excellent , and a●l-conquering prince of purpoole , arch-duke of stapulia and bernardia , duke o● high and net●er holborn , marquis of st. giles's and tottenham , count p●l●tine of bloomsbury and cl●r●●nwell , great lord of the can●ons of islington , kentish-town , paddington and knights-bridge , k●ight of the m●st her●ic●l order of the helmet , and s●vereign of the same ; i , h●s excellency's king at arm● , dispatched from his royal n●v● , triumphantly returning from his glorious conquests of the negarian tartars , do , in his highness●s n●me , command all his officers , knights and pensioners to give their attendance on his highness's person , at his port of black-wallia , on the 1st● of february . and his highness hath further commanded me to give notice to all his servants within his dominions , of whatsoever condition , that they be ready to perform all o●●ices of o●edience and subjection , as well becometh their loyalty to so gracious a sovereign● when this news of the prince's return out of russia was thus sent abroad , and that it was known that his highness was to come by greenwich , where the court then lay , it was given the gentlemen to understand , that her majesty did expect , that in passing by , our prince should land , and do his homage ; the rather because , in christmas , there was great expectation of his coming thither , to present her majesty with some pass-time , and none performed . whereupon it was determined , that in passing by , there should be a letter directed to sir thomas heneage , our honourable good friend , that he should excuse us for that time ; which letter hereafter is set down . upon the 1st . of february , the prince and his train were met at black-wall ; from whence they came upon the river of thames , in a very gallant shew . being come so near his own country , he left his navy of ships , as not fit for so short a cut , and the matter not being very great or dangerous , and he and his retinue took to them fifteen barges , bravely furnished with standards , pendants , flags and streamers : there was also in every barge , musick and trumpets ; and in some , ordnance and shot . being thus gallantly appointed , we came on our way by the stairs at greenwich , where the ordnance was shot off , and the whole navy made a sail round about ; and the second time , when the admiral , in which the prince was , came directly before the court-stairs , his highness dispatched two gentlemen with letters to the right honourable sir thomas heneage ; the copy whereof followeth . henry prince of purpoole , to the right honourable sir thomas heneage . most honourable knight , i have now accomplished a most tedious and hazardous iourney , though very honourable , into russia ; and returning within the view of the court of your renowned queen , my gracious sovereign , to whom i acknowledge homage and service , i thought good , in passing by , to kiss her sacred hands , as a tender of the zeal and duty i owe unto her majesty ; but in making the offer , i found , my desire was greater than the ability of my body ; which , by length of my iourney , and my sickness at sea , is so weakned , as it were very dangerous for me to adventure it . therefore , most honourable friend , let me intreat you to make my humble excuse to her majesty for this present : and to certifie her highness , that i do hope , by the assistance of the divine providence , to recover my former strength about shrovetide ; at which time i intend to repair to her majesty's court ( if it may stand with her gracious pleasure ) to offer my service , and relate the success of my iourney . and ●o praying your honour to return me her majesty's answer , i wish you all honour and happiness . dated from ship-board , at our ark of vanity , the 1st . of february , 1594. the letter being delive●ed , and her majesty made acquainted with the contents , her gracious answer was ; that if the letter had not excused his passing by , he should have done homage before he had gone away , although he had been a greater prince than he was : yet she said , she liked well his gallant shews , that were made at his triumphant return . and her highness added further , that if he would come at shrovetide , he and his followers should have entertainment according to his dignity . and the messenger returned answer . the prince and his company continued their course , until they came to the tower ; where , by her majes●y's commandment , he was welcomed with a volley of great ordnance , by the lieutenant of the tower. at the tower-hill there waited for the prince's l●nding , men attending with horses , very gallantly appointed , for all the company , to the number of one hundred ; the most of them being great horses , and the rest very choice geldings ; and all very bravely furnished with all things necessary . so the prince ●eing moanted , and his company in order , as before s●t down , eve●y man according to his office , with the ensign thereof , they rode very gallantly through tower-street , fen-church-street , grace-c●urc●-street , corn-hill , cheap-side , and so through st. paul's church-yard ; where , at st paul's school , his highness was entertained with an oration , made ●y one of the scholars of that school ; the copy wh●r●of followeth . henrico , illustrissimo & potentissimo purpoolae principi , archi-duci stapuliae & bernardiae , superioris & inferioris holborn duci , sancti aegidii & tottenham marchioni , de clerkenwell & bloomsbury comiti palatino , domino magno cantonum de islington , kentish-town , paddington & knights-bridge , heroici ordinis galcotae equiti aurato , & ejusdem domino serenissimo . importunum fortasse suerit ( purpooliensis princeps serenissime ) apud tantam majestatem t●am tam intempestivo tempore perorare . vix enim sperare ausus sum , velle te , qui tantam personam sustines , tuumque hunc comitatum verè aulicum , post victorias partas terrâ marique maximas , ad vocem puerilem in mediâ instructissimi triumphi solemnitate consistere . verum per affibilitatem in summis principibus semper laudatissimam , liceat mihi proetereunti celsitudini tuae musarum nostrarum benevolentiam offerre , & gratulationem hanc meam qualemcunque post tam illustrem tuum & triumphantem , ac per totum orbem divulgatum è russiâ reditum , kâc meâ oratione generosis omnibus testatum relinquere . quamvis enim subitò nobis excidat , & ad tantam majestatem quasi obstupescat oratio , gratulatio tamen quae magis sit offerri , quaeque sit officii & amoris erga virtutes generosas plenior afferri certè quidem non potest . nonne vides civitatem ipsam quasi sedibus suis convulsam ad congratulandum tanto principi procedere ? quid existimas totum hunc concursum cogitare ? in cujus ora vultusque horum omnium oculos conjectos putas ? quem sensum reddis amicorum nostrorum ? quid cupimus ? quid optamus ? quid agimus ? nonne ut tam voluntates nostras testemur , quam victoriis gratulemur tuis ? quid igitur mirum si schola , etiam nostra virtutum generosarum emula , victoriis & triumphis illustrissimis gratulari gestiat ? perge igitur , & optimis auspiciis perge , clarissime princeps , ad purpooliense palatium tuum redito , grayorum oraculum , quo tanquam delphici apollinis voce fatidica omnes controversiae dirimuntur . de hispano hoste omnium principum communi invadendo , consulito . quam facile tuus jam sanguine madens tartarorum gladius , praesertim si templarios tibi antiquo foedere conjunctos in belli novi societatem asciscas , aliorum omnium & strictos gladios retundet , & clypeos excutiet ? hispani invidia rumpantur ut ilia codro . interim verò musae nostrae & praeteritis tuis applaudent victoriis , & paladem suam exorabunt antiquam grayorum , ut te alterum jam agamemnonem , qui multos habes achilles & ulysses comites tuos , galeâ suâ induat , clypeo protegat , & hastâ ( hostibus tuis omnibus fusis profligatisque ) in perpetuum conservat . the oration being ended , the prince rewarded the boy very bounti●ully , and thanked them for their good wills , and forwardness to ●hew the same . then we marched on our way , as before , by ludg●te , and through fleet-street ; where , as all the way else , the streets were so thronged and filled with people , that there was left but room for the horse-men that were to pass . in this state the prince was conducted to grays-inn , where his excellency was received by a peal of ordnance , and sound of trumpets , and all the good entertainment that all his loving subjects could make , to shew their love and loyalty to his highness . the prince being thus received , came , after supper , into the hall , and there he danced and revelled among the nobles , and others of his own court ; and in like manner they spent the day ●ollowing ; but there was no other performance , by reason of want of the stage and scaffolds , till shrovetide , that they went to the court : and the things that were then performed before her majesty , were rather to discharge our own promise , than to satisfie the expectation of others . in that regard , the plot of those sports were but small ; the rather , that tediousness might be avoided , and confused disorder , a thing which might easily happen in a multitude of actions ; the sports therefore consisted of a mask , and some spe●●●es , that were as introductions to it , as ●olloweth . the speakers . an esquire of the princ●● company , attended by a tartarian page . proteus , the sea-god , attended by two tritons . thamesis and amphitrite , who likewise were attended by their sea-nymphs . these five were musicians , which sung on the first coming on the stage . at the first coming on the stage , the nymphs and tritons sung this hymn following , in praise of neptune ; which being ended , the speakers made their speeches in order , as followeth . of neptune's empire let us sing , at whose command the waves obey , to whom rivers tribute pay , down the high mountains sliding : to whom the scaly nation yields homage for their chrystal fields , wherein they dwell . and every sea-god praise again , tearly out of his watry cell , to deck great neptune's diadem . the tritons dancing in a ring , before his palace-gates , do make the waiters with their trumpets quake , like the great thunder sounding . the sea-nymphs chaunt their accents shrill , and the syrens taught to kill with their sweet voice , make every echoing voice reply vnto their gentle mourning noise , in praise of neptune's empery . esquire , proteus , it seems you lea● a merry life ; your musick follows you where ere you go . i thought you sea-gods , as in your abode , so in your nature , had not been ●nlike to fishes ; the which , as say philosophers , have so small sense of musick 's delight , as 't is a doubt not fully yet resolv'd , whether of hearing they have sense , or no. proteus , 't was great discourse of reason , to regard the dreaming guess of a philosopher , that never held his idle buzzing head vnder the water half an hour's space , more than that famous old received history of good arion , by a dolphin saved . esquire , well , let that pass , and to the purpose now : i thought that you that are a demy-god , would not have fail'd my expectation thus . proteus , why so , fair ' squire ? is not my promise kept , and duly the appointed time observ'd ? esquire , yes ; and 't is that in which i rest deceiv'd : i rather deem'd , and not without good cause , that those still floating regions where you bide , and th' ever-changing nature that you have , naught else but breach of promise , promised . proteus , 't were strange if that my word , which credit keeps , in future things , and hidden secrecies , should fondly fail in keeping promise made : fondly indeed , when 't is for my avail . here are the rocks ; your person , or your prize . but tell me , squire ; where 's th' appointed place , in which we shall these vaunted wonders see ? esqui●e , well may you wonders term them , proteus : for these are wonders that pass humane wit : these shall surpass thy wit , though half divine . but for to put you out of further doubt , this is the place , where all those promises , agreed upon betwixt the prince and you , shall be perform'd ; and shall be so perform'd , so far beyond your doubting expectation , so far beyond his modest declaration . and you shall say , thrice happy prot●us ; whose ears unblessed , were to bless mine eyes . amphitrite , your fair set speeches make us two amazed . but tell us , squire , what be those promises , and those agreed covenants ? and whereon did they arise 'twixt proteus and your prince ? esquire , fair amphitrite , i will tell you all . after the victory at austrican had made an end of the tartarian war , and quite dispers'd our vanquish'd enemies vnto their hoards , and huge vast wilderness ; our noble prince , and his couragious knights , whose untry'd valour , in the battle fought , was rather warm'd , than fully exercis'd , finding no enterprise that did deserve th' employment of their brave united force , after assignment of a day and place , where both himself and all his knights should meet , dispers'd themselves into many sundry quests , to seek adventures as they should befal . the prince himself , who only was attended by me his squire , had many strange exploits ; which since they shortly shall be put in print , ioin'd with prince arthur's famous chronicle , i shall not now need to repeat at large . amongst the rest , when as the time approach'd , that , as it was assign'd , we shou'd all meet , it thus fell out : the prince , one sun-shine day , resting himself within a goodly tuft of tall streight firr-trees that adorn'd the shoar , reading a letter , lately sent to him from one of his brave knights , that did import , h●w he , in token of his dutious love , and for a trophy of his victories , had lately sent him a commodity of pigmies , taken in private conquest , resting and residing : suddainly he espy'd of porpoises a great unusual flock , playing and springing in the climbing wave● . drawn with this sight near to the shoar , mounting a little cliff , he soon discern'd a cave , whose frame seem'd more than natural ; and viewing near with wary heedful eyes , at length he spy'd this fish hard there asleep ; whom by his head and haviour he suspected to be this proteus ; as it was indeed . our prince streight , ready at his fortune's call , with easie stealing steps , drew near to him : and being near , with great agility , siezed suddainly upon this demy-god . he thus surpris'd , resorted presently to his familiar arts , and turning tricks . my lord , like to a skilful falconer , continu'd still to keep his fastned hold. thamesis . the story of those oft transformed shapes , i long to hear from you that present were , and an eye-witness of that strange conflict . esquire , all shall fair thamesis know then , that proteus viewing the gallant shape , and budding youth of my brave lord , the form that first he took , was of a goodly lady , passing fair ; hoping , belike , that whilst he us'd respect due to her matchless beauty , and her sex , himself being now unloos'd , might slide away : but finding him , that knew his wily shifts , embrace him straiter in that feigned shape ; next , unto a serpent he transform'd himself , with fiery eyes , and dreadful blackish scales , and three-fork'd hissing tongue , that might affright th' undaunted master of dread cerberus ; pressing with doubled strength his scaled crest ; wherewith the prince , rather enrag'd than fear'd , made him betake him to another form ; which was , a sumptuous casket , richly wrought ; whereout , when it open'd , many diadems , and rubies of inestimable worth , seemed by chance to drop into the sea. this working nought but scorn , and high disdain , he lastly shew'd him a sad spectacle , which was , the north-east of his valiant knights , and best beloved of my lord , the prince , mangl'd and prick'd with many a grisly wound , weltring their valiant limbs in purple goar , gasping , and closing their faint dying eyes . this with the prince , now us'd to his delusions , prevail'd no more , than did the rest before . when proteus then had chang'd his changing weed , and fix'd himself in his own wonted shape , seeing no other means could ought prevail , he ransom profer'd for his liberty . and first of all , he offer'd to aread to him , and unto all his knights , fortune's spell . but when my lord reply'd , that that was fit for unresolved cowards to obtain ; and how his fortune 's often changing play , would lose the pleasure of his chief delight , if the catastrophe should be before known : then offer'd he huge treasures , ladies loves , honour and fame , and famous victories . my lord made answer , that he never would offer his honour so great wrong , to take , by gift or magick , without sweat or pain , labour or danger , vertue 's truest prize , that , which by mortal hand might be atchiev'd ; and therefore willed him , as demy-god , to offer somewhat that might be above the lowly compass of an humane power . when proteus saw the prince could make his match , he told him then , that under th' artick pole th' adamantine rock , the sea 's true star was situate ; which , by his power divine , he , for his ransom , wou'd remove , and plant whereas he should appoint : assuring him , that the wild empire of the ocean ( if his fore-telling spirit fail'd him not ) should follow that , where e'er it should be set . but then again , he added this condition , which , as he thought , would no way be perform'd ; that first the prince should bring him to a power , which in attractive vertue should surpass the wond'rous force of his iron-drawing rocks . my lord , that knew himself as well assur'd , as proteus thought his own match surely made , easily yielded to his covenant ; and promis'd further , on his princely word , that he himself , and seven of his knights , wou'd enter hostages into the rock , which should be brought to the appointed place , till this great covenant should be perform'd , which now rests to be done . now , proteus , since 't is a question of comparison , blazon you forth the virtue of your rock . proteus , what needeth words , when great effects proclaim th' attractive virtue of th' adamantine rocks , which forceth iron , which all things else commands . iron , of metals prince by ancient right ; though factious men in vain conspire to seat rebellious gold in his usurped throne . this , sundry metals , of such strength and use ( dis-join'd by distance o' th' whole hemisphere ) continually , with trembling aspect , true subject-like , eyes his dread sovereign . thus hath this load-stone , by his powerful touch , made the iron-needle , load-star of the world , a mercury , to paint the gainest way in watry wilderness , and desert sands ; in confidence whereof , th' assured mariner doth not importune jove , sun , or star. by his attractive force , was drawn to light , from depth of ignorance , that new found world , whose golden mines iron found out and conquer'd . these be the virtues , and extend so far , which you do undertake to counterpraise . esquire , proteus , the seas have taught your speech to swell , where work of mind doth watry castles make . but calm a while your over-weening vaunts ; prepare belief , and do not use your eyes . excellent queen , true adamant of hearts ; out of that sacred garland ever grew garlands of vertues , beauties and perfections , that crowns your crown , and dims your fortune's beams , vouchsafe some branch , some precious ●lower , or leaf , which , though it wither in my barren verse , may yet suffice to over-shade and drown the rocks admired of this demy-god . proteus , stout iron-homager to your rock , in praise of force , and instruments of wars , hath praise ended ; yet place your praises right ; for force to will , and wars to peace do yield . but that i 'll give you . this i wou'd fain know , what can your iron do without arms of men ? and arms of men from hearts of men do move : that hearts of men hath it , their motion springs . lo proteus then , the attractive rock of hearts : hearts , which once truly touched with her beams , inspiring purest zeal and reverence as well unto the person , as the power , do streight put off all temper that is false , all hollow fear , and schooled flattery , turn fortune's wheel , they ever keep their point , and stand direct upon the loyal line . tour rock claims kindred of the polar star , because it draws the needle to the north ; yet even that star gives place to cynthia's rays , whose drawing virtues govern and direct the flots and re-flots of the ocean . but cynthia , praised be your watry reign , your influence in spirits have no place . this cynthia high doth rule those heavenly tides , whose sovereign grace , as it doth wax or wain , affections so , and fortunes ebb and flow : sometimes their waves applauding on the shoar , sometimes retiring to their narrow depths , the holy syrians draw pilgrims from all parts , to pass the mountains , seas and desert sands . vnto this living saint have princes high of foreign lands , made vowed pilgrimage . what excellencies are there in this frame , of all things , which her vertue doth not draw ? the quintescence of wits , the fire of loves , the art of fame , metals of courages , and by her virtue long may fixed be the wheel of fortune , and the carr of time. in the protection of this mighty rock , in britain land , whilst tempests beat abroad , the lordly and the lowly shepherd both , in plenteous peace have fed their happy flocks . vpon the force of this inviolate rock , the giant-like attempts of power unjust have suffer'd wreck . and , proteus , for the seas , whose empire large your praised rock assures : your gift is void , it is already here ; as russia , china , and negellan's strait can witness bear , well may your presence be impressa apt thereof ; but sure , not cause . fisher divine , congratulate your self , your eyes hath won more than your state hath lost ; yield victory , and liberty , and thanks . proteus . against the truth , that 's lands and seas above , it fits no proteus make a vain reply . the shallop may not with small ships contend , nor windy bubble with a billow strive , nor earthly things compare with greatest queen● that hath and shall a regal sceptre sway . bless'd be that prince that forc'd me see this grace , which worldly monarchies , and sea-powers adore . take thanks of gift , and liberty of due . when these speeches were thus delivered , proteus , with his bident striking of adamant , which was mentioned in the speeches , made utterance for the prince , and his seven knights , who had given themselves as hostages for the performance of the covenants between the prince and proteus , as is declared in the speeches . hereat proteus , amphitrite and thamesis , with their attendants , the nymphs and tritons , went unto the rock , and then the prince and the seven knights issued forth of the rock , in a very stately mask , very richly attired , and gallantly provided of all things meet for the performance of so great an enterprize . they come forth of the rock in couples , and before every couple came two pigmies with torches . at their first coming on the stage , they danced a new devised measure , &c. after which , they took unto them ladies ; and with them they danced their galliards , courants , &c. and they danced another new measure ; after the end whereof , the pigmies brought eight escutcheons , with the maskers devices thereupon , and delivered them to the esquire , who offered them to her majesty ; which being done , they took their order again , and with a new strain , went all into the rock ; at which time there was sung another new hymn within the rock . the second hymn , which was sung at the departure of the maskers into the rock . shadows before the shining sun do vanish : th' iron-forcing adamant doth resign his virtues , where the diamond doth shine . pure holiness doth all inchantments blemish ; and councellors of false principality do fade in presence of true majesty . shepherds sometimes in lions skins were cloath'd ; but when the royal lion doth appear , what wonder if the silly swains , for fear , their bravery , and princely pall have loath'd ? the lion's skin , that grac'd our vanity , falls down in presence of her majesty . the impresses which the maskers used upon their escutcheons , for their devices . h. helmes , prince , in the bark of a cedar-tree , the character e engraven . crescetis . w. cooke . in a plain shield , as it were abrasa tabula . quid ipsa velis . jarvis tevery . a tortois , with his head out of the shell . obnoxia . joh. lambert . a torch by the sun. quis furor . molineux . a river with many turnings , running into the sea. semper ad mare . crimes . a flag streaming in the wind. famamque fovemus inanem . paylor . a sail and an oar together . fo rs & virtus miscentur in unum . campnies . a flag of fire wavering upwards . tremet & ardet . for the present her majesty graced every one ; particularly , she thanked his highness for the good performance of all that was done ; and wished that their sports had continued longer , for the pleasure she took therein : which may well appear , by her answer to the courtiers who danced a measure , immediately after the mask was ended ; saying . what! shall we have bread and cheese after a banquet ? her majesty willed the lord chamberlain , that the gentlemen should be invited on the next day , and that he should present them unto her : which was done , and her majesty gave them her hand to kiss , with most gracious words of commendations to them ; pa●ticularly , and in general , of grays-inn , as an house that she was much beholden unto , for that it did always study for some sports to present unto her . the same night there was fighting at barriers ; the earl of essex and others challengers , and the earl of cumberland and his company defendants : into which number , our prince was taken , and behaved himself so valiantly and skilfully therein , that he had the prize adjudged due unto him , which it pleased her majesty to deliver him with her own hands ; telling him , that it was not her gift ; for if it had , it should have been better ; but she gave it him , as that prize which was due to his desert , and good behaviour in those exercises ; and that hereafter he should be remembred with a better reward from her self . the prize was , a jewel , set with seventeen diamonds , and four rubies ; in value , accounted worth an hundred marks . thus on shrove-tuesday , at the court , were our sports and revels ended : so that our christmas would not leave us , till such time as lent was ready to entertain us , which hath always been accounted a time most apt , and wholly dedicated to repentance . but now our principality is determined ; which , although it shined very bright in ours , and others darkness ; yet , at the royal presence of her majesty , it appeared as an obscured shadow : in this , not unlike unto the morning-star , which looketh very chearfully in the world , so long as the sun looketh not on it : or , as the great rivers , that triumph in the multitude of their waters , until they come unto the sea. sic vinci , sic mori pulchrum . finis . advertisements . there is now published , a discovery of new worlds : from the french ; made english by mrs. a. behn . together with a preface , by way of essay upon translated prose , wholly new . as also , an historical and geographical account of the morea , negropont , and the maritime places , as far as thessalonica : illustrated with 42 maps of the countries , plains , and draughts of the cities , towns and fortifications . written in italian by p. m. coronelli , geographer to the republick of venice . englished by r.w. gent● both sold by w. canning , at his sho● in the temple-cloysters . certain miscellany works of the right honourable francis lord verulam, viscount st. alban published by vvilliam ravvley ... selections. 1670 bacon, francis, 1561-1626. 1670 approx. 164 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 32 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a28061 wing b275 estc r21950 12619040 ocm 12619040 64460 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a28061) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 64460) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 342:3) certain miscellany works of the right honourable francis lord verulam, viscount st. alban published by vvilliam ravvley ... selections. 1670 bacon, francis, 1561-1626. [5], 58 p. printed by t.j. for h.r., and are to be sold by wil. lee ..., london : 1670. first published in 1629. cf. nuc pre-1956. each part except the first has special t.p. with slightly varying imprint: printed by j.m. for humphrey robinson, 1670. reproduction of original in bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng 2000-00 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2001-09 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-06 allison liefer sampled and proofread 2002-06 allison liefer text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-07 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion certain miscellany works of the right honourable , francis lord verulam , viscount st. alban . published by vvilliam ravvley , doctor of divinity , one of his majesties chaplains . london , printed by t. j. for h. r. and are to be sold by wil. lee , at the turks = head in fleet-street . m. dc . lxx . to the reader . i have thought good , as a servant , to the labours and memory , of that noble lord , the lord viscount st. alban , to collect into one , these few , rather parcells , than just works , of his excellent pen. which i have done for these causes . first , to vindicate the wrong his lordship suffered , by a corrupt and surreptitious edition , of that discourse of his , touching a war with spain , lately set forth . secondly , by way of prevention , to exempt from the like injury and defacements , those other discourses of his , herein contained . lastly , to satisfie the desires of some , who hold it unreasonable , that any the delineations of that pen , though in never so small a model , should not be shewn to the world. i know , it carries the excuse with it , after the authors death , to publish fragments . therefore i will make none . these works , being all , for the argument , civil , i cannot represent better , than in resemblance of aristotles parva naturalia , to account them as his lordships parva politica . howsoever , i doubt not , but every judicious reader , finding of his lordships spirit in them , will know them to be his ; and will afford them , a place of reputation , amongst his greater works . w. rawley . considerations touching a war with spain . to the prince . your highness hath an imperial name . it was a charles that brought the empire first into france ; a charles that brought it first into spain : why should not great britain have his turn ? but to lay aside all that may seem to have a shew of fumes and fancies , and to speak solids : a war with spain , ( if the king shall enter into it , ) is a mighty work ; it requireth strong materials , and active motions . he that saith not so , is zealous , but not according to knowledge . but nevertheless , spain is no such giant : and he that thinketh spain to be some great over-match for this estate , assisted as it is , and may be , is no good mint-man ; but takes greatness of kingdoms according to their bulk and currency , and not after their intrinsique value . although therefore i had wholly sequestred my thoughts from civil affairs , yet because it is a new case , and concerneth my countrey infinitely , i obtained of my self , to set down , out of long continued experience in business of estate , and much conversation in books of policy and history , what i thought pertinent to this business ; and in all humbleness present it to your highness ; hoping , that , at least , you will discern the strength of my affection , through the weakness of my abilities : for the spaniard hath a good proverb ; desuario siempre con la calentura ; there is no heat of affection , but is joyned with some idleness of brain . to a war are required ; a just quarrel ; sufficient forces and provisions ; and a prudent choice of the designs . so then , i will first justifie the quarrel ; secondly , ballance the forces ; and lastly , propound variety of designs for choice , but not advise the choice ; for that were not fit for a writing of this nature ; neither is it a subject within the level of my judgement , i being , in effect , a stranger to the present occurrences . wars ( i speak not of ambitious predatory wars , ) are suits of appeal to the tribunal of gods justice , where there are no superiors on earth to determine the cause . and they are ( as civil pleas are ) plaints , or defences . there are therefore three just grounds of war with spain : one plaint , two upon defence . solomon faith , a cord of three is not easily broken : but especially when every of the lines will hold single by it self . they are these . the recovery of the palatinate ; a just fear of the subversion of our civil estate : a just fear of the subversion of our church and religion . for in the handling of the two last grounds of war , i shall make it plain ; that wars preventive upon just fears , are true defensives , as well as upon actual invasions : and again , that wars defensive for religion , ( i speak not of rebellion , ) are most just ; though offensive wars , for religion , are seldom to be approved , or never , unless they have some mixture of civil titles . but all that i shall say in this whole argument , will be but like bottoms of thred , close wound up , which with a good needle ( perhaps ) may be flourished into large works . for the afferting of the justice of the quarrel , for the recovery of the palatinate , i shall not go so high , as to discuss the right of the war of bohemia ; which if it be freed from doubt on our part , then there is no colour nor shadow , why the palatinate should be retained ; the ravishing whereof was a meer excursion of the first wrong , and a super-injustice . but i do not take my self to be so perfect in the customs , transactions , and priviledges of that kingdom of bohemia , as to be fit to handle that part . and i will not offer at that i cannot master . yet this i will say ( in passage ) positively , and resolutely : that it is impossible , an elective monarchy , should be so free and absolute , as an hereditary : no more than it is possible for a father , to have so full power and interest , in an adoptive son , as in a natural : quia naturalis obligatio fortior civili . and again , that received maxim is almost unshaken and infallible ; nil magis naturae consentaneum est , quam ut iisdem modis res dissolvantur , quibus constituuntur . so that , if the part of the people or estate be somewhat in the election , you cannot make them nulls or cyphers in the privation or translation . and if it be said , that this is a dangerous opinion , for the pope , emperour , and elective kings : it is true , it is a dangerous opinion , and ought to be a dangerous opinion to such personal popes , emperors , or elective kings , as shall transcend their limits , and become tyrannical . but it is a safe and sound opinions for their sees , empires , and kingdoms ; and for themselves also , if they be wise : plenitudo potestatis , est plenitudo tempestatis . but the chief cause , why i do not search into this point , is , because i need it not . and in handling the right of a war , i am not willing to intermix matter doubtful , with that which is out of doubt . for as in capital causes , wherein but one mans life is in question , in favorem vitae , the evidence ought to be clear ; so much more , in a judgement upon a war , which is capital to thousands . i suppose therefore the worst ; that the offensive war upon bohemia had been unjust ; and then make the case ; which is no sooner made , than resolved ; if it be made , not enwrapped , but plainly and perspicuously . it is this in thesi. an offensive war is made , which is unjust in the aggressour ; the prosecution and race of the war , carrieth the defendant , to affail and invade the ancient and indubitate patrimony of the first aggressour , who is now turned defendant ; shall he fit down , and not put himself in defence ; or if he be dispossessed , shall he not make a war for the recovery ? no man is so poor of judgement , as will affirm it . the castle of cadmus was taken , and the city of thebes it self invested by ehaebidas the lace demonian , insidiously , and in violation of league : the process of this action drew on a resurprise of the castle by the thebans , a recovery of the town , and a current of the war , even unto the walls of sparta . i demand , was the defence of the city of sparta , and the expulsion of the thebans , out of the ancient laconian territories , unjust ? the sharing of that part of the duichy of millain , which lieth upon the river of adda , by the 〈◊〉 , upon contract with the french , was an ambitious and unjust purchase . this wheel set on going , did pour a war upon the venetians with such a tempest , as padoua and trevigi was taken from them , and all their dominions upon the continent of italy abandoned , and they confined within the salt waters . will any man say , that the memorable recovery and defence of padotia , ( when the gentlemen of venice , unused to the wars , out of the love of their countrey , became brave and martial the first day ; ) and so likewise the readeption of trevigi , and the rest of their dominions , was matter of scruple , whether just or no , because it had fource from a quarrel ill begun ? the war of the duke of vrbin , nephew to pope julius the second , when he made himself head of the spanish . mutineers , was as unjust , as unjust might be ; a support of desperate rebels , an invasion of st. peters patrimony , and what you will. the race of this war fell upon the loss of vrbin it self , which was the dukes undoubted right ; yet in this case , no penitentiary , ( though he had enjoyned him never so strait penance to expiate his first offence , ) would have counselled him to have given over the pursuit of his right for vrbin ; which after he prosperously re-obtained , and hath transmitted to his family yet until this day . nothing more unjust than the invasion of the spanish armada in 88. upon our seas ; for our land was holy land to them , they might not touch it : shall i say therefore , that the defence of lisbon , or cales , afterward , was unjust ? . there be thousands of examples ; vtor in re non dubia exemplis non necessariis : the reason is plain ; wars are vindicte ; revenges , reparations . but revenges are not infinite , but according to the measure of the first wrong , or damage . and therefore , when a voluntary offensive war , by the design or fortune of the war , is turned to a necessary defensive war , the scene of the tragedy is changed , and it is a new act to begin . for though they the particular actions of war , are complicate in fact , yet they are separate and distinct in right ; like to cross suits in civil pleas , which are sometimes both just . but this is so clear , as needeth no further to be insisted upon . and yet , if in things so clear , it were fit to speak of more or less clear , in our present cause , it is the more clear on our part , because the possession of bohemia is setled with the emperor . for though it be true , that , non datur compensatio injuriarum ; yet were there somewhat more colour to detain the palatinate , as in the nature of a recovery , in value or compensation , if bohemia had been lost , or were still the stage of war. of this therefore i speak no more . as for the title of proscription or forfeiture , wherein the emperor ( upon the matter ) hath been judge and party , and hath justiced himself , god forbid but that it should well endure an appeal to a war. for certainly the court of heaven , is as well a chancery , to save and debar forfeitures , as a court of common law to decide rights ; and there would be work enough in germany , italy , and other parts , if imperial forfeitures should go for good titles . thus much for the first ground of war with spain , being in the nature of a plaint , for the recovery of the palatinate ; omitting here that which might be the seed of a larger discourse , and is verified by a number of examples ; that whatsoever is gained by an abusive treaty , ought to be restored in integrum . as we see the daily experience of this in civil pleas ; for the images of great things are best seen contracted into small glasses ; we see ( i say ) that all pretorian courts , if any of the parties be entertained or laid asleep , under pretence of arbiterment or accord , and that the other party during that time , doth cautelously get the start and advantage at common law , though it be to judgement and execution ; yet the pretorian court will set back all things in statu quo prins , no respect had to such eviction or disposition . lastly , let there be no mistaking ; as if when i speak of a war for the recovery of the palatinate , i meant , that it must be in lineae rectae , upon that place : for look into jus faeciale , and all examples , and it will be found to be without scruple ; that after a legation ad res repetendas , and a refusal , and a denunciation or indiction of a war , the war is no more confined to the place of the quarrel , but is left at large , and to choice , ( as to the particular conducing designs , ) as opportunities and advantages shall invite . to proceed therefore to the second ground of a war with spain ; we have set it down to be , a just fear of the subversion of our civil estate . so then , the war is not for the palatinate onely , but for england , scotland , ireland , our king , our prince , our nation , all that we have . wherein two things are to be proved . the one , that a just fear , ( without an actual invasion or offence ) is a sufficient ground of a war , and in the nature of a true defensive ; the other , that we have towards spain cause of just fear ; i say just fear ; for as the civillians do well define , that the legal fear is , justus metus qui cadit in constantem virum , in private causes ; so there is , justus metus qui cadit in constantem senatum , in causa publica ; not out of umbrages , light jealousies , apprehensions a far off ; but out of clear foresight of imminent danger . concerning the former proposition , it is good to hear what time saith . thucydides , in his inducement to his story of the great war of peloponnesus , sets down in plain terms , that the true cause of that war was ; the overgrowing greatness of the athenians , and the fear that the lacedemonians stood in thereby ; and doth not doubt to call it , a necessity imposed upon the lacedemonians of a war. which are the words of a meer desensive : adding , that the other causes were but specious and popular . verissimam quidem , sed minime sermone celebratam , arbitror exitisse belli causam , athenienses magnos effectos , & lacedemoniis formidolosos , 〈◊〉 illts imposuisse bellandi : quae autem propalam 〈◊〉 utrinque 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 fuerunt , &c. the truest cause of this war , though least voiced , i conceive to have been this ; that the athenians being grown great , to the terrour of the lacedemonians , did impose upon them a necessity of a war : but the causes that went abroad in speech were these , &c. sulpitius galba , consul , when he perswaded the romans to a preventive war , with the latter philip king of 〈◊〉 , in regard of the great preparations which philip had then on foot , and his designs to ruine some of the confederates of the romans , confidently saith ; that they who took that for an offensive war , understood not the state of the question . ignorare videmini mihi , ( quirites ) non utrum bellum an pacem habeatis , vos consuli , ( neque enim liberum id vobis permittet philippus , qui terra marique ingens bellum molitur , ) sedutrum in macedoniam legiones transportetis , an hostem in italiam recipiatis . ye seem to me ( ye romans , ) not to understand , that the consultation before you , is not , whether you shall have war or peace , ( for philip will take order you shall be no choosers , who prepareth a mighty war both by land and sea ; ) but whether you shall transport the war into macedon , or receive it into italy . antiochus , when he incited 〈◊〉 king of 〈◊〉 , ( at that time in leagne with the 〈◊〉 ) to joyn with him in war against them , setteth before him , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fear of the over-spreading greatness of the romans , 〈◊〉 it to a fire that continually took , and spread from kingdom to kingdom : venire romanos ad 〈◊〉 regna tollenda , ut nullam usquam orbis terrarum nist romanum imperium esset ; philippum & nabin expugnatos , se tertium peti ; ut quisque proximus ab oppresso sit , per omnes velut continens incendium pervasurum . that the romans came to pull down all kingdoms , and to make the state of rome an universal monarchy ; that philip and nabis were already ruinated , and now was his turn to be assailed : so that as every state lay next to the other that was oppressed , so the fire perpetually grazed . wherein it is well to be noted , that towards ambitious states ( which are noted to aspire to great monarchies , and to seek upon all occasions to enlarge their dominions , ) crescunt argumenta justi metus : all particular fears do grow and multiply out of the contemplation of the general courses and practice of such states . therefore in deliberations of war against the turk , it hath been often , with great judgement , maintained ; that christian princes and states have always a sufficient ground of invasive war against the enemy : not for cause of religion , but upon a just fear ; for as much as it is a fundamental law in the turkish empire , that they may ( without any other provocation , ) make war upon christendom , for the propagation of their law ; so that there lieth upon the christians a perpetual fear of a war , ( hanging over their heads , ) from them : and therefore they may at all times , ( as they think good ) be upon the prevention . demosthenes exposeth to scorn wars which are not preventive , comparing those that make them , to countrey fellows in a fencing-school , that never ward till the blow be past : ut barbari pugiles dimicare solent , it a vos bellum geritis cum philippo , ex his enim is qui ictus est , ictui semper inhaeret : quod si cum alibi verberes , illo manus transfort ; idum autem depellere , aut prospicere , neque scit , neque vult . as country fellows use to do when they play at wasters , such a kinde of war do you ( athenians ) make with philip ; for with them he that gets a blow , streight falleth to ward when the blow is past , and if you strike him in another place , thither goes his hand likewise : but to put by , or foresee a blow , they neither have the skill , nor the will. clinias the candiaen , ( in plato ) speaks desperately and wildly ; as if there were no such thing as peace between nations ; but that every nation expects but his advantage to war upon another . but yet in that excess of speech , there is thus much that may have a civil construction ; namely , that every state ought to stand upon his guard , and rather prevent , than be prevented . his words are ; quam rem fere vocant pacem , nudum & inane nomen est ; revera autem omnibus , adversus omnes civitates bellum sempiternum perdurat : that which men , for the most part , call peace , is but a naked and empty name ; but the truth is , that there is ever between all estates a secret war. i know well this speech is the objection , and not the decision , and that it is after refuted ; but yet ( as i said before ) it bears thus much of truth , that if that general malignity , and pre-disposition to war , ( which he untruly figureth to be in all nations , ) be produced and extended to a just fear of being oppressed , then it is no more a true peace , but a name of a peace . as for the opinion of iphicrates the athenian , it demands not so much towards a war , as a just fear ; but rather cometh near the opinion of clinias ; as if there were ever amongst nations a brooding of a war , and that there is no sure league but impuissance to do hurt . for he , in the treaty of peace with the lacedemonians , speaketh plain language , telling them , there could be no true and secure peace , except the lacedemonians yielded to those things , which being granted , it would be no longer in their power to hurt the athenians , though they would . and to say truth , if one mark it well , this was in all memory , the main piece of wisdom , in strong and prudent counsels ; to be in perpetual watch , that the states about them , should neither by approach , nor by encrease of dominion , nor by ruining confederates , nor by blocking of trade , nor by any the like means , have it in their power to hurt or annoy the states they serve ; and whensoever any such cause did but appear , straightways to buy it out with a war , and never take up peace at credit , and upon interest . it is so memorable , and it is yet as fresh , as if it were done yesterday , how that triumvirate of kings , ( henry the eighth of england , francis the first of france , and charles the fifth , emperour , and king of spain , ) were in their times so provident , as scarce a palme of ground could bee gotten by either of the three , but that the other two would be sure to do their best to set the ballance of europe upright again . and the like diligence was used in the age before , by that league , ( wherewith guicciardine beginneth his story , and maketh it ( as it were ) the kalendar of the good dayes of italy , ) which was contracted between ferdinando king of naples , lorenzo of medici , potentate of florence , and lodovico zforza duke of milan , designed chiefly against the growing power of the venetians ; but yet so , as the confederates had a perpetual eye one upon another , that none of them should overtop . to conclude therefore , howsoever some school-men , ( otherwise reverend men , yet fitter to guide pen knives than swords , ) seem precisely to stand upon it ; that every offensive war must be ultio ; a revenge , that presupposeth a precedent assault or injury ; yet neither do they descend to this point , ( which we now handle ) of a just fear ; neither are they of authority to judge this question against all the presidents of time . for certainly , as long as men are men , ( the sons , as the poets allude , of prometheus , and not of epimetheus , ) and as long as reason is reason , a just fear will be a just cause of a preventive war ; but especially , if it be part of the case , that there be a nation that is manifestly detected , to aspire to monarchy , and new acquests ; then other states ( assuredly ) cannot be justly accused for not staying for the first blow ; or for not accepting poliphemus courtesie , to be the last that shall be eaten up . nay , i observe further , that in that passage of plato , which i cited before , ( and even in the tenet of that person , that beareth the resolving part , and not the objecting part , ) a just fear is justified for a cause of an invasive war , though the same fear proceed not from the fault of the foreign state , to be assailed . for it is there insinuated , that if a state , out of the distemper of their own body , do fear sedition and intestine troubles to break out amongst themselves , they may discharge their own ill humours , upon a foreign war , for a cure. and this kinde of cure was tendred by jasper coligni admiral of france , to charles the nineth , the french king , when by a vive and forcible perswasion , he moved him to a war upon flanders , for the better extinguishment of the civil wars of france ; but neither was that counsel prosperous ; neither will i maintain that position ; for i will never set politiqu's against ethicks ; especially for that true ethicks are but as a hand-maid to divinity and religion . surely , saint thomas , ( who had the largest heart of the school divines , ( bendeth chiefly his stile against the depraved passions , which reign in making wars , speaking out of st. augustine ; nocendi cupiditas , ulciscendi credulitas , implacaius & implacabilis animus , feritas rebellandi , libido dominandi , & si quae sunt similia , haec sunt qu ae in bellis jure culpaniur . and the same st : i hom as in his own text , defining of the just causes of a war , doth leave it upon very general terms ; requirilur ad billum cause justa , ut scilicet illi qui impugnaniur , propter al qu im culpam , impugnationem mereantur ; for impugnatio culpae , is a far more general word than vltio injurae . and thus much for the first proposition , of the second ground of a war with spain : namely , that a just fear is a just cause of a war ; and that a preventive war is a true defensive . the second , or minor proposition was this , that this kingdom hath cause of just fear of overthrow from spain . wherein it is true , that fears are ever seen in dimmer lights , than facts . and on the otherside , fears use ( many times ) to be represented in such an imaginary fashion , as they rather dazle mens eyes , than open them . and therefore i will speak in that manner which the subject requires ; that is , probably , and moderately , and briefly . neither will i deduce these fears to present occurrences ; but point onely at general grounds , leaving the rest to more secret counsels . is it nothing , that the crown of spain hath enlarged the bounds thereof , within this last sixscore years , much more than the ottomans ? i speak not of matches , or unions , but of arms , occupations , invasions . granada , naples , milan , portugal , the east and west indies ; all these are actual additions to that crown . they had a minde to french britain , the lower part of piccardi , and piemont ; but they have let fall their bit. they have to this day , such a hovering possession of the valtoline , as an hobby hath over a lark ; and the palatinate is in their tallons : so that nothing is more manifest , than that this nation of spain runs a race ( still ) of empire , when all other states of christendom stand in effect at a stay . look then a little further into the titles , whereby they have acquired , and do now hold these new portions of their crown , and you will finde them of so many varieties , and such natures , ( to speak with due respect , ) as may appear to be easily minted , and such as can hardly at any time be wanting . and therefore so many new conquests and purchases , so many strokes of the larum-bell of fear , and awaking , to other nations , and the facility of the titles , which hand over head have served their turn , doth ring the peal so much the sharper , and the louder . shall we descend from their general disposition , to enlarge their dominions , to their particular disposition , and eye of appetite , which they have had towards us ; they have now twice sought to impatronize themselves of this kingdom of england ; once by marriage with queen mary ; and the second by conquest in 88. when their forces by sea and land , were not inferiour to those they have now . and at that time in 88. the counsel and design of spain , was , by many advertisements , revealed and laid open to be ; that they found the war upon the low 〈◊〉 , so churlish and longsome , as they grew then to a resolution ; that as long as england stood in state to succour those countreys , they should but consume themselves in an endless war ; and therefore there was no other way , but to assail and depress england , which was as a back of steel to the flemmings . and who can warrant ( i pray ) that the same counsel and design will not return again ? so as we are in a strange dilemma of danger : for if we suffer the flemmings to be ruined , they are our cut-work , and we shall remain naked and dismantled : if we succour them strongly , ( as is fit ) and set them upon their feet , and do not withal weaken spain , we hazard to change the scene of the war , and to turn it upon ireland or england : like unto rheums and destuxions ; which , if you apply a strong repercussive to the place affected , and do not take away the cause of the disease , will shift , and fall straightways to another joynt , or place . they have also twice invaded ireland : once under the popes banner , when they were defeated by the lord grey ; and after in their own name , when they were defeated by the lord mountjoy . so as let this suffice for a taste of their disposition towards us . but it will be said : this is an almanack for the old year ; since 88. all hath been well , spain hath not assailed this kingdom , howsoever by two several invasions from us migh tily provoked . it is true , but then consider , that immediately after 88. they were embroyled , for a great time , in the protection of the league of france , whereby they had their hands full ; after being brought extream low , by their vast and continual embracements , they were enforced to be quiet , that they might take breath , and do reparations upon their former wastes . but now of late things seem to come a pace to their former estate . nay with far greater disadvantage to us . for now that they have almost continued , and ( as it were ) arched their dominions , from milan , by the valtoline , and palatinate , to the low countreys ; we see how they thirst and pant after the utter ruine of those states ; having in contempt almost the german nation , and doubting little opposition , except it come from england : whereby either we must suffer the dutch to be ruined , to our own manifest prejudice ; or put it upon the hazard , i spake of before , that spain will cast at the fairest . neither is the point of internal danger , which groweth upon us , to be forgotten ; this ; that the party of the papists in england are become more knotted , both in dependance towards spain , and amongst themselves , than they have been . wherein again comes to be remembred the case of 88. for then also it appeared by divers secret letters , that the design of spain was , ( for some years before the invasion attempted ) to prepare a party in this kingdom , to adhere to the foreigner at his coming . and they bragged , that they doubted not , but to abuse and lay asleep the queen and council of england , as to have any fear of the party of papists here ; for that they knew ( they said ) the state would but cast the eye , and look about , to see whether there were any eminent head of that party , under whom it might unite it self ; and finding none worth the thinking on , the state would rest secure , and take no apprehension ; whereas they meant , ( they said ) to take a course , to deal with the people , and particulars , by reconcilements , and confessions , and secret promises , and cared not for any head of party . and this was the true reason , why after that the seminaries began to blossom , and to make missions into england , ( which was about the three and twentieth year of queen elizabeth , at what time also was the first suspition of the spanish invasion ) then , and not before , grew the sharp and severe laws to be made against the papists . and therefore the papists may do well , to change their thanks ; and whereas they thank spain for their favours , to thank them for their perils and miseries , if they should fall upon them : for that nothing ever made their case so ill , as the doubt of the greatness of spain ; which adding reason of state , to matter of conscience and religion , did whet the laws against them . and this case also seemeth ( in some sort ) to return again at this time ; except the clemency of his majesty , and the state , do superabound : as , for my part , i do wish it should ; and that the proceedings towards them , may rather tend to security , and providence , and point of state , than to persecution for religion . but to conclude ; these things briefly touched , may serve , as in a subject conjectural , and future , for to represent , how just cause of fear this kingdom may have towards spain : omitting ( as i said before ) all present , and more secret occurrences . the third ground of a war with spain , i have set down to be ; a just fear of the subversion of our church and religion . which needeth little speech : for if this war be a defensive , ( as i have proved it to be , ) no man will doubt ; that a defensive war , against a foreigner for religion , is lawful . of an offensive war there is more dispute : and yet in that instance of the war for the holy land , and sepulchre , i do wonder sometimes , that the school-men want words to defend that , which st. bernard wanted words to commend . but i , that in this little extract of a treatise , do omit things necessary , am not to handle things unnecessary . no man , i say , will doubt , but if the pope , or king of spain , would demand of us to forsake our religion , upon pain of a war , it were as unjust a demand , as the persians made to the grecians of land and water ; or the ammonites to the israelites of their right eyes . and we see all the heathen did stile their defensive wars , pro aris & focis ; placing their altars before their hearths . so that it is in vain of this to speak further . onely this is true ; that the fear of the subversion of our religion from spain , is the more just , for that all other catholick princes and states , content and contain themselves , to maintain their religion within their own dominions , and meddle not with the subjects of other states ; whereas the practice of spain hath been , both in charles the fifth's time , and in the time of the league in france , by war ; and now with us , by conditions of treaty , to intermeddle with foreign states , and to declare themselves protectors general , of the party of catholicks , through the world. as if the crown of spain had a little of this ; that they would plant the popes laws by arms , as the ottomans do the law of mahomet . thus much concerning the first main point of justifying the quarrel ; if the king shall enter into a war ; for this that i have said , and all that followeth to be said , is but to shew what he may do . the second main part , of that i have propounded to speak of , is the ballance of forces between spain and us . and this also tendeth to no more , but what the king may do . for what he may do , s of two kindes : what he may do as just ; and what he may do as possible . of the one i have already spoken ; of the other i am now to speak . i said , spain was no such giant ; and yet if he were a giant , it will be , but as it was between david and goliah ; for god is on our side . but to leave all arguments that are supernatural , and to speak in an humane and politick sense ; i am led to think that spain is no over-match for england , by that which leadeth all men ; that is , experience , and reason . and with experience i will begin ; for there all reason beginneth . is it fortune , ( shall we think , ) that in all actions of war or arms , great and small , which have happened these many years , ever since spain and england have had any thing to debate one with the other , the english , upon all encounters , have perpetually come off with honour , and the better ? it is not fortune sure ; she is not so constant . there is somewhat in the nation , and natural courage of the people , or some such thing . i will make a brief list of the particulars themselves , in an historical truth , no ways strowted , nor made greater by language . this were a fit speech , ( you will say , ) for a general , in the head of an army , when they wére going to battel ; yes ; and it is no less fit speech , to be spoken in the head of a council , upon a deliberation of entrance into a war. neither speak i this to disparage the spanish nation , whom i take to be of the best soldiers in europe . but that forteth to our honour , if we still have had the better hand . in the year 1578. was that famous lammas day , which buried the reputation of don ihuan d' austria , himself not surviving long after . don ihuan , being superiour in forces , assisted by the prince of parma , mondragon , mansell , and other the best commanders of spain , confident of victory , charged the army of the states near rimenant , bravely and furiously at the first ; but after a fight maintained by the space of a whole day , was repulsed and forced to a retreat , with great slaughter of his men , and the course of his further enterprizes was wholly arrested ; and this chiefly by the prowess and vertue of the english and scottish troops , under the conduct of sir john norris , and sir robert stuart , colonels . which troops came to the army but the day before , harrased with a long and wearisom march ; and ( as it is left for a memorable circumstance in all stories , ) the sculdiers , being more sensible of a little heat of the sun , than any cold fear of death , cast away their armour and garments from them , and fought in their shirts : and , as it was generally conceived , had it not been that the count of bossu was slack in charging the spaniards , upon their retreat , this fight had sorted to an absolute defeat . but it was enough to chastise don ihuan , for his insidious treaty of peace , wherewith he had abused the states at his first coming . and the fortune of the day , ( besides the testimony of all stories ) , may be the better ascribed to the service of the english and scottish , by comparison of this charge near rimenant , ( where the english and scottish , in great numbers came in action , ) with the like charge given by don ihuan , half a year before at glembours , where the success was contrary ; there being at that time in the army , but a handful of english and scottish , and they put in disarray by the horsemen , of their own fellows . the first dart of war which was thrown from spain , or rome , upon the realm of ireland , was in the year 1380. for the design of stukeley blew over into africk ; and the attempt of sanders , and fitz maurice , had a spice of madness . in that year , ireland was invaded by 〈◊〉 and italian forces , under the popes banner , and the conduct of st. josepho , to the number of seven hundred , or better , which landed at smerwick in kerey . a poor number it was , to conquer ireland to the 〈◊〉 use ; for their design was no less : but withal they brought arms for five thousand men above their own company , intending to arm so many of the rebels of ireland : and their purpose was to fortifie in some strong place of the wilde and desolate countrey , and there to nestle till greater succours came ; they being hastened unto this enterprise , upon a special reason of state , not proper to the enterprise it self ; which was , by the invasion of ireland , and the noise thereof , to trouble the council of england , and to make a diversion of certain aids that then were preparing from hence for the low-countreys . they chose a place , where they erected a fort , which they called the fort del or ; and from thence they bolted like beasts of the forest , sometimes into the woods and fastnesses , and sometimes back again to their den. soon after siege was laid to the fort , by the lord gray , then deputy , with a smaller number than those were within the fort ; venturously indeed ; but haste was made to attache them before the rebels came in to them . after the siege of four days oneiy , and two or three sallies , with loss on their part , they that should have made good the fort for some moneths , till new succours came from spain , or at least from the rebels of ireland , yielded up themselves without conditions , at the end of those four days . and for that there were not in the english army enough to keep every man a prisoner ; and for that also the deputy expected instantly to be assailed by the rebels ; and again , there were no barques to throw them into , and send them away by sea , they were all put to the sword ; with which queen elizabeth was afterwards much displeased . in the year 〈◊〉 . was that memorable retreat of gaunt ; than the which there hath not been an exploit of war more celebrated . for in the true judgement of men of war , honourable retreats are no ways inferior to brave charges ; as having less of fortune , more of discipline , and as much of valour . there were to the number of three hundred horse , and as many thousand foot english , ( commanded by sir john norris , ) charged by the prince of parma , coming upon them with seven thousand horse ; besides that , the whole army of spaniards was ready to march on . nevertheless sir john norris maintained a retreat without disarray , by the space of some miles , ( part of the way champagne ) unto the city of gaunt , with less loss of men than the enemy : the duke of anjou , and the prince of aurange , beholding this noble action from the walls of gaunt , as in a theatre , with great admiration . in the year 1585. followed the prosperous expedition of drake , and carlile , into the west-indies . in the which , i set aside the taking of st. jago , and st. domingo in hispaniola , as surprizes , rather than encounters . but that of cartagena , where the spaniards had warning of our coming , and had put themselves in their full strength , was one of the hottest services , and most dangerous assaults , that hath been known . for the access to the town , was onely by a neck of land , between the sea on the one part , and the harbour water , or inner sea , on the other ; fortified clean over with a strong rampier and barracado ; so as upon the ascent of our men , they had both great ordnance and small shot , that thundred and showred upon them , from the rampier in front , and from the galleys that lay at sea in flank . and yet they forced the passage , and wan the town , being likewise very well manned . as for the expedition of sir francis drake , in the year 1587. for the destroying of the spanish shipping , and provision upon their own coast ; as i cannot say , that there intervened in that enterprize , any sharp fight or encounter ; so nevertheless , it did strangely discover , either that spain is very weak at home , or very slow to move ; when they suffered a small fleet of english to make an hostile invasion , or incursion , upon their havens and roads , from cadez to capa sacra , and thence to cascais ; and to fire , sink , and carry away , at the least , ten thousand tun of their great shipping , besides fifty or sixty of their smaller vessels : and that in the sight , and under the favour of their forts ; and almost under the eye of their great admiral , ( the best commander of spain by sea , ) the marquis de sancta cruz , without ever being disputed with by any fight of importance . i remember drake , in the vaunting stile of a souldier , would call this enterprize , the cingeing of the king of spains beard . the enterprize of eighty eight deserveth to be stood upon a little more fully , being a miracle of time. there armed from spain in the year 1588. the greatest navy that ever swam upon the sea. for though there have been far greater fleets for number , yet for the bulk and building of the ships , with the furniture of great ordnance and provisions , never the like . the design was to make , not an invasion onely , but an utter conquest of this kingdom . the number of vessels were one hundred and thirty , whereof galliasses and gallions seventy two , goodly ships like floating towers , or castles , manned with thirty thousand souldiers and mariners . this navy was the preparation of five whole years at the least . it bare it self also upon divine assistance ; for it received special blessing from pope zistus , and was assigned as an apostolical mission , for the reducement of this kingdom to the obedience of the see of rome . and in further token of this holy warfare , there were amongst the rest of these ships , twelve , called by the name of the twelve apostles . but it was truely conceived , that this kingdom of england could never be over-whelmed , except the land-waters came in to the sea-tides . therefore was there also in readiness , in flanders , a mighty strong army of land-forces , to the number of fifty thousand veterane souldiers , under the conduct of the duke of parma , the best commander , next the french king henry the fourth , of his time . these were designed to joyn with the forces at sea ; there being prepared a number of flat-bottom'd boats , to transport the land forces , under the wing and protection of the great navy . for they made no account , but that the navy should be absolute master of the seas . against these forces , there were prepared , on our part , to the number of near one hundred ships ; not so great of bulk indeed , but of a more nimble motion , and more serviceable ; besides a less fleet of 30 ships , for the custody of the narrow seas . there were also in readiness at land , two armies , besides other forces , to the number of ten thousand , dispersed amongst the coast towns , in the southern parts . the two armies were appointed ; one of them consisting of twenty five thousand horse and foot , for the repulsing of the enemy , at their landing ; and the other of twenty five thousand for safeguard and attendance about the court , and the queens person . there were also other dormant musters of souldiers , throughout all parts of the realm , that were put in readiness , but not drawn together . the two armies were assigned to the leading of two generals , noble persons , but both of them rather courtiers , and assured to the state , than martial men ; yet lined and assisted with subordinate commanders , of great experience & valor . the fortune of the war made this enterprize , at first , a play at base . the spanish navy set forth out of the groyne in may , was disperst and driven back by weather . our navy set forth somewhat later out of plimouth , and bare up towards the coast of spain , to have fought with the spanish navy ; and partly by reason of contrary winds , partly upon advertisement that the spaniards were gone back , and upon some doubt also that they might pass towards the coast of england , whilest we were seeking them afar off , returned likewise into plimouth , about the middle of july . at that time , came more confident advertisement , ( though false , ) not onely to the lord admiral , but to the court , that the spaniards could not possibly come forward that year ; whereupon our navy was upon the point of disbanding , and many of our men gone ashore . at which very time , the invincible armada , ( for so it was called in a spanish ostentation throughout europe ) was discovered upon the western coast. it was a kinde of surprize ; for that ( as was said ) many of our men were gone to land , and our ships ready to depart . nevertheless the admiral , with such ships only as could suddenly be put in readiness , made forth towards them : in so much as of one hundred ships , there came scarce thirty to work . howbeit with them , and such as came dayly in , we set upon them , and gave them the chase . but the spaniards , for want of courage , ( which they called commission ) declined the fight , casting themselves continually into roundels , ( their strongest ships walling in the rest , ) and in that manner they made a flying march towards callis . our men , by the space of five or six days , followed them close , fought with them continually , made great slaughter of their men , took two of their great ships , and gave divers others of their ships their deaths wounds , whereof soon after they sank and perished ; and ( in a word ) distressed them almost in the nature of a defeat ; we our selves , in the mean time , receiving little or no hurt . near callis the spaniards anchored , expecting their land-forces , which came not . it was afterwards alledged , that the duke of parma did artificially delay his coming . but this was but an invention and pretension given out by the spaniards ; partly upon a spanish envy against that duke , being an italian , and his son a competitor to portugal ; but chiefly , to save the monstrous scorn and disreputation , which they and their nation received , by the success of that enterprize . therefore their colours and excuses ( forsooth ) were , that their general by sea had a limitted commission , not to fight until the land-forces were come in to them : and that the duke of parma had particular reaches , and ends of his own , underhand , to cross the design . but it was both a strange commission , and a strange obedience to a commission , for men in the midst of their own blood , and being so furiously assailed , to hold their hands , contrary to the laws of nature and necessity . and as for the duke of parma , he was reasonably well tempted to be true to that enterprize , by no less promise , than to be made a feudatary , or beneficiary king of england , under the seignorie ( in chief ) of the pope , and the protection of the king of spain . besides it appeared , that the duke of parma held his place long after , in the favour and trust of the king of spain , by the great employments and services that he performed in france : and again , it is manifest , that the duke did his best to come down , and to put to sea : the truth was , that the spanish navy , upon those proofs of fight which they had with the english , finding how much hurt they received , and how little hurt they did , by reason of the activity and low building of our ships , and skill of our sea-men ; and being also commanded by a general of small courage and experience ; and having lost , at the first , two of their bravest commanders at sea , petro de valdez , and michael de oquenda ; durst not put it to a battel at sea , but set up their rest wholly upon the land-enterprize . on the other side , the transporting of the land-forces failed in the very foundation . for whereas the council of spain made full account , that their navy should be master of the sea , and therefore able to guard and protect the vessels of transportation ; when it fell out to the contrary , that the great navy was distressed , and had enough to do to save it self ; and again , that the hollanders impounded their land-forces with a brave fleet of thirty sayl , excellently well appointed ; things ( i say ) being in this state , it came to pass , that the duke of parma must have flown , if he would have come into england , for he could get neither barqne nor mariner to put to sea : yet certain it is , that the duke looked still for the coming back of the armada , even at that time , when they were wandring , and making their perambulation upon the northern seas . but to return to the armada , which we left anchored at callis . from thence , ( as sir walter rawleigh was wont prettily to say ) they were suddenly driven away with squibs ; for it was no more but a stratagem of fire-boats , manless , and sent upon them by the favour of the wind , in the night time , that did put them in such terrour , as they cut their cables , and left their anchors at sea. after they hovered some two or three days about graveling , and there again were beaten in a great fight , at what time our second fleet , which kept the narrow seas , was come in and joy ned to our main fleet. thereupon the spaniards entring into further terrour , and sinding also divers of their ships every day to sink , lost all courage , and in stead of coming up into the thames mouth for london , ( as their design was ) fled on towards the north , to seek their fortunes ; being still chaced by the english navy at the heels , until we were fain to give them over for want of powder . the breath of scotland the spaniards could not endure ; neither durst they as invaders land in ireland ; but onely ennobled some of the coasts thereof with shipwracks . and so going north wards aloof , as long as they had any doubt of being pursued , at last when they were out of reach , they turned , and crossed the ocean to spain , having lost fourscore of their ships , and the greater part of their men. and this was the end of that sea-giant , the invincible armada . which having not so much as fired a cottage of ours at land , nor taken a cock-boat of ours at sea , wandred through the wilderness of the northern seas ; and according to the curse in the scripture ; came out against us one way , and fled before us seven ways . serving onely to make good the judgement of an astrologer , long before given ; octuagesimus octavus mirabilis annus ; or rather , to make good , ( even to the astonishment of all posterity ) the wonderful judgements of god poured down , commonly , upon vast and proud aspirings . in the year , that followed , of 1589. we gave the spaniards no breath , but turned challengers , and invaded the main of spain . in which enterprize , although we failed in our end , which was to settle don antonio in the kingdom of portugal , yet a man shall hardly meet with an action , that doth better reveal the great secret of the power of spain : which power , well sought into , will be found rather to consist in a veterane army , ( such as upon several occasions and pretensions , they have ever had on foot , in one part or other of christendom , now the space of ( almost ) sixscore years , ) than in the strength of their dominions and provinces . for what can be more strange , or more to the dis-valuation of the power of the spaniard upon the continent , than that with an army of eleven thousand english , land-souldiers , and a fleet of twenty six ships of war , besides some weak vessels for transportation , we should within the hour-glass of two moneths have won one town of importance by escalada ; battered and assaulted another ; overthrown great forces in the field , and that upon the disadvantage of a bridge strongly barracado'd , landed the army in three several places of his kingdom ; marched seven days in the heart of his countreys ; lodged three nights in the suburbs of his principal city ; beaten his forces into the gates thereof ; possessed two of his frentire forts ; and come off , after all this , with small loss of men , otherwise than by sickness . and it was verily thought , that had it not been for four great disfavours of that voyage ; ( that is to say ; the failing in sundry provisions that were promised , especially of cannons for battery ; the vain hopes of don antomo concerning the people of the countrey , to come in to his aid ; the disappointment of the fleet that was directed to come up the river of lisbon ; and lastly , the diseases which spred in the army , by reason of the heat of the season , and of the souldiers misrule in diet ; ) the enterprize had succeeded , and lisbon had been carried . but howsoever , it makes proof to the world , that an invasion of a few english upon spain , may have just hope of victory , at least of pasport to depart safely . in the year 1591. was that memorable fight , of an english ship called the revenge , under the command of sir richard greenvil ; memorable ( i say ) even beyond credit , and to the height of some herorcal fable . and though it were a defeat , yet it exceeded a victory ; being like the act of sampson , that killed more men at his death , than he had done in the time of all his life . this ship for the space of fifteen hours , sate like a stag amongst hounds , at the bay , and was seiged , and fought with , in turn , by fifteen great ships of spain ; part of a navy of fifty five ships in all ; the rest like abettors looking on afar off . and amongst the fifteen ships that fought , the great st. philippo was one , a ship of fifteen hundred tun ; prince of the twelve sea apostles , which was right glad , when she was shifted off from the revenge . this brave ship the revenge , being manned onely with two hundred ( souldiers and mariners , ) whereof eighty lay sick , yet nevertheless after a fight maintained ( as was said ) of fifteen hours , and two ships of the enemy sunk by her side ; besides many more torn and battered , and great slaughter of men , never came to be entred , but was taken by composition ; the enemies themselves having in admiration the vertue of the commander , and the whole tragedy of that ship. in the year 1596. was the second invasion , that we made upon the main territories of spain , prosperously atchiev'd by that worthy and famous , robert earl of essex , in consort with the noble earl of notingham , that now liveth , then admiral . this journey was like lightning ; for in the space of fourteen hours , the king of spains navy was destroyed , and the town of cadez taken . the navy was no less than fifty tall ships , besides twenty gallies to attend them . the ships were straightways beaten , and put to flight . with such terrour , a the spainards , in the end , were their own executioners , and fired them all with their own hands . the gallies , by the benefit of the shores and shallows , got away . the town was a fair , strong , well built , and rich city ; famous in antiquity , and now most spoken of for this disaster . it was mann'd with 4000 soldiers foot , and some 400 horse ; it was sacked , and burned , though great clemency was used towards the inhabitants . but that which is no less strange than the sudden victory , is the great patience of the spaniards ; who , though we staid upon the place divers days , yet never offered us any play then , nor ever put us in suit , by any action of revenge , or reparation , at any time after . in the year 1600 , was the battel of newport in the low countries , where the armies of the arch-duke , and the states , tried it out by a just battell . this was the only battell , that was fought in those countries , these many years . for battels in the french wars have been frequent ; but in the wars of flanders , rare , as the nature of a defensive requireth . the forces of both armies were not much unequal : that of the states exceeded somewhat in number ; but that again was recompensed in the quality of the souldiers ; for those of the spanish part were of the flower of all the forces . the arch duke was the assailant , and the preventer , and had the fruit of his diligence and celerity . for he had charged certain companies of scottishmen , to the number of eight hundred , sent to make good a passage , and thereby severed from the body of the army , and cut them all in pieces : for they like a brave infantry , when they could make no honorable retreat , and would take no dishonorable flight , made good the place with their lives . this enterance of the battel did whet the courage of the spaniards , though it dulled their swords ; so as they came proudly on , confident to defeat the whole army . the encounter of the main battel , which followed , was a just encounter , not hastening to a sudden rout , nor the fortune of the day resting upon a few former ranks , but fought out to the proof by several squadrons , and not without variety of success ; stat pedi pes , densusque viro vir . there fell out an errour in the dutch army , by the over-hasty medly of some of their men , with the enemies , which hindred the playing of their great ordnance . but the end was , that the spaniards were utterly defeated , and near five thousand of their men , in the fight , and in the execution , slain , and taken ; amongst whom were many of the principal persons of their army . the honour of the day was , both by the enemy , and the dutch themselves , ascribed unto the english ; of whom sir francis vere , in a private commentary , which he wrote of that service , leaveth testified ; that of fifteen hundred in number , ( for they were no more ) eight hundred were slain in the field ; and ( which is almost incredible in a day of victory , ) of the remaining seven hundred , two onely men came off unhurt . amongst the rest sir francis vere himself had the principal honour of the service , unto whom the prince of aurange ( as is said ) did transmit the direction of the army for that day . and in the next place , sir horace vere his brother , that now liveth , who was the principal in the active part . the service also , of sir edward cecill , sir iohn ogle , and divers other brave gentlemen , was eminent . in the year 1601. followed the battel of kinsale in ireland . by this spanish invasion of ireland , ( which was in september that year ) a man may guess , how long time a spaniard will live in irish ground ; which is a matter of a quarter of a year , or four moneths at most . for they had all the advantages in the world ; and no man would have thought , ( considering the small forces imployed against them ) that they could have been driven out so soon . they obtained , without resistance , in the end of september , the town of kinsale ; a small garison of 150 english , leaving the town upon the spaniards approach , and the townsmen receiving the foreiners as friends . the number of spaniards that put themselves into kinsale , was 2000 men , soldiers of old bands , under the command of don ihuan d'aquila , a man of good valour . the town was strong of it self ; neither wanted there any industry to fortifie it on all parts , and make it tenable , according to the skill and discipline of spanish fortification . at that time the rebels were proud , being encouraged upon former successes ; for though the then deputy , the lord mountjoy , and sir george carew , president of munster , had performed divers good services to their prejudice ; yet the defeat they had given the english at blackwater , not long before ; and their treaty ( too muth to their honor ) with the earl of essex , was yet fresh in their memory . the deputy lost no time , but made haste to have recovered the town , before new succors came , and sate down before it in october , and laid siege to it by the space of three winter months , or more : during which time , sallies were made by the spaniard , but they were beaten in with loss . in january came fresh succors from spain , to the number of 2000. more , under the conduct of alonzo d'ocampo . upon the comforts of these succors , tirone and odonnel , drew up their forces together , to the number of 7000. besides the spanish regiments , and took the field , resolved to rescue the town , and give the english battel . so here was the case : an army of english , of some 6000 , wasted and tired with a long winters siege , engaged in the middest between an army of a greater number than themselves , fresh and in vigor , on the one side ; and a town strong in fortification , and strong in men , on the other . but what was the event ? thus in few words ; that after the irish and spanish forces had come on , and shewed themselves in some bravery , they were content to give the english the honor , as to charge them first ; and when it came to the charge , there appeared no other difference between the valour of the irish rebels , and the spaniards , but that the one ran away before they were charged , and the other straight after . and again , the spaniards that were in the town , had so good memories of their losses , in their former sallies , as the confidence of an army , which came for their deliverance , could not draw them forth again . to conclude , there succeeded an absolute victory for the english , with the slaughter of above 2000 of the enemy ; the taking of nine ensigns , whereof six spanish ; the taking of the spanish general , d'ocampo , prisoner ; and this with the loss of so few of the english , as is scarce credible ; being ( as hath been rather confidently , than credibly reported ) but of one man , the cornet of sir richard gream , though not a few hurt . there followed immediate y after the defeat , a present yielding up of the town by composition ; and not onely so , but an avoiding ( by express articles of treaty accorded ) of all other spanish forces thorowout all ireland , from the plaees and nests where they had setled themselves , in greater strength ( as in regard of the natural situation of the places ) than that was of kinsale : which were , castle haven , baltimore , and beere-haven . indeed they went away with sound of trumpet ; for they did nothing but publish and trumpet all the reproaches they could devise against the irish land and nation ; insomuch as d'aquila said in open treaty ; that when the devil , upon the mount , did shew christ all the kingdoms of the earth , and the glory of them , he did not doubt , 〈◊〉 the devil left out ireland , and kept it for himself . i cease here , omitting not a few other proofs of the english valor and fortune . in their later times : as at the suburbs of paris , at the raveline , at druse in normandy , some encounters in britanny , and at ostend , and divers others ; partly because some of them have not been proper encounters between the spaniards and the english , and partly because others of them have not been of that greatness , as to have sorted in company with the particulars formerly recited . it is true , that amongst all the late adventures , the voyage of sir francis drake , and sir john hawkins , into the west-indies , was unfortunate ; yet in such sort , as it doth not break or interrupt our prescription ; to have had the better of the spaniards upon all fights of late . for the disaster of that journey was caused chiefly by sickness ; as might well appear by the deaths of both the generals , ( sir francis drake , and sir john hawkins ) of the same sickness amongst the rest . the land-enterprise of panama , was an ill measured and immature counsel ; for it was grounded upon a false account , that the passages towards panama were no better fortified , than drake had left them . but yet , it sorted not to any fight of importance , but to a retreat , after the english had proved the strength of their first fort , and had notice of the two other forts beyond , by which they were to have marched . it is true , that in the return of the english fleet , they were set upon by avellaneda , admiral of 20 great great ships spanish , our fleet being but 14 , full of sick men , deprived of their two generals at sea , and having no pretence but to journey homewards : and yet the spaniards did but salute them about the cape de los corientes , with some small offer of fight , and came off with loss ; although it was such a new thing for the spaniards to receive so little hurt up on dealing with the english , as avellaneda made great brags of it , for no greater matter , than the waiting upon the english a far off , from cape de los corientes to cape antonio ; which nevertheless , in the language of a souldier , and of a spaniard , he called a chace . but before i proceed further , it is good to meet with an objection , which if it be not removed , the conclusion of experience , from the time past , to the time present , will not be sound and perfect . for it will be said , that in the former times ( whereof we have spoken ) spain was not so mighty as now it is ; and england on the other side , was more afore-hand in all matters of power . therefore let us compare with indifferency , these disparities of times , and we shall plainly perceive , that they make for the advantage of england at this present time . and because we will less wander in generalities , we will fix the comparison to precise times ; comparing the state of spain and england in the year 88. with this present year that now runneth . in handling of this point , i will not meddle with any personal comparisons , of the princes , councellors , and commanders by sea or land , that were then , and that are now , in both kingdoms , spain and england ; but onely rest upon real points , for the true ballancing of the state , of the forces , and affairs of both times . and yet these personal comparisons i omit not , but that i could evidently shew , that even in these personal respects , the ballance sways on our part : but because i would say nothing that may favour of a spirit of flattery , or censure , of the present government . first therefore , it is certain , that spain hath not now a foot of ground in quiet possession , more than it had in 88. as for the valtoline , and the palatinate , it is a maxim in state , that all countreys of new acquest , till they be setled , are rather matters of burthen , than strength . on the other side , england hath scotland united , & ireland reduc'd to obedience , and planted , which are mighty augmentations . secondly , in 88. the kingdom of france , able alone to counterpoize spain it self , ( much more in conjunction ) was torn with the party of the league , which gave law to their king , and depended wholly upon spain . now france is united under a valiant young king , generally obeyed , if he will himself ; king of navarre as well as of france ; and that is no ways taken prisoner , though he be tyed in a double chain of alliance , with spain . thirdly , in 88. there sate in the see of rome , a fierce thundering fryer , that would set all at six and seven ; or at six and five , if you allude to his name . and though he would after have turned his teeth upon spain , yet he was taken order with before it came to that . now there is ascended to the papacy , a personage that came in by a chaste election , no ways obliged to the party of the spaniards ; a man bred in embassages and affairs of state ; that hath much of the prince , and nothing of the fryer ; and one , that though he love the chair of the papacy well , yet he loveth the carpet above the chair ; that is , italy , and the liberties thereof , well likewise . fourthly , in 88. the king of denmark was a stranger to england , and rather inclined to spain ; now the king is incorporated to the blood of england , & engaged in the quarrel of the palatinate . then also venice , savoy , and the princes and cities of germany , had but a dull fear of the greatness of spain , upon a general apprehension onely of the spreading and ambitious designs of that nation : now that fear is sharpned and pointed , by the spaniards late enterprises , upon the valtoline , and the palatinate , which come nearer them . fiftly and lastly , the dutch ( which is the spaniards perpetual duellist ) hath now , at this present , five ships to one , and the like proportion in treasure and wealth , to that they had in 88. neither is it possible ( whatsoever is given out ) that the coffers of spain should now be fuller , than they were in 88. for at that time spain had no other wars save those of the low countreys , which were grown into an ordinary : now they have had coupled therewith , the extraordinary of the valtoline , and the palatinate . and so i conclude my answer to the objection raised , touching the difference of times ; not entring into more secret passages of state ; but keeping that character of stile , whereof seneca speaketh , plus significat quam loquitur . here i would pass over from matter of experience , were it not that i held it necessary , to discover a wonderful erroneous observation that walketh about , and is commonly received , contrary to all the account of time , and experience . it is , that the spaniard , where he once getteth in , will seldom ( or never ) be got out again . but nothing is less true than this . not long since they got footing at brest , and some other parts in french britain , and after quitted them . they had calais , ardes , and amiens , and rendred them , or were beaten out . they had since verseilles , & fairly left it . they had the other day the valtoline , and now have put it in deposite . what they will do with ormus , which the persian hath taken from them , we shall see . so that to speak truly of later times , they have rather poched and offered at a number of enterprizes , than maintained any constantly , quite contrary to that idle tradition . in more antient times ( leaving their purchases in africk , which they after abandoned , ) when their great emperor charles had clasped germany , ( almost ) in his fist , he was forced in the end , to go from isburg , ( and as if it had been in a masque , by torch-light , ) and to quit every foot in germany round that he had gotten ; which i doubt not , will be the hereditary issue of this late purchase of the palatinate . and so i conclude the ground , that i have to think , that spain will be no over-match to great britain , if his majesty shal enter into a war , out of experience , & records of time . for grounds of reason they are many : i will extract the principal , and open them briefly , and ( as it were ) in the bud. for situation , i pass it over ; though it be no small point : england , scotland , ireland , and our good confederates the united provinces , lie all in a plump together , not accessible but by sea , or at least by passing of great rivers , which are natural fortifications . as for the dominions of spain , they are so scattered , as it yieldeth great choice of the scenes of the war , and promiseth slow succours unto such part as shall be attempted . there be three main parts of military puissance ; men , money , and confederates . for men , there are to be considered , valour , and number . of valour i speak not : take it from the witnesses that have been produced before : yet the old observation is not untrue ; that the spaniards valour lieth in the eye of the looker on ; but the english valor lieth about the souldiers heart . a valor of glory , and a valor of natural courage , are two things . but let that pass , and let us speak of number . spain is a nation thin sown of people ; partly by reason of the sterility of the soil ; and partly because their natives are exhausted by so many employments , in such vast territories as they possess . so that it hath bin accounted a kind of miracle , to see ten or twelve thousand native spaniards in an army . and it is certain , ( as we have touched it a little before in passage ) that the secret of the power of spain , consisteth in a veterane army , compounded of miscellany forces of all nations , which for many years they have had on foot upon one occasion or other : and if there should happen the misfortune of a battel , it would be a long work to draw on supplies . they tell a tale of a spanish ambassador , that was brought to see the treasury of st. mark at venice , and still he lookt down to the ground ; and being asked why he so lookt down , said ; he was looking to see whether their treasure had any root , ( so that if it were spent , it would grow again ) as his masters had . but howsoever it be of their treasure , certainly the forces have scarce any root ; or at least such a root , as buddeth forth poorly & slowly . it is true , they have the wallons , who are tall souldiers ; but that is but a spot of ground . but on the other side , there is not in the world again , such a spring and seminary of brave militar people , as in england , scotland , ireland , and the united provinces . so as if wars should mowe them down never so fast , yet they may be suddenly supplyed , and come up again . for money , no doubt it is the principal part of the greatness of spain ; for by that they maintain a veterane army ; and spain is the onely state of europe , that is a money grower . but in this part , of all others , is most to be considered , the tick lish and brittle state of the greatness of spain . their greatness consisteth in their treasure ; their treasure in their indies ; and their indies ( if it be well weighed ) are indeed but an accession to such , as are masters by sea. so as this axeltree whereupon their greatness turneth , is soon cut in two , by any that shall be stronger than they by sea. herein therefore i refer me to the opinions of all men ( enemies , or whomsoever ) whether that the maritime forces of great britain , and the united provinces , be not able to beat the spainard at sea. for if that be so , the links of that chain whereby they hold their greatness , are dissolved . now if it be said , that admit the case of spain be such , as we have made it , yet we ought to descend into our own case , which we shall finde ( perhaps ) not to be in state , ( for treasure ) to enter into a war with spain . to which i answer ; i know no such thing ; the mint beateth well ; and the pulses of the peoples hearts beat well . but there is another point that taketh away quite this objection : for whereas wars are generally causes of poverty , or consumption ; on the contrary part , the special nature of this war with spain , ( if it be made by sea ) is like to be a lucrative and restorative war. so that , if we go roundly on at the first , the war in continuance will find it self . and therefore you must make a great difference between hercules labors by land , and jasons voyage by sea for the golden fleece . for confederates , i will not take upon me the knowledge , how the princes , states , and councels of europe , at this day , stand affected towards spain ; for that trencheth into the secret occurents of the present time , wherewith in all this treatise i have forborn to meddle . but to speak of that which lieth open and in view : i see much matter of quarrel and jealousie , but little of amity and trust towards spain , almost in all other estates . i see france is in competition with them , for three noble portions of their monarchy ; navarre , naples , and millain ; and now freshly in difference with them about the valtoline . i see once in 30 or 40 years cometh a pope , that casteth his eye upon the kingdom of naples , to recover it to the church : as it was in the minds of julius 2. paulus 4. and zistus 5. as for that great body of germany , i see they have greater reason to confederate themselves with the kings of france , and great britain , or denmark , for the liberty of the germane nation , and for the expulsion of spanish and foreign forces , than they had in the years 1552. and 1553. at which time they contracted a league with henry ii. the french king , upon the same articles , against charles v. who had impatronized himself of a great part of germany , through the discord of the german princes , which himself had so wen and fomented , which league at that time did the deed , and drave out all the spaniards out of that part of germany ; and re-integrated that nation in their antient liberty and honor . for the west indies , though spain hath had yet not much actual disturbance there , except it have been from england ; yet nevertheless i see all princes lay a kind of claim unto them ; accounting the title of spain , but as a monopoly of those large countreys , wherein they have , in great part but an imaginary possession . for africk upon the west , the moors of valentia expulsed , and their allies , do yet hang as a cloud or storm over spain . gabor on the east , is like an anniversary wind , that riseth every year upon the party of austria . and persia hath entred into hostolity with spain , and given them the first blow by taking of ormus . it is within every mans observation also , that venice doth think their state almost on fire , if the spaniards hold the valtoline . that savoy hath learnt by fresh experience , that alliance with spain is no security against the ambition of spain ; and that of bavaria hath likewise bin taught , that merit and service doth oblige the spaniard but from day to day . neither do i say , for all this , but that spain may rectifie much of this ill blood , by their particular and cunning negotiations : but yet there it is in the body , and may break out , no man knows when , into ill accidents : but at least it sheweth plainly that which serveth for our purpose ; that spain is much destitute of assur'd and confident confederates . and therefore i will conclude this part , with the speech of a councellor of state , in spain , at this day , which was not without salt. he said to his master , the king of spain , that now is , upon occasion : sir , i will tell your majesty thus much for your comfort ; tour majesty hath but two enemies ; whereof the one is , all the world ; and the other is , tour own ministers . and thus i end the second main part , i propounded to speak of ; which was , the ballancing of the forces , between the kings majesty , and the king of spain , if a war must follow . finis . an advertisement touching an holy war . written in the year , 1622. whereunto the author prefixed an epistle to the bishop of winchester last deceased . london , printed by j. m. for humphrey robinson , and sold by william lee , 1670. to the right reverend father in god lancelot andrews , lord bishop of winchester ; and counsellour of estate to his majesty . my lord , amongst consolations , it is not the least , to represent to a mans self , like examples of calamity in others . for examples give a quicker impression , than arguments ; and besides they certifie us that , which the scripture also tendreth for satisfaction ; that no new thing is happened unto us . this they do the better , by how much the examples , are liker in circumstances , to our own case ; and more especially , if they fell upon persons , that are greater , and worthier , than our selves . for as it savoureth of vanity , to match our selves highly , in our own conceit ; so on the otherside , it is a good sound conclusion , that if our betters have sustained the like events , we have the less cause to be grieved . in this kind of consolation , i have not been wanting to my self , though as a christian , i have tasted ( through gods great goodness , ) of higher remedies . having therefore , through the variety of my reading , set before me , many examples , both of ancient and later times , my thoughts ( i confess ) have chiefly stayed upon three particulars , as the most eminent , and the most resembling . all three persons , that had held chief place of authority in their countries ; all three ruined , not by war , or by any other disaster , but by justice , and sentence , as delinquents , and criminals ; all three famous writers , insomuch as the remembrance of their calamity , is now as to posterity , but as a little picture of night-work , remaining amongst the fair , and excellent tables , of their acts , and works . and all three ( if that were anything to the matter , ) fit examples to quench any mans ambition of rising again ; for that they were every one of them restored with great glory , but to their further ruine and destruction , ending in a violent death . the men were , demosthenes , cicero , and seneca ; persons , that i durst not claim affinity with , except the similitude of our fortunes had contracted it . when i had cast mine eyes upon these examples , i was carried on further to observe , how they did bear their fortunes , and principally , how they did employ their times , being banished , and disabled for publick business : to the end , that i might learn by them ; and that they might be , as well my counsellours , as my comforters . whereupon i happened to note , how diversly , their fortunes wrought upon them , especially in that point , at which i did most aim which was the employing of their times , and pens . in cicero , i saw , that during his banishment , ( which was almost two years , ) he was so softned , and dejected , as he wrote nothing , but a few womanish epistles . and yet , in mine opinion , he had least reason of the three , to be discouraged : for that although it was judged , and judged by the highest kind of judgment , in form of a statute , or law , that he should be banished ; and his whole estate confiscated , and seized ; and his houses pulled down ; and that it should be highly penal , for any man , to propound his repeal ; yet his case , even then , had no great blot of ignominy , but it was thought , but a tempest of popularity , which overthrew him . demosthenes contrariwise , though his case was foul , being condemned for bribery ; and not simple bribery , but bribery in the nature of treason , and disloyalty ; yet nevertheless took so little knowledge of his fortune , as during his banishment , he did much busie himself , and intermeddle with matters of state ; and took upon him to counsel the state , ( as if he had been still at the helm , ) by letters ; as appears by some epistles of his , which are extant . seneca indeed , who was condemned , for many corruptions , and crimes , and banished into a solitary island , kept a mean ; and though his pen did not freese , yet he abstained from intruding into matters of business ; but spent his time , in writing books , of excellent argument , and use , for all ages ; though he might have made better choice , ( sometimes ) of his dedications . these examples confirmed me much in a resolution , ( whereunto i was otherwise inclined , ) to spend my time wholly in writing ; and to put forth that poor talent , or half talent , or what it is , that god hath given me , not as heretofore to particular exchanges , but to banks , or mounts of perpetuity , which will not break . therefore having not long since , set forth a part of my instauration ; which is the work , that in mine own judgment , ( si nunquam fallit imago , ) i do most esteem ; i think to proceed in some new paris thereof . and although i have received from many parts beyond the seas , testimonies touching that work , such as beyond which i could not expect at the first , in so abstruse an argument ; yet nevertheless i have just cause to doubt , that it flies too high over mens heads : i have a purpose therefore , ( though i break the order of time , ) to draw it down to the sense , by some patterns of a natural story , and inquisition . and again , for that my book of advancement of learning , may be some preparative , or key , for the better opening of the instauration ; because it exhibits a mixture , of new conceits , and old ; whereas the instauration , gives the new unmixed , otherwise than with some little aspersion of the old , for tastes sake ; i have thought good to procure a translation of that book , into the general language , not without great and ample additions , and enrichment thereof ; especially in the second book , which handleth the partition of sciences : in such sort , as i hold it may serve , in lieu of the first part , of the instauration , and acquit my promise in that part . again , because i cannot altogether desert , the civil person , that i have born ; which if i should forget , enough would remember ; i have also entred into a work touching laws ; propounding a character of justice , in a middle term , between the speculative , and reverend discourses of philosophers , and the writings of lawyers , which are tied , and obnoxious to their particular laws . and although it be true , that i had a purpose , to make a particular digest , or recompilement , of the laws , of mine own nation ; yet because it is a work of assistance , and that , that i cannot master by mine own forces , and pen , i have laid it aside . now having in the work of my instauration , had in contemplation , the general good of men , in their very being , and the dowries of nature ; and in my work of laws , the general good of men likewise , in society , and the dowries of government ; i thought in duty i owed somewhat unto mine own country , which i ever loved ; insomuch as although my place , hath been far above my desert , yet my thoughts , and cares concerning the good thereof , were beyond , and over , and above my place : so now being ( as i am ) no more able to do my country service , it remained unto me , to do it honour : which i have endeavoured to do , in my work , of the reign , of king henry the seventh . as for my essayes , and some other particulars of that nature , i count them , but as the recreations of my other studies , and in that sort purpose to continue them ; though i am not ignorant , that those kind of writings , would , with less pains , and embracement , ( perhaps , ) yield more lustre , and reputation to my name , than those other , which i have in hand . but i account the vse , that a man should seek , of the publishing of his own writings before his death , to be but an untimely anticipation of that , which is proper to follow a man , and not to go along with him . but revolving with my self , my writings , as well those which i have published , as those , which i had in hand , me thought they went all into the city , and none into the temple ; where because i have found , so great consolation , i desire likewise to make some poor oblation . therefore i have chosen an argument , mixt of religious and civil considerations ; and likewise mixt between contemplative , and active . for who can tell , whether there may not be an exoriere aliquis ? great matters ( especially if they be religious ) have ( many times ) small beginnings ; and the platform , may draw on the building . this work , because i was ever an enemy to flattring dedications , i have dedicated to your lordship ; in respect of our ancient , and private acquaintance ; and because amongst the men of our times , i hold you in especial reverence . your lordships loving friend , fr. st. alban . an advertisement touching an holy war . the persons that speak . evsebivs . gamaliel . zebedaeus . martivs . evpolis . pollio . there met at paris , ( in the house of eupolis , ) eusebius , zebedaeus , gamaliel , martius ; all persons of eminent quality , but of several dispositions . eupolis himself was also present : and while they were set in conference , pollio came in to them from court ; and as soon as he saw them , after his witty and pleasant manner , he said . pollio . here be four of you , i think , were able to make a good world ; for you are as differing as the four elements , and yet you are friends . as for eupolis , because he is temperate , and without passion , he may be the fifth essence . eupolis . if we five ( pollio , ) make the great world , you alone may make the little ; because you profess and practise both , to refer all things to your self . pollio . and what do they that practise it , and profess it not ? eupolis . they are the less hardy , and the more dangerous . but come , and sit down with us , for we were speaking of the affairs of christendom , at this day : wherein we would be glad also , to have your opinion . pollio . my lords , i have journeyed this morning , and it is now the heat of the day ; therefore your lordships discourses had need content my ears very well , to make them entreat mine eyes to keep open . but yet if you will give me leave to awake you , when i think your discourses do but sleep , i will keep watch the best i can . eupolis . you cannot do us a greater favour . only i fear , you will think all our discourses , to be but the better sort of dreams : for good wishes , without power to effect , are not much more . but sir , when you came in , martius had both raised our attentions , and affected us with some speech he had begun ; and it falleth out well , to shake off your drowsiness , for it seemed to be the trumpet of a war. and therefore , ( martius , ) if it please you , to begin again ; for the speech was such , as deserveth to be heard twice ; and i assure you , your auditory is not a little amended , by the presence of pollio . martius . when you came in , ( pollio , ) i was saying freely to these lords , that i had observed , how by the space now , of half a century of years , there had been ( if i may speak it , ) a kind of meanness , in the designes , and enterprises of christendom . wars with subjects ; like an angry sute for a man 's own , that might be better ended by accord . some petty acquests of a town , or a spot of territory ; like a farmers purchase of a close , or nook of ground , that lay fit for him . and although the wars had been , for a naples , or a millain , or a portugal , or a bohemia , yet these wars were but as the wars of heathen , ( of athens , or sparta , or rome , ) for secular interest , or ambition , not worthy the warfare of christians . the church ( indeed ) maketh her missions , into the extream parts of the nations , and isles ; and it is well : but this is , ecce vnus gladius hic . the christian princes , and potentates are they , that are wanting , to the propagation of the faith , by their arms. yet our lord , that said on earth , to the disciples , ite & praedicate ; said from heaven , to constantine , in hoc signo vince . what christian souldier is there , that will not be touched , with a religious emulation , to see an order of jesus , or of saint francis , or of saint augustine , do such service , for enlarging the christian borders ; and an order of saint fago , or saint michael , or saint george , only to robe , and feast , and perform rites , and observances ? surely the merchants themselves , shall rise in judgment against the princes , and nobles of europe : for they have made a great path , in the seas , unto the ends of the world ; and set forth ships , and forces , of spanish , english , and dutch , enough to make china tremble ; and all this for pearl , or stone , or spices : but for the pearl of the kingdom of heaven , or the stones of the heavenly hierusalem , or the spices of the spouses garden , not a mast hath been set up . nay they can make shift , to shed christian bloud , so far off amongst themselves , and not a drop for the cause of christ. but let me recall my self ; i must acknowledge , that within the space of fifty years ( whereof i spake , ) there have been three noble , and memorable actions , upon the infidels , wherein the christian hath been the invader . for where it is , upon the defensive , i reckon it , a war of nature , and not of piety . the first was , that famous and fortunate war by sea , that ended in the victory of lepanto ; which hath put a hook into the nostrils of the ottomans , to this day : which was the work ( chiefly ) of that excellent pope , pius quintus ; whom i wonder his successours have not declared a saint . the second was , the noble , though unfortunate , expedition , of sebastian king of portugal , upon asrick , which was atchieved by him alone ; so alone , as left somewhat for others to excuse . the last was , the brave incursions of sigismund the transilvanian prince ; the thred of whose prosperity was cut off , by the christians themselves ; contrary to the worthy and paternal monitories of pope clement the eighth . more than these , i do not remember . pol. no! what say you , to the extirpation of the moors of valentia ? at which sudden question , martius was a little at a stop , and gamaliel prevented him , and said . gamaliel . i think martius did well in omitting that action , for i , for my part , never approved it ; and it seems , god was not well pleased with that deed ; for you see the king , in whose time it passed , ( whom you catholicks count a saint-like , and immaculate prince , ) was taken away , in the flower of his age : and the author , and great counsellour of that rigour , ( whose fortunes seemed to be built upon the rock , ) is ruined : and it is thought by some , that the reckonings of that business , are not yet clear'd with spain : for that numbers of those supposed moors , being tried now by their exile , continue constant in the faith , and true christians in all points , save in the thirst of revenge . zebed . make not hasty judgment , ( gamaliel , ) of that great action ; which was as christs fan , in those countries ; except you could shew , some such covenant , from the crown of spain , as josuah made with the gibeonites ; that that cursed seed should continue in the land. and you see , it was done by edict , not tumultuously ; the sword was not put into the peoples hand . eupol . i think , martius did omit it , not as making any judgment of it , either way ; but because it sorted not aptly , with actions of war , being upon subjects , and without resistance . but let us , if you think good , give martius leave , to proceed in his discourse ; for methought he spake , like a divine in armour . martius . it is true , ( eupolis , ) that the principal object , which i have before mine eyes , in that whereof i speak , is piety , and religion . but nevertheless , if i should speak only as a natural man , i should perswade the same thing . for there is no such enterprise , at this day , for secular greatness , and terrene honour , as a war upon infidels . neither do i , in this , propound a novelty , or imagination , but that , which is proved by late examples of the same kind , though perhaps of less difficulty . the castilians , the age before that wherein we live , opened the new world ; and subdued , and planted mexico , peru , chile , and other parts of the west indies . we see what floods of treasure , have flowed into europe , by that action ; so that the cense , or rates of christendom , are raised since ten times , yea twenty times told . of this treasure , it is true , the gold was accumulate , and store treasure , for the most part ; but the silver is still growing . besides , infinite is the access of territory , and empire , by the same enterprise . for there was never an hand drawn , that did double the rest , of the habitable world , before this ; for so a man may truly term it , if he shall put to account , as well that that is , as that which may be hereafter , by the further occupation , and colonizing of those countries . and yet it cannot be affirmed , ( if one speak ingenuously , ) that it was the propagation of the christian faith , that was the adamant of that discovery , entry , and plantation ; but gold , and silver , and temporal profit , and glory : so that , what was first in gods providence , was but second in mans appetite , and intention . the like may be said , of the famous navigations , and conquests of emanuel , king of portugal , whose armes began to circle africk and asia ; and to acquire not only the trade of spices , and stones , and musk , and drugs , but footing , and places , in those extream parts of the east . for neither in this , was religion the principal , but amplification , and enlargement , of riches , and dominion . and the effect , of these two enterprises , is now such , that both the east , and the west indies , being met in the crown of spain , it is come to pass , that as one saith in a brave kind of expression ; the sun never sets in the spanish dominions , but ever shines , upon one part , or other of them : which , to say truly , is a beam of glory , though i cannot say , it is so solid a body of glory , wherein the crown of spain , surpasseth all the former monarchies . so as to conclude , we may see , that in these actions upon gentiles , or infidels , only or chiefly , both the spiritual , and temporal , honour and good , have been in one pursuit and purchase conjoyned . pol. methinks , with your favour , you should remember , ( martins , ) that wild , and savage people , are like beasts , and birds , which are ferae naturae , the property of which passeth with the possession , and goeth to the occupant ; but of civil people , it is not so . mar. i know no such difference , amongst reasonable souls ; but that what soever is in order , to the greatest , and most general good of people , may justifie the action , be the people more , or less civil . but , ( eupolis ) i shall not easily grant , that the people of peru , or mexico , were such brute savages , as you intend ; or that there should be any such difference between them , and many of the infidels , which are now in other parts . in peru , though they were unapparelled people , according to the clime ; and had some customs very barbarous ; yet the government of the incae's , had many parts of humanity , and civility . they had reduced the nations , from the adoration of a multitude of idols and fancies , to the adoration of the sun. and , as i remember , the book of wisdom noteth degrees of idolatry ; making that of worshipping petty and vile idols , more gross , than simply the worshipping of the creature . and some of the prophets , as i take it , do the like , in the metaphore , of more ugly , and bestial fornication . the peruvians also , ( under the incaes , ) had magnificent temples of their superstition ; they had strict and regular justice ; they bare great faith , and obedience to their kings ; they proceeded in a kind of martial justice with their enemies , offering them their law , as better for their own good , before they drew their sword. and much like , was the state of mexico , being an elective monarchy . as for those people of the east , ( goa , calecute , malaca , ) they were a fine , and dainty people , frugal , and yet elegant , though not militar . so that if things be rightly weighed , the empire of the turks may be truly affirmed , to be more barbarous , than any of these . a cruel tyranny , bathed in the blood of their emperours , upon every succession : a heap of vassals and slaves : no nobles , no gentlemen : no free-men , no inheritance of land , no stirp or ancient families : a people that is without natural affection , and , as the scripture saith , that regardeth not the desires of women : and without piety , or care towards their children : a nation without morality , without letters , arts , or sciences ; that can scarce measure an acre of land , or an hour of the day : base and sluttish in buildings , diets , and the like : and in a word , a very reproach of human society : and yet this nation hath made the garden of the world , a wilderness ; for that , as it is truly said , concerning 〈◊〉 turks ; where ottomans horse sets his foot , people will come 〈◊〉 thin . pollio . yet in the midst of your invective , ( martius , ) do the turks this right , as to remember , that they are no idolaters : for if , as you say , there be a difference , between worshipping a 〈◊〉 idol , and the sun ; there is a much greater difference , between worshipping a creature , and the creator . for the turks do acknowledge god the father , creator of heaven , and earth , being the first person in the trinity , though they deny the rest . at which speech , when martius made some pause , zebedaeus replied with a countenance of great reprehension , and severity . zebed . we must take heed , ( pollio , ) that we fall not at unawares , into the heresie of manuel comnenus , emperour of grecia ; who affirmed , that mahomets god , was the true god ; which opinion was not only rejected , and condemned by the synod , but imputed to the emperour , as extream madness ; being reproached to him also , by the bishop of thessalonica , in those bitter , and strange words , as are not to be named . martius . i confess , that it is my opinion , that a war upon the turk , is more worthy , than upon any other gentiles , infidels , or savages , that either have been , or now are , both in point of religion , and in point of honour ; though facility , and hope of success , might ( perhaps ) invite some other choice . but before i proceed , both my self would be glad to take some breath ; and i shall frankly desire , that some of your lordships would take your turn to speak , that can do it better . but chiefly , for that i see here some , that are excellent interpreters of the divine law , though in several ways ; and that i have reason to distrust mine own judgment , both as weak in it self , and as that , which may be overborn by my zeal , and affection to this cause . i think it were an errour to speak further , till i may see some sound foundation laid , of the lawfulness of the action , by them that are better versed in that argument . eupolis . i am glad , ( martius , ) to see in a person of your profession , so great moderation , in that you are not transported in an action , that warms the blood , and is appearing holy , to blaunch , or take for admitted , the point of lawfulness . and because methinks this conference prospers , if your lordships will give me leave , i will make some motion , touching the distribution of it into parts . unto which , when they all assented , eupolis said . eupolis . i think , it would not sort amiss , if zebedaeus would be pleased , to handle the question ; whether a war , for the propagation of the christian faith , without other cause of hostility , be lawful , or no , and in what cases ? i confess also , i would be glad to go a little further ; and to hear it spoken to , concerning the lawfulness , not only permissively , but whether it be not obligatory , to christian princes , and states , to design it : which part , if it please gamaliel to undertake , the point of the lawfulness , taken simply , will be compleat . yet there resteth the comparative : that is , it being granted , that it is either lawful , or binding , yet whether other things be not to be preferr'd before it ; as extirpation of heresies ; reconcilements of schisms ; pursuit of lawful temporal rights , and quarrels ; and the like : and how far this enterprise , ought either to wait upon these other matters ; or to be mingled with them ; or to pass by them , and give law to them , as inferiour unto it self ; and because this is a great part , and eusebius hath yet said nothing , we will , by way of mulct , or pain , if your lordships think good , lay it upon him . all this while , i doubt much , that pollio , who hath a sharp wit of discovery , towards what is solid and real , and what is specious and aiery , will esteem all this but impossibilities , and eagles in the clouds : and therefore we shall all intreat him , to crush this argument , with his best forces ; that by the light , we shall take from him , we may either cast it away , if it be found but a bladder ; or discharge it , of so much as is vain , and not sperable . and because , i confess , i my self am not of that opinion , although it be an hard encounter to deal with pollio , yet i shall do my best , to prove the enterprise possible ; and to shew , how all impediments may be either removed , or overcomen . and then it will be fit for martius , ( if we do not desert it before , ) to resume his further discourse , as well for the perswasive , as for the consult , touching the means , preparations , and all that may conduce unto the enterprise . but this is but my wish , your lordships will put it into better order . they all not only allowed the distribution , but accepted the parts : but because the day was spent , they agreed , to defer it , till the next morning . only pollio said . pollio . you take me right , ( eupolis ; ) for i am of opinion , that except you could bray christendom in a mortar , and mould it into a new past , there is no possibilitie of an holy war. and i was ever of opinion , that the philosophers stone , and an holy war , were but the rendezvous of crackt brains , that wore their feather in their head , instead of their hat. nevertheless , believe me of courtesie , that if you five shall be of another mind , especially after you have heard what i can say , i shall be ready to certifie with hippocrates , that athens is mad , and democritus is only sober . and lest you should take me for altogether adverse , i will frankly contribute to the business , now at first . ye , no doubt , will amongst you devise and discourse many solemn matters : but do as i shall tell you . this pope is decrepit , and the bell goeth for him . take order , that when he is dead , there be chosen a pope of fresh years , between fifty and threescore ; and see that he take the name of urban , because a pope of that name did first institute the cruzada ; and , ( as with an holy trumpet , ) did stir up the voyage , for the holy land. eupolis . you say well ; but be , i pray you , a little more serious in this conference . the next day , the same persons met , as they had appointed ; and after they were set , and that there had passed some sporting speeches from pollio , how the war was already begun ; for that , ( he said ) he had dream't of nothing but janizaries , and tartars , and sultans all the night long , martius said . martius . the distribution of this conference , which was made by eupolis yesternight , and was by us approved , seemeth to me perfect , save in one point ; and that is , not in the number , but in the placing of the parts . for it is so disposed , that pollio and eupolis , shall debate the possibility , or impossibility of the action , before i shall deduce the particulars of the means , and manner , by which it is to be atchieved . now i have often observed in deliberations , that the entring near hand , into the manner of performance , and execution of that , which is under deliberation , hath quite overturn'd the opinion formerly conceiv'd , of the possibility , or impossibility . so that things , that at the first shew , seemed possible , by ripping up the performance of them , have been convicted of impossibility ; and things , that , on the other side , have shewed impossible , by the declaration of the means to effect them , as by a back light , have appeared possible , the way thorow them being discerned . this i speak , not to alter the order , but only to desire pollio , and eupolis , not to speak peremptorily , or conclusively , touching the point of possibility , till they have heard me deduce the means of the execution : and that done , to reserve themselves at liberty for a reply , after they had before them , as it were , a model of the enterprise . this grave and solid advertisement , and caution of martius , was much commended by them all ; whereupon eupolis said . eupolis . since martius hath begun to refine that , which was yesternight resolved ; i may the better have leave , ( especially in the mending of a proposition , which was mine own , ) to remember an omission , which is more than a misplacing . for i doubt , we ought to have added , or inserted into the point of lawfulness , the question ; how far an holy war is to be pursued , whether to displanting , and exterminion of people ? and again , whether to enforce a new belief , and to vindicate , or punish infidelity ; or only to subject the countries and people ; and so , by the temporal sword , to open a door , for the spiritual sword to enter , by perswasion , instruction , and such means , as are proper for souls and consciences ? but it may be , neither is this necessary , to be made a part by it self ; for that zebedaeus , in his wisdom will fall into it , as an incident to the point of lawfulness , which cannot be handled without limitations , and distinctions . zebedaeus . you encourage me , ( eupolis , ) in that i perceive , how in your judgment , ( which i do so much esteem , ) i ought to take that course , which of my self i was purposed to do . for as martius noted well , that it is but a loose thing , to speak of possibilities , without the particular designs ; so is it , to speak of lawfulness , without the particular cases . i will therefore , first of all , distinguish the cases ; though you shall give me leave in the handling of them , not to sever them , with too much preciseness : for both it would cause needless length ; and we are not now in arts , or methods , but in a conference . it is therefore , first to be put to question in general , ( as eupolis propounded it , ) whether it be lawful for christian princes , or states , to make an invasive war , only and simply , for the propagation of the faith , without other cause of hostility , or circumstance , that may provoke and induce the war ? secondly , whether it being made part of the case , that the countries were once christian , and members of the church , and where the golden candlesticks did stand , though now they be utterly alienated , and no christians left ; it be not lawful to make a war , to restore them to the church , as an ancient patrimony of christ ? thirdly , if it be made a further part of the case , that there are yet remaining in the countries , multitudes of christians , whether it be not lawful to make a war , to free them , and deliver them , from the servitude of the infidels ? fourthly , whether it be not lawful to make a war , for the purging , and recovery of consecrate places , being now polluted , and prophaned ; as the holy city , and sepulchre , and such other places of principal adoration , and devotion ? fifthly , whether it be not lawful , to make a war , for the revenge , or vindication of blasphemies , and reproaches , against the deity , and our blessed saviour ; or for the effusion of christian blood , and cruelties against christians , though ancient , and long since past ; considering that gods visits , are without limitation of time ; and many times , do but expect the fullness of the sin ? sixthly , it is to be considered , ( as eupolis now last well remembred , ) whether a holy war , ( which , as in the worthiness of the quarrel , so in the justness of the prosecution , ought to exceed all temporal wars , ) may be pursued , either to the expulsion of people , or the enforcement of consciences , or the like extremities ; or how to be moderated , and limited ; lest whilst we remember we are christians , we forget that others are men ; but there is a point , that precedeth all these points recited ; nay , and in a manner dischargeth them , in the particular of a war against the turk : which point , i think , would not have come into my thought , but that martius giving us yesterday , a representation of the empire of the turks , with no small vigour of words , ( which you ( pollio ) called an invective , but was indeed a true charge , ) did put me in mind of it : and the more i think upon it , the more i settle in opinion ; that a war , to suppress that empire , though we set aside the cause of religion , were a just war. after zebedaeus had said this , he made a pause , to see whether any of the rest would say any thing : but when he perceived nothing , but silence , and signs of attention , to that he would further say , he proceeded thus . zebedaeus . your lordships will not look for a treatise from me , but a speech of consultation ; and in that brevity and manner , will i speak . first , i shall agree , that as the cause of a war ought to be just ; so the justice of that cause ought to be evident ; not obscure , not scrupulous . for by the consent of all laws , in capital causes , the evidence must be full and clear : and if so , where one mans life is in question , what say we to a war , which is ever the sentence of death upon many ? we must beware therefore , how we make a moloch , or an heatlien idol , of our blessed saviour , in sacrificing the blood of men to him , by an unjust war. the justice of every action , consisteth in the merits of the cause , the warrant of the jurisdiction , and the form of the prosecution . as for the inward intention , i leave it , to the court of heaven . of these things severally , as they may have relation to the present subject of a war against infidels ; and namely , against the most potent , and most dangerous enemy of the faith , the turk . i hold , and i doubt not , but i shall make it plain , ( as far as a sum , or breef can make a cause plain , ) that a war against the turk , is lawful , both by the laws of nature , and nations ; and by the law divine , which is the perfection of the other two . as for the laws positive , and civil of the romans , or other whatsoever , they are too small engins , to move the weight of this question . and therefore , in my judgment , many of the late schoolmen , ( though excellent men , ) take not the right way in disputing this question ; except they had the gift of navius , that they could cotem novaculâ scindere ; hew stones with pen-knives . first , for the law of nature . the philosopher aristotle is no ill interpreter thereof . he hath set many men on work , with a witty speech of naturâ dominus , and naturâ servus ; affirm ing expresly , and positively ; that from the very nativity , some things are born to rule , and some things to obey . which oracle hath been taken in diverssenses . some have taken it , for a speech of ostentation , to entitle the grecians to an empire over the barbarians ; which indeed was better maintained by his scholar alexander . some have taken it , for a speculative platform , that reason and nature would , that the best should govern ; but , not in any wise to create a right . but for my part , i take it neither for a brag , nor for a wish ; but for a truth , as he limiteth it . for he saith , that if there can be found , such an inequality between man and man , as there is between man and beast , or between soul and body , it investeth a right of government ; which seemeth rather an impossible case , than an untrue sentence . but i hold both the judgment true , and the case possible ; and such as hath had , and hath a being , both in particular men , and nations . but ere we go further , let us confine ambiguities , and mistakings , that they trouble us not . first , to say , that the more capable , or the better deserver , hath such right to govern , as he may compulsorily bring under the less worthy , is idle . men will never agree upon it , who is the more worthy . for it is not only in order of nature , for him to govern , that is the more intelligent , as aristotle would have it ; but there is no less required for government , courage to protect ; and , above all , honesty , and probity of the will , to abstain from injury . so fitness to govern , is a perplexed business . some men , some nations , excel in the one ability , some in the other . therefore the position , which i intend , is not in the comparative , that the wiser , or the stouter , or the juster nation should govern ; but in the privative , that where there is an heap of people ( though we term it a kingdom , or state , ) that is altogether unable , or indign to govern ; there it is a just cause of war , for another nation , that is civil , or polliced , to subdue them : and this , though it were to be done , by a cyrus , or a caesar , that were no christian. the second mistaking , to be banished , is ; that i understand not this of a personal tyranny , as was the state of rome , under a caligula , or a nero , or a commodus ; shall the nation suffer for that wherein they suffer ? but when the constitution of the state , and the fundamental customs , and laws of the same , ( if laws they may be called , ) are against the laws of nature , and nations , then i say , a war upon them is lawful . i shall divide the question into three parts . first , whether there be , or may be , any nation , or society of men , against whom it is lawful to make a war , without a precedent injury , or provocation ? secondly , what are those breaches of the law of nature , and nations , which do forfeit , and devest , all right , and title , in a nation to govern ? and thirdly , whether those breaches of the law of nature , and nations , be found in any nation , at this day ; and namely in the empire of the ottomans ? for the first , i hold it clear , that such nations , or states , or societies of people , there may be , and are . there cannot be a better ground laid , to declare this , than to look into the original donation of government . observe it well ; especially the inducement , or preface . saith god : let us make man after our own image , and let him have dominion , over the fishes of the sea , and the fowls of the air , and the beasts of the land , &c. hereupon de victoria , and with him some others , infer excellently , and extract , a most true , and divine aphorism ; non sundatur dominium , nisi in imagine dei. here we have the charter of foundation : it is now the more easie to judg of the forfeiture , or reseisure . deface the image , and you devest the right . but what is this image , and how is it defaced ? the poor men of lyons , and some fanatical spirits will tell you , that the image of god , is purity ; and the defacement sin. but this subverteth all government : neither did adams sin , or the curse upon it , deprive him of his rule , but left the creatures , to a rebellion , or reluctation . and therefore , if you note it attentively , when this charter was renewed unto noah , and his sons , it is not by the words , tou shall have dominion : but , your fear shall be upon all the beasts of the land , and the birds of the air , and all that moveth ; not re-granting the soveraignty , which stood firm ; but protecting it against the reluctation . the sound interpreters therefore , expound this image of god , of natural reason ; which if it be totally , or mostly defaced , the right of government doth cease : and if you mark all the interpreters well , still they doubt of the case , and not of the law. but this is properly to be spoken to , in handling the second point , when we shall define of the defacements . to go on . the prophet hosea , in the person of god , saith of the jews ; they have reigned , but not by me ; they have set a signory over themselves , but i knew nothing of it . which place proveth plainly , that there are governments , which god doth not avow . for though they be ordained by his secret providence , yet they are not knowledged by his revealed will : neither can this be meant of evil governours , or tyrants : for they are often avowed , and stablished , as lawful potentates ; but of some perversness and defection , in the very nation it self ; which appeareth most manifestly , in that the prophet speaketh , of the signory in abstracto , and not of the person of the lord. and although some hereticks , of those we speak of , have abused this text , yet the sun is not soiled in passage . and again , if any man infer , upon the words of the prophets following , ( which declare this rejection , and to use the words of the text , rescision of their estate , to have been for their idolatry , ) that by this reason , the governments of all idolatrous nations , should be also dissolved , ( which is manifestly untrue , ) in my judgment it followeth not . for the idolatry of the jews then , and the idolatry of the heathen then and now , are sins of a far differing nature , in regard of the special covenant , and the clear manifestations , wherein god did contract , and exhibit himself to that nation . this nullity of policy , and right of estate , in some nations , is yet more significantly expressed , by moses in his canticle : in the person of god to the jews : ye have incensed me with gods , that are no gods , and i will incense you with a people , that are no people . such as were ( no doubt ) the people of canaan , after seisin was given , of the land of promise , to the israelites . for from that time , their right to the land was dissolved , though they remained in many places unconquered . by this we may see , that there are nations in name , that are no nations in right , but multitudes only , and swarms of people . for like as there are particular persons , utlawed , and proscribed by civil laws , of several countries ; so are there nations , that are utlawed , and proscribed , by the law of nature , and nations ; or by the immediate commandment of god. and as there are kings de facto , and not de jure , in respect of the nullity of their title ; so are there nations , that are occupants de facto , and not de jure , of their territories , in respect of the nullity , of their policy , or government . but let us take in some examples , into the midst of our proofs ; for they will prove as much as put after ; and illustrate more . it was never doubted , but a war upon pyrates , may be lawfully made , by any nation , though not infested , or violated by them . is it because , they have not certas sedes , or lares ? in the pyratical war , which was atchieved by pompey the great , and was his truest , and greatest glory ; the pyrates had some cities , sundry ports , and a great part of the province of cilicia ; and the pyrates now being have a receptacle , and mansion in algiers . beasts are not the less savage ; because they have dens . is it because the danger hovers , as a cloud , that a man cannot tell , where it will fall ; and so it is every mans case . the reason is good ; but it is not all , nor that which is most alledged . for the true received reason is , that pyrates are communes humani generis hostes ; whom all nations are to prosecute , not so much in the right of their own fears , as upon the band of humane society . for as there are formal and written leagues , respective to certain enemies ; so is there a natural , and tacite confederation , amongst all men , against the common enemy of humane society . so as there needs no intimation , or denunciation of the war ; there needs no request from the nation grieved ; but all these formalities , the law of nature supplies , in the case of pyrates . the same is the case of rovers by land ; such as yet are some cantons in arabia ; and some petty kings of the mountains , adjacent to streights , and ways . neither is it lawful , only for the neighbour princes , to destroy such pyrates , or rovers ; but if there were any nation , never so far off , that would make it an enterprise of merit , and true glory , ( as the romans , that made a war for the liberty of grecia , from a distant and remote part , ) no doubt they might do it . i make the same judgment , of that kingdom of the assasins , now destroyed , which was situate upon the borders of saraca ; and was , for a time , a great terrour to all the princes of the levant . there the custom was , that upon the commandment of their king , and a blind obedience to be given thereunto , any of them was to undertake , in the nature of a votary , the insidious murther of any prince , or person , upon whom the commandment went. this custom , without all question , made their whole government void , as an engine built against humane society , worthy by all men to be fired , and pulled down . i say the like , of the anabaptists of munster ; and this , although they had not been rebels to the empire : and put case likewise , that they had done no mischief at all actually : yet if there shall be a congregation , and consent of people , that shall hold all things to be lawful ; not according to any certain laws , or rules , but according to the secret , and variable motions , and instincts of the spirit ; this is indeed no nation , no people , no signory , that god doth know : any nation , that is civil , and polliced , may ( if they will not be reduced , ) cut them off , from the face of the earth . now let me put a feigned case , ( and yet antiquity makes it doubtful , whether it were fiction , or history , ) of a land of amazons , where the whole government , publick and private , yea the militia it self , was in the hands of women . i demand , is not such a preposterous government , ( against the first order of nature , for women to rule over men , ) in it self void , and to be suppressed ? i speak not of the reign of women ; ( for that is supplied by counsel , and subordinate magistrates masculine ; ) but where the regiment of state , justice , families , is all managed by women . and yet this last case , differeth from the other before : because in the rest there is terrour of danger , but in this there is only errour of nature . neither should i make any great difficulty , to affirm the same , of the sultanry of the mamaluches ; where slaves , and none but slaves , bought for money , and of unknown descent , reigned over families of free-men . and much like were the case , if you suppose a nation , where the custom were , that after full age , the sons should expulse their fathers , and mothers , out of their possessions , and put them to their pensions : for these cases , of women to govern men , sons the fathers , slaves free-men , are much in the same degree ; all being total violations and perversions , of the laws of nature , and nations . for the west-indies , i perceive ( martins ) you have read garcilazzo de viega , who himself was descended of the race of the incaes , a mestizo , and is willing to make the best , of the vertues and manners of his country . and yet , in troth , he doth it soberly , and credibly enough . yet you shall hardly edifie me , that those nations might not , by the law of nature , have been subdued by any nation , that had only policy , and moral vertue ; though the propagation of the faith , ( whereof we shall speak in the proper place , ) were set by , and not made part of the case . surely , their nakedness , ( being with them , in most parts of that country , without all vail or covering , ) was a great defacement : for in the acknowledgment of 〈◊〉 , was the first sense of sin : and the heresie of the adamites , was ever accounted an affront of nature . but upon these i stand not : nor yet upon their idiocy , in thinking that horses did eat their bitts , and letters speak , and the like . nor yet upon their sorceries , which are ( almost ) common to all idolatrous nations . but , i say , their sacrificing , and , more especially , their eating of men , is such an abomination , as ( methinks ) a mans face should be a little confused , to deny , that this custom joyned with the rest , did not make it lawful , for the spaniards to invade their territory , forfeited by the law of nature ; and either to reduce them , or displant them . but far 〈◊〉 from me , yet nevertheless to justifie the cruelties , which were at first used towards them ; which had their reward soon after ; there being not one of the principal , of the first conquerors , lut died a violen death himself ; and was well followed by the deaths of many more . of examples enough : except we should add the labours of hercules : an example , which though it be flourished with much fabulous matter , yet so much it hath , that it doth notably set 〈◊〉 , the consent of all nations , and ages , in the approbation of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and debellating of gyants , monsters , and foren 〈◊〉 , not only as lawful , but as meritorious , even of divine 〈◊〉 . and this , although the deliverer came , from the one end of the world , unto the other . let us now set down some arguments , to prove the same ; regarding rather weight , than number , as in such a conserence as this is fit . the first argument shall be this . it is a great errour , and a narrowness , or straightness of mind , if any man think , that nations have nothing to do one with another , except there be , either an union in soveraignty , or a conjunction in pacts or leagues . there are other bands of society , and implicite confederation . that of colonies , or transmigrants , towards their mother nation . 〈◊〉 unius labii is somewhat ; for as the confusion of tongues , was a mark of separation , so the being of one language , is a mark of union . to have the same fundamental laws , and customs , in chief , is yet more ; as it was between the grecians , in respect of the barbarians . to be of one sect , or worship ; if it be a false worship , i speak not of it , for that is but fratres in malo. but above all these , there is the supream , and indissoluble consanguinity , and society , between men in general : of which the heathen poet , ( whom the apostle calls to witness , ) saith ; we are all his generation . but much more , we christians , unto whom it is revealed in particularity , that all men came from one lump of earth ; and that two singular persons , were the parents , from whom all the generations of the world are descended . we ( i say ) ought to acknowledge , that no nations , are wholly aliens , and strangers , the one to the other : and not to be less charitable , than the person introduced by the comick poet ; homosum , humani nihil à me alienum puto . now if there be such a tacite league , or confederation , sure it is not idle ; it is against somewhat , or some body : who should they be ? is it against wild beasts ? or the elements , of fire , and water ? no , it is against such routs , and sholes of people , as have utterly degenerate , from the laws of nature ; as have , in their very body , and frame of estate , a monsirosity ; and may be truly accounted , ( according to the examples we have formerly recited , ) common enemies , and grievances of mankind ; or disgraces , and reproaches to humane nature . such people , all nations are interessed , and ought to be resenting , to suppress ; considering that the particular states themselves , being the delinquents , can give no redress . and this i say , is not to be measured so much , by the principles of jurists , as by lex charitatis ; lex proximi , which includes the samaritan , as well as the levite ; lex filiorum adae de massâ unâ : upon which original laws , this opinion is grounded : which to deny , ( if a man may speak freely , ) were almost to be a schismatick in nature . the rest was not perfected . an offer to our late sovereign king james , of a digest to be made of the laws of england . london , printed by j. m. for humphrey robinson , and sold by william lee , 1670. to the king ; of a digest to be made of the laws of england . most excellent soveraign , amongst the degrees and acts of soveraign , or rather heroical honour , the first , or second , is the person , and merit , of a lam-giver . princes that govern well , are fathers of the people . but if a father breed his son well , or allow him well , while he liveth , but leave him nothing at his death ; whereby both he , and his children , and his childrens children may be the better ; surely the care and piety of a father , is not in him compleat . so kings , if they make a portion of an age happy by their good government , yet if they do not make testaments , ( as god almighty doth , ) whereby a perpetuity of good may descend to their country , they are but mortal and transitory benefactors . domitian , a few days before he died , dream't , that a golden head did rise upon the nape of his neck . which was truly performed in the golden age , that followed his times , for five successions . but kings , by giving their subjects good laws , may ( if they will ) in their own time , joyn and graft this golden head , upon their own necks , after their death . nay they may make nabuchadonozors image of monarchy , golden from head to foot. and if any of the meaner sort of politiques , that are sighted only to see the worst of things , think ; that laws are but cobwebs , and that good princes will do well without them , and bad will not stand much upon them ; the discourse is neither good , nor wise . for certain it is , that good laws , are some bridle to bad princes ; and as a very wall about government . and if tyrants ( sometime ) make a breach into them , yet they mollifie even tyranny it self ; as solons laws did the tyranny of pisistratus : and then ( commonly ) they get up again , upon the first advantage of better times . other means to perpetuate the memory , and merits of soveraign princes , are inferiour to this . buildings of temples , tombs , palaces , theaters , and the like , are honourable things , and look big upon posterity . but constantine the great gave the name well to those works , when he used to call trajan , that was a great builder , parietaria , wall-flower ; because his name was upon so many walls . so if that be the matter , that a king would turn wall-flower , or fellitory of the wall , with cost he may . adrian's vein was better ; for his mind was to wrestle a fall with time ; and being a great progressour through all the roman empire , when ever he found any decaies of bridges , or high-ways , or cuts of rivers and sewers , or walls , or banks , or the like , he gave substantial order , for their repair with the better . he gave also multitudes of charters , and liberties , for the comfort of corporations , and companies in decay . so that his bounty did strive with the ruines of time. but yet this , though it were an excellent disposition , went but ( in effect ) to the cases and shells of a common-wealth . it was nothing to vertue or vice. a bad man might indifferently take the benefit and ease of his waies and bridges , as well as a good ; and bad people might purchase good charters . surely , the better works of perpetuity in princes , are those , that wash the in-side of the cup. such as are foundations of colledges , and lectures , for learning and education of youth ; likewise foundations and institutions of orders and fraternities , for nobleness , enterprise , and obedience , and the like . but yet these also , are but like plantations , of orchards , and gardens , in plots and spots of ground , here and there ; they do not till over the whole kingdom , and make it fruitful , as doth the establishing of good laws and ordinances ; which makes a whole nation , to be as a well ordered colledg , or foundation . this kind of work , in the memory of times , is rare enough to shew it excellent ; and yet not so rare , as to make it suspected , for impossible , inconvenient , or unsafe . moses , that gave laws to the hebrews , because he was the scribe of god himself , is fitter to be named for honours sake to other law-givers , than to be numbred or ranked amongst them . minos , lycurgus , and solon , are examples for themes of grammar scholars . for ancient personages , and characters , now adays , use to wax children again ; though that parable of pindarus be true ; the best thing is water . for common and trivial things are ( many times ) the best ; and rather despised upon pride , because they are vulgar , than upon cause , or use. certain it is , that the laws of those three law-givers , had great prerogatives . the first , of fame ; because they were the pattern amongst the grecians . the second , of lasting ; for they continued longest without alteration . the third ; of a spirit of reviver ; to be often oppressed , and often restored . amongst the seven kings of rome , four were law-givers . for it is most true , that a discourser of italy saith : there was never state , so well swadled in the infancy , as the roman was , by the vertue of their first kings : which was a principal cause of the wonderful growth of that state , in after times . the decemvirs laws , were laws upon laws , not the original ; for they grafted laws of grecia , upon roman stock , of laws , and customs . but such was their success , as the twelve tables , which they compiled , were the main body of the laws , which framed and weilded the great body of that estate . these lasted a long time , with some supplementals , and the pretorian edicts in albo ; which were in respect of laws , as writing tables in respect of brass ; the one to be put in and out , as the other is permanent . lucius cornelius sylla reformed the laws of rome . for that man had three singularities , which never tyrant had , but he . that he was a law-giver ; that he took part with the nobility ; and , that he turned private man , not upon fear , but upon confidence . caefar long after desired to imitate him only in the first ; for otherwise he relied upon new men : and for resigning his power , seneca describeth him right : caesar gladium citò condidit , nunquam posuit . caesar soon sheathed his sword , but never put it off . and himself took it upon him , saying in scorn of sylla's resignation . sylla nescivit literas , dictare non potuit . sylla knew no letters , he could not dictate . but for the part of a law-giver , cicero giveth him the attribute . caefar , si ab eo quaereretur , quid egisset in togâ ; leges se respondisset , multas & praeclaras tulisse . if you had asked caesar , what he did in the gown , he would have answered , that he made many excellent laws . his nephew augustus did tread the same steps , but with deeper print , because of his long reign in peace ; whereof one of the poets of his time saith ; pace datâ terris , animum ad civilia vertit : jura suum , legesque tulit justissimus author . from that time , there was such a race of wit and authority , between the commentaries and decisions of the lawyers , and the edicts of the emperours , as both laws and lawyers were out of breath . whereupon justinian in the end recompiled both ; and made a body of laws , such as might be weilded ; which himself calleth gloriously , and yet not above truth ; the edifice or structure of a sacred temple of justice ; built indeed , out of the former ruines of books , as materials , and some novel constitutions of his own . in athens they had sexviri , ( as aeschincs observeth , ) which were standing commissioners ; who did watch to discern , what laws waxed unproper for the times , and what new law did in any branch cross a former law , and so ex officio propounded their repeal . king edgar collected the laws of this kingdom , and gave them the strength of a faggot bound , which formerly were dispersed : which was more glory to him , then his sailing about this island , with a potent fleet. for that was , as the scripture saith , via navis in mari ; the way of a ship in the sea ; it vanished ; but this lasteth . alphonso the wise , ( the ninth of that name , ) king of castile , compiled the digest of the laws of spain , intituled the siete partidas ; an excellent work , which he finished in seven years . and as tacitus noteth well ; that the capitol , though built in the beginings of rome , yet was fit for the great monarchy that came after ; so that building of laws sufficeth the greatness of the empire of spain , which since hath ensued . lewis the eleventh had it in his mind , ( though he performed it not , ) to have made one constant law of france ; extracted out of the civil roman law , and the customs of provinces which are various , and the kings edicts which with the french are statutes . surely he might have done well , if , like as he brought the crown , ( as he said himself , ) from page ; so he had brought his people from lacquay ; not to run up and down for their laws , to the civil law , and the ordinances , and the customs , and the discretions of courts , and discourses of philosophers , as they use to do . king henry the eighth , in the twenty seventh year of his reign , was authorized by parliament , to nominate 32 commissioners , part ecclesiastical , and part temporal ; to purge the canon law , and to make it agreeable to the law of god , and the law of the land. but it took not effect . for the acts of that king were ( commonly ) rather proffers , and fames , than either well grounded , or well pursued . but i doubt , i erre in producing so many examples . for as cicero said to caesar , so may i say to your majesty ; nil vulgare te dignum videri possit . though indeed this well understood is far from vulgar . for that the laws of the most kingdoms and states , have been like buildings of many pieces , and patched up , from time to time , according to occasions , without frame , or model . now for the laws of england , ( if i shall speak my opinion of them , without partiality , either to my profession , or country , ) for the matter and nature of them , i hold them wise , just , and moderate laws : they give to god , they give to caesar , they give to the subject , what appertaineth . it is true , they are as mixt , as our language , compounded of british , roman , saxon , danish , norman customs . and surely , as our language is thereby so much the richer ; so our laws are likewise by that mixture , the more compleat . neither doth this attribute less to them , than those that would have them to have stood out the same in all mutations . for no tree is so good first set , as by transplanting , and grafting . i remember what happened to callisthenes , that followed alexanders court , and was grown into some displeasure with him , because he could not well brook the persian adoration . at a supper , ( which with the grecians was a great part talk , ) he was desired , ( the king being present , ) because he was an eloquent man , to speak of some theme ; which he did ; and chose for his theme the praise of the macedonian nation ; which though it were but a filling thing , to praise men to their faces , yet he performed it with such advantage of truth , and avoidance of flattery , and with such life , as was much applauded by the hearers . the king was the less pleased with it , not loving the man , and by way of discountenance , said ; it was easie to be a good oratour in a pleasing theme ; but saith he to him ; turn your stile ; and tell us now of our faults , that we may have the profit , and not you the praise only : which he presently did , with such quickness , that alexander said ; that malice made him eloquent then , as the theme had done before . i shall not fall into either of these extreams , in this subject , of the laws of england . i have commended them before for the matter , but surely they ask much amendment for the form ; which to reduce and perfect , i hold to be one of the greatest dowries , that can be confer'd upon this kingdom . which work , for the excellency , as it is worthy your majesties act , and times ; so it hath some circumstance of propriety agreeable to your person . god hath blessed your majesty with posterity ; and i am not of opinion , that kings that are barren , are fittest to supply perpetuity of generations , by perpetuity of noble acts ; but contrariwise , that they that leave posterity , are the more interessed in the care of future times ; that as well their progeny , as their people , may participate of their merit . your majesty is a great master in justice , and judicature ; and it were pity , the fruit of that your vertue , should not be transmitted to the ages to come . your majesty also reigneth in learned times , the more , ( no doubt , ) in regard of your own perfection in learning , and your patronage thereof . and it hath been the mishap of works of this nature , that the less learned time , hath ( sometimes ) wrought upon the more learned ; which now will not be so . as for my self , the law was my profession , to which i am a debter : some little helps i have of other arts , which may give form to matter ; and i have now , ( by gods merciful chastisement , and by his special providence , ) time and leisure , to put my talent , or half-talent , or what it is , to such exchanges , as may perhaps exceed the interest of an active life . therefore , as in the beginning of my troubles , i made offer to your majesty to take pains in the story of england , and in compiling a method and digest of your laws ; so have i performed the first , ( which rested but upon my self , ) in some part ; and i do , in all humbleness , renew the offer of this latter , ( which will require help and assistance , ) to your majesty , if it shall stand with your good pleasure , to imploy my service therein . the history of the reign of king henry the eighth . london , printed by j. m. for humphrey robinson , and sold by william lee , 1670. the history of the reign of king henry the eighth . after the decease of that wise and fortunate king , henry the vii . who died in the height of his prosperity , there followed ( as useth to do , when the sun setteth so exceeding clear , ) one of the fairest mornings of a kingdom , that hath been known in this land , or any where else . a young king , about 18 years of age , for stature , strength , making , and beauty , one of the goodliest persons of his time : and though he were given to pleasure , yet he was likewise desirous of glory ; so that there was a passage open in his mind , by glory , for vertue . neither was he un-adorned with learning , though therein he came short of his brother arthur . he had never any the least pique , difference , or jealousie , with the king his father , which might give any occasion , of altering court , or counsel upon the change , but all things passed in a still . he was the first heir of the white , and the red rose ; so that there was no discontented party now left in the kingdom , but all mens hearts turned towards him . and not only their hearts , but their eyes also . for he was the only son of the kingdom . he had no brother , which though it be a comfortable thing , for kings to have , yet it draweth the subjects eyes a little aside . and yet being a married man in those young years , it promised hope of speedy issue , to succeed in the crown . neither was there any queen mother , who might share any way in the government , or clash with his counsellours for authority , while the king intended his pleasure . no such thing , as any great and mighty subject , who might any way eclipse , or overshade the imperial power . and for the people , and state in general , they were in such lowness of obedience , as subjects were like to yield , who had lived almost four and twenty years , under so politique a king , as his father ; being also one who came partly in by the sword ; and had so high a courage in all points of regalitie ; and was ever victorious in rebellions , and seditions of the people . the crown extreamly rich , and full of treasure , and the kingdom like to be so in short time . for there was no war , no dearth , no stop of trade , or commerce , it was only the crown , which had sucked too hard , and now being full , and upon the head of a young king , was like to draw less . lastly , he was inheriter of his fathers reputation , which was great throughout the world. he had streight alliance , with the two neighbour states , an ancient enemy in former times , and an ancient friend , scotland , and burgundy . he had peace and amity with france , under the assurance , not only of treaty and league , but of necessity and inhability in the french to do him hurt , in respect that the french kings designs were wholly bent upon italy . so that it may be truly said ; there had scarcely been seen , or known , in many ages , such a rare concurrence of signs , and promises of a happy , and flourishing reign to ensue , as were now met in this young king , called , after his fathers name , henry the eighth , &c. finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a28061-e11860 characters of the persons . eusebius beareth the character of a moderate divine . gamaliel of a protestant zelant . zebedaeus of a romish catholick zelant . martius of a militar man. eupolis of a politick . pollio of a courtier . a declaration of the practises & treasons attempted and committed by robert late earle of essex and his complices, against her maiestie and her kingdoms and of the proceedings as well at the arraignments & conuictions of the said late earle, and his adherents, as after: together with the very confessions and other parts of the euidences themselues, word for word taken out of the originals. bacon, francis, 1561-1626. 1601 approx. 165 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 64 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a01216 stc 1133 estc s100347 99836190 99836190 446 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a01216) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 446) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1338:09) a declaration of the practises & treasons attempted and committed by robert late earle of essex and his complices, against her maiestie and her kingdoms and of the proceedings as well at the arraignments & conuictions of the said late earle, and his adherents, as after: together with the very confessions and other parts of the euidences themselues, word for word taken out of the originals. bacon, francis, 1561-1626. [128] p. by robert barker, printer to the queenes most excellent maiestie, imprinted at london : anno 1601. by francis bacon. signatures: a-q4. the first leaf is blank except for signature-mark "a.j.". page a3r, gatherings i, l, and the inner forme of q each exist in two settings. page a3r catchword has: (1) m normal, or (2) m swash. page i1r catchword: (1) "[par.] the", or (2) "the". page l3r catchword: (1) [none], or (2) "[par.] the". page q4r, rule beneath the running title is (1) double, or (2) single. page g4r has a side-note. variant: side-note lacking. page h2v running title: "the confessions and other euidence." variant: "the proceedings at the". reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public 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encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng essex, robert devereux, -earl of, 1566-1601. great britain -history -elizabeth, 1558-1603 -early works to 1800. 2002-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-03 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-04 tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread 2002-04 olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-05 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a declaration of the practises & treasons attempted and committed by robert late earle of essex and his complices , against her maiestie and her kingdoms , and of the proceedings as well at the arraignments & conuictions of the said late earle , and his adherents , as after : together with the very confessions and other parts of the euidences themselues , word for word taken out of the originals . ¶ imprinted at london by robert barker , printer to the queenes most excellent maiestie . anno 1601. a declaration touching the treasons of the late earle of essex , and his complices . though publike iustice passed vpon capital offenders , according to the lawes , & in course of an honourable and ordinarie triall ( where the case would haue borne and required the seueritie of marshall law to haue bene speedilie vsed ) do in it selfe carie a sufficient satisfaction towards all men , specially in a mercifull gouernement , such as her maiesties is approoued to bee : yet because there doe passe abroad in the hands of many men diuers false and corrupt collections and relations of the proceedings at the arreignment of the late earles of essex and southampton : and againe , because it is requisite that the world doe vnderstand aswell the praecedent practises and inducements to the treasons , as the open & actuall treasons thēselues ( though in a case of life it was not thought conuenient to insist at the triall vpon matter of inference or presumption , but chiefly vpon matter of plaine and direct proofes ) therefore it hath beene thought fit to publish to the world a briefe declaration of the practises and treasons attempted and committed by robert late earle of essex and his complices against her maiestie and her kingdomes , and of the proceedings at the conuictions of the said late earle and his adhaerents vpon the same treasons : and not so onely , but therewithall , for the better warranting and verifying of the narration , to set downe in the end , the very confessions and testimonies themselues , word for word taken out of the originals , whereby it wil be most manifest , that nothing is obscured or disguised , though it doe appeare by diuers most wicked and seditious libels throwen abroad , that the dregs of these treasons , which the late earl of essex himselfe a litle before his death , did terme a leprosie , that had infected farre and neere , do yet remaine in the hearts and tongues of some misaffected persons . the most partiall will not denie , but that robert late earle of essex was by her maiesties manifold benefits and graces , besides oath and allegeance , as much tied to her maiestie , as the subiect could be to the souereigne , her maiesty hauing heaped vpon him both dignities , offices , and gifts in such measure , as within the circle of twelue yeres or more , there was scarcely a yeere of rest , in which he did not obteine at her maiesties hands some notable addition either of honour or profit . but he on the other side , making these her maiesties fauours nothing els but wings for his ambition , and looking vpon them , not as her benefits , but as his aduauntages , supposing that to be his owne mettall which was but her marke and impression , was so giuen ouer by god ( who often punisheth ingratitude by ambition , and ambition by treason , and treason by finall ruine ) as he had long agoe plotted it in his heart to become a dangerous supplanter of that seat , whereof he ought to haue beene a principall supporter : in such sort as nowe euerie man of common sense may discerne not onely his last actuall and open treasons , but also his former more secret practises and preparations towardes those his treasons , and that without any glosse or interpreter , but himselfe and his owne doings . for first of all , the world can nowe expound , why it was that hee did aspire , and had almost atteined vnto a greatnesse , like vnto the auncient greatnesse of the praefectus praetorio vnder the emperours of rome , to haue all men of warre to make their sole and particular dependance vpon him : that with such iealousie and watchfulnesse hee sought to discountenance any one that might be a competitor to him in any part of that greatnesse : that with great violence and bitternesse he sought to suppresse and keep downe all the worthiest marshall men , which did not appropriate their respects and acknowledgements onely towardes himselfe . all which did manifestly detect and distinguish , that it was not the reputation of a famous leader in the warres which hee sought ( as it was construed a great while ) but onely power and greatnesse to serue his owne ends , considering he neuer loued vertue nor valor in another , but where he thought he should bee proprietarie and commander of it , as referred to himselfe . so likewise those points of popularitie which euery man tooke notice and note of , as his affable gestures , open doores , making his table and his bed so popularly places of audience to futers , denying nothing when he did nothing , feeding many men in their discontentments against the queene and the state , and the like , as they were euer since absalons time , the forerunners of treasons following , so in him were they either the qualities of a nature disposed to disloyaltie , or the beginnings and conceptions of that which afterwards grewe to shape and forme . but as it were a vaine thing to thinke to search the rootes and first motions of treasons , which are knowen to none but god that discernes the heart , and the diuell that giues the instigation : so it is more then to be presumed ( being made apparant by the euidence of all the euents following ) that he caried into ireland a heart corrupted in his allegiance , and pregnant of those or the like treasons which afterwards came to light . for being a man by nature of an high imagination , and a great promiser to himselfe aswell as to others , he was confident that if he were once the first person in a kingdome , and a sea betweene the queenes seat and his , and wales the neerest land from ireland , and that he had got the flower of the english forces into his hands ( which hee thought so to intermixe with his owne followers , as the whole body should mooue by his spirit ) and if he might haue also absolutely into his hands potestatem vitae & necis , & arbitrium belli & pacis , ouer the rebels of ireland , whereby he might entise , & make them his owne , first by pardons and conditions , and after by hopes to bring them in place where they should serue for hope of better booties then cowes , he should be able to make that place of lieutenancie of ireland , as a rise or step to ascend to his desired greatnesse in england . and although many of these conceites were windie , yet neither were they the lesse like to his , neither are they now onely probable coniectures or comments vpon these his last treasons , but the very preludes of actions almost immediatly subsequent , as shal be touched in due place . but first it was strange with what appetite and thirst he did affect and compasse the gouernment of ireland , which he did obteine . for although he made some formall shewes to put it from him : yet in this , as in most things else , his desires being too strong for his dissimulations , he did so farre passe the bounds of decorum , as he did in effect name himselfe to the queene by such description and such particularities as could not be applyed to any other but himselfe : neither did he so onely , but further hee was still at hand to offer and vrge vehemently and peremptorily exceptions to any other that was named . then after hee once found that there was no man but himselfe ( who had other matters in his head ) so farre in loue with that charge , as to make any competition or opposition to his pursute , whereby he saw it would fall vpon him , and especially after himselfe was resolued vpon , he began to make propositions to her maiestie by way of taxation of the former course held in mannaging the actions of ireland , especially vpon three points : the first , that the proportions of forces which had bene there mainteined and continued by supplies , were not sufficient to bring the prosecutions there to period . the second , that the axe had not bene put to the roote of the tree , in regard there had not bin made a maine prosecution vpon the archtraitour tyrone , in his owne strength , within the prouince of vlster . the third , that the prosecutions before time had bene intermixed and interrupted with too many temporising treaties , whereby the rebell did euer gather strength and reputation to renew the warre with aduantage . all which goodly and well sounding discourses , together with the great vaunts that he would make the earth tremble before him , tended but to this , that the queene should encrease the list of her armie and all proportions of treasure and other furniture , to the end his commandement might be the greater . for that he neuer intended any such prosecution , may appeare by this , that euen at the time before his going into ireland hee did open himselfe so farre in speech to blunt , his inwardest counsellour , that he did assure himselfe that many of the rebels in ireland would be aduised by him : so far was he frō intending any prosecution towards those in whom he tooke himselfe to haue interest . but his ends were two : the one , to get great forces into his hands : the other , to oblige the heads of the rebellion vnto him , and to make them of his partie . these two endes had in themselues a repugnancie : for the one imported prosecution , and the other treaty : but hee that meant to be too strong to bee called to account for any thing , and meant besides , when he was once in ireland , to ingage himselfe in other iourneys that should hinder the prosecution in the north , tooke things in order as they made for him . and so first did nothing as was sayd , but trumpet a finall and vtter prosecution against tyrone in the north , to the ende to haue his forces augmented . but yet he forgat not his other purpose of making himselfe strong by a partie amongst the rebels , when it came to the scanning of the clauses of his commission . for then he did insist , and that with a kind of contestation , that the pardoning , no not of tyrone himselfe , the capitall rebell , should be excepted and reserued to her maiesties immediate grace , being infinitely desirous that tyrone should not looke beyond him for his life or pardon , but should hold his fortune as of him , and accompt for it to him onely . so againe , whereas in the commission of the earle of sussex , and of all other lieutenants or deputies , there was euer in that clause which giueth vnto the lieutenant or deputie , that high or regall point of authority to pardon treasons and i raitors , an exception contained of such cases of treason as are committed against the person of the king : it was strange , and suspiciously strange , euen at that time , with what importunitie and instance he did labour , and in the end preuailed to haue that exception also omitted , glosing then , that because he had heard , that by strict exposition of law ( a point in law that he would needes forget at his arraignment , but could take knowledge of it before , when it was to serue his owne ambition ) all treasons of rebellion did tend to the destruction of the kings person , it might breede a buzze in the rebels heads , and so discourage them from comming in , whereas he knew well that in all experience passed , there was neuer rebel made any doubt or scruple vpon that point to accept of pardon from all former gouernours , who had their commissions penned with that limitation ( their commissions being things not kept secretly in a boxe , but published & recorded ) so as it appeared manifestly that it was a meere deuise of his owne out of the secret reaches of his heart then not reuealed : but it may be shrewdly expounded since , what his drift was by those pardons which he granted to blunt the marshall , and thomas lee , and others , that his care was no lesse to secure his owne instruments then the rebels of ireland . yet was there another point for which he did contend & contest , which was , that he might not be tied to any opinion of the counsell of ireland , as all others in certain points ( as pardoning traitors , concluding warre and peace , and some other principall articles ) had bene before him , to the end he might be absolute of himselfe , and be fully master of opportunities and occasions for the performing and executing of his owne treasonable ends . but after he had once by her maiesties singular trust and fauour toward him obtained his patent of commission as large , and his list of forces as full as hee desired , there was an end in his course of the prosecution in the north. for being arriued into ireland , the whole cariage of his actions there , was nothing els but a cunning defeating of that iourney , with an intent ( as appeared ) in the ende of the yeere to pleasure and gratifie the rebell with a dishonourable peace , and to contract with him for his owne greatnesse . therefore not long after hee had receiued the sword , he did voluntarily ingage himselfe in an vnseasonable and fruitlesse iourney into munster , a iourney neuer propounded in the counsell there , neuer aduertized ouer hither while it was past : by which iourney her maiesties forces which were to be preserued intire both in vigor and number for the great prosecution , were harased and tyred with long marches together , and the northerne prosecution was indeede quite dashed and made impossible . but yet still doubting he might receiue from her maiestie some quicke & expresse commandement to proceede : to be sure , he pursued his former deuise of wrapping himselfe in other actions , and so set himselfe on worke anewe in the countie of ophaley , being resolued , as is manifest , to dallie out the season , and neuer to haue gone that iourney at all : that setting forward which he made in the very ende of august being but a meere plaie and a mockerie , and for the purposes which now shall be declared . after he perceiued that foure moneths of the summer , and three parts of the army were wasted , hee thought nowe was a time to set on foot such a peace as might be for the rebels aduantage , and so to worke a mutuall obligation betweene tyrone and himselfe , for which purpose he did but seeke a commodity . he had there with him in his armie one thomas lee , a man of a seditious and working spirit , and one that had bene priuately familiar and intirely beloued of tyrone , and one that afterwards immediatly vpon essex open rebellion , was apprehended for a desperate attempt of violence against her maiesties person ; which he plainly confessed , and for which hee suffered . wherefore iudging him to be a fit instrument , he made some signification to lee of such an imploiment , which was no sooner signified then apprehended by lee. hee gaue order also to sir christopher blunt marshall of his army , to licence lee to goe to tyrone when hee should require it . but lee thought good to let slip first vnto tyrone ( which was neuerthelesse by the marshals warrant ) one iames knowd , a person of wit and sufficiencie , to sound in what termes and humours tyrone then was . this knowd returned a message from tyrone to lee , which was , that if the earle of essex would followe tyrones plot , hee would make the earle of essex the greatest man that euer was in england : and further , that if the earle would haue conference with him , tyrone would deliuer his eldest sonne in pledge for his assurance . this message was deliuered by knowd to lee , and by lee was imparted to the earle of essex , who after this message , imployed lee himselfe to tyrone , and by his negociating ( whatsoeuer passed els ) prepared and disposed tyrone to the parley . and this imploiment of lee was a matter of that guiltinesse in my lord , as being charged with it at my lord keepers onely in this nature ( for the message of knowd was not then knowen ) that when he pretended to assaile tyrone , he had before vnder hand agreed vpon a pariey , my lord vtterly denied it that he euer imploied lee to tyrone at all , and turned it vpon blunt whom he afterwards required to take it vpon him , hauing before sufficiently prouided for the security of all parts , for he had granted both to blunt & lee pardons of al treasons vnder the great seale of ireland , and so himselfe disclaiming it , & they being pardoned , all was safe . but when that tyrone was by these meanes ( besides what others god knowes ) prepared to demand a parley , nowe was the time for essex to acquite himselfe of al the queenes commandements and his owne promises and vndertakings for the northern iourney , and not so alone , but to haue the glory at the disaduantage of the yere , being but 2500. strong of foote , and 300. of horse , after the fresh disaster of sir coniers clifford , in the height of the rebels pride , to set foorth to assaile , and then that the very terror and reputation of my lord of essex person was such as did daunt him and make him stoope to seeke a parley , and this was the end he shot at in that september iourney , being a mere abuse and br●●●ry , and but inducements onely to the treaty , which was the onely matter he intended . for essex drawing now towards the catastrophe , or last part of that tragedy , for which he came vpon the stage in ireland , his treasons grew to a further ripenesse . for knowing how vnfit it was for him to communicate with any english , euen of those whom hee trusted most , and meant to vse in other treasons : that he had an intention to growe to an agreement with tyrone to haue succors from him for the vsurping vpon the state here , ( not because it was more dangerous then the rest of his treasons , but because it was more odious , and in a kind monstrous , that hee should conspire with such a rebell , against whom he was sent : and therfore might aduenture to alienate mens affections from him ) he draue it to this , that there might bee , and so there was , vnder colour of treaty , an interuiew & priuate conference betweene tyrone and himselfe onely , no third person admitted . a strange course , considering with whom he dealt , and especially considering what message knowde had brought , which should haue made him rather call witnesses to him , then auoid witnesses . but he being only true to his own ends , easily dispensed with all such considerations . nay , there was such carefull order taken , that no person should ouerheare one worde that passed betweene them two : as because the place appointed and vsed for the parley was such , as there was the depth of a brooke betweene them , which made them speake some lowdnesse : therewere certaine horsemen appointed by order from essex , to keepe all men off , a great distance from the place . it is true , that the secrecie of that parley , as it gaue to him the more liberty of treason , so it may giue any man the more libertie of surmize , what was then handled between them , inasmuch as nothing can bee knowen , but by report from one of them two , either essex or tyrone . but , although there were no proceeding against essex vpon these treasons , and that it were a needlesse thing to load more treasons vpon him then , whose burthen was so great after : yet for trueths sake , it is fit the world know , what is testified touching the speaches , letters and reports of tyrone , immediatly following this conference , & obserue also what ensued likewise in the desseignes of essex himselfe . on tyrones part it fell out , that the very day after that essex came to the court of england , tyrone hauing conference with sir william warren at armagh , by way of discourse told him , and bound it with an oath , and iterated it two or three seuerall times : that within two or three moneths , he should see the greatest alterations and strangest that euer hee sawe in his life , or could imagine : and that bee the said tyrone hoped ere long to haue a good share in england . with this concurred fully the report of richard bremingham a gentleman of the pale , hauing made his repaire about the same time to tyrone , to right him in a cause of land : sauing that bremingham deliuers the like speach of tyrone to himselfe : but , not what tyrone hoped , but what tyrone had promised in these words , that hee had promised ( it may bee thought to whom ) ere long to shew his face in england , little to the good of england . these generalities comming immediatly from the report of tyrone himselfe , are drawen to more particularitie in a conference had betweene the lord fitz morrice baron of liksnawe in munster , and one thomas wood a person wel reputed of , immediatly after essex comming into england . in which conference fitz morrice : declared vnto wood , that tyrone had written to the traiterous titularie earle of desmond , to informe him , that the condition of that contract betweene tyrone and essex was , that essex should be king of england : and that tyrone should holde of him the honour and state of viceroy of ireland : and that the proportion of souldiers , which tyrone should bring or send to essex , were 8000 irish. with which concurreth fully the testimony of the said iames knowde , who being in credit with o●●●● mac roory chiefe of the omoores in lemster , was vsed as a secretarie for him , in the writing of a letter to tyrone , immediatly after essex comming into england . the effect of which letter was : to vnderstand some light of the secret agreement betweene the earle of essex and tyrone , that he the said owny might frame his course accordingly . which letter , with further instructions to the same effect , was in the presence of knowde deliuered to turlagh macdauy , a man of trust with owny , who brought an answer from tyrone . the cōtents whereof were : that the earle of essex had agreed to take his part , and that they should ayd him towards the conquest of england . besides , very certaine it is , & testified by diuers credible persons , that immediatly vpon this parley , there did flie abroad as sparckles of this fire , ( which it did not concern tyrone so much to keep secret , as it did essex ) a generall and receiued opinion , that went vp and down in the mouthes both of the better and meaner sort of rebels : that the earle of essex was theirs , and they his : and that hee would neuer leaue the one sword , meaning that of ireland , till he had gotten the other in england : and that he would bring them to serue , where they should haue other maner of booties then cowes : and the like speaches . and thomas lee himselfe , ( who had bene , as was before declared , with tyrone two or three dayes , vpon my lords sending , and had sounded him ) hath left it confessed vnder his hand : that he knew the earle of essex and tyrone to be one , and to runne the same courses . and certaine it is also , that immediatly vpon that parley , tyrone grewe into a strange and vnwoonted pride , and appointed his progresses and visitations to receiue congratulations and homages from his confederates , and behaued himselfe in all things as one that had some new spirite of hope and courage put into him . but on the earle of essex his part insued immediatly after this parley a strange motion and proiect , which though no doubt hee had harbored in his brest before : yet for any thing yet appeareth , he did not vtter and breake with any in it , before he had bene confirmed and fortified in his purpose , by the combination and correspondence , which hee found in tyrone vpon their conference . neither is this a matter gathered out of reports , but confessed directly by two of his principall friendes and associats , being witnesses vpon their owne knowledge , & of that which was spoken to themselues : the substance of which confessions is this : that a litle before my lords comming ouer into england , at the castle of dublin where sir christopher blunt lay hurt , hauing bene lately remooued thither from reban , a castle of thomas lees , and placed in a lodging that had bene my lord of southamptons : the earle of essex tooke the earle of southampton with him , to visit blunt , and there being none present but they three , my lord of essex told them , he found it now necessary for him to go into england , and would aduise with them of the manner of his going , since to goe he was resolued . and thereupon propounded vnto them , that he thought it fit a cary with him of the army in ireland , as much as hee could conueniently transport , at least the choise of it , to the number of two or three thousand , to secure and make good his first deseent on shore , purposing to land them at milford hauen in wales , or thereabouts : not doubting , but that his army would so increase within a small time , by such as would come in to him as hee should be able to march with his power to london , and make his own conditions as he thought good . but , both southampton and blunt disswaded him from this enterprise : blunt alledging the hazard of it , & that it would make him odious , and southampt on vtterly disliking of that course vpon the same and many other reasons . howbe it thereupon blunt aduised him rather to another course , which was to draw forth of the army some 200. resolute gentlemen , & with those to come ouer , & so to make sure of the court , and so to make his owne conditions . which confessions it is not amisse to deliuer , by what a good prouidence of god they came to light : for , they could not bee vsed at essex arraignement to charge him , because they were vttered after his death . but sir christopher blunt at his arraignment being charged that the earle of essex had set it downe vnder his hand , that he had bene a principall instigator of him , to his treasons , in passion brake forth into these speeches : that then he must be forced to disclose what further matters he had held my lord from , and desired for that purpose ( because the present proceeding should not be interrupted ) to speake with the lord admirall and m. secretarie , after his arraignment , and so fell most naturally and most voluntarily into this his confession , which if it had beene thought fit to haue required of him at that time publikely , he had deliuered before his conuiction . and the same confession he did after ( at the time of his executiō ) constantly and fully confirme , discourse particularly , and take vppon his death , where neuer any man shewed lesse feare , nor a greater resolution to die . and the same mattter so by him confessed , was likewise confessed with the same circumstances of time and place by southampton , being seuerally examined thereupon . so as nowe the worlde may see how long since my lord put off his vizard , and disclosed the secrets of his heart to two of his most confident friends , falling vpon that vnnaturall and detestable treason , whereunto all his former actions in his gouernement in ireland , ( and god knowes howe long before ) were but introductions . but , finding that these two persons , which of all the rest hee thought to haue found forwardest , southampton , whose displacing hee had made his owne discontentment ( hauing placed him , no question to that ende , to find cause of discontentment ) and blunt , a man so enterprizing and prodigal of his owne life , ( as himselfe termed himselfe at the barre ) did not applaud to this his purpose , and thereby doubting how coldly he should find others minded , that were not so neere to him . and therefore condescending to blunts aduise to surprize the court , hee did pursue that plot accordingly , and came ouer with a selected companie of captaines and voluntaries , and such as hee thought were most affectionate vnto himselfe , and most resolute , though not knowing of his purpose . so as euen at that time , euery man noted and wondred , what the matter should be , that my lord tooke his most particular friends and followers from their companies , which were countenance and meanes vnto them , to bring them ouer . but his purpose ( as in part was touched before ) was this : that if he held his greatnesse in court , and were not committed ( which in regard of the miserable and deplored estate he left ireland in , whereby he thought the opinion here would be that his seruice could not be spared , he made full account he should not be ) then , at the first opportunitie , he would execute the surprize of her maiesties person . and if he were committed to the tower , or to prison for his contempts , ( for besides his other contempts , hee came ouer expresly against the queenes prohibition vnder her signet ) it might be the care of some of his principall friends , by the helpe of that choise and resolute company which he brought ouer , to rescue him . but the pretext of his comming ouer was , by the efficacie of his owne presence and perswasion , to haue moued and drawen her maiestie to accept of such conditions of peace , as hee had treated of with tyrone , in his priuate conference : which was indeed somwhat needfull , the principall article of them being , that there should be a generall restitution of rebels in ireland to all their lands & possessions , that they could pretend any right to , before their going out into rebellion : without reseruation of such lands as were by act of parliament passed to the crowne , and so planted with english both in the time of q. mary , and since : and without difference either of time of their going forth , or nature of their offence , or other circumstance , tending in effect to this : that all the queenes good subiects , in most of the prouinces , should haue beene displanted , and the countrey abandoned to the rebels . when this man was come ouer , his heart thus fraughted with treasons , and presented himselfe to her maiestie : it pleased god , in his singular prouidence ouer her maiestie , to guide and hem in her proceeding towards him , in a narrow way of safetie betweene two perils . for neither did her maiestie leaue him at libertie , whereby he might haue commodity to execute his purpose : nor restraine him in any such nature , as might signifie or betoken matter of despaire of his returne to court and fauour . and so the meanes of present mischiefe being taken away , and the humours not stirred , this matter fell asleepe , and the threed of his purposes was cut off . for , comming ouer about the end of september , and not denied accesse and conference with her maiesty , and then being commanded to his chamber at court for some dayes , and from thence to the lord keepers house ; it was conceiued , that these were no ill signes . at my lord keepers house he remained , till some fewe dayes before easter , and then was remooued to his owne house , vnder the custody of sir richard barkley , and in that sort continued till the end of trinity terme following . for , her maiestie all this while looking into his faults , with the eye of her princely fauour , and loth to take aduantage of his great offences , in other nature then as contempts , resolued so to proceed against him , as might ( to vse her maiesties owne words ) tend , ad correctionem , & non ad ruinam . neuerthelesse afterwards , about the ende of trinitie terme following , for the better satisfaction of the world , and to represse seditious bruits and libels , which were dispersed in his iustification , and to obserue a forme of iustice , before hee should be set at full libertie : her maiestie was pleased to direct , that there should be associate vnto her priuie councell , some chosen persons of her nobility , and of her iudges of the law : and before them his cause , ( concerning the breaking of his instructions for the northerne prosecution , and the manner of his treating with tyrone , and his comming ouer , and leauing the kingdome of ireland , contrary to her maiesties commandement , expressed as wel by signification thereof made vnder her royall hand and signet , as by a most binding and effectual letter , written priuately to himselfe ) to receiue a hearing : with limitation neuertheles , that hee should not bee charged with any point of disloialty ; and with like fauour directed , that he should not be called in question in the open and ordinary place of offendours in the starre chamber , from which hee had likewise by a most penitent and humble letter desired to be spared , as that which would haue wounded him for euer , as he affirmed , but in a more priuate manner at my lord keepers house . neither was the effect of the sentence , that there passed against him , any more then a suspension of the exercise of some of his places : at which time also , essex that could varie himselfe into all shapes for a time , infinitely desirous ( as by the sequele now appeareth ) to be at liberty to practise & reuiue his former purposes , and hoping to set into them with better strength then euer , bicause he conceiued the peoples hearts were kindled to him by his troubles , and that they had made great demōstrations of asmuch : he did transforme himselfe into such a strange & deiected humility , as if he had bene no man of this world , with passionate protestations , that he called god to witnes , that he had made an vtter diuorce with the world : and he desired her maiesties fauour , not for any worldly respect , but for a preparatiue for a nunc dimittis : and that the teares of his heart had quenched in him all humors of ambition . all this to make her maiesty secure , and to lull the world asleepe , that hee was not a man to be held any wayes dangerous . not many dayes after , sir richard barkley his keeper was remoued from him , and he set at libertie , with this admonition only : that hee should not take himselfe to be altogether discharged , though he were left to the guard of none , but his owne discretion . but he felt himselfe no sooner vpon the wings of his libertie , but ( notwithstanding his former shewes of a mortified estate of minde ) he began to practise afresh , as busily as euer reuiuing his former resolution : which was the surprizing and possessing the queenes person , and the court. and that it may appeare how early after his libertie he set his engines on worke , hauing long before entertained into his seruice , and during his gouernment in ireland , drawne neere vnto him in the place of his chiefe secretary , one henry cuffe , a base fellow by birth , but a great scholler , and indeede a notable traytor by the booke , being otherwise of a turbulent and mutinous spirit against all superiours : this fellow , in the beginning of august , which was not a moneth after essex libertie granted , fell of practising with sir henry neuill , that serued her maiestie as ligier ambassadour with the french king , and then newly come ouer into england from bulleyn , abusing him with a false lie , and meere inuention , that his seruice was blamed and misliked , and that the imputation of the breach of the treaty of peace held at bulleyn , was like to light vpon him , ( when there was no colour of any such matter ) onely to distaste him of others , and fasten him to my lord , though he did not acquaint him with any particulars of my lords deseignes , till a good while after . but my lorde hauing spent the ende of the summer ( being a priuate time , when euery body was out of towne and dispersed ) in digesting his owne thoughts , with the helpe and conference of master cuffe , they had soone set downe betweene them the ancient principle of traitors and conspirators , which was : to prepare many , and to acquaint few ; and after the maner of mynes , to make ready their powder , and place it , and then giue fire but in the instant . therefore , the first consideration was of such persons as my lord thought fit to draw to be of his party ; singling out both of nobilitie and martiall men , and others , such as were discontented or turbulent , and such as were weake of iudgement , and easie to be abused , or such as were wholy dependants and followers ( for meanes or countenance ) of himselfe , southampton or some other of his greatest associates . and knowing there were no such strong and drawing cordes of popularitie , as religion : he had not neglected , both at this time , and long before , in a profane pollicy to serue his turne ( for his own greatnesse , ) of both sorts & factions , both of catholicks and puritanes , as they terme them , turning his out side to the one , and his inside to the other , and making himselfe pleasing and gracious to the one sort by professing zeale , and frequenting sermons , and making much of preachers , and secretly vnder hand giuing assurance to blunt , dauies , and diuers others , that ( if hee might preuaile in his desired greatnesse , ) hee would bring in a toleration of the catholike religion . then hauing passed the whole michaelmas terme in making himselfe plausible , and in drawing concourse about him , and in affecting & alluring men by kinde prouocations and vsage , wherein ( because his libertie was qualified ) hee neither forgot exercise of minde nor body , neither sermon nor tenis court , to giue the occasion and freedome of accesse and concourse vnto him ) and much other practise and deuise : about the end of that terme , towards christmas , hee grew to a more framed resolution of the time and maner , when and how hee would put his purpose in execution . and first about the ende of michaelmas terme , it passed as a kind of cipher and watchword amongst his friends and followers , that'my lord would stand vpon his guard : which might receiue construction , in a good sense , as well guard of circumspection , as guard of force : but to the more priuate and trusty persons hee was content it should be expounded that he would be couped vp no more , nor hazard any more restraints or commandements . but the next care was , how to bring such persons , as he thought fit for his purpose , into towne together , without vent of suspicion , to be ready at the time , when he should put his deseigne in execution : which he had concluded should be some time in hillarie terme : wherein hee found many deuices to draw them vp , some for sutes in lawe , and some for sutes in court , & some for assurance of land : and one friend to draw vp another , it not being perceiued , that all mooued from one head . and it may be truely noted , that in the catalogue of those persons , that were the eight of february in the action of open rebellion , a man may finde almost out of euery county of england some , which could not be by chance or constellation : and in the particularity of examinations ( too long to be rehearsed ) it was easie to trace in what sort many of them were brought vp to towne , & held in town vpon seueral pretences . but in candlemas terme , when the time drew neere , then was hee content consultation should be had by certaine choise persons , vpon the whole matter and course which he should hold . and because hee thought himselfe and his own house more obserued , it was thought fit , that the meeting and conference should bee at drury house , where s. charles dauers lodged . there mette at this councell , the earle of southampton , with whom in former times hee had bene at some emulations and differences in court. but after , southampton hauing married his kinswoman , and plunged himselfe wholly into his fortune , and being his continuall associat in ireland , hee accounted of him as most assured vnto him , and had long agoe in ireland acquainted him with his purpose , as was declared before . sir charles dauers , one exceedingly deuoted to the earle of southampton , vpon affection begun first vpon the deseruing of the same earle towards him , when he was in trouble about the murther of one long. sir ferdinando gorge , one that the earle of essex had of purpose sent for vp from his gouernment at plymmouth by his letter , with particular assignation to be here before the 2. of february . sir iohn dauies , one that had bene his seruant , and raised by him , and that bare office in the tower , being surueyour of the ordinance , & one that he greatly trusted : and iohn littleton , one they respected for his wit and valour . the consultation and conference rested vpon three parts : the perusall of a list of those persons , whom they tooke to be of their party : the cōsideration of the action it selfe , which they should set a foot , and how they should proceed in it : and the distribution of the persons , according to the action concluded on , to their seuerall imploiments . the list contained the number of sixe score persons , noblemen and knights , and principall gentlemen , and was ( for the more credits sake ) of the earle of essex owne hand writing . for the action it selfe , there was proposition made of two principall articles : the one , of possessing the tower of london : the other of surprising her maiesties person and the court , in which also deliberation was had , what course to hold with the citie , either towards the effecting of the surprize , or after it was effected . for the tower was alleadged , the giuing a reputation to the action , by getting into their hand the principall fort of the realme , with the stores and prouisions thereunto appertaining , the bridling of the citie by that piece , and commoditie of entrance in and possessing it , by the meanes of sir iohn dauis . but this was by opinion of all reiected , as that which would distract their attempt from the more principall , which was the court , and as that which they made a iudgement would follow incidently , if the court were once possessed . but the later , which was the ancient plot , ( as was well knowen to southampton ) was in the ende , by the generall opinion of them all , insisted and rested vpon . and the maner howe it should bee ordered and disposed was this : that certaine selected persons of their number , such as were well knowen in court , and might haue accesse without checke or suspicion , into the seuerall roumes in court , according to the seuerall qualities of the persons , and the differences of the roumes , should distribute themselues into the presence , the guard-chamber , the hall , and the vtter court and gate , and some one principall man vndertaking euery seuerall roume with the strength of some fewe to be ioyned with him , euery man to make good his charge , according to the occasion . in which distribution , sir charles dauers was then named to the presence , and to the great chamber , where he was appointed , when time should bee , to seaze vpon the halberds of the gard : sir iohn dauies to the hall : and sir christopher blunt to the vtter gate : these seeming to them , the three principall wards of consideration . and that things being within the court in a readinesse , a signall should be giuen and sent to essex , to set forward from essex house , being no great distance off . whereupon essex , accompanied with the noble men of his party , and such as should bee prepared and assembled at his house for that purpose , should march towards the court : and that the former conspirators already entered should giue correspondence to them without , as well by making themselues masters of the gates to giue them entrance , as by attempting to get into their hand vpon the suddaine the halberds of the guard , thereby hoping to preuent any great resistance within , and by filling all full of tumult and confusion . this being the platforme of their enterprise , the second act of this tragedy was also resolued , which was , that my lord should present himselfe to her maiestie as prostrating himselfe at her feete , and desire the remoue of such persons , as he called his enemies , from about her . and after that my lord had obtained possession of the queene , and the state : hee should call his pretended enemies to a triall vpon their liues , and summon a parliament , and alter the gouernement , and obtaine to himselfe , and his associates , such conditions as seemed to him and them good . there passed speech also in this conspiracie , of possessing the citie of london , which essex himselfe , in his owne particular and secret in clination , had euer a speciall mind vnto : not as a departure or going from his purpose of possessing the court , but as an inducement and preparatiue to performe it vpon a surer ground . an opinion bred in him , ( as may bee imagined ) partly by the great ouerweening he had of the loue of the citizens : but chiefly , in all likelihood , by a feare , that although hee should haue preuailed in getting her maiesties person into his hands for a time , with his two or three hundred gentlemen , yet , the very beames and graces of her maiesties magnanimitie and prudent cariage in such disaster working , with the naturall instinct of loyaltie , which of course ( when fury is ouer ) doth euer reuiue in the hearts of subiects of any good blood or mind ( such as his troope for the more part was compounded of , though by him seduced and bewitched ) would quickly breake the knot , and cause some disunion and separation amongst them , whereby hee might haue bene left destitute , except he should builde vpon some more popular number , according to the nature of all vsurping rebels , which doe euer trust more in the common people , then in persons of sort or qualitie . and this may well appeare by his owne plot in ireland , which was to haue come with the choise of the armie , from which hee was diuerted , as before is shewed . so as his owne courses inclined euer to rest vpon the maine strength of the multitude , and not vpon surprises , or the combinations of a fewe . but to returne : these were the resolutions taken at that consultation , held by these fiue at drury house , some fiue or sixe dayes before the rebellion , to be reported to essex , who euer kept in himselfe the binding and directing voice : which he did to preuent all differences that might grow by dissent or contradiction . and besides he had other persons , ( which were cuffe and blunt ) of more inwardnesse and confidence with him then these , ( southampton only excepted ) which managed that consultation . and , for the day of the enterprise , which is that must rise out of the knowledge of all the opportunities and difficulties , it was referred to essex his owne choise and appointment : it being neuerthelesse resolued , that it should be sometime before the end of candlemas terme . but this councell and the resolutions thereof , were in some points refined by essex , and cuffe , and blunt : for , first it was thought good , for the better making sure of the vtter gate of the court , and the greater celeritie and suddennesse , to haue a troupe at receipt to a competent number , to haue come from the mewes , where they should haue bene assembled without suspicion in seuerall companies , and from thence cast themselues in a moment vpon the court gate , and ioyne with them which were within , while essex with the maine of his company were making forward . it was also thought fit , that because they would be common wealths-men , and foresee , that the businesse and seruice of the publique state should not stand still : they should haue ready at court , and at hand , certaine other persons to be offered , to supplie the offices and places of such her maiesties counsellors and seruants , as they should demand to be remoued and displaced . but chiefly it was thought good , that the assembling of their companies together , should bee vpon some plausible pretext ; both to make diuers of their company , that vnderstood not the depth of the practises , the more willing to follow them : and to ingage themselues , and to gather them together the better without perill of detecting or interrupting : and againe , to take the court the more vnprouided , without any alarme giuen . so as now there wanted nothing , but the assignation of the day : which neuerthelesse was resolued indefinitely to be before the end of the terme , as was sayd before , for the putting in execution of this most dangerous and execrable treason . but god who had in his diuine prouidence long agoe cursed this action , with the curse that the psalme speaketh of , that it should be like the vntimely fruit of a woman , brought foorth before it came to perfection , so disposed aboue , that her maiesty vnderstanding by a generall charme and muttering of the great and vniuersall resort to essex house , contrary to her princely admonition , and somwhat differing from his former maner ( as there could not be so great fire without some smoke ) vpon the seuenth of february , the afternoone before this rebellion , sent to essex house m. secretary harbert , to require him to come before the lords of her maiesties councell , then sitting in counsell at salisbury court , being the lord treasurers house : where it was onely intended , that he should haue receiued some reprehension , for exceeding the limitations of his liberty , granted to him in a qualified maner , without any intention towardes him of restraint , which hee , vnder colour of not being well , excused to doe : but his owne guiltie conscience applying it , that his traynes were discouered , doubting perill in any further delay , determined to hasten his enterprise , and to set it on foote the next day . but then againe , hauing some aduertisement in the euening , that the guards were doubled at court , and laying that to the message hee had receiued ouernight : and so concluding that allarme was taken at court , hee thought it to bee in vaine , to thinke of the enterprise of the court , by way of surprize : but that nowe his onely way was , to come thither in strength , and to that ende first to attempt the citie . wherein hee did but fall backe to his owne former opinion , which hee had in no sort neglected , but had formerly made some ouertures to prepare the citie to take his part : relying himselfe , ( besides his generall conceipt , that himselfe was the darling and mynion of the people , and specially of the citie ) more particularly vpon assurance giuen of thomas smith , then shiriffe of london , a man well beloued amongst the citizens , and one that had some particular command of some of the trayned forces of the citie , to ioyne with him . hauing therefore concluded vpon this determination , now was the time to execute in fact , all that he had before in purpose digested . first therefore hee concluded of a pretext which was euer part of the plot , and which hee had meditated vpon , and studied long before . for finding himselfe ( thankes bee to god ) to seeke , in her maiesties gouernement , of any iust pretext in matter of state , either of innouation , oppression , or any vnworthinesse : as in all his former discontentments , hee had gone the beaten path of traytours , turning their imputation vpon counsellours , and persons of credit with their soueraigne : so nowe hee was forced to descend to the pretext of a priuate quarrell , giuing out this speach , howe that euening , when hee should haue bene called before the lordes of the councell , there was an ambuscado of musketers placed vpon the water , by the deuise of my lord cobham , and sir walter raleigh , to haue murdered him by the way as hee passed . a matter of no probability , those persons hauing no such desperate estates or mindes , as to ruine themselues and their posteritie , by committing so odious a crime . but contrariwise , certaine it is , sir ferdinando gorge accused blunt , to haue perswaded him to kill , or at least apprehend sir walter raleigh , the latter whereof blunt denieth not , and asked sir walter raleigh forgiuenesse at the time of his death . but this pretext being the best hee had , was taken , and then did messages and warnings fly thicke vp and downe to euery particular nobleman , and gentleman , both that euening and the next morning , to draw them together in the forenoone to essex house , dispersing the foresaid fable , that hee should haue bene murdered , saue that it was somtime on the water , somtime in his bed , varying according to the nature of a lye . hee sent likewise the same night , certaine of his instruments , as namely , one william temple his secretary into the citie , to disperse the same tale , hauing increased it some fewe daies before by an addition , that he should haue bene likewise murdered by some iesuits to the number of foure : and to fortifie this pretext , and to make the more buzze of the danger hee stood in , hee caused that night a watch to bee kept all night long towards the street , in his house : the next morning , which was sunday , they came vnto him of all handes , according to his messages and warnings . of the nobilitie , the earles of rutland , southampton , and the lord sands , and sir henry parker , commonly called the lord mountegle , besides diuers knights and principall gentlemen and their followers , to the number of some three hundreth . and also it being sunday , and the houre when hee had vsed to haue a sermon at his house , it gaue cause to some , and colour to others to come vpon that occasion . as they came , my lord saluted and imbraced , and to the generalitie of them gaue to vnderstand , in as plausible termes as hee could , that his life had bene sought , and that hee meant to goe to the court , and declare his griefes to the queene , because his enemies were mightie , and vsed her maiesties name and commaundement , and desired their helpe to take his part : but vnto the more speciall persons hee spake high and in other termes , telling them that hee was sure of the citie , and would put himselfe into that strength , that her maiestie shoulde not bee able to stand against him , and that he would take reuenge of his enemies . all the while after eight of the clocke in the morning , the gates to the streete and water were strongly guarded , and men taken in and let foorth by discretion of those that helde the charge , but with speciall caution of receiuing in such as came from court , but not suffering them to goe backe without my lords speciall direction , to the end no particularitie of that which passed there might be knowen to her maiestie . about 10. of the clocke , her maiestie hauing vnderstanding of this strange and tumultuous assembly at essex house , yet in her princely wisedome and moderation thought to cast water vpon this fire before it brake forth to further inconuenience : and therefore vsing authoritie before she would vse force , sent vnto him foure persons of great honour and place , and such as hee euer pretended to reuerence and loue , to offer him iustice for any griefs of his , but yet to lay her royal commandement vpon him to disperse his company , and vpon them to withdraw themselues . these foure honourable persons , being the lord keeper of the great seale of england , the earle of worcester , the controller of her maiesties houshold , and the lord chiefe iustice of england , came to the house , and found the gates shut vpon them . but after a little stay , they were let in at the wicket , and assoone as they were within , the wicket was shut , and all their seruants kept out , except the bearer of the seale . in the court they found the earles with the rest of the company , the court in a maner full , and vpon their comming towards essex , they all flocked and thronged about them : whereupon the lord keeper in an audible voice deliuered to the earle the queenes message , that they were sent by her maiestie to vnderstand the cause of this their assembly , and to let them knowe that if they had any particular cause of griefes against any persons whatsoeuer , they should haue hearing and iustice . whereupon the earle of essex in a very lowd and furious voyce declared , that his life was sought , and that hee should haue bene murdered in his bed , and that he had bene perfidiously dealt withall , and other speeches to the like effect . to which the lord chiefe iustice saide , if any such matter were attempted or intended against him , it was fit for him to declare it , assuring him both a faithfull relation on their part , and that they coulde not faile of a princely indifferencie and iustice on her maiesties part . to which the earle of southampton tooke occasion to obiect the assault made vpon him by the lord gray : which my lord chiefe iustice returned vpon him , and saide , that in that case iustice had bene done , and the partie was in prison for it . then the lord keeper required the earle of essex , that if he would not declare his griefes openly , yet that then hee would impart them priuately , and then they doubted not to giue him or procure him satisfaction . vpon this there arose a great clamor among the multitude , away my lord : they abuse you , they betray you : they vndoe you : you lose time . whereupon my l. keeper put on his hat , and said with a louder voyce then before : my lord , let vs speake with you priuately , and vnderstand your griefes : and , i doe commaund you all vpon your allegiance , to lay downe your weapons , and to depart . vppon which wordes the earle of essex and all the rest , as disdaining commandement , put on their hats : and essex somewhat abruptly went from him into the house , and the counsellors followed him , thinking hee would haue priuate conference with them , as was required . and as they passed through the seuerall roomes , they might heare many of the disordered companie crie , kill them , kill them : and others crying , nay , but shoppe them vp , keepe them as pledges , cast the great seale out at the windowe , and other such audacious and traiterous speeches . but essex tooke holde of the occasion and aduantage , to keepe in deed such pledges if he were distressed , and to haue the countenance to leade them with him to the court , especially the two great magistrates of iustice , and the great seale of england if he preuailed , and to depriue her maiestie of the vse of their counsell in such a strait , and to ingage his followers in the very beginning by such a capitall act , as the imprisonment of counsellors carying her maiesties royall commaundement for the suppressing of a rebellious force . and after that they were come vp into his booke chamber , hee gaue order they should bee kept fast , giuing the charge of their custodie principally to sir iohn dauis , but adioyned vnto him a warder , one owen salisburie , one of the most sedicious and wicked persons of the number , hauing beene a notorious robber , and one that serued the enemie vnder sir william stanley , and that bare a speciall spleene vnto my lord chiefe iustice , who garded these honourable persons with muskets charged , and matches ready fiered at the chamber doore . this done , the earle ( notwithstanding my lord keeper still required to speake with him ) left the charge of his house with sir gilly mericke , and vsing these words to my lord keeper , haue patience for a while , i will goe take order with the maior and sherifes for the citie , and be with you againe within halfe an houre , issued with his troupe into london , to the number of two hundreth , besides those that remained in the house , choise men for hardinesse and valour , vnto whom some gentlemen , and one noble man did after ioyne themselues . but from the time he went forth , it seemes god did strike him with the spirit of amazement , and brought him round againe to the place whence he first moued . for after he had once by ludgate entred into the citie , he neuer had as much as the heart or assurance to speake any set or confident speech to the people ( but repeated onely ouer and ouer his tale as he passed by , that he should haue bene murthered ) nor to doe any act of foresight or courage : but he that had vowed hee would neuer bee cooped vp more , cooped himselfe first within the wals of the citie , and after within the wals of an house , as arrested by gods iustice as an example of disloyaltie . for passing through cheapeside , and so towards smiths house , and finding , though some came about him , yet none ioyned or armed with him , he prouoked them by speeches as he passed , to arme , telling them , they did him hurt and no good , to come about him with no weapons . but there was not in so populous a citie , where he thought himselfe held so deare , one man , from the chiefest citizen , to the meanest artificer or prentise , that armed with him : so as being extremely appalled , as diuers that happened to see him then , might visibly perceiue in his face and countenance , and almost moulten with sweate , though without any cause of bodily labour but only by the perplexitie and horror of his minde , hee came to smiths house the sherife , where he refreshed himselfe a little , and shifted him . but the meane while it pleased god , that her maiesties directions at court , though in a case so strange and sudden , were iudiciall and sound . for first there was commaundement in the morning giuen vnto the citie , that euery man should be in a readinesse both in person and armor , but yet to keepe within his owne doore , and to expect commandement : vpon a reasonable & politique consideration , that had they armed suddenly in the streetes , if there were any ill disposed persons , they might arme on the one side and turn on the other , or at least if armed men had bene seene to and fro , it would haue bred a greater tumult , and more bloodshed : and the nakednesse of essex troupe would not haue so well appeared . and soone after direction was giuen , that the lord burghley , taking with him the king of heralds , should proclaime him traitour in the principall parts of the citie : which was perfourmed with good expedition and resolution , and the losse and hurt of some of his companie . besides that , the earle of cumberland , and sir thomas gerrard knight marshall , rode into the citie , and declared and notified to the people that hee was a traitour : from which time diuers of his troupe withdrawing from him , and none other comming in to him , there was nothing but despaire . for hauing stayed a while , as is sayd , at shirife smiths house , and there changing his pretext of a priuate quarell , and publishing , that the realme should haue bene solde to the infanta , the better to spurre on the people to rise , and called , and giuen commandement to haue brought armes and weapons of all sorts , and being soone after aduertised of the proclamation , he came forth in a hurry . so hauing made some stay in gracious street , and being dismaid vpon knowledge giuen to him that forces were comming forwards against him vnder the conduct of the l. admirall the lieutenant of her maiesties forces , and not knowing what course to take , he determined in the end to goe backe towards his own house , aswel in hope to haue found the counsellers there , and by them to haue serued someturne , as vpon trust that towardes night his friends in the city would gather their spirits together , and rescue him , as himselfe declared after to m. lieutenant of the tower. but for the counsellers , it had pleased god to make one of the principall offenders his instrument for their deliuery : who seeing my lords case desperate , & contriuing how to redeeme his fault , and saue himselfe , came to sir iohn dauis and sir gillie mericke , as sent from my lord : and so procured them to be released . but the earle of essex , with his companie that was left , thinking to recouer his house , made on by land towards ludgate , where being resisted by a company of pikemen and other forces , gathered together by the wise and diligent care of the bishop of london , and commanded by sir iohn luson , and yet attempting to cleere the passage , he was with no great difficultie repulsed . at which encounter sir christopher blunt was fore wounded , and yong tracie slaine on his part : and one waits on the queenes part , and some other . vpon which repulse he went backe and fled towards the waterside , & tooke boat at queene hiue , and so was receiued into essex house at the watergate , which he fortified and baricado'd : but instantly the lord lieutenant so disposed his companies , as all passage and issue foorth was cut off from him both by land and by water , and all succours that hee might hope for , were discouraged : and leauing the earle of cumberland , the earle of lincolne , the lord thomas howard , the lord gray , the lord burghley , and the lord compton , sir walter raleigh , sir thomas gerrard , with diuers others , before the house to landward , my lord lieutenant himselfe thought good , taking with him the lord of effingham , lord cobham , sir iohn stanhope , sir robert sidney , m. foulk greuill , with diuers others , to assaile the garden and banketting house on the water side , and presently forced the garden , and woon to the wals of the house , and was ready to haue assailed the house : but out of a christian and honorable consideration , vnderstanding that there were in the house the countesse of essex , and the ladie rich , with their gentlewomen , let the earle of essex know by sir robert sidney , that hee was content to suffer the ladies and gentlewomen to come forth . whereupon essex returning the lord lieutenant thanks for the compassion and care he had of the ladies , desired onely to haue an houres respit to make way for their going out , and an houre after to barricado the place againe . which because it could make no alteration to the hinderance of the seruice , the l. lieutenant thought good to grant . but essex hauing had some talke within of a sallie , and despairing of the successe , and thinking better to yeeld himselfe , sent word , that vpon some conditions he would yeeld . but the l. lieutenant vtterly refusing to heare of capitulations , essex desired to speake with my lord ; who thereupon went vp close to the house : and the late earles of essex and southampton , with diuers other lords and gentlemen their partakers , presented themselues vpon the leades : and essex sayd , hee would not capitulate , but intreat , and made three petitions . the first , that they might be ciuilly vsed : whereof the lord lieutenant assured them . the second , that they might haue an honourable triall : whereof the lord lieutenant answered , they needed not to doubt . the third , that he might haue ashton a preacher with him in prison for the comfort of his soule : which the lord lieutenant said he would mooue to her maiesty , not doubting of the matter of his request , though he could not absolutely promise him that person . whereupon they all with the ceremony amongst marshall men accustomed , came downe & submitted themselues and yeelded vp their swords , which was about ten of the clocke at night , there hauing beene slaine in holding of the house , by musket shot , owen salisburie , and some few more on the part of my lord , and some fewe likewise slaine and hurt on the queenes part , and presently , aswell the lordes as the rest of their confederates of quality were seuerally taken into the charge of diuers particular lords and gentlemen , and by them conueyed to the tower and other prisons . so as this action , so dangerous in respect of the person of the leader , the maner of the combination , and the intent of the plot , brake forth and ended within the compasse of twelue houres , and with the losse of little blood , and in such sort as the next day all courts of iustice were open , and did sit in their accustomed maner , giuing good subiects , and all reasonable men iust cause to thinke , not the lesse of the offenders treason , but the more of her maiesties princely magnanimitie and prudent foresight in so great a perill , and chiefly of gods goodnesse , that hath blessed her maiesty in this , as in many things else , with so rare and diuine felicitie . the effect of the euidence giuen , at the seuerall arraignments of the late earls of essex and southampton , before the l. stevvard ; and of sir christopher blunt and sir charles dauers , and others , before great and honourable commissioners of dyer and determiner . and of the answeres and defenses , which the said offendors made for themselues ; and the replies made vpon such their defenses : with some other circumstances of the proceedings , as well at the same arraignments as after . the two late earles of essex and southampton , were brought to their triall , the nineteenth of februarie , eleuen dayes after the rebellion . at which trial there passed vpon them 25. peeres , a greater number then hath bene called in any former president . amongst whom her maiestie did not forbeare to vse many that were of neere alliance and blood to the earle of essex , and some others , that had their sonnes and heires apparant that were of his company , and followed him in the open action of rebellion . the lord steward then in commission , ( according to the solemnitie in such trials receiued ) was the lord buckhurst , l. high treasurer , who with grauity and temperance directed the euidence , and moderated , and gaue the iudgement . there was also an assistance of eight iudges , the three chiefe , & fiue others . the hearing was with great patience and libertie : the ordinary course not being held , to silence the prisoners , till the whole state of the euidence was giuen in : but they being suffered to answere articulatly , to euery branch of the euidence , and sometimes to euery particular deposition , whensoeuer they offered to speake . and not so onely , but they were often spared to bee interrupte'd , euen in their digressions , and speeches not much pertinent to their cause . and alwayes when any doubt in law was moued , or when it was required either by the prisoners or the peeres , the lord steward required the iudges to deliuer the law ; who gaue their opinions seuerally , not barely , yea or no , but at large with their reasons . in the endictment were not layed or charged the treasons of ireland , because the greatest matter , which was the desseigne to bring ouer the army of ireland , being then not cōfessed nor knowen , it was not thought conuenient to stuffe the enditement with matters , which might haue bene conceiued to be chiefly gathered by curious inquisition , & grounded vpon report , or presumptiō , when there was other matter so notorious . and besides , it was not vnlikely , that in his case , to whom many were so partiall , some ( who would not consider how things came to light by degrees ) might haue reported , that hee was twife called in question about one offence . and therefore the late treasons of his rebellion and conspiracie , were onely comprehended in the enditement , with the vsuall clauses and consequents in lawe , of compassing the queenes death , destruction , and depriuation , and leuying warre , and the like . the euidence consisted of two parts : the plot of surprising her maiesties person in court , and , the open rebellion in the citie . the plot was opened according to the former narration , and proued by the seuerall confessions of foure witnesses , fully and directly concurring in the point : sir christopher blunt , sir charles dauers , sir iohn dauies , and sir ferdinando gorge . of which number , though sir christopher blunt were not at the councell helde at drury house , no more then essex himselfe was : yet , hee was priuie to that which passed . sir ferdinando gorge being prisoner in the gatehouse , neere the place of triall , was ( at the request of the earle of essex ) brought thither , and auouched viua voce his confession in all things . and these foure prooued all particularities of surprizing the court , and the maner of putting the same in execution , and the distributing and naming of the principall persons and actors , to their seuerall charges : and the calling of my lords pretended enemies to trial for their liues , and the fummoning of a parliament , and the altering of the gouernement . and sir christopher blunt , and sir iohn dauies , from sir christopher blunt , did speake to the point of bringing in a toleration of the catholike religion . for the ouert rebellion in the citie it selfe , it was likewise opened , according to the former narration , and diuided it selfe naturally into 3. parts . first , the imprisonment of the counsellours , bringing her maiesties royall commaundement to them , vpon their allegeance , to disperse their forces . secondly , the entring the citie , and the stirring of the people to rise , as well by prouoking them to arme , as by giuing forth the slanders , that the realme was solde to the spaniard , and the assailing of the qveenes forces at ludgate . and thirdly , the resistance and keeping of the house against her maiesties forces , vnder the charge and conduct of the lord lieutenant . and albeit these parts were matters notorious , and within almost euery mans viewe and knowledge : yet , for the better satisfaction of the peeres , they were fully prooued by the oath of the lord chiefe iustice of england , being there present , viua voce , and the declaration of the earle of worcester , being one of the peeres likewise , viua voce , touching so much as passed about the imprisonment of themselues and the rest : and by the confessions of the earle of rutland , the lorde sands , the lord cromwell , and others . the defence of the late earle of essex , touching the plot & consultation at drury house , was : that it was not proued , that he was at it : and that they could shew nothing prouing his cōsent or priuity , vnder his hād . touching the action in the citie , hee iustified the pretext of the danger of his life to be a trueth . he said , that his speech that the realme should haue bene sold to the infanta of spaine , was grounded vpō a report he had heard , that sir robert cecill should say priuately , that the infantaes title to the crowne ( after her maiestie ) was as good as any other . he excused the imprisonment of the counsellors , to haue bene against his mind , forced vpon him by his vnruly company . he protested he neuer intended in his heart , any hurt to her maiesties person : that he did desire to secure his accesse to her , for which purpose he thought to pray the helpe of the citie , and that he did not arme his men in warlike sort , nor strooke vp no drumme , nor the like . the defence of the late earle of southampton to his part in the plot , and consultation at drury house , was : that it was a matter debated , but not resolued nor concluded ; and that the action which was executed , was not the action which was consulted vpon . and for the open action in the citie , hee concurred with essex , with protestation of the cleerenesse of his minde for any hurt to the queenes person : and that it was but his affection to my lord of essex , that had drawen him into the cause . this was the substance & best of both their defences . vnto which the reply was . defence . to the point that the late earle of essex was not at the consultation at drury-house . reply . it was replied , that it was proued by all the witnesses , that that consultation was held by his speciall appointment and direction , and that both the list of the names , and the principall articles , were of his owne hand writing . and whereas he saide , they could not be shewed extant vnder his hand : it was prooued by the confession of my lorde of rutland , and the lord sands , that he had prouided for that himselfe . for , after he returned out of the citie to his owne house , he burned diuers papers which he had in a cabanet , because ( as himselfe said ) they should tell no tales . defence . to the point which southampton alleaged , that the consultation at drury house , vpon the list and articles in writing , was not executed . reply . it was replied , that both that consultation in that manner held , if none other act had followed , was treason : and that the rebellion following in the citie , was not a desisting from the other plot , but an inducement and pursuance of it : their meaning being plaine on all parts , that , after they had gotten the aide of the citie , they would haue gone and possessed the court. defence . to the point , that it was a truth , that essex should haue bene assailed by his priuate enemies . reply . first , he was required to deliuer , who it was that gaue him the aduertisement of it , because otherwise it must light vpon himselfe , & be thought his owne inuention : whereunto he sayd , that hee would name no man that day . then it was shewed how improbable it was , considering that my lord cobham , and sir walter raleigh were men , whose estates were better setled and established , then to ouerthrow their fortunes by such a crime . besides , it was shewed howe the tale did not hang together , but varied in it selfe , as the tale of the two iudges did , when one said , vnder the mulbery-tree , and another said , vnder the figge-tree . so , sometimes it was , that he should haue beene murdered in his bed , and sometimes vpon the water , and sometimes it should haue bene performed by iesuits , some dayes before . thirdly , it was asked what reference the going into the citie for succour against any his priuate enemies , had to the imprisoning of the l. keeper , and the l. chiefe iustice , persons that he pretended to loue and respect ; and the earle of worcester his kinsman , and master controller his vncle , and the publishing to the people , that the realme should haue bene solde to the spaniard . and lastly , it was sayd , that these were the ancient footsteps of former traitours , to make their quarrell as against their priuate enemies : because , god vnto lawful kings did euer impart such beams of his owne glory , as traytours could not looke straight vpon them , but euer turned their pretences against some about them . and that this action of his , resembled the action of pisistratus of athens , that proceeded so farre in this kinde of fiction and dissimulation , as he launced his owne bodie , and came hurt and wounded before the people , as hauing bene assailed by his priuate enemies , and by colour thereof obteined a guard about his person , by helpe of whom , he after vsurped vpon the state. defence . to the point that he heard it reported , m. secretary should say : that the infantaes title to the crowne ( after her maiesty ) was as good as any other . reply . vpon this his allegation , m. secretary standing out of sight in a priuate place , onely to heare , ( being much moued with so false and foule an accusation ) came suddenly forth , and made humble request to the lord steward , that hee might haue the fauour to answere for himselfe . which being granted him , in respect of the place he carieth , ( after a bitter contestation on his part with the earle , and a serious protestation of his alienation of heart from the spanish nation , in any such condition ) he still vrged the earle to name the reporter , that all the circumstances might be knowen . but the earle still warily auoiding it , m. secretary replied , that seeing he would alledge no author , it ought to be reputed his owne fiction . whereupon the earle of essex said , though his owne conscience was a sufficient testimony to himselfe , that he had not inuented any vntruth , yet hee would affirme thus much for the worlds farther satisfaction in that behalfe : that the earle of southampton also , had heard so much reported of m. secretary : but sayd still , that he ( for his part ) would name no body . wherupon m. secretary adiured the earle of southampton , by all former friendship , ( which had beene in deed very great betweene them ) that he would declare the person : which he did presently , and sayd it was m. comptroller . at which speech m. secretary straight tooke holde , and said , that he was glad to heare him named of all others : for howsoeuer some malicious person , might peraduenture haue bene content , to giue credit to so iniurious a conceit of him , ( especially such as were against the peace wherein hee was imployed , and for which the earle of essex had euer hated him , being euer desirous to keepe an army on his owne dependency ) yet he did thinke no man of any vnderstanding would beleeue that he could be so sencelesse , as to picke out the earle of essex his vncle , to lay open to him his affection to that nation , in a matter of so odious & pernicious consequence : and so did very humbly craue it at the hands of the lord steward , and all the peeres , that m. comptroller might bee sent for , to make good his accusation . thereupon the lord steward sent a seriant at armes for m. comptroller , who presently came thither , and did freely and sincerely deliuer , that he had only said ( though hee knew not wel to whom ) that m. secretary and he , walking in the garden at court one morning about two yeeres since , and talking casually of forreine things , m. secretary told him , that one doleman had mainteined in a booke ( not long since printed ) that the infanta of spaine had a good title to the crowne of england , which was all , as m. comptroller said , that euer he heard m. secretary speake of that matter . and so the weake foundation of that scandall being quickly discerned , that matter ended : all that could bee proued , being no other , then that m. comptroller had told an other , who had after told the earle of essex , that m. secretary sayde to him , that such a booke saide so , which euery man could say , that hath read it , and no man better knewe then the earle himselfe , to whom it was dedicated . defence . to the point of both their protestations , that they intended no hurt to her maiesties person . reply . first , the iudges deliuered their opinions for matter in law vpon two points : the one , that in case where a subiect attempteth to put himselfe into such strength as the king shall not be able to resist him , and to force and compell the king to gouerne otherwise then according to his owne royall authoritie and direction , it is manifest rebellion : the other , that in euery rebellion the lawe intendeth as a consequent , the compassing the death and depriuation of the king , as foreseeing that the rebell wil neuer suffer that king to liue or raigne , which might punish or take reuenge of his treason and rebellion . and it was inforced by the queenes councell , that this is not onely the wisedome of the lawes of the realme which so defineth of it , but it is also the censure of forein lawes , the conclusion of common reason which is the ground of all lawes , and the demonstratiue assertion of experience , which is the warranty of all reason . for first the ciuile law maketh this iudgement , that treason is nothing els but crimen laesae maiestatis , or diminutae maiestatis , making euery offence which abridgeth or hurteth the power and authoritie of the prince , as an insult or inuading of the crowne , and extorting the imperiall scepter . and for common reason , it is not possible that a subiect should once come to that height as to giue law to his soueraigne , but what with insolency of the change , and what with terror of his owne guiltinesse , he will neuer permit the king , if he can chuse , to recouer authoritie , nor for doubt of that , to continue aliue . and lastly for experience , it is confirmed by all stories and examples , that the subiect neuer obteined a superioritie and command ouer the king , but there followed soone after , the deposing and putting of the king to death , as appeareth in our owne chronicles in two notable particulars of two vnfortunate kings : the one of edward the second , who when he kept himselfe close for danger , was summoned by proclamation to come and take vpon him the gouernment of the realme : but as soone as he presented himselfe , was made prisoner , and soone after forced to resigne , and in the ende tragically murdered in barkley castle . and the other of king richard the second , who though the duke of hertford , after , king henrie the fourth , presented himselfe before him with three humble reuerences , yet in the ende was deposed and put to death . defence . to the point of not arming his men otherwise , then with pistols , rapiers and daggers , it was replied . reply . that that course was held vpon cunning , the better to insinuate himselfe into the fauour of the city , as comming like a friend with an all haile , or kisse , and not as an enemie , making full reckoning that the city would arme him , and arme with him , and that he tooke the paterne of his action , from the day of the barricadoes at paris , where the duke of gwyse entring the citie but with eight gentlemen , preuailing with the citie of paris to take his part , as my lord of essex ( thankes be to god ) failed of the citie of london , made the king ( whom he thought likewise to haue surprized ) to forsake the towne , and withdraw himselfe into other places , for his further safety . and it was also vrged against him out of the confession of the earle of rutland and others , that he cried out to the citizens , that they did him hurt and no good , to come without weapons , and prouoked them to arme : and finding they would not be mooued to arme with him , sought to arme his owne troupes . this , point by point , was the effect of the reply . vpon all which euidence both the earles were found guiltie of treason by all the seuerall voyces of euery one of the peeres , and so receiued iudgement . the names of the peeres that passed vpon the triall of the two earles .   earles .   barons . the earle of oxford . shrewesburie . durbie . cumberland . vvorcester . sussex . hartford . lincolne . notingham . the lord de la vvare . morley . cobham . stafford . gray . lumley . vvindsore . rich. darcy de chichey . chandoys . hunsdon . s. iohn de bletso . compton . burghley . howard of vvalder . vicount bindon . the names of the iudges that assisted the court. the lord chiefe iustice. the l. chiefe iustice of the common plees . the lord chiefe baron . iustice gawdie . iustice fenner . iustice vvalmesley . baron clerke . iustice kingsmill . some particvlarities of that which passed after the arreignment of the late earles , and at the time of the suffering of the earle of essex . bvt the earle of essex finding that the consultation at drurie house , and the secret plots of his premeditated and prepenced treasons were come to light , contrary to his expectation , was touched euen at his parting from the barre with a kinde of remorse : especially because he had caried the maner of his answere , rather in a spirit of ostentation and glory , then with humilitie and penitence : and brake out in the hall , while the lords were in conference , into these wordes : that seeing things were thus caried , he would ere it be long say more then yet was knowen . which good motion of his minde being after his comming backe to the tower , first cherished by m. d. of norwich , but after wrought on by the religious and effectuall perswasions and exhortations of m. abdie ashton his chaplaine , the man whom he made sute by name to haue with him for his soules health , as one that of late time he had bene most vsed vnto , and found most comfort of , comparing it , when he made the request , to the case of a patient , that in his extremity would be desirous to haue that physician that was best acquainted with his body : he sent word the next day to desire to speake with some of the principall councellours , with whom he desired also that particularly m. secretary might come for one . vpon which his request , first the l. admirall , and m. secretary , and afterward at two seuerall times the lord keeper of the great seale , the lord high treasurer , the l. high admirall , and master secretary repaired vnto him : before whom , after he had asked the lord keeper forgiuenesse for restraining him in his house , and m. secretary , for hauing wronged him at the barre , concerning the matter of the infanta , with signification of his earnest desire to be reconciled to them , which was accepted with all christian charitie and humanitie , he proceeded to accuse heauily most of his confederates for carying malicious mindes to the state , and vehemently charged cuffe his man to his own face , to haue bene a principall instigator of him in his treasons , and then disclosed how farre sir henry neuill her maiesties late ambassador was priuy to all the conspiracie : of whose name till then , there had bene not so much as any suspition . and further , at the lords first comming to him , ( not sticking to confesse that hee knewe her maiestie could not be safe while he liued ) did very earnestly desire this fauour of the queene , that he might die as priuately as might be . and the morning before his execution , there being sent vnto him for his better preparation , master doctor mountford , and master doctor barlowe to ioyne with master abdie ashton his chapleine , he did in many words thanke god that hee had giuen him a deeper insight into his offence , being sorie he had so stood vpon his iustification at his arraignement : since which time , he sayd he was become a new man , and heartily thanked god also that his course was by gods prouidence preuented . for , if his proiect had taken effect , god knoweth ( sayd he ) what harme it had wrought in the realme . he did also humbly thanke her maiestie , that he should die in so priuate maner ( for hee suffered in the towre yard , and not vpon the hill by his owne special sute ) lest the acclamation of the people ( for those were his own words ) might be a temptation to him : adding , that al popularitie & trust in man was vaine , the experience whereof himselfe had felt : and acknowledged further vnto them , that he was iustly and worthily spewed out ( for that was also his owne word ) of the realme , and that the nature of his offence was like a leprosie that had infected farre and neere . and so likewise at the publique place of his suffering , he did vse vehement detestation of his offence , desiring god to forgiue him his great , his bloody , his crying , and his infectious sinne : and so died very penitently , but yet with great conflict ( as it should seeme for his sins . for hee neuer mentioned nor remembred there , wife , children or friend , nor tooke particular leaue of any that were present , but wholy abstracted and sequestred himselfe to the state of his conscience , and prayer . the effect of that which passed at the arraignements of sir christopher blunt , sir charles dauers , sir iohn dauies , sir gillie mericke , and henry cuffe . the 5. of march by a very honorable commission of oier and determiner , directed to the lord high admiral , the lord chamberlaine , master secretary , the lord chiefe iustice of england , master chancellour of the exchequer , master secretary herbert , with diuers of the iudges , the commissioners sitting in the court of the queenes bench , there were arraigned and tried by a iury both of aldermen of london , and other gentlemen of good credit and sort , sir christopher blunt , sir charles dauers , sir iohn dauies , sir gillie mericke & henry cuffe . the three first whereof , before they pleaded , asked this question of the iudges , whether they might not confesse the inditemēt in part , & plead not guilty to it in the other part . but being resolued by the iudges , that their pleading must be generall , they pleaded not guilty , as did likewise the other two , without any such question asked . the reason of that question was , as they confessed , in respect of the clause laid in the inditement : that they intended and compassed the death and destruction of the queenes maiestie : vnto whose person ( although they confessed at the barre , as they had done in their examinations , that their meaning was to come to her in such strength , as they should not be resisted , and to require of her diuers conditions and alterations of gouernment , such as in their confessions are expressed ) neuerthelesse they protested , they intended no personall harme to hirselfe . whereupon ( as at the arraignment of the two earles ) so then againe the iudges deliuered the rule of the law ; that the wisedome and foresight of the lawes of this land maketh this iudgement , that the subiect that rebelleth or riseth in forcible maner to ouerrule the royall will and power of the king , intendeth to depriue the king both of crowne and life : and that the law iudgeth not of the fact by the intent , but of the intent by the fact . and the queenes councell did againe inforce that point , setting forth that it was no mystery or quidditie of the common law , but it was a conclusion infallible of reason and experience : for that the crowne was not a ceremony or garland , but consisted of preeminence and power . and therefore , when the subiect will take vpon him to giue law to the king , and to make the power soueraigne and commanding , to become subiect and commanded : such subiect layeth hold of the crowne , and taketh the sword out of the kings hands . and that the crowne was fastened so close vpon the kings head , that it cannot be pulled off , but that head and life , and all will follow , as all examples , both in forreine stories and here at home doe make manifest . and therefore , when their words did protest one thing , and their deedes did testifie another ; they were but like the president of the protestation vsed by manlius the lieutenant of catiline , that conspired against the state of rome , who beganne his letter to the senate with these words , deos hominesque testor , patres conscripti , nos nihil aliud &c. and it was sayde further , that admitting their protestations were so farre true , that they had not at that time in their mindes a formed and distinct cogitation to haue destroyed the queenes person : yet nothing was more variable and mutable then the mind of man , and specially honores mutant mores : when they were once aloft , & had the queene in their handes , and were peeres in my lorde of essex his parliament , who could promise of what mind they would then be ? especially , when my l. of essex at his arraignment had made defence of his first action of imprisoning the priuie councellours , by pretence that he was inforced to it by his vnruly company . so that if themselues should not haue had , or would not seeme to haue had that extreme and diuelish wickednesse of minde , as to lay violent handes vpon the queenes sacred person : yet , what must be done to satisfie the multitude , and secure their partie , must be then the question . wherein the example was remembred of richard the third , who ( though he were king in possession , and the rightfull inheritours but infants ) could neuer sleepe quiet in his bed , till they were made away . much lesse would a catilinary knot and combination of rebels ( that did rise without so much as the fume of a title ) euer indure , that a queene that had bene their soueraigne , and had raigned so many yeeres in such renowne and policie , should be longer aliue , then made for their own turne . and much speech was vsed to the same end . so that in the end , all those three at the barre said , that now they were infourmed , and that they descended into a deeper consideration of the matter , they were sorie they had not confessed the indictment . and sir christopher blunt , at the time of his suffering , discharged his conscience in plain terms , and sayd publiquely before all the people , that he fawe plainely with himselfe , that if they could not haue obtained all that they had would , they must haue drawen blood , euen from the queene her selfe . the euidence giuen in against them three , was principally their owne confessions , charging euery one himselfe , and the other , and the rest of the euidence vsed at the arraignement of the late earles , and mentioned before : saue that because it was perceiued , that that part of the charge would take no labour nor time , being plaine matter and confessed , and because some touch had bene giuen in the proclamation of the treasons of ireland : and chiefly because sir christopher blunt was marshall of the army in ireland , and most inward with my lord in all his proceedings there : and not so onely , but further in the confession of thomas lee , it was precisely contained , that hee knew the earle of essex and tyrone , and blunt the marshall , to be all one , and to runne one course : it was thought fit to open some part of the treasons of ireland , such as were then knowen . which very happily gaue the occasion for blunt , to make that discouery of the purpose to haue inuaded the realme with the armie of ireland : which hee then offered , and afterwards vttered , and in the end sealed with his blood , as is hereafter set downe . against cuffe was giuen in euidence , both sir charles dauers confession , who charged him when there was any debating of the seuerall enterprises which they should vndertake , that he did euer bind firmely , and resolutely for the court : and the accusation vnder the earles hand , auouched by him to his face , that hee was a principall instigator of him in his treasons : but especially a full declaration of sir henry neuils , which describeth and planteth forth the whole maner of his practising with him . the fellow , after he had made some introduction by an artificiall and continued speech , and some time spent in sophisticall arguments , descended to these two answeres : the one , for his being within essex house that day , the day of the rebellion , they might as well charge a lion within a grate with treason , as him : and for the consultation at drury house , it was no more treason then the childe in the mothers bellie is a childe . but it was replied , that for his being in the house , it was not compulsarie , and that there was a distribution in the action , of some to make good the house , and some to enter the citie , and the one part held correspondent to the other , and that in treasons there were no accessaries , but all principals . and for the consultation at drurie house , it was a perfect treason in it selfe , because the compassing of the kings destruction , which by iudgement of law was concluded and implied in that consultation , was treason , in the very thought and cogitation , so as that thought be prooued by an ouert acte : and that the same consultation and debating thereupon , was an ouert act , though it had not bene vpon a list of names , and articles in writing , much more , being vpon matter in writing . and againe , the going into the citie was a pursuance and inducement of the enterprize to possesse the court , and not a desisting , or departure from it . and lastly , it was ruled by the iudges for law , that if many do conspire to execute treason against the prince in one maner , and some of them doe execute it in another maner , yet their act ( though differing in the maner ) is the act of all them that conspire , by reason of the generall malice of the intent . against sir gilly merrick , the euidence that was giuen , charged him chiefly with the matter of the open rebellion , that hee was as captaine or commander ouer the house , and tooke vpon him charge to keepe it , and make it good as a place of retraict for those which issued into the citie , and fortifying and barriccadoing the same house , and making prouision of muskets , powder , pellets and other munition and weapons for the holding and defending of it , and as a busie , forward , and noted actor in that defence and resistance , which was made against the queenes forces brought against it , by her maiesties lieutenant . and further to prooue him priuie to the plot , it was giuen in euidence , that some fewe dayes before the rebellion , with great heat and violence hee had displaced certaine gentlemen lodged in an house fast by essex house , and there planted diuers of my lords followers and complices , all such as went foorth with him in the action of rebellion . that the afternoone before the rebellion , merricke , with a great company of others , that afterwards were all in the action , had procured to bee played before them , the play of deposing king richard the second . neither was it casuall , but a play bespoken by merrick . and not so onely , but when it was told him by one of the players , that the play was olde , and they should haue losse in playing it , because fewe would come to it : there was fourty shillings extraordinarie giuen to play it , and so thereupon playd it was . so earnest hee was to satisfie his eyes with the sight of that tragedie , which hee thought soone after his lord should bring from the stage to the state , but that god turned it vpon their owne heads . ¶ the speaches of sir christopher blunt at his execution , are set downe as neere as they could be remembred , after the rest of the confessions and euidences . honi soit qvi mal y pense . diev et mon droit heere follow the voluntary confessions themselues , such as were giuen in euidence at both the seuerall arraignments , taken forth , word for word , out of the originals . whereby it may appeare how god brought matters to light , at seuerall times , and in seuerall parts , all concurring in substance . and with them , other declarations and parts of the euidence . ¶ the confession of thomas lee , taken the 14. of february 1600 , before sir ioh. peyton lieutenant of the tower , roger wilbraham master of the requests , sir anthony saintleger master of the rolles in ireland , and thomas fleming her maiesties solicitour generall . this examinate saith that tyrone sent a message to this examinate by iames knowd ( whom this examinate by the marshals warrant in writing had sentto tyrone , before himselfe went to tyrone ) that if the erle of essex would follow his plot , he would make him the greatest man that euer was in england , and that when essex and tyrone should haue conference together , for his assurance vnto the earle of essex , tyrone would deliuer his eldest sonne in pledge to the earle . and with this message this examinate made the earle of essex acquainted , before his comming to this examinats house , at that time when this examinate was sent to tyrone . this examinate sayeth , he knew that essex , tyrone , and the marshall sir christopher blunt , were all one , and held all one course . thomas lee. exam. per ioh. peyton , roger vvilbraham , anthony saintleger , thomas fleming . ¶ the declaration of sir william vvarren , 3. octobris . 1599. the said sir william came to armagh the last friday , being the 28. of september : from thence hee sent a messenger in the night to tyrone , to dungannon , signifying his comming to armagh , as aforesaid , and that the next morning hee would meete tyrone at the fort of blackwater : where accordingly the said tyrone met with him , and after other speeches , by further discourse the said tyrone told the saide sir william , and deliuered it with an oath , that within these two moneths hee should see the greatest alteration , and the strangest , that hee the saide sir william could imagine , or euer saw in his life : and said that he hoped before it were long , that he the said tyrone should haue a good share in england . which speeches of the alteration , tyrone reiterated two or three seuerall times . william warren . certified from the councell of ireland to the lords of the councell here . ¶ the declaration of thomas wood 20. ianuarij , 1599. taken before the l. buckhurst l. high treasurer , the earle of notingham l. high admirall , sir ro. cecill principal secretary , and sir i. fortescue chancellour of the exchequer . the said wood saith , that happening to be with the l. eitzmorris baron of licksnaw , at his house of licksnaw , betweene michaelmas and alhallowtide last , the saide baron walking abroad with the saide wood , asked of him what force the earle of essex was of in england hee answered , he could not tell , but said he was well beloued of the comminaltie . then said the baron that the earle was gone for england , and had discharged many of the companies of ireland , and that it was agreed that he should be king of england , and onele to be viceroy of ireland , and whensoeuer hee should haue occasion , and would sende for them , onele should sende him 8000. men out of ireland . the said wood asked the baron , how he knew that ? he answered , that the earle of * desmond had written to him so much . thomas wood. confessed in the presence of tho. buckhurst , notingham , rob. cecill , io. fortescue . ¶ the confession of iames knowd , taken the 16. of february , 1600. before sir anth. saintleger master of the roules in ireland , and roger wilbraham master of the requests . owney mac rory hauing secret intelligence of the friendship betweene the earle of essex and tyrone , wrote to tyrone , desiring him to certifie him thereof , whereby he might frame his course accordingly , and not doe any thing contrary to their agreement : which letter my selfe did write by owneys appointment ( for then i was in credite with him . ) in which letter he also desired tyrone to send him some munition . the letter , with instructions to that effect , was in my presence deliuered to one turlagh mac dauie o kelly , a man of secrecy , sufficiencie , and trust with owney , and he caried it to tyrone . before whose returne , owney grew suspicious of me , because i sometimes belonged to m. bowen , and therfore they would not trust me , so as i could not see the answere : but yet i heard by many of their secret counsell , that the effect thereof was , that the earle of essex should be king of england , and tyrone of ireland . afterwards i met with turlagh mac dauie , the messenger aforesayd , and asked him whether hee brought an answere of the letter from tyrone . he sayd he did , and deliuered it to owney . and then i asked him what he thought of the warres . he told me he had good hope the last yeere , and had none this yere : his reason was ( as he said ) that the earle of essex was to take their part , and they should aid him towards the conquest of england : and nowe they were hindred thereof by meanes of his apprehension . i dwelling with the tanist of the countrey ( my mothers cousin germain ) heard him speake sundry times , that nowe the earle of essex had gotten one of the swords , he would neuer forgoe his gouernement , vntill hee became king of england : which was neere at hand . i saw a letter which the earle of essex writ to owney , to this effect , that if owney came to him , he would speake with him about that , which if hee would follow , should be happie for him and his countrey . iames knowd . exam. per anthony saintleger , roger vvilbraham . ¶ the declaration of dauid hethrington , an ancient captaine and seruitor in ireland , 6. ianuary 1599. taken before the l. buckhurst l. high treasurer , the earle of notingham l. high admirall , sir robert cecil principall secretary , and sir iohn fortescue chancellour of the exchequer . he the sayd dauid hethrington riding into the edge of the countie of kildare , about the end of the first cessation , fortuned to meete with one iames occurren , one of the horsemen of master bowen prouost marshall of lemister , who told him that the sayd iames occurren meeting lately with a principall follower of owney mac rory , chiefe of the moores , owneys man asked him what newes hee heard of the earle of essex . to which iames occurren answered , that he was gone for england : whereunto he sayd , nay , if you can tell me no newes , i can tell you some : the earle of essex is now in trouble for vs , for that he would doe no seruice vpon vs , which he neuer meant to doe , for he is ours , and we are his . dauid hethrington . confessed in the presence of tho buckhurst . notingham . rob. cecil . io. fortescue . ¶ the first confession of sir ferdinando gorge knight , the 16. of februarie 1600. taken before sir thomas egerton lord keeper of the great seale , the l. buckhurst l. high treasurer , the earle of notingham lord high admirall , and sir rob. cecill principall secretarie . he saith the earle of essex wrote a letter to him in lanuarie , complaining his misfortune : that hee desired his company , and desired his repaire vp to him , by the second of februarie , that he came to towne on saturday seuen-night before the earles insurrection : and that the same night late he visited the earle . who after complements , told him , that he stood on his guard , and resolued not to hazard any more commandements , or restraints : that he desired him to rest him that night , and to repaire vnto him againe , but in such sort as it might not be noted . that he had bene with the earle two or three times that weeke ; and on saturday , being the seuenth of february , the earle tolde him , that hee had bene sent for by the lordes , and refused to come : deliuering further , that he resolued to defend himselfe from any more restraint . he further saith , that it was in question , the same saturday night , to haue stirred in the night , and to haue attempted the court. but being demanded whether the earle could haue had sufficient company to haue done any thing in the night : he answered , that all the earles companie were readie at one houres warning , and had bene so before , in respect that he had meant long before to stand vpon his guard . that it was resolued to haue the court first attempted , that the earle had three hundred gentlemen to doe it : but that he the saide ferdinando gorge was a violent disswader of him from that purpose , and the earle most confident in the party of london , which he meant ( vpon a later dispute ) first to assure : and that hee was also assured of a partie in wales , but meant not to vse them , vntill he had bene possessed of the court. that the earle , and sir christopher blunt , vnderstanding , that sir walter raleigh had sent to speake with him in the morning , the saide sir christopher blunt perswaded him , either to surprise sir walter raleigh , or to kill him . which when hee vtterly refused , sir christopher blunt sent foure shot after him in a boat . that at the going out of essex house gate , many cried out : to the court , to the court. but my lorde of essex turned him about towards london . that he meant after possession of the court , to call a parliament , and therein to proceed as cause should require . at that time of the consultation on saturday night , my lord was demanded what assurance he had of those hee made account to bee his friends in the citie ? whereunto he replyed , that there was no question to be made of that : for , one amongst the rest , that was presently in one of the greatest commaunds amongst them , held himselfe to be interessed in the cause , ( for so hee phrased it ) and was coronell of a thousand men , which were readie at all times , besides others that hee helde himselfe as assured of , as of him , and able to make as great numbers . some of them had at that instant ( as he reported to vs ) sent vnto him , taking notice of as much as he made vs to knowe of the purpose intended to haue intrapped him , and made request to know his pleasure . ferd. gorges . exam. per th. egerton c. sr t. buckhurst . notingham . ro. cecill . ¶ the second confession of sir ferdinando gorge the 18. of february 1600. all written of his owne hand . and acknowledged in the presence of sir thomas egerton l. keeper of the great seale , the l. buckhurst l. high treasurer , the earle of notingham l. high admirall , and sir ro. cecil principall secretarie . on tuesday before the insurrection ( as i remember ) i was sent vnto by my l. of essex , praying me to meete my lord of southampton , sir charles dauers , sir iohn dauies , and other his friends at drury house where i should see a schedule of his friends names , and proiects to be disputed vpon . whither i came accordingly , and found the foresaid earle , sir charles dauers , sir iohn dauies , and one master litleton . the names were shewed , and numbred to bee sixe score : earles , barons , knights , and gentlemen . the proiects were these : whether to attempt the court , or the tower , or to stirre his friends in london first , or whether both the court and tower at an instant ? i disliked that counsel . my reasons were , that i alledged to them : first , to attempt both with those numbers , was not to bee thought on , because that was not sufficient : and therefore aduised them to thinke of some thing else . then they would needs resolue to attempt the court , withall desired in mine opinion . but i prayed them first to set downe the maner how it might be done . then sir iohn dauies tooke inke and paper , and assigned to diuers principall men their seuerall places . some to keepe the gate , some to bee in the hall , some to bee in the presence , some in the lobby , some in the guard-chamber , others to come in with my lord himselfe , who should haue had the passage giuen him to the priuie chamber , where he was to haue presented himselfe to her maiestie . ferd. gorges . knowledged in the presence of tho. egerton c. s. tho. buckhurst . notingham . ro. cecill . the confession of sir iohn dauies , taken the 18. of februarie 1600. before the earle of notingham l. high admirall , sir rob. cecill principall secretarie , and iohn herbert second secretarie of estate . sir iohn dauies being demaunded , how long before my lord of essex tumult he knewe of such his purpose ? he answeres , that he knewe not directly of any meaning my lorde had , vntill the sunday seuen-night before , or thereabout . being demaunded what he knew ? then he answered , that my lord consulted to possesse himselfe of the court , at such conuenient time when he might finde least opposition . for executing of which enterprises and of other affaires , he appointed my lord of southampton , sir charles dauers , sir ferdinando gorges , and himselfe , to meete at drury house , and there to confider of the same , and such other proiects , as his lordship deliuered them . and principally , for surprising of the court , and for the taking of the tower of london . about which businesse they had two meetings : which were fiue or sixe dayes before the insurrection . he further sayth , that sir christopher blunt was not at this consultation , but that hee stayed and aduised with my lord himselfe about other things to him vnknowen . for that my lord trusted seuerall men in seuerall businesses , and not all together . being demanded what was resolued in the opinions of these foure before named ? he saith , that sir charles dauers was appointed to the presence chamber , and himselfe to the hall. and that my lord was to determine himselfe , who should haue guarded the court gate , and the water gate . and that sir charles dauers vpon a signall or a watch-word , should haue come out of the presence into the guard chamber . and then some out of the hall to haue met him , and so haue stept betweene the guard and their halberds : of which guard they hoped to haue found but a doozen , or some such small number . being asked , whether he heard that such as my lord misliked , should haue receiued any violence ? he saith , that my lord auowed the contrary : and that my lorde said , he would call them to an honourable tryall , and not vse the sword . being demanded whether my lord thought his enemies to be spanish , bona fide , or no ? he saith , that hee neuer heard any such speech : and , if my lord vsed any such , it came into his head on the suddaine . being demaunded what party my lord had in london ? hee saieth that the sheriffe smith was his hope , as he thinketh . being demanded whether my lord promised libertie of catholike religion ? he sayth , that sir christopher blunt did giue hope of it . iohn dauis . exam. per notingham , ro. cecill . i. herbert . ¶ the confession of sir charles dauers , taken the 18. of february anno 1600. before sir thomas egerton l. keeper of the great seale , the l. buckhurst l. high treasurer , the earle of notingham the lord high admirall , lord hunsdon l. chamberlaine , and sir robert cecill principal secretarie . he confesseth that before christmas , the earle of essex had bethought himselfe , howe hee might secure his accesse vnto the qveene in such sort , as hee might not bee resisted : but no resolution determinately taken , vntill the comming vp of this examinate , a little after christmas . and then he doth confesse , that the resolution was taken , to possesse himselfe of the court : which resolution was taken agreeable to certaine articles , which the earle of essex did send to the earle of southampton , this examinate , sir ferdinando gorge , and sir iohn dauies , written with the earles owne hand . to which consultation ( being held at druric house , some foure or fiue dayes before sunday , that was the eighth of february ) littleton came in towards the end . the points which the earle of essex proiected vnder his hand were these . first , whether it were fit to take the tower of london . the reason whereof was this : that after the court was possessed , it was necessary to giue reputation to the action , by hauing such a place , to bridle the citie , if there should be any mislike of their possessing the court. to the possessing of the court , these circumstances were considered . first , the earle of essex should haue assembled all the noblemen and gentlemen of qualitie on his party : out of which number , hee should haue chosen so many as should haue possessed all the places of the court , where there might haue beene any likelihood of resistance . which being done , the earle of essex , with diuers noblemen , should haue presented himselfe to the queene . the maner how it should haue beene executed , was in this sort . sir christopher blunt should haue had charge of the vtter gate , as hee thinketh . sir charles dauers this examinate , with his company , should haue made good the presence , and should haue seazed vpon the halberds of the guard. sir iohn dauies should haue taken charge of the hall. all this being set , vpon a signall giuen , the earle should haue come into the court with his company . being asked what they would haue done after ? hee saith , they would haue sent to haue satisfied the citie , and haue called a parliament . these were the resolutions set downe by the earle of essex of his owne hand , after diuers consultations . he saith , cuffe was euer of opinion , that the earle of essex should come in this sort to the court. charles dauers . exam. per th. egerton . c. s. th. buckhurst . notingham . g. hunsdon . ro. cecill . the second confession of sir charles dauers , taken the same day , and set downe vpon further calling himselfe to remembrance , vnder his owne hand , before sir th. egerton , l. keeper of the great seale , l. buckhurst l. high treasurer , the earle of notingham l. high admirall , sir rob. cecill principall secretarie . some points of the articles which my lord of essex sent vnto drury house , ( as neere as i can remember ) were these : whether both the court , and the tower should bee both attempted at one time ? if both , what numbers should bee thought requisite for either ? if the court alone , what places should be first possessed ? by what persons ? and for those , which were not to come into the court before hand ; where , and in what sort they might assemble themselues , with least suspition to come in with my lord ? whether it were not fit for my lord , and some of the principall persons , to be armed with priuie coates ? charles dauers . knowledged in the presence of tho. egerton . c. s. t. buckhurst . notingham . rob. cecill . the first confession of sir christopher blunt examined the 18. of februarie 1600. before io. herbert second secretarie of estate , and in the presence of nich kempe counseller at law , william wa●marke , william martin , robert andrewes , citizens : iohn treuor surueyor of the nauy , and thomas thorney his surgeon . he confesseth that the earle of essex sent wiseman , about the 20. of ianuarie , to visit his wife , with letters of complement , and to require him to comevp vnto him to london , to settle his estate according as he had written vnto him before some few dayes . being demaunded to what ende they went to the citie , to ioyne with such strength as they hoped for there : he confesseth , it was to secure the earle of essex his life , against such forces as should be sent against him . and being asked , what , against the queenes forces ? he answered , that must haue beene iudged afterwards . but being further asked , whether he did aduise to come vnto the court ouer night ? he saith no. for , sir ferdinando gorge did assure , that the alarum was taken of it at the court , and the guards doubled . being asked whether hee thought any prince could haue endured , to haue any subiect make the citie his mediator ? or , to gather force to speake for him ? he saith , he is not read in stories of former times : but he doth not know , but that in former times subiectes haue vsed force for their mediation . being asked , what should haue bene done by any of the persons , that should haue beene remoued from the queene ? he answered , that he neuer found my lord disposed to shed blood : but that any that should haue bene found , should haue had indifferent triall . being asked vpon his conscience , whether the earle of essex did not giue him comfort , that if he came to authoritie , there should bee a toleration for religion ? he confesseth , he should haue bene to blame to haue denied it . chr. blunt. this was read vnto sir christopher blunt , and afterwards signed by him in the presence of vs , who are vnder written : io. herbert . nicho. kemp. vvil. vvaimarke . vvil. martin . robert andrewes . iohn treuor . th. thorney . ¶ the second confession of sir christopher blunt the same day , viz. the 18. of february : taken before m. iohn herbert second secretarie of estate , and subscribed by him in the presence of nicholas kemp counsellor at law , thomas thorney his surgeon , and william martin , robert andrewes , and randolph bull , citizens . sir christopher blunt ( after the signing of this confession ) being told , that he did not deale plainly , excused himselfe by his former weakenesse , ( putting vs in minde that hee said once before , that when he was able to speake , he would tel all trueth ) doth now confesse : that foure or fiue dayes before the earle of essex did rise , hee did set downe certaine articles to bee considered on , which hee sawe not , vntil afterward he was made acquainted with them , when they had amongst themselues disputed : which were these . one of them was ; whether the tower of london should be taken . another , whether they should not possesse the court , and so secure my lord , and other men to come to the queene . for the first concerning the tower , he did not like it : concluding , that he that had the power of the queene , should haue that . he confesseth that vpon saturday night , when m. secretary herbert had bene with the earle , and that hee saw some suspicion was taken : hee thought it in vaine to attempt the court , and perswaded him rather to saue himselfe by flight , then to ingage himselfe further , and all his company . and so the resolution of the earle grewe to go into the citie , in hope ( as he saide before ) to finde many friends there . hee doeth also say , that the earle did vsually , speake of his purpose to alter the gouernement . chr. blunt. exam per. io. herbert . subscribed in presence of nico. kempe , tho. thorney , rob. andrewes , vv. martin , randolph bull. ¶ the declaration of the lord keeper , the earle of worcester , and the l. chiefe iustice of england . vpon sunday , being the eight of february last past , about ten of the clocke in the forenoone , the lord keeper of the great seale , the earle of vvorcester , sir vvilliam knollis comptroller of her maiesties householde , and the lord chiefe iustice of england , being commaunded by direction from the qveenes maiestie , did repaire to the late earle of essex his house , and finding the gate shut against them , after a little stay they were let in at the wicket . and assoone as they were within the gate , the wicket was shutte vpon them , and all their seruants kept out . at their comming thither , they found the court full of men assembled together in verie tumultuous sort : the earles of essex , rutland , and southampton , and the lord sandys , master parker , commonly called lord mountegle , sir christopher blunt , sir charles dauers , and manie other knights and gentlemen , and other persons vnknowen , which flocked together about the lorde keeper , &c. and thereupon the lorde keeper tolde the earle of essex , that they were sent from her maiestie , to vnderstand the cause of this their assembly , and to let them know , that if they had any particular cause of griefe against any persons whatsoeuer , it should be heard , and they should haue iustice . hereupon the earle of essex with a very lowd voice declared , that his life vvas sought , and that hee should haue beene murthered in his bed ; that he had beene perfidiously dealt vvith ; that his hand had beene counterfaited , and letters vvritten in his name ; and that therefore they vvere assembled there together to defend their liues : with much other speech to like effect . hereupon the lord chiefe iustice sayd vnto the earle , that if they had any such matter of griefe , or if any such matter vvere attempted or purposed against him , he vvilled the earle to declare it , assuring him that it should be truely related to her maiestie , and that it should be indifferently heard , and iustice should be done , vvhomsoeuer it concerned . to this the earle of southampton obiected the assault made vpon him by the lord gray . whereunto the lord chiefe iustice sayd , that in his case , iustice had beene done , and the partie imprisoned for it . and hereupon the lord keeper did eftsoones vvill the earle of essex , that vvhatsoeuer priuate matter or offence hee had against any person vvhatsoeuer , if hee vvould deliuer it vnto them , they vvould faithfully and honestly deliuer it to the qveenes maiesty , and doubted not to procure him honourable and equall iustice , whomsoeuer it concerned : requiring him , that if hee would not declare it openly , that hee woulde impart it vnto them priuatelie , and doubted not but they would satisfie him in it . vpon this there was a great clamour raised amongst the multitude , crying , away my lorde , they abuse you , they betray you , they vndoe you , you lose time . whereupon the lord keeper put on his hat , & said with a loud voice , my lord , let vs speake with you priuately , and vnderstand your griefes : and i command you all vpon your allegiance , to lay downe your vveapons , and to depart , vvhich you ought all to doe , being thus commanded , if you be good subiects , and owe that duetie to the qveenes maiesty which you professe . whereupon they all brake out into an exceeding loud shout and cry , crying , all , all , all . and whilest the lord keeper was speaking , and commanding them vpon their allegiance , as is before declared , the earle of essex and the most part of that company did put on their hats , and so the earle of essex went into the house , and the lord keeper , &c. followed him , thinking that his purpose had beene to speake with them priuately , as they had required . and as they were going , some of that disordered companie cried , kill them . and as they were going into the great chamber , some cried , cast the great seale out of the window . some other cried there , kill them : and some other sayd , nay , let vs shop them vp . the lorde keeper did often call to the earle of essex to speake with them priuately , thinking still that his meaning had beene so , vntill the earle brought them into his backe chamber , and there gaue order to haue the further doore of that chamber shut fast . and at his going foorth out of that chamber , the lorde keeper pressing againe to haue spoken with the earle of essex , the earle sayd , my lords , be patient a while , and stay heere , and i will goe into london , and take order with the maior and shiriffes for the citie , and will be heere againe within this halfe houre . and so departed from the lord keeper , &c. leauing the lord keeper , &c and diuers of the gentlemen pensioners in that chamber , guarded by sir iohn dauis , francis tresham , and owen salisburie , with musquet shot , where they continued vntill sir ferdinando gorges came and deliuered them about foure of the clocke in the afternoone . in the meane time wee did often require sir iohn dauis , and francis tresham , to suffer vs to depart , or at the least , to suffer some one of vs to go to the qveenes maiesty , to informe her vvhere and in what sort we were kept . but they answered , that my lord ( meaning the earle of essex ) had commanded that we should not depart before his returne , which ( they said ) would be very shortly . thomas egerton c. s. edward worcester . iohn popham . ¶ the examination of roger earle of rutland , the 12. of february 1600. taken before sir thomas egerton l. keeper of the great seale , the l. buckhurst l. high treasurer , the earle of notingham l. high admirall , sir robert cecill principall secretary , and sir io. popham l. chiefe iustice of england . he saith , that at his comming to essex house on sunday morning last , he found there with the earle of essex , the lord sandys , and the l. chandos , and diuers knights and gentlemen . and the earle of essex tolde this examinate , that his life was practised to bee taken away by the lord cobham , and sir walter raleigh , when he was sent for to the counsell . and the earle said , that now he meant by the helpe of his friends , to defend himselfe and saith , that the deteining of the lord keeper and the other lords sent to the earle from the queene , was a stratageme of warre . and saith , that the earle of essex told him , that london stood for him , and that sherife smith had giuen him intelligence , that hee would make as many men to assist him as he could . and further the earle of essex said , that he meant to possesse himselfe of the citie , the better to enable himselfe to reuenge him on his enemies , the lord cobham , sir robert cecil , and sir walter raleigh . and this examinate confesseth , that he resolued to liue and die with the earle of essex : and that the earle of essex did intend to make his forces so strong , that her maiestie should not be able to resist him in the reuenge of his enemies . and saith , that the earle of essex was most inward with the earle of southampton , sir christopher blunt , and others : who haue of long time shewed themselues discontented , and haue aduised the earle of essex to take other courses , and to stand vpon his guard . and saith , that when the earle of essex was talking with the l. keeper , and other the lords sent from her maiestie , diuers sayd , my lord , they meane to abuse you , & you loose time . and when the earle came to sherife smiths , hee desired him to send for the lord maior , that hee might speake with him . and as the earle went in the streetes of london , this examinate sayd to diuers of the citizens , that if they would needes come , that it was better for their safetie to come with weapons in their hands . and saith , that the earle of essex ( at the end of the streete where sherife smith dwelt ) cried out to the citizens , that they did him harme , for that they came naked : and willed them to get them weapons . and the earle of essex also cried out to the citizens , that the crowne of england was offred to be solde to the infanta . and saith , that the earle burned diuers papers , that were in a little casket , whereof one was , as the earle sayd , an historie of his troubles . and sayth , that when they were assaulted in essex house , after their returne , they first resolued to haue made a sallie out . and the earle sayd , that he was determined to die : and yet in the end they changed their opinion , and yeelded . and sayth , that the earle of southampton , sir christopher blunt , and sir iohn dauies aduised the earle of essex , that the lord keeper and his company should be deteined . and this examinate sayth , that he heard diuers there present cry out , kill them , kill them . and sayth , that he thinketh the earle of essex intended , that after he had possessed himselfe of the citie , hee would intreat the lord keeper and his company , to accompany him to the court. hee sayth , hee heard sir christopher blunt say openly in the presence of the earle of essex and others , how fearefull , and in what seuerall humors they should finde them at the court , when they came thither . rutland . exam. per th. egerton c. s. t. buckhurst . notingham . ro cecill . io. popham . ¶ the confession of william lord sandys , of the parish of sherborne cowdry , in the countie of southampton , taken this 16. of february 1600. before sir iohn popham l. chiefe iustice , roger wilbraham master of the requests , and edw. coke her maiesties atturney generall . he saith , that hee neuer vnderstood , that the earle did meane to stand vpon his strength , till sunday in the morning , being the eight of this instant februarie . and saith , that in the morning of that day , this examinat was sent for by the earle of essex , about sixe or seuen of the clocke : and the earle sent for him by his seruant warberton , who was married to a widowe in hampshire . and at his comming to the earle , there were sixe or seuen gentlemen with him : but remembreth not what they were : and next after , of a noble man , came my lord chandos , and after him came the earle of southampton , and presently after , the earle of rutland , and after him master parker , commonly called the lord mountegle . and sayeth , that at his comming to the earle of essex , he complained that it was practised by sir walter raleigh to haue murdered him , as hee should haue gone to the lord treasurers house , with master secretary herbert . and saith , that he was present in the court-yard of essex house , when the lord keeper , the earle of worcester , sir william knollis , and the lorde chiefe iustice , came from the qveenes maiestie to the earle of essex . and the lord chiefe iustice required the earle of essex to haue some priuate conference with him : and that , if any priuate wrongs were offered vnto him , that they would make true report thereof to her maiestie , who no doubt would reforme the same . and sayeth , that this examinat went with the earle , and the rest of his company to london to sherife smithes : but went not into the house with him , but stayed in the streete a while , and being sent for by the earle of essex , went into the house , and from thence came with him , till hee came to ludgate : which place being guarded , and resistance being made , and perceiued by the earle of essex , he said vnto his company , charge : and thereupon sir christopher blunt , and others of his company , gaue the charge , and being repulsed , and this examinat hurt in the legge , the earle retired with this examinat and others , to his house , called essex house . and on his retire , the earle said to this examinat , that if sherife smith did not his part , that his part was as farre foorth as the earles owne , which mooued him to thinke , that he trusted to the citie . and when the earle was after his retire in essex house , he tooke an yron casket , and broke it open , and burnt diuerse papers in it . whereof there was a booke , as he taketh it : and said as he was burning of them , that they should tell no tales to hurt his friends . and saith , that the earle saide , that he had a blacke bagge about his necke , that should tell no tales . william sandys . exam. per ioh. popham . roger vvilbraham . edw. coke . ¶ the examination of the lord cromwell , taken the 7. of march 1600. by sir i. popham l. chiefe iustice , christ. yeluerton her maiesties sergeant , and fr. bacon of her maiesties learned councell . at the sherifs house this examinate pressed in with the rest , and found the earls shifting themselues in an inner chamber : where he heard my l. of essex certifie the company , that he had bene aduertised out of ireland ( which hee would not nowe hide from them ) that the realme should be deliuered ouer to the handes of the infanta of spaine , and that he was wished to looke to it . further , that he was to seeke redresse for iniuries : and that he had left at his house for pledges , the lord keeper , the earle of worcester , sir william knollis , and the lord chiefe iustice. edw. cromwell . exam. per io popham . chr. yeluerton . fr. bacon . ¶ sir christopher blunt , knight , at the time of his arraignement , did openly at the barre desire to speake with the l. admiral , and m. secretary : before whom he made this confession folowing : which the earle of southampton confirmed afterwards : and he himselfe likewise at his death . he confesseth , that at the castle of dublin , in that lodging , which was once the earle of southamptons , the earle of essex purposing his returne into england , aduised with the earle of southampton , and himselfe , of his best maner of going into england for his securitie , seeing to goe hee was resolued . at that time he propounded his going with a competent number of souldiers , to the number of two or three thousand , to haue made good his first landing with that force , vntill hee coulde haue drawen vnto himselfe a sufficient strength to haue proceeded further . from this purpose , this examinate did vse all forcible perswasions : alledging not only his owne ruine , which should follow thereof , and all those which should adhere to him in that action : but vrging it to him , as a matter most foule , because hee was not onely helde a patron of his countrey , which by this meanes hee should haue destroyed : but also , should haue layed vpon himselfe an irreuocable blot , hauing bene so deeply bound to her maiestie . to which disswasion , the earle of southampton also inclined . this desseigne being thus disswaded by them , then they fell to a second consideration . and therein this examinate confesseth , that hee rather aduised him , if needes hee would goe , to take with him some competent number of choise men . he did not name vnto him any particular power , that would haue come to him at his landing , but assured himselfe that his armie would haue bene quickly increased by all sorts of discontented people . he did confesse before his going that hee was assured that many of the rebels would be aduised by him : but named none in particular . ¶ the examination of the earle of southampton after his arraignement : taken before the earle of notingham lord high admirall , sir robert cecill principall secretarie , and m. iohn herbert second secretary of estate . sir christopher blunt being hurt , and lying in the castle of dublin , in a chamber which had bene mine , the earle of essex one day tooke me thither with him : where being none but we three , he told vs , he found it necessarie for him to goe into england , and thought it fit to carie with him as much of the armie , as he could conueniently transport , to goe on shore with him to wales , and there to make good his landing with those , till hee could send for more . not doubting but his army would so increase in a small time , that hee should bee able to march to london , and make his conditions , as he desired . to which proiect i answered , that i held it altogether vnfit , aswell in respect of his conscience to god , and his loue to his countrey , as his duetie to his souereigne , of which , he ( of all men ) ought to haue greatest regard , seeing her maiesties fauours to him had bene so extraordinarie . wherefore , i could neuer giue any consent vnto it . sir christopher blunt ioyned with me in this opinion . exam. per notingham , ro. cecil , io. herbert . ¶ the speaches of sir chr. blunt , at the time of his death , as neere as they could be remembred march 18. 1600. my lords , and you that be present , although i must confesse , that it were better fitting the little time i haue to breath , to bestow the same in asking god forgiuenes for my manifold and abominable sinnes , then to vse any other discourse , especially , hauing both an imperfection of speech , and god knowes , a weake memorie , by reason of my late grieuous wound : yet to satisfie all those that are present , what course hath bene held by me , in this late enterprise , because i was sayd to be an instigator , and setter on of the late earle , i will truely , and vpon the perill of my soule , speake the trueth . it is true , that the first time that euer i vnderstoode of any dangerous discontentment in my l. of essex , was about three yeeres agoe , at wansted , vpon his comming one day from greenwich . at that time he spake many things vnto mee , but descended into no particulars , but in generall termes . after which time , he neuer brake with me in any matter , tending to the alteration of the state , ( i protest before god ) vntill he came into ireland , other then i might conceiue , that he was of an ambitious and discontented mind . but , when i lay at the castle of thomas lee , called reban , in ireland , grieuously hurt , and doubted of my life : hee came to visit mee , and then began to acquaint me with his intent . as hee thus spake , the sheriffe began to interrupt him , and told him the houre was past . but my lord gray , and sir walter raleigh captaine of the guard , called to the sheriffe , and required him not to interrupt him , but to suffer him quietly to finish his prayers and confessions . sir christopher blunt said , is sir walter raleigh there ? those on the scaffold answered , yea. to whom sir christopher blunt spake on this maner . sir walter raleigh , i thanke god that you are present . i had an infinite desire to speake with you , to aske you forgiuenes ere i died , both for the wrōg done you , and for my particular ill intent towards you : i beseech you forgiue me . sir walter raleigh answered , that he most willingly forgaue him , and besought god to forgiue him , and to giue him his diuine comfort : protesting before the lord , that whatsoeuer sir christopher blunt meant towards him , for his part , he neuer had any ill intent towards him : and further saide to sir christopher blunt , i pray you without offence , let me put you in minde that you haue bene esteemed , not only a principall prouoker and perswader of the earle of essex in all his vndutifull courses , but especially an aduiser in that which hath bene confessed of his purpose to transport a great part of her maiesties armie out of ireland into england , to land at milford , and thence to turne it against her sacred person . you shall doe well to tell the trueth , and to satisfie the world . to which he answered thus . sir , if you will giue me patience , i will deliuer a trueth , speaking now my last , in the presence of god , in whose mercie i trust . and then hee directed himselfe to my lord gray , and my lord compton , and the rest that sate on horsebacke neere the scaffold . when i was brought from reban to dublin , and lodged in the castle , his lordship and the earle of southampton came to visite me ; and to be short , he began thus plainely with me : that hee intended to transport a choise part of the armie of ireland into england , and land them in wales , at milford , or thereabouts : and so securing his descent , thereby would gather such other forces , as might inable him to march to london . to which , i protest before the lord god , i made this , or the like answere : that i would that night consider of it , which i did . and the next day the earles came againe : i told them , that such an enterprise , as it was most dangerous , so would it cost much blood , as i could not like of it : besides many hazzards , which at this time i cannot remember vnto you , neither will the time permit it . but i rather aduised him to goe ouer himselfe with a good traine , and make sure of the court , and then make his owne conditions . and although it be true , that ( as we all protested in our examinations and arraignements ) we neuer resolued of doing hurt to her maiesties person : ( for in none of our consultations was there set downe any such purpose ) yet , i know , and must confesse , if we had failed of our ends , we should ( rather then haue bene disapointed ) euen haue drawne blood from her selfe . frō henceforward , he dealt no more with mee herein , vntill he was discharged of his keeper , at essex house . and then , he againe asked mine aduise , and disputed the matter with me ; but resolued not . i went then into the countrey , and before he sent for me ( which was some tenne daies before his rebellion ) i neuer heard more of the matter . and then hee wrote vnto mee , to come vp , vpon pretence of making some assurances of land , and the like i will leaue the rest vnto my confessions , giuen to that honourable lord admirall , and worthy m. secretary , ( to whom i beseech you sir walter raleigh commend me ) i can requite their fauourable & charitable dealing with me , with nought els but my prayers for them . and i beseech god of his mercy , to saue and preserue the queene , who hath giuen comfort to my soule , in that i heare shee hath forgiuen mee all , but the sentence of the lawe , which i most worthily deserued , and do most willingly imbrace , and hope that god will haue mercy and compassion on me , who haue offended him as many wayes , as euer sinfull wretch did . i haue lead a life so farre from his precepts , as no sinner more . god forgiue it mee , and forgiue mee my wicked thoughts , my licentious life , and this right arme of mine , which ( i feare me ) hath drawen blood in this last action . and i beseech you all beare witnesse , that i die a catholike , yet so , as i hope to be saued onely by the death and passion of christ , and by his merits , not ascribing any thing to mine owne works . and i trust you are all good people , and your prayers may profit me . farewell my worthy lord gray , and my lord compton , and to you all , god send you both to liue long in honour . i will desire to say a few prayers , and imbrace my death most willingly . with that hee turned from the rayle , towards the executioner : and the minister offering to speake with him , he came againe to the raile , and besought that his conscience might not be troubled , for he was resolued ; which he desired for gods sake . whereupon commandement was giuen , that the minister should not interrupt him any further . after which he prepared himselfe to the blocke , and so died very manfully and resolutely . ¶ an abstract out of the earle of essex confession vnder his owne hande . vpon saturday the 21. of february , after the late earle of essex had desired vs to come to him , as well to deliuer his knowledge of those treasons , which he had formerly denied at the barre , as also to recommend his humble and earnest request , that her maiesty would bee pleased ( out of her grace and fauour ) to suffer him to die priuately in the towre : he did marueilous earnestly desire , that we would suffer him to speake vnto cuffe his secretary : against whome hee vehemently complained vnto vs , to haue bene a principall instigator to these violent courses , which he had vndertaken . wherein he protested , that he chiefly desired that he might make it appeare , that he was not the onely perswader of these great offences , which they had committed : but that blunt , cuffe , temple , besides those other persons , who were at the priuate conspiracie at drury house ( to which though these three were not called , yet they were priuy ) had most malicious and bloody purposes , to subuert the state and gouernment : which could not haue bene preuented , if his proiect had gone forward . this request being graunted him , and cuffe brought before him , hee there directly and vehemently charged him . and amongst other speaches vsed these words : henry cuffe , call to god for mercy , and to the queene , and deserue it , by declaring trueth . for i , that must now prepare for another world , haue resolued to deale clearely with god , and the world : and must needes say this to you ; you haue bene one of the chiefest instigators of me , to all these my disloyall courses , into which i haue fallen . testified by tho. egerton . c. s. th. buckhurst . notingham . ro. cecil . the earle of essex his confession to three ministers , whose names are vnder written , the 25. of februarie 1600. the late earle of essex thanked god most heartily , that he had giuen him a deeper insight into his offence , being sory he had so stood vpon his iustification at his arraignment , for he was since that become an other man. he thanked god that his course was so preuented : for if his proiect had taken effect , god knowes ( sayde hee ) what harme it had wrought in the realme . he humbly thanked her maiesty that he should die in so priuate manner , lest the acclamation of the people might haue beene a temptation vnto him . to which he added , that all popularitie and trust in man was vaine : the experience whereof himselfe had felt . he acknowledged with thankfulnesse to god , that he was thus iustly spewed out of the realme . he publikely in his prayer and protestation , as also priuately , aggrauated the detestation of his offence : and especially in the hearing of them that were present at the execution , hee exaggerated it with foure epithetes , desiring god to forgiue him his great , his bloodie , his crying , and his infectious sinne : which word infectious , he priuately had explaned to vs , that it was a leprosie that had infected farre and neere . thomas montford . vvilliam barlow . abdie ashton his chaplaine . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a01216-e130 the confession of blunt. 3. the confession of th. lee. in the confession of blunt at the barre , he did there declare that he had essex his particular warrant to send lee , and afterwardes was desired by essex to take it vpon himselfe , and that they both had pardons . the relation of sir wi. warren certified vnder his hand frō the councell of ireland to the lords of the councell here . the report of ri. bremingham to the councell of estate in ireland . the confession of tho. wood. the confession of iames knowde . the declarations of da. hethrington , iames knowd and others . the confession of th. lee. the earle of southampton and sir christopher blunt. the substance of that which is confessed by southampton and blunt touching essex purpose to haue transported into england the armie of ireland , and the changing of that dessein into the other dessein of surprising the queene and the court. the speach of sir christopher blunt at his arraignement , and the occasion of the falling into the aforesayd confessions . the place of generall of the horse in the armie of ireland was conferred by essex vpon southampton contrary to her maiesties expresse commandement . the declaration of sir he. neuell . the confession of blunt and dauis . the declaration of sir henry neuil , and confession of sir ferdinando gorge . the confession of blunt. the cōfessions of sir charles dauers . 1. 2. sir io. dauis 2. sir ferdin . gorge 2. sir christopher blunt 2. southampton at the barre . sir henry neuels declaration , the confession of blunt. 3. confession of sir ferdinando gorge . the confession of the erle of rutland . the declaration of the l. keeper , the earle of worcester , the l. chiefe iustice vnder their hands . the othe of the l. chiefe iustice viua voce . the declaration of the earle of worcester viua voce . the confession of the earle of rutland . the l. sandis . the confession of the erle of rutl. essex confession at the barre . notes for div a01216-e4950 some question was made by the earle of essex , whether he might chalenge any of the peers . but answere was made by the iudges , that the law had that reputatiō of the peeres , that it trusted them both without othe and chalenge . notes for div a01216-e6820 the testimony of the 3. diuines vnder their hands . notes for div a01216-e7000 the confession of blunt at his death , which is set downe in the ende . notes for div a01216-e7680 the earle of essex came the same day to the court in england . * the titulary earle that is in rebellion . this weaknes was in respect of his hurt receiuedin charging her maiesties forces at ludgate . this examination as appeareth by the date , was taken after essex arraignment , but is inserted , to shew how the speech of the realme to be solde to the infanta , which at his arraignment he deriued frō m. secretary , at shr. smiths house he said was aduertised out of ireland and with this latter concurre many other examinations . a true and historical relation of the poysoning of sir thomas overbury with the severall arraignments and speeches of those that were executed thereupon : also, all the passages concerning the divorce between robert, late earle of essex, and the lady frances howard : with king james's and other large speeches / collected out of the papers of sir francis bacon ... bacon, francis, 1561-1626. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a28503 of text r10750 in the english short title catalog (wing b338). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 179 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 55 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a28503 wing b338 estc r10750 11992600 ocm 11992600 52051 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a28503) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 52051) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 80:7, 2158:14) a true and historical relation of the poysoning of sir thomas overbury with the severall arraignments and speeches of those that were executed thereupon : also, all the passages concerning the divorce between robert, late earle of essex, and the lady frances howard : with king james's and other large speeches / collected out of the papers of sir francis bacon ... bacon, francis, 1561-1626. james i, king of england, 1566-1625. [2], 127 p. : port. printed by t.m. & a.c. for john benson and john playford ..., london : 1651. item at 80:7 identified as b338 (entry cancelled in wing 2nd ed.). reproduction of original in huntington library. eng overbury, thomas, -sir, 1581-1613. essex, robert devereux, -earl of, 1591-1646. somerset, frances howard carr, -countess of, 1593-1632. poisoning. a28503 r10750 (wing b338). civilwar no a true and historical relation of the poysoning of sir thomas overbury. with the severall arraignments and speeches of those that were execu [no entry] 1651 33861 16 0 0 0 0 0 5 b the rate of 5 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2000-00 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2001-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2001-07 tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread 2003-07 spi global rekeyed and resubmitted 2003-08 marika ismail sampled and proofread 2003-08 marika ismail text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the lively portraicture of sir thomas overbury . a mans ' best fortune or his worst's a wife : yet i , that knew nor mariage peace nor strife , live by a good , by a bad one lost my life . a wife like her i writ , man scarse can wed : of a false friend like mine , man scarse hath read . laur : lisle excud . a true and historical relation of the poysoning of sir thomas overbury . with the severall arraignments and speeches of those that were executed thereupon . also , all the passages concerning the divorce between robert late earle of essex , and the lady frances howard : with king james's and other large speeches . collected out of the papers of sir francis bacon , the kings attorney-generall . london , printed by t. m. & a. c. for iohn benson and iohn playford , and are sold at their shops in s. dunstans church-yard , and in the middle temple . 1651. the proceedings which happened touching the divorce between the lady frances howard , and robert earle of essex . the lady frances howard , before the kings delegates , geor. canterbury , iohn london , lanc ▪ ely , rich. leichfield and coventry , doctor caesar , thomas parry , daniel dunne , iohn bennet , franc. iames , and thomas edwards , authorised under the kings broad seale , plaintiffs , in ian. 1616. that she and robert earle of essex were married by publique rites and ceremonies of the church , in ian. 1603. that she at the same time was fully thirteen years old , and is at this time twenty two , or twenty three . that the foresaid robert at the time of the pretentended marriage was about fourteen , and is about two and twenty , or three and twenty at this time ; and ever since , and at this present is a man ( as far forth as a man may judge ) and hath been in good health and perfect estate of body , not any way hindred by any ague or sicknesse , but that he might have carnall copulation with a woman . that since the pretended marriage at least by the space of a whole year , and continued three years after the said robert had fully attained the age of eighteen yeares ( as time and place did serve ) after the fashion of other marryed folks , the said frances howard in hope of lawfull issue and desirous to be made a mother , lived together with the said robert at bed and board , and lay both naked , and alone in the same bed ( as married folks use ) and desirous to be made a mother from time to time , again , and again yeelded herselfe to his power , and as much as lay in her offered her self and her body to be known , and earnestly desired conjunction and copulation : and also the said earle in the same time , very often , again and again , did try to have copulation as with his lawful wife , which she refused not , but used the best means she could . notwithstanding all this , the said earle could never carnally know her , nor have that copulation in any sort which the married-bed alloweth ; yet before the said pretended marriage and since , the said earle hath had , and hath power and ability of body to deal with other women , and to know them carnally , and sometimes hath felt the motions and pricks of the flesh carnally and tending to carnal copulation as he saith , and believeth : but by perpetual and natural impediment hath been hindered all the former time , and is at this present , that he can have no copulation with the said lady frances . furthermore , the said lady frances hath been , and is a woman fit and able to have copulation with a man and such an one as may be carnally known , neither hath in this regard any impediment . moreover the said lady frances remaineth , and is at this present a virgin . also at the time of the pretended marriage , the said lady frances was unacquainted with the said earles want of ability and impediment formerly mentioned . and furthermore , the said earle long before this suit commenced , hath very often , and at sundry times confessed in good earnest , before witnesses of good credite , and his friends and kinsfolks , that although he did his best endeavour , yet he never could not , nor at this time can have copulation with the said lady frances , no not once . and also in regard of womanish modesty , the said lady frances hath concealed the former matter , and had a purpose ever to conceale it , if she had not been forced through false rumours of disobedience to the said earle to reveale them . she requireth , since this pretended matrimony is but a fact , and not in right ; it may be pronounced , adjudged , and declared , as none of none effect , and she may be quit and freed from all knot and bond of the same , by your sentence and authority . the earle of essex replyeth , 5. jun. 1614. to the first and second , he answereth affirmatively . to the third , he thinketh that at the time of his marriage he was full fourteen years , and is now twenty two and upwards ; neither since hath had , or hath any sicknesse or impediments to hinder him , but that he might have had copulation of a woman , saving in the time of his sicknesse of the smal-pox , two or three years after the said marriage , which continued for a moneth or six weeks , and at another time , when he had few fits of an ague . to the fourth he affirmeth , that for one year he diverse times attempted : that the two other years he did lye in bed most commonly with her , but felt no motion or provocation ; and therefore attempted the first year : when he was willing , she shewed her self sometimes willing , but other times refused . to the fifth , he answereth , that he never knew her carnally , but found not any defect in himself ; yet was not able to penetrate into the wombe , nor enjoy her . to the sixth , he believeth , that before and after the marriage , he hath found an ability of body to know any other woman , and hath oftentimes felt motions and provocations of the flesh , rending to carnal copulation ; but for perpetuall and natural impediments he knoweth not what the words meaneth , but that he hath layen by the lady frances two or three years , and hath no motion to know her , and believeth he never shall . to the seventh , he believeth not that the said lady frances is a woman apt and fit for carnal copulation , because he hath not found it . to the eighth and nineth , he believeth them both to be true , and thinketh that once before some witnesses of credit , he did speak to this purpose , that he had oftentimes endeavoured carnally to know her , but that he did not nor could . the lord arch-bishop his speech to his majesty . in as much as we firmly believe that the scripture directly or by consequence doth contain in it ▪ sufficient matter to decide all controversies , especially in things appertaining to the church , and that marriage amongst christians can be no lesse accompted then a sacred thing , as being instituted by god himself in paradice , honoured by the presence of our saviour himself , declared by st. paul to be a signe of the spiritual conjunction between christ and his church . i would be glad to know by what text of scripture either by the old or new testament , a man may have a warrant to make a nullity of a marriage solemnly celebrated propter maleficium versus hanc : which i doe the rather ask , because i finde warrants expressely ( in the scriptures ) to make a nullity of marriage , propter frigiditatem , by the words of our saviour , matth. 9.12 . for there be some which are chaste or eunuches , which are so born of their mothers belly , and there be some which are made chaste of men , and there be some which have made themselves chaste for the kingdome of heaven . i would also know gladly , what ancient father amongst the greeks or latines , by occasion of interpretation of scripture , or any disputation hath mentined maleficium versus hanc . the like i demand touching ancient councels , either general or provincial , and concerning stories ecclesiastical , whether any such matter be to be found in them . if ( for ought that appeareth ) never mention was made of this untill hercanus rhemesis episcopus , who lived 400. years after christ , it may well be conceived that this was a concomitant of darknesse and popish superstition , which about that time grew to so great an height ( god permitting them ) that punishment might fall upon the children of unbelief . but since the light of the gospel is now in so great a measure broken forth again , why should not i hope that those who have imbraced the gospel should be free from this maleficium , especially , since amongst a million of men in our age , there is not one found in all our country , who is clearly , and evidently known to be troubled with the same , and if there should be any , which should seem to be molested , we are taught to use two remedies , the one spiritual physick , the other external . for the first , our saviour said , hoc genus demonirum non ejicitur nisi per orationem & iejunium . and st. peter speaking of the devil , cui resistite firmi in side : and the canonists themselves prescribe alms , fasting and prayer , to be used in that case ; but that they joyn supplication and their exorcismes thereunto : and for corporal medicine to be applyed there with , as against a disease . so is the judgement of our late divines , whether they speak of maleficium or not . now admit the earle of essex might be imagined to be troubled with maleficium versus hanc , i demand what alms hath been given , what fasting hath been used , and what prayers have been poured forth to appease the wrath of god towards him or his wife ; or what physick hath been taken or medicine applyed for three years together : not one of those things , but the first hearing must be to pronounce a nullity in the marriage ; of which declaration , we know the beginning , but no mortal mans wit can foresee the end , either in his person , or in the example . the arch-bishop for confirmation of this opinion shewed the testimony of beza , melancthon , perillus , hemingus , pollanus , feriterius , and gautius . the kings answer . to the first article , that the scripture doth directly or by consequence contain sufficient matter to decide all controversies , especially in things appertaining to the church , this is in my opinion proposites , and one of the puritans arguments , without a better distinction or explanation . for the orthodox proposition is , that the scripture doth directly or by consequence contain in it sufficient matter to decide all controversies in points of faith and salvation ; of which sort a nullity of marriage cannot be accompted , and therefore your consequence upon the proposition must faile . for satisfaction of your following question , i say , your second question doth answer it : if there be warrant in scripture for pronouncing a nullity propter frigiditatem , then all the means which make him frigidus versus hanc , must be comprehended therein : for , why doth our church justly condemn the marriage of a man with his sisters daughter , or the marriage of two sisters , but a paritate rationis , for none of them is in terminis prohibited by scriptures , onely the construction is gathered a paritate rationis : for if it be not lawfull to marry your fathers wife , because thereby you discover your fathers shame ; nor his sister , because she is his kinswoman ; nor your own sister , because thereby you discover your father and mothers shame ; it can no more be lawfull to marry your sisters daughter , for thereby you discover also your own shame , as also the same reason serves for ascending or descending in points of consanguinity , quia par est ratio . the like is in this case : for although christ spake onely of three sorts of eunuches , yet ratio est quia non potest esse copulatio inter eunuchum & muli●rum ; and therefore st. paul in the 1. of cor. v. 7. telleth us clearly , that it is not conjugium sine copulatione : i conclude therefore , à paritate rationis , that christ did comprehend under these three sorts all inability , which doth perpetually hinder copulationem versus hanc : whether it be naturall or accidentall , for what difference is there between cutting off the hand , and being made impotent thereof ? amputatio & mutilatio membri , is all one in the civil law ; and it is a little defrauding of the woman , when either he who is to be her husband is gelded , or when the use of that member towards her is by any unlawfull means taken from him : neither is it any way needfull to crave the particular warrant of the scripture for a nullity , no more then of warrantie in that place for any nullity at all : for christ doth not directly say , that a marriage so married shall be nullified , neither doth he teach us what form of process shall be used , in that neither makes he mention of the triennial probation , no more then he forbiddeth marrying within the fourth degree without leave obtained of the bishop of the diocesse : it is then sufficient for all moderate examinants to be taught out of the word of god , that marriage is nulla sine copula ; and that word , quos deus conjunxit , is never found in scripture where durant ius doth not proceed ( viz. ) they two shall be one flesh . but whether the impediments be universall , or versus hanc only , or whether the fault thereof hath been born with him , or done to him by violence , or fallen to him by disease , or disproportion or inaptitude betwixt the persons , or unnaturall practices , that is ever par ratio , he is eunuchus versus hanc , & omnes alias , seeing to her onely was he married . then paritate rationis , such nullities are grounded upon the foresaid warrantie of scripture ; neither hath christ any occasion to speak of jews marrying , concerning maleficium versus hanc ; for although it be apparent that god made king abimelech and his servants unable to abuse sara abrahams wife , and so was made by god himself eunuchus versus hanc , and that be not improbable , that the devil being gods ape , should imitate gods works by his filthy witch-craft by making such as god will permit unable versus hanc ; howbeit , it be very probable that it was long after that the devil put that trick upon the earth . as for the third and fourth questions , what mention the fathers and councils doe make of maleficium versus hanc . i answer , that it may be ( if they were searched ) that either something to this purpose in them , or at least aliquid analogum , with à paritate rationis , or by consequence , may serve to decide the question . but leaving this to search , my main answer , is , that we must distinguish of times : for in all the first ages as long as persecution lay heavy upon the church , & before the empire christian , the church did not meddle with any thing which drew a consequence after it of possession or inheritance , as marriage doth . nay , even divers hundred years after the conversion of the emperours , the judgement and disposition of all such questions did still remain in foro civili , untill the popedome began to wax great , and to assume , or rather to usurpe to her self a supream and independant judicature in all ecclesiastical causes ; and therefore the fathers and the councils had no occasion to make mention of that which was not prefori at that time . and besides , that is an evill argument to say such a thing is unlawfull , because the the fathers and councils make no mention of it : for you know much better then i , divers and many points betwixt the papists and us are never mentioned by the fathers , because that they could never have dreamed that such questions would arise , and therefore are the fathers exact onely in such questions , as were agitated upon the stage in their time , as de trinitate , de duabus in christo naturis , and such like ; and therefore sufficient , that there can be nothing found which may justly be understood to contradict this opinion : and it is very probable ( j say ) before that , this trick of maleficium had not been put in practise in the world ; and therefore not known or mentioned by them . for why may not the devil as well finde out new tricks of witch-craft ( when god will permit him ) as he doth daily new sects and heresies ? for his malice can never end untill the end of times . to the fifth argument my former question doth also serve , for till the four hundred year after god ( it may be ) that divellish trick came never to be discovered ; you know the old proverb , ex malis moribus bonae leges ; and it is not unlikely , that that time of darknesse gave the devil occasion to devise such new tricks , ( look my demonologie ) and yet was that law for which you cite ibircanus by charles the great , who in many great points ( as you know ) had so great light as i doe scarce tearm this time a time of blindnesse ; but how great soever that darknesse was in point of superstition , i will still maintain as i have ever done , that for matter of order and policie , all the world shall never be able to finde out any so good , and so old an order of government to be put in the place of that ; in signe whereof there is no well governed common-wealth in the christian world wherein the common-law is not received to judge in questions of that nature . and it is certain that this question now in hand is onely a question of order and policie , for the ground of this question , that the essential point of matrimony cannot be accomplished sine copula , is warranted by scripture , and warranted by your self . to your sixth argument , or rather hope , i fear that hope shal prove contrary to faith ; for as sure as god is , there be devils , and some devils must have some power , and their power is in this world , neither are the elect exempted from this power : iob was not , st paul was not ; christ said to all his disciples , crebuerit vos sathanas : and if the devil hath any power , it is over their flesh ; and if over their flesh , rather over the filthiest and most sinful part thereof , whereunto original sin is soldered . as god before , and under the law , to shew officii altum of purging mans original sin , the praeputium of the foreskin . and to exempt these of our profession from the power of witchraft , is a paradox never yet maintained by any learned or wise men . that the devils power is not so universal against us , i freely confesse , but that it is utterly restrained , quoad nos , how was then a minister of geneva bewitched to death ? and were the witches daily punished by our law , if they can harm none but the papists , we are too charitable for avenging them only . sathan is permitted to punish man as well for the breach of the second , as of the first table , and therefore are we no lesse guilty then the papists are ; and if the power of witchraft reach to our life , much more to a member not so governed by the fancy wherein the devil hath his principal operation ; and he may so enstrange the husbands affections towards the wife , as he cannot be able to performe that duty unto her ; for that is a common thing in many mens natures , that they cannot doe that thing but where they love , nor fight but where they are angry : god keep us therefore from putting the trial of our profession upon miracles ; let the miracle-mongers live by their owne trade . to the seventh argument touching remedies , what doe you know whether both parties , or either of them , have used their meanes of remedy or not ? and that special remedy should be used publikly ? for then i can see no necessity , for non interest reipub. nec ecclesiae , and private persons are commanded to their fastings , and their almes secretly and in private ; no such cure also is likely to succeed well , except the parties own hearts and desires be set thereupon . and as for your conclusion upon the incommoda , whether upon his person or the example , i can see none in either , so as to the couple between the marriage was never accomplished ; truly they will peradventure both of them by the declaration of the nullity be made capable to accompish marriage with others , which they could never doe between themselves , wherein they may have the satisfaction of their hearts , and enjoy the blessing of procreation of children . and as for the example , the law should be fulfilled , with due administration of justice , which cannot serve for an example or president of a counterfeit nullity hereafter : authoritas facti , or rather non facti sed luce clarior in this case ; besides the many probations , and confessions of the parties which have been taken in this processe : whereas by the contrary if they shall be forcibly kept together , their names and shadows may be kept together , but never their persons or affections , and they still be forced to lie in perpetual scandal and misery , or both ; and what such a kinde of forced continencie may availe , the monks continencie may teach us . and for a president in time to come , that reacheth no further then to open a way of lawful relief to any persons who shall chance to be distressed in that sort . and for the legal doubts , they concerne none of your calling ; for if your conscience be resolved in point of divinity , that is your part to give your consent to nullity , and let the lawyers take the burden of making it so formal . and as for the trienial probation , i hope no man can be so blinde as to make a doubt whether it be taken before or after the suit began . and in conclusion of divine solution of this question , proved clearly , that this resolution of this doubt , howsoever it was in blindnesse , as you think , that is now proved in the greatest time of light and purity of the profession of the gospel : and for your extract upon the late divines opinions upon this question , i cannot guesse what your intent was in sending them to me , for they all agree in tearms of my opinion ; but there is such a thing as maleficium & maleficiale versus hanc : and your very enterlude passage proves the clearest ; and for that advice concerning the remedies that is consilium non decretum , not imposing a necessity , but is to be used by discretion , as occasion shall serve or require it . to conclude then , if this may satisfie your doubts , i will end with our saviours words to st peter , cum conversus fueris confirma sratres tuos ; for on my conscience , all the doubts that i have seen , are nothing but nodos in scirpo quaerere . the midwives appointed to make inspection upon the ladies body , gave in , that the lady of essex is a woman apt to have copulation , to bring forth children , and that the said lady is a virgin and uncorrupted . three ladies affirme that they believe the same , for that they were present when the midwives made their inspection , and did see them give good reasons for it . there is a sentence of divorce given for the nullity of the marriage , and both parties married againe . the commissioners that gave the sentence . bishops winchester . bishops ely . bishops coventry and liechfield . bishops rochester . doctors sr iulius caesar . doctors sr thomas parry . doctors sr daniel dunne . commissioners dissenting . bishops arch. b. of canterbury . bishops bishop of london . doctors sr iohn bennet . doctors fran. iames . doctors tho. edwards . the proceedings against richard weston , at his arraingment at guild-hall , novem. 19. 1615. before the lord maior , the lord chief iustice of england , and three other iustices of the kings bench , crook , dodrige , and hanton , and serjeant crew another of the commissioners . the court being set , the kings special commission being read , the lord chiefe justice gave the charge ; the effect whereof was , first , to expresse the kings pious inclination and command unto just proceedings against all such as should be any way proved to be guilty of the murthering and poysoning of sr tho. overbury , his majesties prisoner in the tower . secondly , to aggravate the manner , and quality of the murther , in shewing the basenesse of poysoning above all other kinds of murther ; declaring the vengeance of god , and his justice in punishing the offenders ; he alleadged gen. 9.6 . quicunque effunderit humanum sanguinem effundetur sanguis illius , ad imaginem quippe factus esthomo : he also took the example of vrias by david ; he therein observed how adultery is most often the begetter of that sin . then he declared that of all felonies , murther is the most horrible ; of all murthers , poysoning the most detestable ; and of all poysoning , the lingering poysoning . he shewed how by an act of parliament , 22. h. 8 , 9. it was made treason , and that wilful poysoners should be boyled to death , rehearsing the example of one richard rouse that had poysoned a man and woman , and was therefore scalded to death . then he laid open to the jury the basenesse and cowardliness of poysoners , who attempt it secretly , against which there is no means of preservation or defence for a mans life ; and how rare it was to heare of poysoning in england , so detestable to our nation , but that since the devil hath taught divers to be so cunning in it , so that they can poyson in what distance of place they please by consuming the nativum calidum , or humidum radicale , in one month , two or three , or more as they list , which they foure manner of wayes do execute , 1 gustu . 2 haustu . 3 odore . 4 contactu . he finisheth his charge with serious exhortations to the jury to do justice in presenting the truth , notwithstanding the greatnesse of any that upon their evidence should appeare to be guilty of the same offence , comforting both judge and jury with the scripture , psal. 5.8 . fin . for thou lord wilt blesse the righteous , with favour wilt thou comfort them as with a shield . the charge being ended , the jury consisting of fourteen persons , did for the space of an houre depart from the court into a private room , where they received their evidence from mr. fanshaw his majesties coroner , and his highnesse councel prepared and instructed for that purpose , with the examinations and confessions as well of the prisoner himselfe , as of divers witnesses before that time taken by the lord chiefe justice of england , and others of the lords of his majesties councel . in the mean time mr. william goare sheriffe of london , was commanded to fetch his prisoner remaining in his house , to be ready in court for his arraignment : so a certaine space after , the grand jury returned to the bar , and delivered in their bill of indictment , signed billa vera ; whereupon the prisoner was set up to the bar , and the indictment read by mr. fanshaw , which contained in effect : that richard weston being about the age of sixty yeares , not having the feare of god before his eyes , but instigated by the devil , devised and contrived not only to bring upon the body of sir tho. overb. great sicknesse and diseases , but also deprive him of his life : and to bring the same to passe , the ninth of may 1613. and in the eleventh yeare of his majesties reigne , at the tower of london in the parish of alhallows barking , did obtaine and get into his hands certaine poyson of green and yellow colour , called rosacar ( knowing the same to be deadly poyson ) and the same did maliciously and feloniously compound and mingle with a kinde of broth powred into a certaine dish , and the same broth so infected , did give and deliver to the said sr th. overb. as good and wholsome broth , to the intent to kill and poyson the said sr tho. overb. which broath he took and did eat . also the said weston upon the first of iuly , an. 11 reigne aforesaid , did in like manner get another poyson or poysonous powder , called white-arsnick , and knowing the same to be deadly poyson , did give unto the said sr tho. overb. as good and wholesome to eat , who in like manner took and eat the same . also that weston upon the said nineteenth of iuly following , did get another poyson called mercury sublimate , knowing the same to be mortal poyson , and put and mingled the same in tarts and jellies , and gave the same to the said sr tho. overb. as good and wholesome to eat , which he in like manner took , and did eat . also the said weston , and another man unknown ( being an apothecary ) afterwards upon the fourteenth of decem. felloniously did get a poyson called mercury sublimate , knowing the same to be deadly poyson , and ●ut the same into a glister ; and the said glister , the said apothecary for the reward of 20 li. promised unto him , did put and administer as good and wholesome into the guts of the said sr thomas ; & that weston was present and aiding to the said apothecary in ministring & infusing the said glister ; and immediately after sr th. did languish , and fell into diseases & distempers , and from the aforesaid times of taking and eating the said poysoned meats , and ministring the said glister , he dyed . and so the jury gave their verdict that weston in this manner had killed , poysoned , and murthered the said sr tho. overbury , against the kings peace and dignity . which indictment being read , he was demanded if he were guilty of the fellony , murthering and poysoning as aforesaid , yea , or no ? to which he answered , doubling his speech , lord have mercy upon me ; lord have mercy upon me . but being again demanded , he answered , not guilty ; and being then demanded how he would be tryed , he answered . he referred himself to god , and would be tryed by god , refusing to put himselfe and his cause on the jury or country according to the law and custome . hereupon the lord chiefe justice , and all other in their order , spent the space of an houre in perswading him to put himselfe upon the trial of the law , declaring unto him the danger and mischiefe he runnes into by resisting his ordinary course of triall , being the means ordained by god for his deliverance if he were innocent ; and how by this means he should make himselfe the authour of his owne death , even as if he should with a knife or dagger kill or stab himselfe ; exhorting him very earnestly either with repentance to confesse his fault , or else with humility and duty to submit himselfe to his ordinary trial ; whereupon he stubbornly answered , welcome by the grace of god ; and he referred himself to god , and so no perswasions would prevail : the lord chiefe justice plainly delivered his opinion , that he was perswaded that weston had been dealt withall by some great ones ( guilty of the same fact ) as accessary , to stand mute , whereby they might escape their punishment ; and therefore he commanded ( for satisfaction of the world ) that the queens attorney there present should declare and set forth the whole evidence without any fear or partiality ; and yet notwithstanding , he once more used much perswasion to the prisoner to consider what destruction he had brought upon himself by his contempt , and declared unto him his offence of contempt was in refusing his triall , and how the laws of the land had provided a sharp and more severe punishment to such offenders , then unto those that were guilty of high treason , and so repeated the form of the judgement given against such , the extremity and rigor whereof was expressed in these words ; onore , frigore , & fame . for the first , that he was to receive his punishment by the law , to be extended , and then to have weights laid upon him , no more then he was able to bear , which were by little and little to be increased . for the second , that he was to be exposed in an open place near to the prison in the open aire being naked . and lastly , that he was to be served with the coursest bread to be gotten , and water out of the next sink or puddle to the place of execution ; and that day he had water , he should have no bread ; and that day he had bread , he should have no water : and in this torment he was to linger as long as nature could linger out ; so that oftentimes they lived in the extremity eight or nine dayes : adding further , that as life left him , so judgement should finde him ; and therefore he required him upon considerations of these reasons , to advise himself to plead to the country , who notwithstanding absolutely refused . hereupon the lord chiefe justice willed sr lawrence hide the queens attorney , and there of counsel for the king , to manifest unto the audience the guiltinesse of the said weston by his owne confession , signed with his owne hand ; and if in the declaration thereof they met with any great persons whatsoever ( as certainly there was great ones confederates in that fact ) he should boldly and faithfully open whatsoever was necessary , and he could prove against them ; whereupon mr attorney began his accusation . first , he charged the countesse of somerset and and the earle to be principal movers of this unhappy conclusion , mrs. turner to be of the confederacie , and the pay-mistresse of the poysoners rewards ; in which i could not but observe the attornies boldnesse in tearming the countesse a dead and rottten branch , which being lopt off , the whole tree ( meaning that noble family ) would prosper the better . secondly , he proceeded to the cause , which he affirmed to be the malice of the countesse , and the ground of this malice he alleadged , and by many inducements he evidently affirmed that sr tho. over. had perswaded him from that adulterate marriage of the countesse of somerset then countesse of essex , and for this he alleadged as followeth . sr tho. over. having divers times disswaded the earle , then viscount rochester , from seeking by any means to procure marrying with the countesse of essex ( to which he saw the earle too much inclined ) having very earnest conference with the earle one night in private in the gallery at white-hall concerning his intendments , perceiving the earle that time too much to desire that unlawful conjunction ; in the ardency of his fervent affection unto the earle , and great prescience of future misery it would inevitably bring unto him ( his wel-beloved lord , and friend ) used speeches to this effect : well my lord , if you do marry that filthy base woman , you will utterly ruine your honour , and your selfe ; you shall never do it by mine advice or consent : and if you do , you had best look to stand fast . my lord replyed ( bewitched with the love of the countesse , and moved with the words of sir tho. over. for sleighting her ) my owne legs are streight , and strong enough to bear me up ; but in faith , i will be even with you for this : and so parted from him in a great rage . this conference was over-heard by some in an adjoyning room , and their depositions for the truth thereof were read in court . although this conference moved the earle to such a suddain choler , yet it seemed sir tho. over. conceited it not to be otherwise then a suddain extream distemperature , or passion , and not a final conclusion of their bosome friendship ; in which the earle seemed as reciprocal as before , howsoever in his double dealing it seemed to be clearly otherwise . for upon this the earle moved the king to appoint sir tho. over. to be ambassadour for russia : the king willing to prefer sir thomas , as one whose worth and valour was yet unknowne to his majesty , accordingly injoyned him that service ; the which sir thomas was most willing to accept of as a gracious aspect of the king towards him : which willingnesse of his was proved by the depositions of two or three witnesses read in court , and by the oath of sir dudly diggs , who voluntarily at the arraignment , in open court upon his oath witnessed how sir thomas had imparted to him his readinesse to be imployed in an ambassage . the earle as well abusing the kings favours in moving to shew favour , wherein he meant the party should take no benefit , as bearing unhonest friendship in conference with sir thomas concerning that imployment , perswaded him to refuse to serve ambassadour , whereby ( quoth he ) i shall not be able to performe such kindnesse to your advantage , as having you with me ; and ( quoth he ) if you be blamed or committed for it , care not , i will quickly free you from all harme : sir thomas thus betrayed by a friend , refused to serve in that nature , whereupon by just equity he was committed to the tower . being thus committed , he was presently committed close prisoner , and a keeper he must have , and who must that be but this weston , who was commended by the countesse of essex to sir thomas monson to be by him commended over unto the lieutenant of the tower to be keeper to sir tho. over. sir tho. monson according to the countesses request , commended the said weston to sir iervas elvis : whereupon the lieutenant entertained the said weston , and appointed him to be keeper to sir th. overb. the said weston upon his own confession read in court , signed with his mark , had during the time that she was countesse of essex , been a procurer and a pander to the said earle viscount rochester , and the said countesse of essex , for the convening and effecting of their adulterate desires , which they did divers times consummate , meeting in mrs. turners house once between the houres of eleven and twelve at hamersmith , and divers times elsewhere for that purpose : so that now by the procurement of the said countess ( who hated sir t. overb. for being a means to keep them from contaminating themselves with such lustful imbracements , and from the proposed marriage they mutually laboured to compass ) her pander was become his keeper , a fit agent for lust and murther . weston now being become sir tho. overb. keeper , kept him so close , that he could scarce have the comfort of the dayes brightness , neither suffered he any one to visit him , father , brother , his best friends , his neerest kindred were strangers to him from the beginning of the imprisonment unto the end . mrs. turner , upon the first dayes keeping , promised him a contented reward if he would administer such things to sir tho. overb. as should be sent unto him , thinking him a fit instrument to compass black murther , that was so well acquainted with foul lust ( and so indeed they found him , ) for he agreed , and did promise to administer whatsoever she would send him . mrs. turner upon this murtherous promise , the very same day weston became sir tho. keeper , being 6. may , 1613. sent unto him the said weston certain yellow poyson called rosacar , in a viall ; weston having received that poyson the foresaid 6. may , at night bringing sir tho. overb. supper in one hand , and the vial in the other , meets with the lieutenant , and asks him in these terms , sir , shall i give it him now ; upon this word now my lord chief justice demurs to aggravate the maliciousness , affirming that this particle now shewed a resolution to poyson him , onely fit time and circumstances were to be respected by him . what shall you give him ? replyes the lieutenant . vveston replyes , as if you do not know sir . the lieutenant blaming him , he carries the poyson into an inner room , which weston did administer to sir tho. overb. the 9. may in broth : this was proved both by weston and the lieutenants confession . weston having given this poyson , which wrought very vehemently with him by vomits , and extream purging , he presently demands his reward of mrs. turner , who replies , the man is not yet dead , perfect your work , and you shall have your hire . this was confessed by weston under his mark . sir tho. overb. by his close imprisonment and poyson , growing sick , and daily languishing , after three or four weeks space considering he had not obtained his freedome and release , having no friends suffered to come unto him , but onely such as the earl sent to comfort him ( of his own followers ) wrote to the earl to remember his imprisonment , who returned answer , the time would not suffer , but assoon as possible it might be he would hasten his delivery ( so indeed it seems he intended to do ) but not so as sir tho. overb. conceived , whose true affection would not admit his judgement to debate the strangeness of his imprisonment , which he might well think then the earl might easily have relieved . on the 5. of iune viscount rochester sent a letter to sir tho. overb. in the letter he sent him a white powder , willing sir tho. to take it , it will ( quoth he ) make you more sick , but fear not , i will make this a means for your delivery , and for the recovery of your health : sir tho. never dreaming of base treachery , but conceiving of it as friendly policy , received the said powder , which wrought upon him most vehemently , whereupon his sickness grew more violent , and his languishment encreased : which white powder upon westons confession was poyson . sir tho. overb. his sickness encreasing , and with it his wondring that he could not in two months be released after his physick taken , he thus wrote to the earl , lamenting his own estate , and taxing the earl of his forgetfulness of his weak estate ; for his faith being thus shaken with the earls unkindness , gave way for his judgement to scan those actions , rather like an understanding man , then a loving friend , as appeareth by his letter sent to rochester , the effect whereof was thus , as is averred by the depositions of sir tho. overb. servants , who saw the letter . sir , i wonder you have not yet found means to effect my delivery : but i remember you said you would be even with me ( not suspecting , as it seemeth , any poysoning , but an unkind forgetfulness of my lord of rochester ) and so you are indeed ; but assure your self my lord , if you do not release me , but suffer me me thus to dye , my blood will be required at your hands ▪ my lord comforts him , and excuses , that it cannot yet be compassed . sir tho. after the powder taken languished deadly , and to comfort him some followers of my lord of rochester are sent to him daily , in the name of my lord , by the appointment and procurement of the lady essex ( as vveston confessed ) to visit , and comfort him , and intreat him , if he desired any meats , he should speak , and it might better ( perhaps be provided for him then he should have any from the tower . this was three moneths after his imprisonment . he , as men sick , desired luscious meats , tarts and jellies , which were provided by mrs. turner with the knowledge of the said countess , and sent unto him , of which he did eat , the which tarts were poysoned with mercury sublimate , not being so well coloured as other tarts are ; and vveston confessed , that he was straightly charged not to taste thereof . sir tho. thus continuing languishing and consuming with the extremity of sickness untill 6. septemb. then the aforesaid mrs. turner did procure an apothecaries boy for 20. l. to poyson a glyster , which was by the boy and vveston afterwards administred as good physick upon 7. octob. after the receipt of the glyster , he fell into great extremity of vomiting and other purging , which left him not till it caused his soul to leave his poysoned body . this vveston confessed and signed . being thus dead , he was presently and very unreverendly buried in a pit digged in a very mean place . on his body thus venomously infected appeared divers blains and blisters , whereupon they to take away as well his good name as his life , did slanderously report that he dyed of the french pox ; but this report was cleared in court by the depositions of his servants and other men of worth there read , that before his imprisonment he was a clear and sound body , only he had an issue in his left arm purposely made for the benefit of his nature , for the avoiding of rhume and ill humours , which with continual sitting at his study he had subjected himself unto . he further observed the confession of the lieutenant to be , that if any prisoner dyed there , his body is to be viewed , and inquisition to be taken by the coroner . but sir tho. overb. friends and others might by no means be suffered to see his body , although it was reported that there was inquisition taken , yet it could by no means be found . after mr. attorney had ended his speech , mr. warr also of counsel for the king , declared to the court what familiarity he had with sir tho. being both of the temple together , much commending his singular honest and vertuous conversation , affirming that he was addicted to no dishonest actions ; and from this he proceeded to urge his hard usage in the tower , where he might have no company but the apothecary and a walloon , and repeating the sending of the tarts and jellies in my lord of somersets name , and ending his speech with this saying , pereat unus ne pereant omnes ; pereat peccans , ne pereat respub. then by the commandment of the court were read by mr. fanshaw the examination of divers witnesses taken before the lord chief justice and others , which in effect was as followeth . lawr. davis servant to sir tho. overbury examined 15. octob. 1615. before the lord chief iustice . he said , that he had served sir tho. overb. eight or nine years , in all which time he was very healthful , and never kept his bed for any sickness , only he was troubled sometimes with the spleen , for ease whereof he had by the advice of his physician an issue made in his left arm , but before his imprisonment he had no sores , blisters , or other defects in his body . also he saith , sir tho. would have gone over upon the embassage , but was disswaded by somerset , who promised to bear him out . he complained , he needed not to be a prisoner , if somerset would ; and if he dyed his blood should be required at his hands : that somerset was as good as his word , who told him at newmarket he would be even with sir tho. overb. henry payston another servant of sir tho. overb. examined , 15. octob 1615. he affirmeth , that sir tho. was of a very good constitution of body ; that he used sometimes to run , to play at foiles , and such like ; that he was of a moderate diet , never had any sores saving the said issue in his arm ; that sir tho. wrote letters to somerset , signifying he needed not to lye in prison if somerset would , and if he dyed , his blood should be required at his hands ; also that sir tho. at one of the clock at night meeting somerset in the gallery at vvhite-hall , had speeches with him touching the countess , whom he called base woman , and told somerset he would overthrow all the kings favours and honours : and upon displeasure between them at this conference , sir tho. desired somerset he might have his portion due , and he would shift for himself , whereunto somerset answered , and my legs are strong enough to carry me , and so flung away in an anger ; all which this examinant heard , being in a chamber next to the gallery . sir dudly diggs being present in court , and sworn , declared viva voce , that he was sent by a privy-councellor a great man to sir tho. overb. to bring him to this great man , which he did , and coming back together over the water in a boat , sir tho. was much discontented , the reason whereof he said was , that he was perswaded by the great man to withdraw himself from the court for some reasons which he disclosed ; not and sir dudly being sent afterwards by the lords to know the resolution of sir tho. touching the embassage , he found him to rely upon my lord of somerset , saying , my precious chief knows the kings mind better then any , and i the mind of my precious chief . richard weston the prisoner 6. octob. coram cook & crew . he affirmeth , that before sir tho. was in the tower , he this examinant carried three letters to somerset for the lady essex , to royston , newmarket , and hampton-court , and he delivered answer to mrs. turner , and that upon the letter to hampton-court he had answer by word of mouth , only that his lordship would come ; and that coming back he met with the countess and mrs. turner half way , in the coach , whom he told that the lord onely answered so , whereupon the countess strook out of the way into a farmers house hard by , whither within a little space somerset came ; and that afterwards they met in the night at mrs. turners house in pater-noster-row ; and he confesseth , that of a year before sir tho. his imprisonment no man carried letters between them but he . sir tho. monson , 5. octob. coram cook & crew . he saith , that he never knew vveston until sir tho. overb. was prisoner in the tower , and that he preferred him to the lieutenant to be keeper to sir tho. overb. at the request of the countess . anne turner widow examined 11 octob. 1615. coram cook . she saith that weston was an ancient servant , and her husbands bayliffe in the country : she denieth to have any thing to doe in placing him in the tower ; but saith the countesse of essex did effect it , and used the helpe of sir tho. monson therein . sir jervas elvis examined 3. octob. 1615. coram cook & crew . he saith , that he had a letter from sir tho. monson , requesting him that weston might be keeper to sir tho. overb. and that he did performe it ; and afterwards having conference with sir tho. monson , told him that his keeper was not to suffer any letters or tokens to be delivered to him . richard weston the prisoner examined againe . he confesseth he shewed the glasse that was delivered him by his son from the countesse , to the lieutenant , and told him it came from the countesse of essex , and that he perswaded him not to give it to sir tho. overb. and saith he had divers tarts from the countesse to give to sr thomas , with caveats that himself should not taste of them , and confesseth he thought they were poysoned . he saith mrs. turner appointed him to come to white-hall , and that she dealt with him to give sir tho. overb. the water , and told him he should not drinke thereof , and promised him a great reward , and he suspected it was poyson ; his son afterwards delivered him the glasse which he shewed to the lieutenant , who rebuked him ; and so he set the glasse in a study near to sir thomas his chamber , but gave it him not , although he told mrs. turner the next day he had given the water , which made sir thomas to vomit aften , and to be exceeding sicke . he saith mr. iames , and mr. rawlings , servants to the countesse , came often to know of this examinant how sir thomas did , and what he would eat , and they delivered him jelly and tarts , which he gave to sir thomas who did eat thereof . he saith he demanded of mrs. turner his reward , who answered , he was not to have his reward untill sir thomas was dead , and that he was promised a pursevants place , but confesseth that afterwards at two severall times he received secretly after the death of sir thomas for a reward by mrs. turner , from the countesse , 180 li . william weston , son to the prisoner examined . he confesseth he received a glasse from the countesse by her servants two inches long , being wrapped in a paper , which he delivered to his father in the tower . then was read the confession of the lieutenant to the king , that weston met him , carrying sir thomas's supper in one hand , and the glasse in the other , and demanded of the lieutenant thus ; sir , shall i give it him now ? whereat the lieutenant stepped to him , and asked him what ? to which weston said , why , know you not what is to be done ? and so the lieutenant having made him to confesse the matter , disswaded him , and he seemed to be resolute not to do it ; and afterwards this weston confessed to the lieutenant an apothecary had twenty pound for ministring a glister to sir tho. overbury . weston the prisoner examined before the lord zouch , and others . confesseth , that sir thomas had a glyster which gave him sixty stools and vomits : also being confronted with the writings of sir ier. elvis , and charged therewith , confesseth the same to be true . simon marson musitian examined . saith he served sir tho. monson six years , and was preferred by him to the kings service , but waited sometimes upon sir thomas monson : he saith he received divers tarts and jellies from the countesse of essex , to be carried to the lieutenant of the tower for sir tho. over. paul de la bell examined . saith , that the third of iuly , he made sir tho. over. a bath by dr. michams advice to coole his body , and he saw his body exceeding fair and clear ; and again , he saw his body ( being dead ) full of blisters , and so consumed away as he never saw the like body . giles rawlings a kinsman of sir thomas overbury examined . saith , upon the bruit of the murther of sir tho. he was taxed by some why he made no prosecution ; he thereupon made a petition , and delivered it to the king , that the examination of the cause might be referred to the judgement of the law , and denieth that he was perswaded by any to the contrary . he saith , that he comming often to the tower to see sir thomas , could not be suffered to see him so much as out of the windows , and weston told him it was the commands of the councel , and the lieutenant . the lieutenant of the tower examined . he saith , that after the death of sir thomas , vveston came to him and told him , he was much neglected and sleighted by the countesse , and could receive no reward ; but afterwards he confessed he had received a hundred pounds , and should receive more : and the lieutenant also saith , that sir thomas was very angry with his apothecarie at certain vomits which he had ; and also that the tarts and jellies which he had , would be found within a day or two standing ill coloured ; and that no body did eat thereof but sir thomas : and vveston confessed to him that an apothecarie had twenty pounds for ministring the glyster . these examinations being read and applied to the purpose , the lord chief justice said he would discharge his duty first to god , in giving all glory for the bringing to light of so horrible and wicked a fact ; and next to the king ( his great master ) who as in case of the like nature , in the case of zanq . and turner , so specially in this case hath given given streight charge of due and just examination to be had without any partiality or fear of the world ; to the intent as well the innocent might be free , as the nocent and guilty severely punished . and for this purpose , his majesty had with his owne hand written two sheets of paper on both sides , concerning justice to be administred to all persons which were to be examined ; which writing the lord chief justice shewed to the lord maior , and the rest of the commissioners : and then he declared the kings justice , who albeit the many favours and honors which his majesty had bestowed upon the lord of sommerset , and his nearnesse to his person by reason of his office ; yet he had committed him prisoner to the dean of westminster under the custody of sr oliver , & sr iohn ; and also had committed his lady : so having last of all demanded again of the prisoner , if he would put himself to be tried by the country , which he refused ; the court was adjourned untill munday following at two of the clock in the afternoon . the second arraignment of richard weston . on munday the 23 oct. 1615. to which day the court was adjourned by the said commission ; afer proclamation made , the jury of life and death called the prisoner , vveston was set to the bar , and mr fanshaw clerk of the crown , declared to him that he had been formerly arraigned , and pleaded not guilty : so he demanded of him how he would be tryed ? whereunto the prisoner answered , by god and his country ; and thereupon the jury being sworn , the indictment being read , as before , sir lawr. hide the queens attorney , being of the councel for the king , having briefly rehearsed the effect of the indictment , shewed how that he must necessarily mention others that were guilty of the same fact , wherein if any other man were touched , their cause it was , and not he that touched them . and therefore vveston being but a stranger to sir tho overbury , and one who by himself could reap no benefit by his death , it was against all reason he would do it himself , therefore ( said he ) i must needs open the whole plot ; and having first declared the worth and honesty of sir tho. overb. shewed his familiarity with the lord of rochester , and how he often willed him to forbear the company of the lady essex , tearming her a vile and base woman , which stirred up the anger and malice of the countesse against him . and afterwards the king intended for the honour and preferment of sir tho. overb. to send him upon an ambassage ; whereunto he was willing , but was dealt with , and perswaded by rochester to disobey the kings direction and counsel , with promises that he would bear him out ; upon which contempt sir thomas was committed to the tower 22 april 1613. sir william wade heing lieutenant of the tower ; and the 6. of may following , sir william was removed , and sir ier. elvis put in his place . and the very next day after , weston by the procurement of the countesse , was preferred to the service of the lieutenant , and to be keeper of sir tho. overb. which weston had been servant to mrs. turner , and the onely agent in conveying letters and messages between roch. and the countesse ; and he whose office should have been to save and keep , was now appointed to kill and murther him . he shewed how the very same day of his entertainment at the tower , he was sent for to the countesse , who promised him that if he would give sir thomas a water that should be delivered to him , he should be well rewarded ; and she bad him not taste of it himself . and that the ninth or may aforesaid , the said water was secretly sent from the countesse to weston by his son ; and the same night weston meeting the lieutenant , with sir thomas's supper in one hand , and the glasse in the other , he demanded of him , sir , shall i give it him now ? whereupon the lieutenant took him aside , and disswaded him so far forth , that he confessed he thanked god on his knees that he had met with him : but mr. attorney observed this notwithstanding , that the lieutenant did let him go away with the poyson ; and albeit he now denyeth he ever gave the poyson , yet said he did deliver it : he confesseth to mrs. turner he had done it , saying , it made him very sick , and to vomit often , demanding of her his reward ; she answered ; he was not to have it till sir tho. was dead . then he shewed , 30. iune following a certain powder was sent in a letter to sir tho. from roch. perswading him not to fear , though it made him sick , for that should be his reason to move the king for his enlargement . and that the 14 septemb. weston and the apothecary ministred the glyster to sir tho. which gave him 60. stools and vomits , and that he dyed the next day , remembring the botches and blisters on his body being dead . he shewed how weston came to mrs. turner for his reward , which was deferied till his death ; and that he had received in secret from the countess by mrs. turner at several times for his reward 180. l. and that the apothecary had for his reward 20. l. all which weston had confessed to be true . then remembring how ignominiously they buried him , not suffering any to see him for fear he should be digged up again , and without any coroners inquest that should be found : and thus he ended his speech . and all this opened and set forth by mr. attorney , mr. vvar onely added thus much , which he desired the jury to consider , that vveston was servant to mrs. turner when sir tho. was committed , and then he was entertained and made keeper to sir tho. and having dispatched his business , sir tho. being dead and poysoned , he stayes no longer at the tower , but returns again to his mrs. turner . then the lord chief justice exhorted the jury to take god before their eyes , with equall balance to weigh as well the answer of the prisoner as the proofs and examinations against him , declaring unto them how quietly and freely he had examined him without any menacing , or threatning , or rough usage , which the prisoner confessed ; and my lord , for matter of law , satisfied the jury , that albeit in the indictment it be said to be rosacar , white arsnick , mercury sublimate , yet jury were not to expect so precise proof in that point , shewing how impossible it were to convict a poysoner , who useth not to take any witnesses to the composing of this slibber sauces ; wherefore he declares the law in the like case , as if a man be indicted for murthering a man with a dagger , and it fall out upon evidence to have been done with a sword , or with a rapier , or with neither , but with a staffe ; in this case the instrument skilleth not , so that the jury finde the murther ; and so in the prisoners case , if they would be satisfied of the poysoning , it skilleth not with what , therefore he required them to attend the proofes . then were read first the examinations of lawr. davis as at the first arraignment , then of henry payton , both servants to sir tho. then of vveston himself formerly read ; the examination of sir david vvood taken the 21. octob. 1615. since the first arraignment . he saith he had obtained the kings consent to a suit , for which he was a petitioner , and that he was crossed by roch. and sir tho. overb. that for certain words he had received from sir tho. he intended to bastinado him ; that his suit would have been worth 2200. l. and that roch. would not let it pass unless he might have 1200. l. that the lady essex sent for this examinant upon the day that the king and queen went to roches● . with the lady eliz. and told him she understood he had received much wrong from sir tho. overb. and that he was a gent. that could revenge himself , and that sir tho. had much wronged her ; and sir david answered , that sir tho. had refused him the field ; she perswaded him to kill him , and promised him for his reward — and protection from his enemies , which he refused , saying , he would be loth to hazard going to tyborn upon a womans word ; but she still perswaded him he might easily do it , as he returned late home from sir charles vvilmots in his coach . then were read the examinations of sir tho. monson and mrs. turner , as at the first arraignment . next , the examination of vveston before the lord zouch , sir ralph vvinwood , sir tho. parry , and sir foulk grevill , at the dutchy house 21. septemb. 1615. where weston did confess he was preferred to the keeping of sir tho. overbury by mrs. turner upon the means and request of sir tho. monson to the lieutenant , and that she told him he should be well rewarded : and being confronted with a relation in writing which sir ier. elvis had made to the king , as touching sir tho. overbury , he confessed the same to be true . the examination of the lieutenant , taken 5. octob. 1615. he saith , that having conferred with his servants about the time of westons coming to the tower , he found it to be the very next day after he was made lieutenant , and had possession of the tower , and that he had letters from sir tho. monson that weston might be keeper to sir tho. overb. which letters he hath lost ; and sir tho. monson told him the chief purpose of westons keeping sir tho. overb. was to suffer no letters or other message to pass to or from , and to that purpose he advised the lieutenant . westons examination , 5. of october , 1615. he confesseth , that the next day he was preferred to the tower , he had the keeping of sir tho. overb. and soon after he received the glass by his son secretly from the countess , and that the lieutenant told him all the tarts came likewise from her ; and he confesseth , that the countess willed him to give them to sir tho. but not to taste of them himself . weston examined , 1. octob. 1615. confesseth , that mrs. turn . appointed him to come to white-hall to the countess the next day that he was at the tower , and that he went , and that the countess did request him to give sir tho. overb. what she should deliver him , but not to drink of it himself ; she promised to give him a good reward , and he suspected it was poyson , and he received the glass by his son , and told the lieutenant of it , who did rebuke him ; and he set the glass in a little study . he confesseth he told mrs. turner he had given it him , and demanded his reward . that mr. iames and mr. rawl . my lord of somersets men came often to know of him what tarts , jellies , or wine sir tho. would have , and they brought divers times tarts and jellies , whereof he did eat . the confession of the lieutenant to his majesty . your majesties servant sir jervas elvis . after weston was placed in the tower , he met with me with sir tho. supper and the glass , and asked me , sir shall i give it him now ? wherein i protest unto your majesty my ignorance , as i would also be glad to protest the same to the world ; so i privately conferred with weston , and by this means made him assured unto me , and knew all , but disswaded ; and as weston hath since the death of sir tho. confessed unto me , that the glyster was his overthrow , and the apothecary had 20. l. for administring it . here the lord chief justice observed by this question of weston to the lieutenant , sir shall i give it him now ? that it was presently agreed and plotted before what should be done , and that nothing more was doubted on , but the time when it should be done . the testimony of lawrence davis , taken upon oath before cook and crew . he affirmeth that weston delivered him a letter from sir tho. overb. to roch. the effect whereof was , that he would do his endeavor in being a means of friendship between roch. and some others , but as touching the marriage with the countess of essex , he would never give his consent : and also bringing a letter from roch ▪ to sir tho. monson , he delivered it to weston , and a paper of white powder fell out , which roch. perswaded sir tho. overb. to eate , and not to fear , though it made him sick , for that should be a means for his enlargement , so they put the powder into the letter again : he saith , he saw some part of the powder in westons hand after the death of sir tho. overbury . the examination of simon weston and paul de la bel as at the first arraignment , and giles rawlings esquire , 15. octob. 1615. saith , that upon the bruit of poysoning of sir tho. overb. being taxed of divers for that he stirred not in the matter , sir tho. being his kinsman , and means of his preferment , he did of himself prefer a petition to the king , that the cause might be referred to the judges of the law for ordinary course of justice , rather then to the lords of the councel , by them to be examined ; of which he had a gracious answer , and saith , that of 14. dayes before the death of sir tho. he could never be suffered to see him either in his chamber , or out of the window , which weston said was the commandment of the lords and the lieutenant . and here the lord chief justice observed what a scandal they put upon his majesty and the state , that a gentleman and a free-man being onely committed upon contempt , should more straightly and closely be kept then a traytor or bondslave , so that neither his father , brother , or friend might possibly see him : and to that point mr. overbury , father to sir tho. sware , being present in court , who said that his son being prisoner in the tower , and himself not being suffered to have access unto him , he found at last that roch. was the man that withstood it . the lieutenants examination , the 5. of october . saith , that after the death of sir tho. overb. weston told him that he was neglected by the countess , and demanding his reward , mrs. turner told him the countess had no money ; but afterwards he confessed he had received some , and should receive more . that mr. iames told him , somerset would reward him for the pains he took with sir tho. he saith the tarts were sent from the countess to sir tho. which looked ill-favouredly , and the jellies with a little standing would be furred , and thinketh they were poysoned . also vveston told him that the apothecary had 20. l. for giving the glyster , and that he was poysoned with the glyster . hence was observed as well by the court as the queens attorney , that vveston was not single in his confession ; but whensoever he had confessed any thing in any of his examinations , it was likewise confirmed by the examination of others , as the lieutenant and his son . the examination of william goare , one of the sheriffes of london . saith weston being in his custody , he often perswaded him to put himself to be tryed by his country , weston telling him he would first kill himself , and ask god forgiveness afterwards : and said , he hoped they would not make a net to catch little birds , and let the great ones go . then mr. war craving leave of the court to speak , pro●●●●● conscience he never found a business prosecuted so by degrees , which were the ground of sir tho. his overthrow ; he urged the evidence in the examination of sir david vvood , and shewed the reasons of the malice against him to be , for that he was so great an impediment to affections : then he made the dependency mrs. turner had to the lady , and weston to mrs. turner , and how they all concluded to kill sir tho. overbury ; the like whereof ( he said ) our fathers never saw before us : and he lamented much the place from whence the poyson came should be from the court , the place ( said he ) from whence all men expected their safeties and protection . lastly , he observed the finger of god even in this , that the poyson had scarcely been suspected at all , or enquired after , had it not been for the extraordinary strange things appearing after his death ; which was the first onely cause of suspicion and muttering . the evidence being given , vveston was demanded what he could say for himself , who although he had before confessed all his examinations to be true , yet he seemed to excuse himself in a kinde of ignorance or unawares ; he said he received the glasse , and thought it was not good , but denied the giving of it to sir thomas : being demanded why he accused one franklin for delivering to him the said glasse from the countess ( from whom it was sent ) he confessed indeed it was to save his childe : and finally , could say nothing that had any colour of material or substantial point to excuse or argue innocency in him ; so the court referred him to the jury , who went together , and within short space returned , being agreed upon their verdict , and there at the bar gave in , that vveston was guilty of the fellonies of murthering and poysoning of sir tho. overbury ; and then the clark of the crown demanded of him what he could say for himself , why judgement should not be pronounced against him according to the law . to which he answered , he referred himself to my lord and the country ; and then the lord chief justice before he pronounced sentence of death , spake to this effect , that for the duty of the place he must say somewhat , and that to two several parties ; first , to the auditory ; secondly , to the prisoner ; and that which he spake to the auditory , he divided into four parts , viz. 1 the manifestation of the glory of god , and honour of the king . 2 the preventing of other damned crimes of poysoning . 3 answer to certain objections . 4 that there is no practice of conspiracie in prosecution of the business . 1 for the first , he observed the finger of god in the manifestation , and bringing to light of this matter , having slept two years , being shadowed with greatness , which cannot overcome the cry of the people ; he observed also the providence and goodness of god to put into the hearts of himself , & the rest of the judges the day of the last arraigning , when the prisoner stood mute , not to give judgement against him for that time , but deferred it till now ; and how in the mean time , it pleased his majesty out of his gracious care and pity , to send to the prisoner , first the bishop of london , next the bishop of ely , to admonish and perswade him for the saving of his soul , who after each of them had spent two hours with him , and when all the means of man not prevailing with him , it pleased god ( when they had left him ) to move his heart so , that now he did put himself to be tryed by his country ; by which means , using vvestons own words , he said , the greatest flies shall not escape , but receive their punishment . for conclusion of this first point , he lastly observed , divinum quiddam in vulgi opinione , for that so many uncertain rumours touching this case , at last proved to be true . secondly , he declared how for previntion of this damned crime of poysoning , justice was the golden mean ; and declared his majesties resolution strictly to execute justice for that treason , and he used this saying , nemo prudens , &c. and desired god that this president of overburies might be an example , and terrour against this horrible crime ; and therefore it might be called the great oyer of poysoning . thirdly ; he said that at the arraignment were certain critiques who had given out , the prisoner should deny his examinations , and found so much fault for that the examinations were read , the prisoner standing mute : but for the first , how untrue it was , all the world saw , the prisoner here confessing them all being read and shewed unto him . and for the second , besides that it was exceeding discreet and convenient , the world should receive some satisfaction in a cause of that nature , he cited and shewed what by the laws of the land they ought and were bound to do , notwithstanding the greatness of any that might thereby be impeached , of whom he said , although this was vnicum crimen , yet it was not unicus crimon . fourthly , as touching the supposed practice or conspiracie , he solemnly protested to god he knew none , nor of any semblance or colour thereof ; and therefore he much inveighed against the baseness and unworthiness of such as went about so untruly and wickedly to slander the course of justice : and so he came last of all to that which he had to speak of weston the prisoner . first , touching the wickedness of the fact , he very seriously exhorted him to an unfeined confession and contrition for the same ; declaring unto him how that his confession would be a satisfaction to god and the world , if by faith and true repentance he would lay hold upon the merits of his saviour . he perswaded him that no vain hope , ( which is a witch ) should keep him back from giving satisfaction to the world , by discovering the great ones ; assuring him that after this life , as death left him , so judgement should finde him . and lastly , taking occasion there to remember this poysoning to have been a popish trick , which he instanced by the example of gurnandus di birlanus mentioned 22 ed. 1. squire , that attempted to poyson queen elizabeths saddle ; lopez , and mrs. turner : and proceeded to give judgement , which was , that the prisoner should be carried from thence to the place whence he came , and from thence to tiburn , there to be hanged by the neck till he were dead . justice being given , the lord chiefe justice commanded that the prisoner might have convenient respect , and the company of some godly learned men to instruct him for his souls health . the arraignment of anne turner a widow , at the kings bench bar at westminster , 7. novem. 1615. the indictment whereupon richard weston took his tryall , being repeated verbatim ; she was indicted for comforting , aiding , and assisting the said weston in the poysoning to death of sir thomas overbury ; to which she pleaded not guilty , putting her self upon god and the country : whereupon a very sufficient jury of two knights , and the rest esquires and free-holders of middle sex were sworn and impannelled ; for the triall whereof , sir tho. fouler was fore-man . the lord chiefe justice told her , that women must be covered in church , and not when they are arraigned , and so caused her to put off her hat ; which done , she covered her hair with her handkerchiffe , being before dressed in her hair , and her hat over it . sir lawr. hide the queens attorney , opened the matter much to the effect as he did at westons arraignment ; shewing the wickedness and hainousness of poysoning : he shewed further , there was one dr. forman dwelling at lambeth , who dyed very suddenly , & a little hefore his death , desired that he might be buried very deep in the grave , or else ( said he ) i shal fear you all . to him in his life time often resorted the countess of essex , and mrs turner , calling him father ; their cause of comming was , that by the force of magick he should procure the now earle of somerset then viscount rochester to love her ; and sir arthur mainwaring to love mrs turner , by whom ( as it was there related ) she had three children : about this business the countess wrote two letters , the one to mrs. turner , the other to doctor forman as followeth : the countesses letter to mrs. turner . sweet turner , i am out of all hope of any good ●n this work ; for my father , mother , and brother said i should lye with him ; and my brother howard was here , and said he would not come from this place all this winter ; so that all comfort is gone : and which is worst of all , my lord hath complained , he hath not lain with me , and i would not suffer him to use me : my father and mother are angry , but i had rather die a thousand times over ; for besides the sufferings , i shall lose his love if i lye with him , i will never desire to see his face , if my lord do that unto me : my lord is very well as ever he was , and so you may see in what a miserable case i am ; you must send the party word of all : he sent me word all should be well ; but i shall not be so happy as the lord to love me : as you have taken pains ever for me , so now do all you can ; for never so unhappy as now , for i am not able to endure the miseries that are comming on me ; but i cannot be happy as long as this man liveth : therefore pray for me , for i have need ; but i should be better if i had your company to ease my minde : let him know this ill news ; if i can get this done , you shall have as much money as you can demand , and this is fair play . your sister . fran. essex . burn this letter . a letter from the countess to doctor forman . sweet father , i must still crave your love , although i hope i have it , & shall deserve it better hereafter ; remember the galls , for i fear , though i have yet no cause but to be confident in you , yet i desire to have it : as it is remaining yet well , so continue it still , if it be possible ; and if you can , you must send me some good fortune , alas i have need of it ; keep the lord still to me , for that i desire ; be careful that you name me not to any body , for we have so many spies , that you must use all your wits , and all little enough , for the world is against me , and the heavens favour me not , onely happy in your love : i hope you will do me good , and if i be ungrateful , let all mischief come upon me : my lord is lusty and merry , and drinketh with his men , and all the content he gives me is to abuse me , and use me as dogedly as before . i think i shall never be happy in this world , because he hinders my good , and will ever : so remember ( i beg for gods sake ) and get me from this vile place . your affectionate loving daughter , fran. essex . give turner warning of all , but not the lord , i would not have any thing come out for fear of my lord treasurer , for so they may tell my father and mother , and fill their ears full of toyes . there was also shewed in court certain pictures of a man and woman in copulation made in lead , as also a mould of brass , wherein they were cast : a black scarf also full of white crosses , which mrs. turner had in her custody . at the shewing of these and inchanted papers and other pictures in court , there was heard a great crack from the scaffolds , which caused a great fear , tumult , and confusion amongst the spectators , and throughout the hall , every one fearing hurt , as though the devil had been present , and growing angry to have his workmanship shown by such as were not his own schollers ; and this terrour continuing about a quarter of an hour , silence proclaimed , the rest of the cunning tricks were likewise shewed . doctor formans wife being administrix of her husband , found letters in packets , by which much was discovered ; she was in court , and deposed , that mrs. turner came to her house immediately after the death of her husband , and did demand certain pictures which were in her husbands study , namely one picture in wax , very sumptuously appareled in silk and sattins , as also one other picture sitting in form of a naked woman , spreading and laying forth her hair in a looking-glass , which mrs. turner did confidently affirm to be in a box , and that she knew in what part of the study they were . mrs. forman further deposeth , that mrs. turner and her husband would be sometimes three or four hours locked up in his study together : she did depose further , her husband had a ring would open like a watch . there was also shewed a note in court made by doctor forman , and written in parchment , signifying what ladies loved what lords in the court , but the lord chief justice would not suffer it to be read in open court . mrs. turner sent margaret her maid to mrs. forman , and wished that all such letters and papers as did concern the earle of somerset and the countess of essex should be burned , or any other great personages , telling her that the councels warrant should come to search the study , and that all his goods might be seised ; whereupon she and her maid margaret , with the consent of mrs. forman , burnt divers letters and papers , but that she kept some without their privitie . there were also inchantments shewed in court written in parchment , wherein were contained all the names of the blessed trinity mentioned in the scriptures ; and in another parchment cross b. cross c. cross d. cross e. in a third likewise in parchment were written all the names of the holy trinity , as also a figure in which was written this word christus , and upon the parchment was fastned a little piece of the skin of a man . in some of these parchments the devils had particular names , who were conjured to torment the lord somerset and sir arthur manwaring , if their loves should not continue , the one to the countess , the other to mrs. turner ; mrs. turner also confessed , that doctor savorius was used in succession after forman , and practised many sorceries upon the earle of essex his person . mrs. turner being almost close prisoner in one of the sheriffs houses in london , before she was brought to the barr , knew not that weston was executed ; but by the proceedings having understanding thereof , and hearing divers examinations read , it so much dejected her , that in a manner she spake nothing for her self , also examinations and witnesses viva voce that were produced at westons arraignment , and divers others were read again , as the examinations of edward paine , io. vvright , robert freeman , symcock rawlings , payton , vvilliams : one of these examinations gave in evidence , that one franklyn being an apopothecary and drugster , was the provider of all the poysons given to sir tho. overbury . a chyrurgeon there deposed , that he cured franklyn of the pox , and that at several times he demanded of his chyrurgion what was the strongest poyson . the chyrurgeon demanded what he would do with it , franklyn replyes , nothing but for his experience , and to try conclusions . another examination of one merser who had conference with the said franklyn , calling him cousen , who demanded of the examinant , what news ? he answered , ill newes : i am sorry that my old lord and masters son is found insufficient , and not able to content the lady . franklyn replyes , i have a hand in that business , i have a great friend of my lady essex , she allows me 2. s. 6. d. a day for my boat-hire , and 10. s. a week for my dyet , i could have any money if i would . merser replyes , but cousin , how can god bless you in this business ? franklyn answered , let them talk of god that have to do with him : my lord of somerset and the countess will bear me out in any thing i do ; if you have any suit wherein you may do your self any good , and i may gain by it , i will warrant you i will get it . francis deposeth , that franklyn married his sister , and that he thinketh in his conscience she was poysoned ; upon some discontentment he heard him say , he would not be hanged for never a whore or quean of them all . the lord chief justice made a speech upon divers examinations there read , that the earl of somerset gave directions , that of the powder he sent to sir thomas overbury that which should be left should be brought back again , his pretext was that it should make him sick , which should be the ground to make the king grant his liberty , saying further , it would do him good : and he had tarts and jellies sent him likewise by the countess , with express commandment that none must eate of them but sir tho. overb. saying , they would do him no harm . at another time the countess sent tarts , jellies , and vvine , with directions that those which had been formerly sent , should be brought back again , and those last brought should be given him at supper , and then all should be well ; but directions given that neithe lieutanant nor his wife might eate of them , but they might drink of the wine , for in the tarts and jellies there might be letters , but in the wine none ; and afterwards it was openly related and proved by divers examinations , that those words letters were private tokens between the countess and the lieutenant , and weston to give notice what things were poysoned , and what not . in the examination that was of vveston , it was related , that mr. iames told him that the earl his master would pay him for his pains taken with sir tho. overb. then the lord chief justice gave in charge to the jury concerning the evidence they had formerly told them , and heard that vveston at his examination confessed all he had said formerly was true . he further related what a great vexation and grief it was to the king , that somerset onely by making use of his favours and love , so foul a fact was done , as first to be the occasion to put sir tho. overb. to imployments for the embassage of russia . 2. to make him refuse them , and to give right cause for his commitment . 3. to bear him in hand that he would work his liberty , but still aggravated and laboured the contrary , and gave directions to the lieutenant to look surely to him , and to keep him close prisoner , and that he should send to none of his friends , or they to him , urging great matters against him . sir tho. monson was often employed to give directions to the lieutenant therein , a most barbarous course to be so dealt withall onely for a contempt ; concluding that sir tho. overb. was a close prisoner to all his friends , but open to all his enemies ; such as somerset would have , or send to him . the lord chief justice told mrs. turner she had the seven deadly sins , viz. a whore , a bawd , a sorcerer , a murtherer , a witch , a papist , a felone , the daughter of the devil : forman wishing her to repent , and to become the servant of jesus christ , and to pray him to cast out those seven devils . she desires the lord chief to be good to her , saying , she was ever brought up with the countess of somerset , and had been of a long time her servant , and knew not there was poyson in any of those things sent to sir tho. overb. then the jury went forth , and not long after returned , finding her guilty , who being asked what she could say for her self why judgement should not be pronounced against her , she onely desired favour , but could not speak any thing for weeping . then judge crook made another grave speech , exhorting her to repentance , and to prepare her self ready for death , and that the little time which should be assigned her to live , she should not spend it either in labour or imagination to get her life , for that hope was but a vvitch : upon conclusion of which speech he gave judgement , and told her she had a very honorable tryall by such men as he had not seen in his time for one of her rank and quality , and so was delivered to the sheriff . upon the wednesday following she was brought from the sheriffs in a coach to newgate , and was there put into a cart , and casting money often amongst the people as she went , she was carried to tyborn , where she was executed , and whither many men and women of fashion came in coaches to see her dye , to whom she made a speech , desiring them not to rejoyce at her fall , but to take example by her : she exhorted them to serve god , and abandon ill company , and all other sins , relating her breeding with the countess of somerset , having had no other means to maintain her self and her children , but what came from the countess ; and said further , that when her hand was once in this business , she knew the revealing of it would be her overthrow ; by which , with other like speeches , and great penitence there shewed , she moved the spectators to great pitty and grief for her . the proceedings against sir iervas elvis , knight , lieutenant of the tower , at his arraignment at guild-hall , the 16. of novemb. 1615. the form of the indictment was , the malicious aiding , comforting , and abetting of vveston in the poysoning and murthering of sir tho. overb. whereupon it was laid against him as followeth . first , when vveston received the viall of poyson of two inches long , to give sir tho. he having the glass in the one hand , and the broth for sir tho. in the other , meeting the lieutenant , asking him this , sir shall i give it him now ? the lieutenant reproved him , yet that night he gave it him in his broth , ergo , the lieutenant knew of the practise and poysoning of sir tho. overb. et qui non propulsat injuriam cum possit eam infert , cicero . after this was known to be poyson , yet he kept weston still , he favoured , countenanced , and graced him , and one time sent him a cup of sack , and bad his man tell him he loved him as well as ever he did ; all this while he paid him no wages , and as soon as sir thomas overbury dyed , vveston was removed . the countess writ a letter to the lieutenant , with the letter she sent poysoned tarts to overbury , and wine to the lieutenants wife , and bad him give the tarts to overbury , for there were letters in them ; but his wife and children might drink the wine , for she was sure there were no letters in it . the earle of northampton writ a letter to the lieutenant concerning the imprisonment of overbury ; the said earle writ three letters to rochester contaiing these words : sweet lord , think not i finde pain in that which gives me sweetest pleasure , which is any thing which falls from your pen . three things concur to my exceeding joy in your worthy letters ; proof of your love , comfort of your words , and judgement in your writing : you may believe the words of him that will rather dye then flatter you , my heart is full of the love of you ; your characters are no pain for me to peruse , being as well acquainted with your hand , as mine own : the pain is no more then the cracking of a nut for the sweet kernel , or my neeces pain in the silver-dropping streams of your pen . ( there the lord chief justice left off reading for the baudiness of it ; then after in the letter followed : ) i spent two hours yesterday in prompting the lieutenant with cautions and considerations ; observing with whom he is to deal , that he might the better act his part for the adventure in which he dealeth . henry northampton . another letter to rochester . sweet lord , i cannot deliver unto you with what caution and consideration , &c. and the lieutenant looking to his business , which concerns me more then text affords , that marching in his affairs , i shall hold him discreet , and love him better whilst i live for this his conclusion , for this negro can no more change his skin , then the leopard his spots . hen. northampton . another letter to rochester . sweet lord , overbury being viewed , there was found in his arm an issue , and on his belly twelve kernels like to break to issue , each as broad as three pence , as big as a small button ; an issue in his back with a tawny plaister on it , this was strange and ugly , he stank intolerably , insomuch that he was cast into a coffin with a loose sheet over him : god is gracious in cutting off such ill instruments from the factious crew ; if he had come forth , they would have made use of him . thus sweet lord wishing you all increase of happiness and honour , i end your lordships more then any mans , hen. northampton . the lieutenant writ a letter to northampton , certifying him , that he undertook sir tho. overbury according to his instructions ; that as soon as he came to the place , sir thomas protested his innocency upon the bible , and then ( quoth he ) he asked me what they meant to do with him ? i answered , they mean to refine you , that your pureness may appear the better : after i walked with him in his chamber , and advised him to give way to the match between rochester and the countess , but then he grew hot against your lordship , and the countess of suffolk , saying if he were the countess of suffolks prisoner ( as he thought he was ) then ( said he ) let her know that i care as little to dye , as she to be cruel . the countess i finde to be joyned with you in this plot , though the chamberlain knows not of it , nor any one else : but rochesters part i shall most fear untill i see the event to be clearly conveyed : and so he concluded his letter . the answer of sir jervas elvis to the points proposed . my lord , before i answer the matter of charge against me , let me remember your lordship of one speech i learned from your mouth , i have heard you speak it at the councel table , and at the assizes in the country ; that when a prisoner stands at the bar for his life comfortless , allowed no counsel , but strong counsel against him , perchance affrighted with the fear of death , his wife and his children to be cast out of doors , and made to seek their bread , you have alwayes pitied the cause of such an one , you have protested you had rather hang in hell for mercy to such an one , then for judgement . my lord , you have not observed your own rule in my cause , you have paraphrased upon every examination , you have aggravated every evidence , and applied it to me ; so that i stand clearly condemned , before i be found guilty : if i were so vile a man as your lordship conceives me , i were unworthy of any favour , but i hope your lordship shall not finde it . so i will deny nothing that hath evidence of truth against me ; i will not tell a lie to save my life : and beseech your lordship so to conceive of me , move your charity towards me . then desired he the court , that the heads of the accusations might be collected by the councel of the king , which were the same which were mentioned before , to which he severally answereth : to the first , shall i give him now ? he answered , that when weston asked him the question , he saw no poyson in his hand and therefore ( said he ) in westons and my examinations the question was , shall i give it him now ? not , shall i give him this now ? for there is a great difference between hoc , and id , in matters of prevention . but further , when weston had told me that it was poyson which he meant to give , i reproved him , and beat him down with gods judgements : nay i humbled him so , that he thanked god and me on his knees , and told me that he and his had cause to blesse god for me , for that i with-held him from doing that act ; and if you call this comforting and abetting , to terrifie a man for his sins , and to make him confess his faults to god , and to abhor and detest the act , then was i an abettor , and comforter of weston . to the second , after i had thus terrified him with gods judgements , and saw him cast down for his offence , i could do him no better office then to raise him up , who was thus cast down , and therefore favoured him ; i shewed him kindness , i drank to him , to the intent i might encourage the intentions of his minde , which i found then in abhorring the fact ; and for that i gave him no wages , it is true ; i took him from the commendations of my lord of northampton , and sir tho. monson , whom i took to be my friends , and thought they would commend no man to be a keeper , which might endamage me . to the third , i never knew any other meaning of the countesses words in her letters , but the bare literal meaning ; and sure ( quoth he ) after i had received the tarts , and they stood a while in my kitchin , saw them so black and foul , and of such strange colours , that i did cause my cook to throw them away and to make other tarts for him . to the fourth he saith , the earle of northamptons letter to him , was not any thing touching the poysoning of sir thomas overbury , but for a close restraint , to the end that overbury might agree to their purposes concerning the marriage to be had between rochester and the countess : if the earle of north-hampton had any plot to take away his life , i was not of his counsel , nor had knowledge therein . to the fifth , it is said , i received him according to my instructions ; i meant no other thing then i had delivered before , which was concerning the closeness of his imprisonment ; but being asked what he meant by these words , rochesters part i shall greatly fear , untill i see the event to be clearly carried : in this he staggered and wavered much , and gave his answer , it was long since i writ this letter , and for the particular circumstance that induced me to this speech , i cannot now call to memory : but sure i am , ( knowing my self to be innocent ) i satisfie my remembrance , so that i meant nothing concerning the taking away of his life : but because i was a stranger to rochester , and had heard , and known of that great league that was between them , i might well think , suspect , and fear whether he would alwayes continue those projects for his restraint . these were the answers he made to his accusations : and after he had made many protestations betwixt god and his soul of innocency , in the mallicious plotting and abetting of overburies death , he appealed himself to the jury , and said , i will prove unto you by many infallible and unanswerable reasons , that i could not be aider and complotter with weston in this poysoning : first , i made a free and voluntary discovery of it my self , i was not compelled ; will any man imagine i would discover a thing wherein i am not able to clear my self ? nature is more kinde then to be its own accuser . besides , that my clearness might more appear and remain in the world without any suspition , i proceeded and accused the murtherer weston . it had been a senselesse thing in me ( if i had not thought my self clear ) to have accused him , who might have done as much for me . nay weston himself proved me to be an honest man before the chancellour of the exchequer , for he confessed to him and others being present , that he thought the lieutenant knew not of the poyson ; and in his examination before the lord chief justice , and serjeant crew , being asked the meaning of those words ( shall i give it him now ? ) he answered , that he thought that those which had set him on work , had acquainted the lieutenant with their plot . and also i was so confident in mine own innocency , that i told my lord chief justice , and my lord zouch , that the way to make weston confess , and to discover all , was by fair and gentle intreaty of him ; and so by this means they might search to the very bottome of his heart : in this the lord chief justice witnessed with him . and after sir thomas was dead , weston and mrs. turner were sent to me to know whether i had any inkling of the death of sir thomas : what need they have made this question , if i had known any thing thereof ? also that which i do know concerning the poysoning of sir thomas , was after his death by the relation of weston ; and i am here indicted as accessary before the fact , when i knew nothing till after the fact . after that he had confirmed these reasons by sundry-proofs and witnesses , he went further in his own defence . if i be in the plot , my lord treasurer is , i have his letter to shew in it , he called me to his lodging , and said , the plots you know them as well as i. the plots were onely to repair her honor : my wife hath the letters from the lord treasurer and munson : for these plots i will run willingly to my death , if circumstances be knit with any manner of fact . he proceeded further , and told the lord chief justice , that he spake not this to justifie himself , so that no blemish or stain might cleave unto him , for ( said he ) this visitation is sent me from god , and whether i live or dye , it is the happiest affliction to my soul that i ever received : i have laid open my whole heart from blood guiltiness , i have not repented me other then for errors of my judgement in not detecting what i suspected , and yet i ask god forgiveness for less sins , but of this i know no other then the gross error of my judgement in not preventing it , when i saw such intendment and imagination against him . then he put my lord chief justice this question : if one that knoweth not of any plot to poyson a man , but onely suspecteth , is no actor or contriver himself , onely imagineth such a thing , whether such a one be accessary to the murther ? for the words of the indictment are abetting and comforting with malice . now if there be any man that charges me expresly or in direct tearms that i was an abetter ; or if the court shall think fit in this case that i have put , that such a concealing without malice in an abetting , i refuse not to dye ; i am guilty : this was the summe of his speech . then the lord chief justice replyed , that to his knowledge he spake no more concerning the evidence then he could in conscience justifie , which was onely to explain the evidence , and not wresting any thing in prejudice of his life . but further , he told him , that two dayes before sir thomas dyed , you wished his man to bring in his best sute of hangings to hang his chamber , which you knew were your fees : after he told him that his accusation of the lord treasurer was very malicious ; for in all the examinations he had taken , in all the exact search he could make for the finding out of the truth ; he saw not that honourable gentleman any way touched . in conclusion , he told him , it is not your deep protestations , and your appealing to god and his throne , that can sway a jury from their evidence , which is not answered unto . but to leave you without excuse , and to make the matter as clear as may be ; here is the confession of franklin , which he then drew out of his bosome , saying , this poor man not knowing sr iervis should come to his triall , this morning he came unto me at five of the clock , and told me that he was much troubled in his conscience , and could not rest all night , untill he made his confession , and it is such an one ( these were his words ) as the eye of england never saw , nor the ear of christendome ever heard . the confession of james franklin , 16. novem. 1615. mistress turner came to me from the countess , and wished me from her to get the strongest poyson i could for sr th. overbury ▪ accordingly i brought seven sorts ; aqua-fortis , white-arsnick , mercury , great-spiders , powder of diamonds , lapis costitus , cantarides ; all these were given to sir tho. at several times : and further confesseth , that the lieutenant knew of these poysons ; for that appeared ( said he ) by many letters which he writ to the countess of essex , which i saw , and thereby knew that he knew of that matter ; one of them i read for the countess , because she could not read it her self , in which the lieutenant used this speech : madam , this scab is like the fox , the more he is cursed , the better he fareth : and other speeches . sir tho. never eat white salt , but there was white-arsnick put into it ; once he desired pigge , and mrs. turner put into it lapis costitus ; the white powder that was sent sir thomas in a letter , he knew to be white-arsnick , a very deadly poyson . at another time he had two partridges sent him from the court , and water and onyons being the sawce , mrs. turner instead of pepper put in cantarides , so that there was scarce any thing that he did eat but there was some poyson in it ; for these poysons the countess sent me rewards , she sent me gold many times by mrs. turner . she afterward writ unto me to buy her more poysons : i went to her , and told her , i was weary of it : i besought her upon my knees , that she would use me no more in these matters ; but she importuned me , bid me go , and inticed me with fair speeches and rewards ; so she overcame me , and did bewitch me . the cause of this poysoning was , as the countess told me , because sir thomas would pry so far into the state , as he would put them down : he did also say , that the toothless maid trusty margaret was acquainted with the poyson : so was mrs. turners man stephen , so also mrs. horn , the countesses own hand . he saith , on the marriage of the countess with somerset ; she sent him twenty pound by mrs. turner , and he was to have been paid by the countesse two hundred pound per . an. during his life . that he was urged and haunted two hundred severall times at the least by the countesse to do it against his conscience : he saith , she was able to bewitch any man : and then he wrought the love between rochester and her , and that he had twelve severall letters from her to prosecute it , and was to have two hundred pound , to continue their love till the marriage . these are all the materials in franklins confession ; to this sir iervis knew not what to answer , or to make of his own letters . then presently the jury departed from the bar , and presently after returned , and found him guilty , and the lord chief justice gave judgement , and he was executed accordingly in manner following . sir jervas his confession . on munday the 20. of novem. 1615. he was executed upon tower hill , upon a gibbet there set up of purpose about six of the clock in the morning ( he being arraigned in a black suit and jerkin with hanging sleeves , having on his head a crimson satten cap , from the top downwards , and round about laced , under that a white linnen cap , with a border , and over that a black hat with a broad ribbond , and a ruffe band thick couched with a lace , and a pair of skie-coloured silk stockings , and a pair of three soaled shooes . ) he came on foot from sheriffe goars house to the gibbet , between dr. whiting , and dr. felton , two of his majesties chaplains , and comming to the ladders foot , he talked a word or two to the executioner ; then he went up the ladder four or five steps , the executioner sitting over his head upon the top the of the gibbet ; sir iervis finding the ladder to stand too upright , for his case , spake to have it amended ; which forthwith he comming down was done , being fastned in the ground , and then he went up again six steps , where after a while sitting , uttered to this , or the like effect . noble , right worshipful , and others : i am here come as well to shew , explain , and unfold that which passed at the time of my arraignment , to so many of you as were present ; as also to shew that there i perceived i had lost the good opinion of many in standing so long upon mine innocencie , which was my fault i confess , hoping now to recover the same , and your good charitable opinions of me ; which fault i then saw not , being blinded with my own error , which made me account it no sin . but since my condemnation , by the means and help of these two gentlemen here present ( the doctors ) i was perswaded of the greatness of my sin , and that it was so much the greater , by how much the more i did conceal it : which by gods mercy i perceiving , consulted not with flesh and blood , but thought it in this my condemnation the best way for my souls health to reveal to the omnipotent and all-seeing god , the most secret and inward intentions and thoughts of my deceitfull heart ; not once respecting the praises or dispraises of the world , which i regard not at all . it may not be some will say , that this place was most unfit for my execution , appointed to terrifie and daunt me so much the more ; but ( alas ! ) i fear not death , place , nor any such like thing ; for i account it the king and councels speciall favour , that i dye here , for that j requesting the same it was granted , whereby j see now this tower , late wherein j should have been called to state business , and still might , if j had performed a more loyal service to my king and country then j did . next , in that j was not appointed to tyburn , a place of more publique reproach then now j am brought to , being worthy to die by due and lawfull justice , in prosecuting this bloody enormous act against a kind gentleman , who deserved no ill at my hands , nor any mans else , for ought j know . but were it j had not trusted him who was a most perfidious wretch , j had not fallen into this shame , which may warn all here present to take heed whom they trust in a bad matter ; and to admonish you that are trusted never to break honest and just fidelity . i was by divers tricks drawn to this action , which i received from the earle of northampton , and sir thomas monson , and none other ; but had i remembred the 115. verse of the 119. psalm , and said with the holy prophet , away from me ye wicked , for i will keep the commandements of my god : then had j refused such like tricks , alas ! now too late , there was my fault that j did not refuse them , and cast my self upon gods providence without any dependence on man , though never so honourable : was ever any deceived that did trust in god ? there was never any : therefore j admonish you all , let none how honourable soever they be , or the king himself , move you to any thing not agreeable to gods word ; do it not , reject it ; for that was my fault , that j had not at the first opened this plot to his majesty , who no doubt would most justly and throughly have punished the same . you noble , worshipful , and others ; let my example teach you thus much , that you prophane not the holy sabbaths of the lord , nor his good creatures , nor that you turn ( by a lascivious course ) dayes into nights , and nights into dayes , as j have done ; and that in serving god , you must not only read the scriptures , but joyn practice therewith ; for what good will the same effect , if the heart be foul , bloody , and impure ? some here knew my forwardness therein , but j pretend not innocencie that way , but cast it off , and confess that of this great assembly i am the most wretched sinner . you expect speeches from me of some concealed matters , and upon some of my speeches used at the closing up of my arraignment ; but j stand here loco peccatoris , non oratoris : yet j will shew you that j have opened to my lord chrief justice since my arraignment , that with the utmost of my power j was able to verifie , upon which j took the body and blood of jesus christ , and in further testimony , j will now seal it with my last and dearest breath . nobles , and others , to see your faces it rejoyceth me , whereby you manifest your loves in granting my request to be eye-witnesses of my death : j see a number of my friends here , ( pointing as he spake ) who out of their loves j intreated to beseech god to strengthen me in death , though ignominious to some , yet to me a bitter cup mingled with gods mercies , a special favor this way to call me home ; whereas he might have taken away my life by shooting the bridge , or some fall , or otherwise ; and then this unrepented sin , which j accounted no sin ( such was my blindness ) had been damnation to me ; for god is just , and the unrepented sinner shall have no salvation . there is none of you here present that knoweth how or in what sort he shall dye , it may be in his bed , it may be otherwise ( god knows ) j protest before you all , j never came over this hill in the chiefest of all my prosperity with more joy then now j have at this present ; for now j know j shall behold the glorious face and sight of my creator . take heed , let my ensample incite you to serve god truly and uprightly , lest a shameful death overtake you , as it hath me , who am unworthy of my parents care in bringing me up . jt may be some will say , j have a flinty heart , because j shed no tears ; my heart is flesh as others be , and j am as faint-hearted to look death in the face as any others because my use hath not been to shed tears , j cannot now easily , except it be for the losse of some dear freind ; albeit now my heart beginneth to melt within me being wounded ( with that the tears stood in his eyes ) to see the faces of some here present , whom j most earnestly love , and now must depart from with shame , though worldly regard j respect not , for well mr. sheriffe knows , that ( to shame this my sinful flesh the more ) j wisht if it had him pleased , to have been brought thorow the city , to have warned all the spectators how they should not escape without judgement for blood , for god is just . j had almost forgotten to shew you a most strange thing which god brought to my memory the last night , which is this : j confess j have been a great gamester , and have played and wasted many great summes of money which exhausted a great part of my means , which j perceiving , vowed seriously , and not sleightly or unadvisedly , to the lord in my vow and prayers , lord , let me be hanged if ever i play any more ! which not long after is justly come upon me , whereof ye are all eye-witnesses , for a thousand times since j have broke this my vow . then he espied one sir maxamilian dalyson standing near to the gibbet on horse-back , and said to him , you know sir maxamilian what gaming we have had , and how we have turned dayes into nights , and nights into dayes : j pray you in time to leave it off , and dishonor god no more in breaking his sabbath , for he hath alwayes enough to punish , as you now see me , who little thought thus to dye . to which sir maxamilian answered him , sir iervas , j am much gieved for you , and shall never forget what you have said ; whereunto he said , look to it , do then . further he continued his speech , let no man boast of the abilities and gifts of nature which god giveth him , for therein i displeased god , being over-much transported with the pride of my pen , which obsequious quill of mine procured my just overthrow . upon the knitting up of my lord chief justices speech at my arraignment , by reason of two or three passages at the bottom of my letter , subscribed with my own hand , which i utterly had forgotten , because i felt not my fin , ( which i heard ; ) i saw no other but the finger of god would thus point to this fact : by this means , i do protest before god , and confess before you all , that i was so overtaken with this bloody fact , that for satisfaction of the same , i willingly yeelded my dearest blood , to the shame of this my wretched carkass , not being so much grieved for the same , as for others ; that i wish i had hang'd in chaines perpetually , so that i had at first revealed this hainous plot . then should i have saved the lives of some already dead , some in the tower , and some in the city , some over seas ; so should i have prevented many from being widdows , some from being fatherless , and some from being childless , among whom my own wife for one , and eight fatherless children of mine , which i now leave behind me ; and god knows how many are guilty of this fact , and when it will bee ended . the lord chief justice upon closing up of my speeches at my arraignment , said , i was a anabaptist : i would i were as clear from all other sins , as from that , for i alwayes detested that condition . as for my wife , some said she is a papist ; true it is , she came so short of a sincere protestant . i mean in that respect , that when she is amongst papists , she cannot well forbear them . then he spake to the sheriff , saying , if it may be permitted without offence , i have somewhat to say , and that is this ; is it lawful for any one here to demand of me any questions ? to which the sheriff answered , it is not lawfull , wherefore , good sir iervas , quoth he , forbear . sir iervas said thereunto , ( doubling his words ) it is enough , it is enough ; i have , quoth he , one that holdeth my cloak , may i bestow somewhat on him ? the sheriff answered , that you may sir ; whereupon , he called the young man unto him by his name , who stood waiting at the ladders foot , and gave him out of his pocket some pieces of gold or silver , and said , here , take this , spend it ; which he with bitter tears thankfully accepted . doctor felton and doctor whiting strained courtesie which of them should begin a publike prayer for this parties condition ; one of them willed the other , but at last doctor vvhiting said , if you sir iervas can perform it your self , you of all men are fittest to do it , with efficacy both of soul and spirit ; whereupon he said , i shall do my best then ; but my hearers , i crave your charitable constructions , if with half words , and imperfect speeches , i chatter like a crane . his prayer . o eternall , omnipotent , and omniscient god , the creator of heaven and earth , and of me a most miserable and horrible wretch , by reason of my unmeasurable sinnes and transgressions , whereof i am wholly guilty ; take pitty of me , that have so many ponderous sinnes , that without thy speciall favour and mercy , they will be ready to press me into perpetuall destruction ; thy full and free pardon in iesus christ i humbly crave , with this assurance , that immediately my soule shall be translated hence , into those inestimable joyes which the heart of man is unable to conceive , the tongue to utter , the eare to hear : then lord hear the petition of me a most miserable wretch , according to thy promise made unto the repentant sinner : my sinnes yet unknown , and unrepented of , which are my secret sinnes , lord call not to accompt : disburthen me , o lord , of my unknown sins , i desire to give a true sigh for them all , my sins of youth , and riper years , o lord , pardon ; thou , o lord , knowest how many they are ; let the misty clouds of all my sinnes whatsoever be scattered by the bright beams of thy merits : be merciful to me in christ iesus , that these weak poor prayers may be available in thy sight ; this comfort yet i have , that i am thine ; for , were i not thine , then out of the roots of me could not the buds of repentance appear , by which i know thou lovest me ; it is not i , but thou , o lord , hast drawn me to thee , for thine own mercies sake , in which thy mercies and thy promises made to the true repentant sinner , once again i rely : for if thou killest me by this or any other ignominious death , yet will i trust in thee . i crave thy assistance ; protect my soul from that great adversary of mine , i mean satan , who with pale death and the infirmities of flesh , do band their balls together , then especially at the last gasp ; in which great conflict , lord strengthen me , that they may not overcome , but be overcome . amen . this prayer being ended , he asked if he might not pray privately : the doctors answered , yea ; then made he a short prayer to himself with his face covered ; and after he uncovered it , and said , now i have prayed , now must j pay , j mean do the last office to justice : with that doctor vvhiting said , sir iervas , you may stand one step lower upon the ladder ; to whom the sheriff answered , jt is better for him mr. doctor to be where he is ; stay , quoth the doctor to the executioner , for he hath given a watch-word , he is in private prayer again ; yea , quoth he , for he hath given me a watch-word when j shall perform my office to him . he uncovered his face after his second short prayer : and first took his leave of all the assembly , saying with a cheerfull voyce and countenance , j pray you pray for me , who shall never more behold your faces ; then he said with great fervency of spirit , lord i desire at thy hands this bitter cup of death , as the patient receives a bitter potion , not once demanding what is in the cup , but takes and drinks it off , be it never so bitter . as soon as he had then said audibly , lord iesus receive my soule , which belike was the executioners watch-word , he turn'd him off the ladder , and the executioners man catching at one of his feet , and his own man by the other , they suddenly weighed his life ; where hanging a small distance of time , his body not once stirred , onely his hands moved a little , being tyed with a black silk ribbon , which a little before he had reached to the executioner , putting up his hands to him for that purpose ; all which being ended , both corps high gibbet were from thence conveyed . the proceedings against iames franckling at his arraignment at the kings bench the 27. of november , an. dom. 1615. after he had put himself for his tryal upon the country , a jury of esquires and gentlemen were impannilled to pass upon his life there ; then westons indictment was read , and francklin accused as accessary to the poysoning of sir thomas overbury , and then his examination formerly taken in these words . iames francklins confession . he confesseth , that in a house near doctors commons mistriss turner did first come unto him about the poysoning of sir thomas overbury , and prayed him to provide that which should not kill a man presently , but lie in his body a certain time , wherewith he might languish away by little and little ; at the same time she gave him four angels , wherewith he bought a water called aqua fortis , and sent it to mistriss turner , who to try the operation thereof , gave it to a cat , wherewith the cat languished , crying pitifully for two days , and so dyed . afterwards mistriss turner sent for francklin to come to the countess , who told him that aqua fortis was too violent a water : but what think you , quoth she , of white arsnick ? he told her , that was too violent : what say you , quoth she , to powder of diamonds ? he answered , i know not the nature of that ; she said then , he was a fool , and gave him pieces of gold , and bid him buy some of that powder for her : francklin demanded of the countess what was her reason to poyson sir tho. overbury ; she told him , he would pry so far into their estate , that he would overthrow them all . a little before sir tho. overburies death the countess sent for francklin , and shewed him a letter sent from the lord of rochester , wherein he read these words , i marvel at these delays , that the business is not yet dispatched ; whereby francklin thinketh in his conscience was meant the poysoning of sir thomas overbury . and in another letter from the lord of rochester was written , that sir thomas was to come out of the tower within two days , and they all should be undone ; whereupon the countess sent for weston , and was very angry with him , that he had not dispatched sir thomas overbury ; weston told her , that he had given him a thing that would have killed ten men . also a fortnight after westons apprehension , this countess sent for francklin into s. iames's park , where he , the earl , and the countess walking together ; and as soon as he came , the earl went apart into a chamber , then she told him , weston hath been sent for by a pursevant , and hath confessed all , and we shall be hanged ; but on your life , quoth she , do not you confess that you brought any poyson to me or to mris turner , for if you do , you shall be hanged , for i will not hang for you ; nor , saith mris turner , will i hang for you both . the countess told him , the lord who was to examine him would promise him a pardon to confess , but beleeve them not , for they will hang thee when all is done . weston came to francklins house , and told , now the countess turn is served , she uses him unkindly , and they should both be poysoned , and that two were set on purpose to poyson him . francklin having confessed his former examination under his own hand , being permitted to speak for himself , said , that at the intreaty of the countess and mistriss turner , he did buy the poysons , but protested his ignorance what they meant to do with them , and for the rest he referred to the conscience of the jury , who went from the bar , and within a quarter of an hour did return and pronounce him guilty : then judg crook after a brief exhortation gave the sentence of death upon him . the lord chief justice made a short exhortation also with addition of these words , that knowing as much as he knew , if this had not been found out , neither court , city , nor any particular families had escaped the malice of this wicked cruelty . the proceedings against sir tho. monson , at the guild-hall london , decemb. 4. 1615. when he came to the bar , he made a motion to the lord chief iustice , that whereas he had written to his lordship to ask the lord treasurer two questions , which my lord would do ; he desired then an answer , and that sir robert cotton might be present ; the question read , he was indicted for conspiracy with weston for poysoning sir tho. overbury , to which he pleaded not guilty ; he would be tryed by god and his country : the lord chief iustice broke up the proceedings , and made a speech to this effect . that he saw a great assembly , though it had been shewed them often , that the city was much bound to god and his deputy here on earth , the king his master , for their great deliverance and exact iustice , for god was always good and just ; and for the king , though they were never so high in place , nor so dear to him , though his own creatures , yet his justice is dearer to him , for which we are upon our knees to give him hearty thanks , as also for so milde proceedings in so great an affair : for neither the great mans house in the tower , nor this poysoners house to my knowledg , hath been searched , neither hath this prisoner been committed to the sheriff , but to an alderman , a man who of all others might be most kind to him ; whereas i take it , lest i should be mistaken , sir francis anderson married sir stephen somes daughter , and sir thomas monson married sir francis andersons sister ; i never knew the like favour , nor do i like it so well , but do declare it as a gentle proceeding from the king . for other things , i do not discover secrets ; but though there were no house searched , yet such letters were produced , which makes our deliverance as great as any that happened to the children of israel . for vveston and mistriss turner dyed penitently , as it is worthy to be written in letters of gold ; and for the lievtenant , though with great imprecations and with high hand he denyed it , yet to the great glory of the kings justice he dyed most penitently and resolutely : this is spoken to the great praise of god , that hath crowned these just proceedings , iustitia confirmata non est authoritate , though not having reason for it , wherein we may see the great hand of god . for that morning the lievtenant was arraigned came to me as one afflicted in conscience , not knowing of his arraignment , one with evidence against him , which he delivered to the iury , one of them heard him say ( the lord have mercy upon me , ) and for this present ( non est constantia longa de vita hominis ) therefore he must be conveyed to the tower as a safer place , till further order be taken . then he addressed his speech to sir thomas monson , saying , whereas you name my lord treasurer , every mans fame is dear unto him , and he hath been dear and honorable ; you shall hear what he hath answered to my letter . after my hearty commendations , i hear that sir thomas monson that i can clear him , but i hear nothing of him to accuse him , but i hope he is not guilty of so great a crime . you hear , quoth he , that he will neither accuse nor excuse you . monson . i do not accuse the lord treasurer nor calumniate him , for i know he is very honorable , but i desire to have answer to my two questions . lord chief iustice. you shall hear more of that when time shall serve ; do you as a christian , and as ioshuah bid acan , my son , acknowledg thy sin , and give glory to god . monson . if i be guilty , i renounce the kings mercy and gods ; i am innocent . lo. ch. iustice . there is more against you then you know of . monson . if i be guilty , it is of that i know not , lo. ch. iust. you are popish , that pulpit was the pulpit wherein garnet denyed , and the lievtenant as friendly ; i am not superstitious , but we will have another pulpit ▪ iust. doddridge . it is an atheists words to renounce gods mercy ; but you must think the change of your lodging means somewhat . hide . i have looked into this business , and i protest , my lord , he is as guilty as the guiltiest man . monson . there was never man more innocent in this cause ; i will live and dye an innocent . after this speech , certain yeomen of his majesties guard , attending for that purpose , conducted him to the tower , where between the yeomen and the warders there was some contention about his entertainment . a relation of the arraignment of the lord and lady of somerset , on friday , may 24. 1616. the names of the peers . the earl of worcester , l. p. seal . the earl of pembrook , l. chamberlain . the earl of rutland . the earl of sussex . the earl of mountgomery . the earl of hartford . the viscount lifle . the lord zouch , warden of the cinque ports . the lord willoughby of frisby . the lord de laware . the lord dacres . the lord mountegle . the lord wentworth . the lord rich. the lord willoughby of parham . the lord hunsdon . the lord russel . the lord compton . the lord norris . the lord gerard . the lord cavendish . the lord dormer . the lord elsmore , lord chaniels , and lord steward , hac vice . his assistants there present in the commission . sir edward cook , lord chief justice of england . sir hen. hobart , l. chief justice of the com. banc. sir law . tanfield , ch. baron . judg crook , banco rege . judg nichol , com. banc. sir fran. bacon , attor. general . these three only spake . sergeant mountague . — these three only spake . sergeant crew . — these three only spake . sir hen. yelverton , solic . rege . sir fran. more , servien . rege . sir lawr. hide , attor. . reginae . mosley , attornat . ducat. sir io. davis , servien . rege . mr walter , the princes attor. . mr finch , keeper of the records of attainders . sergeant more . sergeant finch . the names and form of their sitting . when my lord chancellor , who for his time was high steward of england , came into the court , there came before him six sergeants at arms with their maces , sir geo. coppin with his pattent , sir rich. connisby with his white staff , mr mannering with the great seal , he himself at the upper end of the board sitting under a cloth of state , of both hands of him the peers , under them the iudges , at the further end of the kings councel below the iudges , on one side , finch the keeper of records of attainders , the clerk of the crown and his deputy in the midst of the court , the sergeant cryer standing by him ; sir rich. connisby , sir geo. coppin the seal-bearer , and at my lord stewards feet the prisoner at a bar , behind the kings councel the lievtenant of the tower in a little space adjoyning to the bar. all being silent , sir geo. coppin arises , delivers the pattent to the lord high steward , upon his knee , he received it , and kisseth it , and returns it to mr fanshaw , who takes it kneeling ; then the sergeant cryer makes proclamation in the lord high stewards name to keep silence ; then mr fanshaw , ( which bears date may 10. ) then there is another o yes to certifie my l. steward , whether weston were commited as principal for the murther of sir tho. overbury : then the lord chief iustice delivers a schedule indorsed with certificates of four iudges of the kings bench , and other the commissioners ; then fanshaw turning unto my lord steward reads a third o yes for certifying other indictments . my lord cook delivers another schedule , indorsed with certificate of my lady of somersets indictment , which mr fanshaw as before reads . a fourth o yes for walter lee serjeant at arms to return the precept for the peers of frances countess of somerset , which accordingly he , after his three reverences to the lord high steward , delivered to mr fanshaw , he reads the indorsement . a fifth o yes to call the lords , summoned by the command of my lord high steward , to answer to their names , which accordingly they did , beginning as at the first , as every one was named putting of their hats , standing up until the next was named . a sixth o yes to the lievtenant of the tower to return his precept , and bring his prisoner to the bar , which he did , and gave his precept to the serjeant , who gave it to mr fanshaw , and he as afore read the indorsement . the prisoner made three reverences to his grace and the peers , being attired in black tammel , a cyprus caperoon , a cobweb lawn ruff and cuffs . lord steward . my lords , the reason why you are called hither this day , is to sit as peers of frances countess of somerset . fanshaw clerk of the crown . frances countess of somerset , hold up thy hand ; she does so hold it up , till mr lievtenant told her she might hold it down ; and then reads the indictment , containing westons actions , in the poysoning of sir tho. overbury , and her abetting him the 8 of may , 1613. all the while the indictment was reading , the countess of somerset stood looking pale , troubled , and shed some few tears , and at the first naming of weston in the indictment , she put her fan before her face , and there held it half covered , till the indictment was read . fanshaw ▪ frances , countess of somerset , what sayst thou ? art thou guilty of this felony and murther , or not guilty ? she making an obeysance to the lord high steward , answered , guilty , and with a low voyce , but wonderful fearful . my lady upon the arraignment having pleaded guilty , the proceedings after was thus : attourney . may it please your grace , my lord high steward of england , i am glad to hear the ladies so free acknowledgment , for confession is noble : those that have been formerly indicted at their arraignments persisted in denyal , as weston , turner , francklin , elvish ; but you see this ladies humility and repentance by her pleading , and certainly she cannot be but a spectacle of much commiseration , if either you respect the sex , a woman , or her parentage , honorable . but this and to morrow day is to crown justice ; the mercy seat is the inward part of the temple , the throne publique ; and therefore i do now only pray a record of the confession and judgment ; but since the peers be met together , for honours sake it is good to declare the kings justice . this is the second time since the kings coming these thirteen years , that any peers have been arraigned , and both these times your grace hath had the place of high steward . the first was gray and cobham , and though they were convicted , yet execution followed not ; no noble blood hath been spilt since his majesties raign . the first was revenge of treason against male-contents , and this of the particular offence to a private subject against those that have been so high in the kings grace and favour , and therefore deserves to be written in a sun-beam ; but his being the best master in the world , hinders him not from being the best king ; for he can as well plain a hill , as raise a wall ; a good lesson to put to my lords , the peers : he is lievtenant to him that is no respecter of persons . this that i shall now speak of , may be reduced to that which was acted in the vault , and since upon the stage . the first i will not now enter into , because i will neither grieve a lady that is present , nor touch a lord that is absent , my duty requires it not , and my humility forbids it . that which hath been upon the stage , the theater of gods iustice ; you shall understand that which hath been worthily acted by the king in this whole work of iustice , and right well by his ministers . overbury dyed poysoned the 15 of september , 1613. in the tower of london ; he was no sooner dead , but there was a certain rumour and muttering , that vox populi , that overbury came strangely by his death ; and at that time on the contrary there was another rumour , but that was vox diaboli , that he dyed of a foul disease , so foul a one , as is unfit for me to name ; but for two years after this , though overburies blood cryed for vengeance , vox dei was not heard : gloria dei c●lare regis perscrutare rem ; it is the glory of god to conceal a thing , of a king to find it out ; yet all the while god so dazled the eyes of these two great procurers and their instruments , that the first looked not about them , the other fled not . about the beginning of the first progress it first broke forth ; and as all murthers are strange in their discovery , so this was miraculous , for it came out in a complement , thus : my lord of shrewsbury who is now with god , commended sir gervise elvis to a councellor of state , and told him that sir gervise , in respect of good report he had heard made of his honour and worth , desired to be made known unto him ; that councellor added , that he took it for a favour from him , but withall added , there lies a kind of heavy imputation on him about overburies death , i could wish he could clear himself , or give some satisfaction in the point : this my lord related back , and presently elvis was struck with it , and made a kind of discovery , that some attempts were undertaken against overbury , but took no effect as checkt by him . this councellor weighing well the narration from elvis , acquainted the king with the overture , who commanded presently that elvis should set down his knowledg in writing , which accordingly he did , but always reserving himself , still endeavoring rather to discover others , then any else should undertake that office , and so accuse him . the king still endeavors to search the truth of this business , gives direction for the examination of the truth of it , commits it to certain councellors ; they pick something out of him and weston ; then the further enquiry is delivered over to my lord cook , who in this cause was very painful , took two and three hundred examinations ; but when he found it might touch upon greater persons , then he desired some others might be joyned with him , which was accordingly granted , namely , the lord chancellor , lord steward , and the lord zouch ; but then there were no practices left untryed for the suppressing of the discovery : weston was solicited to stand mute , but at last this dumb devil was cast out , then followed elvis , turner , francklin ; all which were actors in this tragedy without malice , but no authors . now when this lady comes to her part , she meets justice in the way by confession , which is either the corner stone of mercy or judgment ; yet it is said , mercy and truth are met together : truth you have in her confession , and that may be a degree to mercy ; with me it must be , and to him in whose power it resides , in the mean time this day must be reserved for judgment . now to conclude , and give you accompt of the often procrastinations in this business ; the first was due to humanity , her child-birth , the second was for reason of state , and the last had a grave and weighty cause . these directions the king at first gave , written with his own hand for the examination of this business , i desire may be read . the kings instructions . there be two contrary things in this cause to be tryed , and the verity can be but in one of them . first , whether my lord of somerset and my lady were the procurers of overbury's death , or that this imputation hath by some practice cast an aspersion upon them ; i would have you diligently inquire of the first , and if you find him clear , then i would have you as carefully look after the other , to the intent such practices may be discovered , and not suffered to pass without punishing . attourney . there be other directions in these instructions by way of interrogatories , that are not now necessary to be read ; let the lords , the peers , view these directions from the king . none of these interrogatories , which the king desired there should be examination upon , came away empty ; and whatsoever whispering there be abroad of the death of weston , they all before the hour of their death confessed the fact , and dyed penitent ; and if need should require , i have brought their confessor along , namely doctor whiting . lord steward . my lords , you have seen and have heard these directions under the kings hand , with glory to god , and honor to the king . attourney . may it please your grace , whereas frances countess of somerset , as accessary before the fact of the wilful poysoning and murther of sir tho. overbury , upon her indictment she hath been arraigned , then upon her arraignment she hath confessed guilty , i desire that her confession may be recorded , and judgment upon the prisoner . fanshaw . frances countess of somerset , thou hast been indicted , arraigned , and pleaded guilty , as accessary before the fact of the wilful poysoning and murther of sir tho. overbury ; what canst thou say for thy self , why judgment of death should not be pronounced against thee ? countess . i can much aggravate , but nothing extenuate my fault ; i desire mercy , and that the lords would be pleased to intreat for me to the king : this she spake humbly , fearfully , and so low , that the lord steward could not hear it , but the attourney related it . attourney . the lady is so touched with remorse and sense of her fault , that grief surprizes her from expressing of her self , but that which she hath confusedly said is to this effect , that she cannot excuse her self , but desires mercy . sir r. connisby sitting before the lord high steward ▪ rises , and upon his knees delivers him the white staff . lord steward . frances countess of somerset , whereas thou hast been indicted , arraigned , and pleaded guilty , and confessed that thou hast nothing to say for thy self , it is now my part to pronounce judgment , only thus much before ; since my lords have heard with what humility and grief you have confessed the fact , i do not doubt but they will signifie so much to the kings majesty , and mediate for his grace towards you , but in the mean time , according to the law , the sentence of death must be thus : thou must go to the tower of london from hence , and from thence to the place of execution , where you are to be hanged by the neck till you be dead , and lord have mercy upon your soul . the arraignment of the lord of somerset , may 25. 1616. being saturday . and first , what was done before the pleading . sergt . cryer . o yes , my lord high steward of england purposes to proceed this day to the arraignment of robert earl of somerset . o yes , whosoever have any indictments touching this cause , presently give them in ▪ the lord cook delivers the indictment of my lord of somerset to mr fanshaw endorsed . walter les sergeant at arms , return the precipe , for the lords which thou hast warned to be here this day . o yes , he calls every lord by his name , and they stand up as they be called . the lord steward excuses the lord mountegle and russel of their absence in respect of their sickness . fanshaw . robert earl of somerset , hold up thy hand ; he held it up so long , till mr lievtenant bid him hold it down . the indictment is read , containing vvestons actions in the poysoning of sir tho. overbury , and his abetting of him the 8. of may , 1613. the lord somerset was apparelled in a plain sattin sute , laced with two sattin laces in a seam , a gown of uncut velvit , all the sleeves laid with a sattin lace , a pair of gloves with sattin tops , his george about his neck , his hair curl'd , his visage pale , his beard long , his eyes sank in his head , whilest his indictment was reading he three or four times whispered to the lievtenant . fanshaw . robert earl of somerset , what saist thou ? art thou guilty of this felony and murder whereof thou standest indicted , or not ? somerset making obeysance to the lord steward , answered , not guilty . fanshaw . how wilt thou be tryed ? by god and the country ; but presently recalling himself , said , by god and my peers . o yes , all you that be to give in evidence against robert earl of somerset , who stands now at the bar upon his deliverance , make your appearance , and you shall be heard what you have to say against him . my lord of somerset upon his arraignment having pleaded not guilty , the proceeding after was thus . robert earl of somerset , you have been arraigned , and pleaded not guilty , now whatsoever you have to say in defence of your self , say it boldly without fear ; and though it be not the ordinary custom , you shall have pen and ink to help your memory ; but remember that god is the god of truth ; a fault defended is a double crime ; hide not the verity , nor affirm not an untruth , for to deny that which is true increaseth the offence ; take heed left your wilfulness cause the gates of mercy to be shut upon you . now for you my lords the peers , you are to give diligent attention to that which shall be said , and you must not rest alone upon one peece of evidence , but ground your judgment upon the whole . this moreover i would have you remember , that though you be not sworn as common juries upon a book , yet you are fled in as great a bond , your own honors and fidelity , and your allegiance to the king , and thus i leave the whole proceedings to your censure ; and for you that be of the kings councel , free your discourse from all partiality , and let truth prevail , and endeavor to make it appear . sergeant mountague . my lord high steward , and you my lords , i know this cannot be but a heavy spectacle unto you , to see that man that not long since in a great place with a white staff went before the king , should now at this bar hold up his hand for blood : but this is the change of fortune , nay i might better say the hand of god , and work of justice , which is the kings honor . but now to the fact . robert earl of somerset stands indicted as accessary before the fact of the wilful murther and poysoning of sir tho. overbury , done by weston , but procured by him . this , my lords , is your charge ; the indictment hath been found by men of good quality , or knights and esquires of the best rank and reputation , some of whose names i will be bold to read unto you , sir thomas fowler , sir will. slingsby , and five more , these have returned billae vera. vveston at four several times gave overbury four several poysons , the first may 9. 1613. that rosaker , carrying this poyson in one hand , and the broth in the other hand ; the second was in iune following , and that was arsnick ; the third was in iuly 10 , then following , and that was mercury sublimate ; the fourth was on the 14 of september , and that was mercury sublimate in a glister , given by vveston , and an apothecary yet unknown , and that killed him . of these four several poysons , ministred by weston , and procured by him the 15. of sept. 1613. overbury dyed , and the author is ever worse then the act . the first poyson laid in the indictment that weston gave sir tho. overbury , was the 9. of may , and therefore we say , the lord of somerset may 8. hired , counselled and abetted weston to that fact : and as this ( my lord ) i do charge you for a king ; so king david was charged in the like case for the murther of uriah ; and though david was under his pavilion , and uriah in the army , yet david was the cause of his murther : so you were in the kings chamber , and overbury in the tower , yet you were the cause , and it is you that killed him . it was a stronger hand then westons that wrought this ; the proof mr attorney will follow : and now will i conclude with desires to the peers , that they will not expect visible proofs in a work of darkness . the second , that whereas in an indictment there may be things laid only for form , you are not to look that the proof should follow that , but only that which is substantial ; and the substance only must be this , whether my lord of somerset procured or caused the poysoning of sir thomas overbury , or not ? lord steward . that indeed , my lord , is that which you are to look after , whether my lord somerset was the cause of his poysoning , or not . cook . this was well moved by mr recorder , and the law is clear in this point , that the proof must follow the substance , not the form . the judges all rising , affirmed this to be true . this , my lord , is certain , the law gives form in indictments , but only substance in proofs . i know , my lord high steward , and you the lords the peers , that you cannot behold this lord at the bar without the remembrance of his former greatness , yet a peer amongst you , and therefore i know you will be very tender in the cutting of him off from your number without good evidence ; we , my lords , that be to speak against him , have received an admonition from the king , to use no invectives , but give in pertinent evidence ; i think we should have done so howsoever , but yet we cannot but be glad of so good a warrant ; we will therefore carry the proof upright against all evasion , the evidence will bear it self . that which i am now to speak , i will divide into four parts . the first shall be of the greatness of the crime , not to weigh or press you down ( my lord ) but to shew that the king was bound by his oath to bring this cause to judgment , though you had been the signet of his right hand . the second shall be , what proof i hold to be competent in this case . thirdly , i will state and sum up the proof ▪ and fourthly , i will produce oaths or writings confessed . first , of all kind of felonies this is the greatest , and that i will urge thus : first , it is murther , the first record we ever read of in the bible was a sentence upon murther ; and though cain was not punished with death in respect of the primogenite , or some other secret causes , which god reserved to himself , yet he was sentenced . although ioabs sentence for the murther of abner was respited , yet it was not forgotten , no sanctuary could relieve him , he was taken from the horns of the altar . in the second table the first forbidding commandment is , thou shalt not murther . and some other most learned rabbins that referred that commandment where the obedience of parents is expressed to the first table ; so then this is the first of the second . my second aggravation is , that this murther is by poyson ; poyson is a forraign practice , fit for rome and her doctrine ; it hath these three attributes . first , it is fierce , it takes a man suddenly in gods peace and the kings , when he thinks least of it . secondly , it is easily done , and once conceived hardly prevented or discovered : princes have their guards about them to withstand any force or violence , and gentlemen their servants , for that never comes but with a noise ; whereas on the contrary , there are a number of poysons , that they will neither distaste nor discolour that they be put into . thirdly , it takes not only away the party maliced or meant ; it is like an arrow shot that hath no aym ; and if facts of this kind were not met withall by condign punishment , what society would there be amongst men ? in the 22. hen. 8. a poysoner ayming at one man , poysoned a dish of barm , at this time there was a feast at the bishop of rochesters , that barm was unwittingly used in broths and boyled meats , sixteen at the table were poysoned with it , nay it went as far as the alms-basket , and some poor dyed of it . well , this year poysoning was esteemed so great an offence , that a statute was made to make it high treason . my third aggravation is , that it was against the kings prisoner in the tower , where the king and state were in a manner bound to answer for him ; and , my lords , till now there hath been no murther in that place since the nephews of king richard the third were there murthered by his command . my second general division is , what proofs i hold to be compleat in this case ; i hope my lords the peers will consider , that of all murthers poysoning is the most secret : and therefore to look for testimonies direct , is to say , that they proclaim impunity ; who should have impeached parasapis , who poysoned one side of a knife , and eat with the other . but , my lord , you are not to enquire of actual impoysoning , but the procuring and faciliating of it ; and that is to be an abettor before the fact if any middle course should be used , to the intent such a matter might be effected , if afterwards it be done . for example ; there be three intended to rob a man , one sends a letter to him upon some pretended business to draw him such a way , the other fearing he may carry some company with him , useth some means to divert him from that , and proffers to go with him himself , and holds him in discourse , until the third man comes upon him , and doth the fact ; certainly all these are guilty . it is not he only that slips the dog , but he that loves the toyl , that kills the deer . but these things , my lord , are so perspicuous that i will not dilate . my third division was the stating and summing up the proofs , and that shall be thus : first , a plain narrative of the fact it self . secondly , the distribution of it into parts , and applying of the evidence . and thirdly , the production of witnesses and writings . somerset . i humbly desire to answer every particular as it is objected against me ; my memory is short , and so i may omit to answer some of the most principal objections . lord steward . the constant course of the court must be kept ; you cannot interrupt the kings councel ; they must give their evidence entire before you come to your answer ; you have now pen and ink to observe what they urge against you ; and if after you omit any thing , when you come to your answer , you shall have all the helps that can be afforded you . mr attorney . my lord of somerset , in substance i will answer and satisfie your request , for you shall have three cogitations . first , take your aym of that that shall be objected against you in the narrative ; then a second in the distribution of it into parts ; and lastly the third , when the witnesses shall be produced , and more when you come to your answer ; if you omit any thing that hath been objected against you , i will put you in mind of it . now for the narrative , the friendship and familiarity betwixt my lord of somerset , and sir thomas was so great , if you beleeve him in his own letter , but he was a trasonical fellow , that the ballance had need be altered , that the greatest matters and secrets of state , which my lord executed under the king were all communicated unto him , not whisperingly , or by peece meals , as sometimes councellors use to do to their friends for a favor ; but overbury took copies , registers , and extracts of all that passed ; they had ciphers between them , which went under the name of iergins of the king and queens name , and all the councellors of state ; and this kind of characterical writing is never used but by princes , or their embassadors ; if by others , then by such as be practisers against them ; yet , my lord , i charge you with no disloyalty . i remember a speech your grace hath often said in chancery , that fraud , frost and foul weather ; i might adde without disloyalty , of friendship of ill men ; and so , my lord , it proved on your part to sir thomas overbury , occasioned thus , you went about an unlawful love , designed by my lord of northampton , oppugned by him under pretence of friendship , though in truth that was not the occasion , but his unwillingness to have any partners in your favour besides himself : for he himself writes in a letter to you , that you won her by his letters ; but this impetuous unbounded fellow , overbury , first began with threats , in respect of the communication of secrets ; here upon this , there grew two streames of hatred upon him , one from you , and another from my lady , but yours of a more nigher nature ; for your self confessed , that he had such hold of you he might overthrow you . there was a third stream besides these , and that came from my lord of northampton ; and from you three overbury was concluded filius mortis . now how this should be executed , the means for that was now to be thought on ; and for that there was but two ways , violence or poyson . the first was attempted , but that failing , you fell upon the second , how should that be effected ? if he had been abroad , or at liberty , you know he had too jealous a head to be easily entrapped ; what then was to be done one way , but was to be cooped up ? but how must that be done ? there , my lord , you plead a pefidious part by your plot : overbury was designed for an honorable employment beyond the sea , and disswaded by you , animating him to refuse the kings command ; upon this , for his contempt he is committed to the tower ; when he was there must he have the liberty of the ayr ? no ; he must be committed close prisoner , that you might the better compass your desires . there you had him fast , there was no avoyding of it , but death must be his bane . now for the knitting up and connection of these things , if you had not a lievtenant to your hand , and an under-keeper for your purpose , all was but in vain ; and so you ordered it : for overbury had not been five days in the tower , but vvade was dispatched , elvis put in , caris his old keeper put out , and weston his poysoner put unto him . and though the placing of sir iervise elvis was consulted in ten days before his imprisonment , yet all was resolved and done within five days after . now for the last act of the tragedy ; when he was there , and close prisoner , none of his friends might come to him , neither father , nor kindred , nor his servants , nor none but his poysoner . now franklin was sent for , he must buy poysons , not such as would quickly kill him , but by degrees , to avoyd all suspicion . and then there was nothing came to him , salt , sauces , tarts , medicines , glysters , that were not poysoned . all the petitionary means that were either made by him or his friends , for his liberty , were stopped , though entertained by you my lord of somerset ; you used him as fortune-tellers do poor people in the country , hold them in a tale while they steal away their purse . now my lord of somerset , for the distributing of it into parts , and applying the evidence to make you guilty , we will prove it by matter precedent , present , and subsequent . first , there was a mortal hatred on your part against sir tho. overbury . secondly , you used the means to expose him to the tower , and there to keep him close prisoner . after these two i will follow the proofs my self . now for matter present , that your hand was in poysoning overbury , directed , delivered poysons , thirsted after the news ; the prosecution of this i leave to speak of . after his death you took the course that every guilty man would do in such a case , suppressing testimony , letters , and going about to get a pardon . now for a hate of sir tho. overbury , together with a fear of his revealing of secrets ; you made a vow that he should neither live in court or country , that if he came out of the tower one of you two must dye . now of overburies part he writes to you , that if he dye , your shame shall never dye ; prays god you repent not the neglect of him in that place from whence he writes to you . now by way of exclusion you cannot alledg , that this your hatred to him , and plotting his commitment , was in respect to your wife ; why then did you not suffer him to go beyond sea ? no , the bargain was made , the poysons were ready ; there were some secrets , together with your malice towards him , was so great , that there was no safe course for you , in your opinion , but this death . and for the producing of my proofs i will use this course ; those examinations that have been taken upon oath shall be here read , the witnesses also i have caused to be here , that they may be sworn , and to justifie or deny what they hear read ; and to diminish or add to their examinations : and beside , that you my lord of somerset , and you my lords the peers , may ask them what further questions you please . tho. payton , sir thomas his servant : he saw a letter of his masters , whose hand he knew to be my lord of somersets , wherein were these words , if i dye , my blood lie upon you . and in that or another letter there was this clause , you are now as good as your word , you have kept your vow to me ; moreover , that in the privy gallery in whitehall my lord of somerset coming late to his chamber met there with sir tho. overbury ; how now , says my lord , are you up yet ? nay , answered sir thomas overbury , what makes you here at this time of the night ? will you never leave the company of the base woman ? and seeing you do so neglect mine advise , i desire that to morrow morning we may part , and that you will let me have that portion you know is due to me ; and then i will leave you free to your self , to stand upon your own legs . my lord answered , his legs were strong enough to bear himself , and so departed in great displeasure , and to his knowledg they were never perfectly reconciled again : and being asked how he heard this discourse , he said , it was in the dead of the night ; and he being in a room within the gallery , heard all that passed . henry payton . i acknowledge every part of this examination to be true , and more , that my master being in the tower , he sent a letter by weston to me to carry to my lord ; and more , to deliver my lord this message , that the powder he had sent him made him very sick , and gave him in one night sixty stools , beside vomits . this letter i carryed to the court , and delivered to mr rawlin to carry in to my lord , who was then in his chamber . my lord presently came out and asked me how my master did , i told him , very sick ; and withall this message , and how the physick had wrought with him ; my lord smiled , and said , pish , and so turned him away . lawrence davis , sir thomas overburies servant , saith , that he hath heard his master say , that he would have gone embassador , but that my lord of rochester disswaded him ; he hath seen some letters of sir thomas overburies , wherein he wrote , my lord of rochester was even with him ; but he thinks he never saw those passages . somerset . i pray you my lords note ; he says , i never saw the passages . attorney . it is true , those letters were lost , but easier found by him who knew his master sir tho. overburies hand . sir thomas overburies letter . is this the fruit of my care and love to you ? be these the fruits of common secrets , common dangers ? as a man you cannot suffer me to lie in this misery , yet your behavior betrays you : all that i entreat of you is , that you would free me from this place , and that we part friends : drive me not into extremities , lest i say something that you and i may both repent : and i pray god you repent not the emission of this my counsel in this place from whence i now write this letter . wentworth . how did you know these letters were sent from him to my lord of somerset . attorney . it is true that those letters were lost , but after found by him who knew his master sir tho. overburies hand . cook . they were found in a cabinet amongst some other things left in trust by my lord of somerset with sir robert cotton , who fearing searches delivers them to a friend of his in holborn , one mistriss farnforth ; she , to the intent they might be safely kept , sent them to a merchants house in cheapside , where some seven moneths before she had lodged , and desires they might be safely kept for her , pretending they were some writings which concern her ioyature . on saint thomas day she her self comes to have them again , saying , she must carry them to her councel to peruse : if you will , suffer me to open it before you ( says the merchant , ) and that there be nothing else , you shall have them . but she by no means would consent to the breaking of it open : then he answered , it is a troublesom time , i will go to the lord chief iustice , and if he finde no other writings but such as concern you , you shal have them again . so coming to my chamber , and not finding me within , ( for i was gone to pauls to the sermon ) he went to my lord zouch , one of the appointed commissioners for this cause , who he himself would not break it open , but came to pauls to me , and in a by-room brake it open , and found in it many letters , which were disadvantagious to my lord of somerset . these matters being made evident , need no further to be amplified ; for my lord , as it is a principle in nature , that the best things are in their corruption the worst ; and the sweetest wine makes the sharpest vineger ; so fell it out with my lord of somerset and sir thomas overbury , that this access ( as i may call it ) of friendship ended in mortal hatred on my lord of somersets part . the indictment being found , my lord high steward , confirmed with the opinion of the other judges , did pronounce the sentence of death upon my lord of somerset , and so the court dissolved . finis . the remaines of the right honorable francis, lord verulam, viscount of st. albanes, sometimes lord chancellour of england being essayes and severall letters to severall great personages, and other pieces of various and high concernment not heretofore published : a table whereof for the readers more ease is adjoyned. bacon, francis, 1561-1626. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a28370 of text r17427 in the english short title catalog (wing b318). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 212 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 55 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a28370 wing b318 estc r17427 11932464 ocm 11932464 51161 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a28370) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 51161) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 50:17) the remaines of the right honorable francis, lord verulam, viscount of st. albanes, sometimes lord chancellour of england being essayes and severall letters to severall great personages, and other pieces of various and high concernment not heretofore published : a table whereof for the readers more ease is adjoyned. bacon, francis, 1561-1626. bodley, thomas, sir, 1545-1613. palmer, herbert, 1601-1647. characteristicks of a believing christian. [6], 103 p. printed by b. alsop for lawrence chapman, and are to be sold at his shop ..., london : 1648. "the authenticity of any document contained in this collection requires to be supported by independent testimony"--dnb. errata: p. 103. reproduction of original in british library. includes: sir tho. bodleys letter to sir francis bacon, about his cogitata & visa, dated at fulham, feb. 19, 1607; and, the characters of a believing christian in paradoxes and seeming contradictions / by herbert palmer. eng philosophers -great britain -correspondence. a28370 r17427 (wing b318). civilwar no the remaines of the right honorable francis lord verulam viscount of st. albanes, sometimes lord chancellour of england. being essayes and s bacon, francis 1648 40859 234 0 0 0 0 0 57 d the rate of 57 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2004-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-12 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-01 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2005-01 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the remaines of the right honorable francis lord verulam viscount of st. albanes , sometimes lord chancellour of england . being essayes and severall letters to severall great personages , and other pieces of various and high concernment not heretofore published . a table whereof for the readers more ease is adjoyned . london : printed by b. alsop , for lawrence chapman , and are to be sold at his shop neer the savoy in the strand , 1648. the table . an essay of a king . — pag. 1. an explanation what manner of persons they should be , that are to execute the power or ordinance of the kings prerogative . pag. 3. short notes of civill conversation . — pag. 6. an essay on death . — pag. 7. his opinion concerning the disposition of suttons charity , delivered to king james . pag. 13. a letter of advice written to sir edward cooke lord chief justice of the kings bench . pag. 20. a letter to the lord treasurer in excuse of his speech in parliament agrinst the treble subsedy . pag. 28. a letter to my lord treasurer recommending his first suite tonching the sollitours place . pag. 29. a letter of ceremony to queene elizabeth upon the sending of a new years guift . pag. 31. another to the queen upon the like ceremony . pag. 31. a letter of advice to the earle of essex to take upon him the care of the irish businesse when mr. secretary cecill was in france . pag. 32. a letter of advice to the earle of essex upon the first treaty with tyron 1598 before my lord was nominated for the charge of ireland . pag. 34. another letter of advice to my lord immediatly before his going into ireland . pag. 37. a letter to the said earle , of offer of his service when he was first enlarged to essex-house . pag. 41. two letters to be framed the one as from mr. anthony bacon , to the earle of essex the other as the earles answer thereunto delivered , with the advice of mr. anthony bacon , and the privity of the earle to be shewed to the queen upon some fit occasion as a mean to work her majesty to receive the earl again to favour and attendance . pag. 42. my lord of essex his answer to mr. anthony bacons letter . pag. 46. a letter to mr. secretary cecill , after the defeating of the spanish forces in ireland . pag. 47. considerations touching the queens service in ireland . pag. 48. a letter of recommendation of his service to the earl of northampton a few days before queen elizabeths death . pag. 54. a letter of offer of his service to his majesty upon his first coming in . pag. 55. a letter to mr. fauls in sco land , upon the entrance of his majesties raign . pag. 56. a letter of commending his love to the lord of kinlosse upon his majesties entrance . pag. 58 a letter commending his love and occasions to sir thomas challenor in scotland , upon his majesties entrance . pag. 59. a letter to mr. davies , then gone to the king at his first entrance . pag. 62. a letter to mr. fauls 28 march , 1603. pag. 62. a letter to dr. morrison , a scottish physitian upon his majesties coming in . pag. 63. a letter to mr. robert kenny upon the death of queen elizabeth . pag. 61. a letter to my lord of northumberland mentioning a proclamation for the king , &c. pag. 62. a letter to my lord 〈◊〉 southampton upon the kings coming in . pag. 66. a letter to the lord of northumberland after he had been with the king . pag. 66 a letter to the earl of salisbury , touching the solicitours place . pag. 67. a letter to the earl of salisbury , touching the advancement of learning . pag. 68. a letter to the lord treasurer buckhurst upon the like argument pag. 69 a letter of expostulation to the attourney generall sir edward cook . pag. 69. a letter to the lord chancellour of the like argument . pag. 72 a letter to the king concerning the sollicitour place . pag. 73 aletter to the earl of salisbury , of courtesie upon new yeers guift . pag. 73 a secaod letter to the lord chancellour . pag. 73. another letter to the lord chancellour touching the former argument . pag. 74 an expostulatory letter 〈◊〉 vincent skinner . pag. 75. a letter to mr. davis his majesties attourney in ireland . pag. 76 a letter to mr. pierce , secretary to the lord deputy of ireland . pag. 77 a letter to mr. murrey . pag. 78 a letter to my lady packington . pag. 78. a letter to mr. matthews imprisoned for religion . pag. 79 sir tho. bodleys letter to sir francis bacon , about his cogitata & visa , wherein he declareth his opinion freely touching the same . pag. 80. the characters of a believing christian in paradoxes and seeming contradictions . pag. 88 a confession of the faith , written by sir francis bacon , knight , viscount of st. alban , about the time he was sollicitour generall to our late soveraign lord king james . pag. 95. a prayer made and used by the lord bacon . pag. 101. bacons remaines . 1. aking is a mortall god on earth , unto whom the living god hath lent his own name as a great honor , but withall told film , he should die like a man , least he should be proud and flatter himself , that god hath with his name imparted unto him his nature also . 2. of all kind of men , god is the least beholding unto them , for he doth most for them , and they doe ordinarily least for him . 3. a king that would not feel his crown too heavie for him , must weare it every day , but if he think it too light , he knoweth not of what metall it is made of . 4. he must make religion the rule of government , and not to ballance the scale , for he that casteth in religion onely to make the scales even , his own weight is couteined in these characters ; tekel uprasin , he is found too light , his kingdom shall be taken from him . 5. and that king that holds not religion the best reason of of state , is void of all piety and justice , the supporters of a king . 6. he must be able to give counsell himself , but not to rely thereupon ; for though happy events justifie their counsells , yet it is better that the evill event of good advice be rather imputed to a subject then a soveraigne . 7. hee is the fountaine of honor , which should not run with a waste pipe , lest the courtiers sell the waters , and then ( as papists say of their holy wells ) to loose the vertue . 8. hee is the life of the law , not onely , as he is , lex loquens himselfe , but because he animateth the dead letter making it active towards all his subjects , premio & poena . 9. a wise king must doe lesse in altering his laws then he may , for new government is even dangerous , it being true in the body politick as in , the corporall , that omnis subditi imitatio est periculosa , and though it be for the better , yet it is not without a fearfull apprehension , for he that changeth the fundamentall lawes of a kingdome , thinketh there is no good title to a crown but by conquest . 10. a king that setteth to sale seates of justice , oppresseth the people , for he teacheth his judges to sell justice ; and precis parata precia vincitur justitia . 11. bounty and magnificence are vertues very rege , but a prodigall king is neerer a tyrant , then a parcimonious , for store at home draweth his contemplations abroad , but want supplyeth it selfe of what is next , and many times the next way , and herein must be wise and know what he may justly do . 12. that king which is not feared is not loved , and hee that is well seen in his craft must as well study to be feared as loved , yet not loved for feare , but feared for love . 13. therefore , as he , must alwayes resemble him whose great name he beareth , and that in manifesting the sweet influence of his mercy on the severe stroke of his justice sometimes , so in this not to suster a man of death to live ; for besides that the land doth mourne the restraint of justice ; towards sinne doth more retard the affection of love then the extent of mercy doth enflame it , and sure where love is bestowed feare is quite lost . 14. his greatest enemies , are his flatterers , for though they ever speake on his side yet their words still make against him . 15 the love which a king oweth to a weale publike should not be restrained to any one perticular , yet that his more speciall favour do reflect upon some worthy ones , is somewhat necessary because there are few of that capacitie . 16. hee must have a speciall care of five things if he would not have his crowne to be put on him in felix felicitatis . 1. first that simulata sanctitas be not in the church , for that is duplex iniquitas . 2. secondly that inutilis equitas sit not in the chauncery for that is ineptem misericordia . 3. thirdly that utilis iniquitas keepe not the exchequer for that is crudele latrociniam . 4. fourthly that fidelis temeritas be not his generall , for that will bring but seram penitentiam . 5. fifthly that infidelis prudentia be not his secretary , for that he is anguis sub viridi herba . to conclude , as he is of the greatest power so he is subject to the greatest cares , made the servant of his people , or else he were without a calling at all . hee then that honoureth him not , is next an atheist , wanting the feare of god in his heart . an explanation what manner of persons those should bee that are to execute the power or ordinance of the kings prerogative written by the said sir francis bacon , late ●ord chancellour , and lord of st. albans that absolute prerogative , according to the kings pleasure , revealed by his lawes , may be exercized and executed , by any subject to whom power may be given by the king , in any place of judgment or commission , which the king by his law hath ordained , in which the judge subordinate cannot wrong the people , the law s●ying downe a measure by which every judge should govern and execute ; against which law , if any judge proceed , he is by the law questionable , and punishable for his transgression . in this nature are all the judges and commissioners of the land no otherwise then in their courts , in which the king in person is supposed to sit , who cannot make that trespas , fellony , or treason , which the law hath not made so to be , neither can punish the guil●y by other punishment then the lawes have appointed . this prerogative or power as it is over all the subjects , so being known by the subjects they are without excuse if they offend , and suffer no wrong if they be justly punished ; and by this preroga●ive the king governeth all sorts of people according un●o known will . the absolute prerogative which is in kings , according to their private will and judgment , cannot be executed by any subject ; neither is it possible to give such power by commission , or fit to subject the people to the same for the king , in that he is the substitute of god immediatly the father of his people , and head of the common-wealth , hath by perticipation with god , and with his subjects a discretion , judgment , and feeling love towards those over whom he reigneth , only proper to himselfe , or to his places and person , who seeing he cannot in any others infuse his wisdome , power or guif●s , which god in respect of his place and charge hath enabled him withall , can neither subordinate any other judge to govern by that knowledge , which the king can no otherwise then by his knowne will perticipate unto him ; and if any such subordinate judge shall obtain commission according to the discretion of such judge to govern the people , that judge is bound to think , that to be his sound discretion , which the law in which the kings known will sheweth unto him to be that justice which he ought to administer , otherwise he might seeme to esteeme himself above the kings law , who wiil not govern by him , or to have a power derived from other then from the king , which in the kingdome will administer justice contrary unto the justice of the land ; neither can such a judge or commissioner , under the name of his authority , shroud his own high affection , seeing the conscience and discretion of every man is perticular and private to himself , as the discretion of the judge cannot be properly or possibly the discretion of the conscience of the king ; and if no● his discretion , neither the judgment that is ruled by another mans only . therefore it may seeme they rather desire to be kings , then to rule the people under the king , which will not administer justice by law , but by their own will . this administration in a subject is derogative to the kings prerogative , for he administreth justice out of a private direction , being not capable of a generall direction how to use the kings children , in pleasure , in causes of perticular respect , which if no other th●n the king himself can do , how can it be so that any man should desire that which is unfit and impossible , but that it must proceed out of some exorbitan ▪ affection , the rather , seeing such places to be full of trouble , and being altogether unnecessary , no man will seek to thrust himself into it , but for hopes of gaine . then is not any prerogative oppugned but maintained , though it be desired , that every subordinate magistrate may not be made supreame , whereby he may seale up the hearts of the people , take from the king the respect due unto him only , or to judge the people otherwise then the king doth himself . and although the prince be not bound to render any accompt to the law , which in person administreth it selfe , yet every subordinate judge must render an accompt to the king , by his lawes , how he hath administred justice in his place where he is set . but if he hath power to rule by private direction , for which there is no law , how can he be questioned by a law , if in his private censure he offends . therefore , it seemeth , that in giving such authority , the king ordaineth not subordinate magistrates , but absolute kings ; and what doth the king leave to himselfe , who giveth so much to others , as he hath himself . nei her is there a greater bond to tye the subject to his prince in perticular , then when he shall have recourse unto him , in his person , or in his power , for reliefe of the wrongs which from private men be offered , or for reformation of the oppressions of any subordinate magistrate , shall impose upon the people , there can be no offence in the judge , who hath power to execute according to his discretion , when the discretion of any ●udge shall be thought fit to be limited . and therefore there can be therein no reformation , whereby the king in this useth no prerogative to gaine his subjects right , then the subject is bound to suffer helplesse wrong , and the discon●ent of the people is cast upon the king ▪ the lawes being neglected , which with their equity in all o●her causes and judgments ( saving this ) interpose themselves and yeeld remedy , and to conclude , custome cannot confirme that which is any wayes unreasonable of it self . wisdome will not allow that which is many wayes dangerous . and no wayes profitable . justice will not approve that government , where it cannot be but wrong must be committed . neither can there be any rule by which to try it , nor meanes of reformation of it . therefore , whosoever desireth government , must seek such as he is capable of , not such as seemeth to himself most easie to execute ; for it is apparent , that it is easie to him that knoweth not law nor justice , to rule as he listeth , his will never wanting a power to it self , but it is safe and blamelesse , both for the iudge and people , and honour to the king , that iudges be appointed who know the law , and that they be limited to governe according to the law . short notes for civill conversation by sir francis bacon . to deceive mens expectations generally ( which cautell ) argueth a staid mind , and unexpected constancie , viz. in matters of fear , anger , sudden joy or griefe , and all things which may effect or alter the mind in publique or sudden accidents , or such like it is necessary to use●a stedfast countenance , not wavering with actions , as in moving the head or hand too much , which sheweth a fantasticall light , and sickly operation of the spirit , and co●sequently like mind , as gesture , only it is sufficien● , with leisure , to use a modest action in either . in all kinds of speech , either pleasant , grave , severe , or ordinary , it is convenient to speak leisurely , and rather drawingly , then hastily , because hasty speech confounds the memory , and oftentimes ( besides unseemlinesse ) drives a man either to a non-plus , or unseemly stammering , harping upon that which should follow ; wheras a slow speech confirmeth the memory , addeth a conceit of wisdome to the hearers , besides a seemlinesse of speech and countenance : to desire in discourse , to hold all arguments , is ridiculous , wanting true judgment ; for in all things no man can be exquisite . to have common places to discourse , and to want-variety , is both tedious to the hearers , and shewes a shallownesse of conceit ; therefore it is good to varie , and my speeches with the present occasions , and to have a moderation in all their speeches , especially in jesting of religion , state , great persons , weighty and important businesse , poverty , or any thing deserving pitty ; a long continued speech , without a good speech of interlocation sheweth slownesse , and a good reply , without a good set speech , sheweth shallownesse and weaknesse . to use many circumstances , ere you come to the matter is wearisome ; and to use none at all , is but blunt . bashfulnesse is a great hinderance , both of uttering his conceit , and understanding what is propounded unto him : wherefore , it is good to presse himself forwards with discretion , both in speech , and company of the better sort . vsus promptus facit . an essay on death , by the lord chancellour bacon . i have often thought upon death , and i find it the least of all evills ; all that which is past , is as a dreame , and he that hopes or depends upon time coming dreames waking , so much of our life as we have discovered , is already dead ; and all those houres which we share even from the breasts of our mother , untill we return to our grand-mother the earth , are part of our dying dayes , whereof even this is one , and those that ●ucceeds are of the same nature , for we dye d●yly , and as others have given place to us , so we must in the end give way to others . physitians in the name of death , include all sorrow , anguish , disease , calamity , or whatsoever can fall in the life of man , either grievous or unwelcome . but these things are familiar unto us , and wee suffer them every houre ; therefore we dye dayly , and i am older since i affirmed it , i know many wisemen that fear to dy , for the change is bitter , 〈◊〉 and flesh would refuse to prove it ; besides , the expectation brings terrour and that exceeds the evill . but i do not believe , that any man fears , to be dead , but only the stroke of death , and such are my hopes , that if heaven be pleased , and nature renew but my lease for 21. yeares more , without asking longer dayes , i shal be strong enough to acknowledge without mourning , that i was begotten mortall , vertue walkes not in the high-way , though she go per alta , this is strength , and the bloud to vertue , to contemn things that be desired , and to neglect that which is feared . why should man be in love with his setters , though of gold ? art thou drowned in security , then i say though art perfectly dead ? for though thou movest , yet thy soule is buried within thee , and thy good angell either forsakes his guard , or sleepes ; there is nothing under heaven , saving a true friend , who cannot be counted within the number of moveables , unto which my heart doth leane . and this dear freedome hath begot●en me this peace , that i mourn not for that end which must be , nor spend one wish to have one minute added to the incertaine date of my yeares . it was no mean apprehension of lucian , who sayes of menippus , that in his travels through hell , hee knew not the kings of the earth from other men , but only by their lowder cryings and tears , which was fostered in them through the remorsefull memory of the good dayes they had seen , and the fruitfull havings which they so unwillingly left behind them : he that was well seated , looked back at his portion , and was loath to forsake his farme , and others either minding marriages , pleasures , profit , or preferment , desired to be excused from deaths banquet , they had made an appointment with earth , looking at the blessings , not the hand that enlarged them , forgetting how unclothedly they came hither , or with what naked ornaments they were arrayed . but were we servants of the precept given , and observers of the heathens rule memento mori , and not become benighted with this seeming felicity , we should enjoy them as men prepaaed to loose , and not wind vp our thoughts upon so perishing a fortune , he that is not slack●y strong ( as the servants of pleasure ) how can he be found un●eady , to quit the vaile and false visage of his perfection , the soule having shaken off herflesh , doth then set up for her self , and contemning things that are under , shewes what finger hath enforced her ; for the soules of ideots are of the same piece with those of statesmen , but now and then nature is a fault , and this good guest of ours takes soyle in an unperfect body , and so is slackned from shewing her wonders , like an excellent musician which cannot utter himself upon a defective instrument . but see how i am swarved , and lose my course , touching at the soule that doth least hold action with death , who hath the surest property in this fraile act , his stile is the end of all flesh , and the beginning of incorruption . this ruler of monuments , leades men for the most part out of this world with their heeles forward , in token that he is contrary to life , which being obtained , sends men headlong into this wretched theater , where being arrived , their first language is that of mourning , nor in my own thoughts , can i compare man more fitly to any thing , then to the indian fig-tree , which being ripened to his full height , is said to decline his branches downe to the earth ; whereof she conceives again , and they become roots in their own stock . so man having derived his being from the earth , first lives the life of a ●ree , drawing his nourishment as a plant ; and made ripe for death he tends downwards , and is sowed again in his mothe● the earth , where he perisheth not , but expects a quickning . so we see death exempts not a man from being , but only presents an alteration ; yet there are some men ( i think ) that stand otherwise perswaded , death findes not a worse friend then an alderman , to whose door i never knew him welcome ; but he is an importunate guest and will not be said nay . and though they themselves shall affirme , that they are not within , yet the answer will not be taken ; and that which heightens their feare is , that they know they are in danger to forfeit their flesh , but are not wise of the payment day ; which sickly uncertainty , is the occasion that ( for the most part ) they step out of this world unfurnished for their generall account , and being all unprovided , desire yet to hold their gravity , preparing their soules to answer in scarlet . thus i gather , that death is unagreeable to most citizens , because they commonly dy intestate ; this being a rule , that when their will is made , they think themselvs neerer a grave then before : now they out of the wisdom of thousands , think to sc●r destiny , from whi●h there is no appeal , by not making a will , or to live longer by protestation of their unwillingnesse to dy . they are for the most part well made in this world ( accounting their treasure by legions , as men do divels ) their fortune looks toward them , and they are willing to anchor at it , and desire ( if it be possible ) to put the evill day far off from them , and to adjourn their ungratefull and killing period . no these are not the men which have bespoken death , or whose looks are assured to entertain a thought of him . death arrives gratious only to such as sit in darknesse , o●ly heavy burthened with grief and irons to the poor christian , that sits bound in the galley , to dispairfull widows pensive prisoners , and deposed kings ; to them , whose fortune runs back , and whose spirits mutinies , unto such death is a redeemer , and the grave a place for retirednesse and rest . these wait upon the shore of death , and wast unto him to draw neer , wishing above all others , ●o see his starre , that they might be led to his place , wooing the remorslesse sisters to wind down the watch of their life , and to break them off before the hour . but death is a dolefull messenger to an usurer , and fate untimely cuts their threed ; for it is never mentioned by him , but when rumours of warre , and civill tumults put him in mind thereof . and when many hands are armed , and the peace of a city in disorder , and the foot of the common souldiers sounds an allarm on his staires , then perhaps such a one ( broken in thoughts of his monies abroad , and cursing the monuments of coyne which are in his house ) can be content to think of death , and ( being hastie of perdi●ion ) will perhaps hang himselfe , least his threat should be cut ; provided , that he may do it in his study , surrounded with wealth , to which his eye sends a faint and languishing salute , even upon the turning off , remembring alwayes , that he have time and liberty , by writing , to depute himself as his own heire . for that is a great peace to his end , and reconciles him wonderfully upon the point . herein we all dally with our selves , and are without proofe of necessity , i am not of those , that dare promise to pine away my self in vain glory , and i hold such to be but seat boldnesse , and that dare commit it to be vain , for my part , i think n●ture should do me great wrong , if i should be so long in dying , as i was in being born . to speak truth , no man knows the lifts of his own pa●ience ; nor can divine how able he shall be in his sufferings , till the storm come ( the perfectest vertue being tryed in action ) but i would ( out of a care to do the best business well ) ever keep a guard , & stand upon keeping faith and a good conscience . and if wishes might find place , i would dy together , and not my mind often , and my body once ; tha● is , i would prepare for the messengers of death , sicknesse , and affliction , and not wait long , or be attempted by the violence of pain . herein i do not professe my self a stoick , to hold grief no evill , but opinion , and a ●hing indifferen● . but i consent with caesar , and that the suddainest passage is easiest , and there is nothing more awakens our re●…ve and readinesse to dy then the quieted con●c●ence , str●●g●hened with opinion , that we shall be well spoken of upon earth by those that are just , and of the family of vertue the opposite whereof , is a fury to man , and makes even life unsweet . therefore , what is more heavie , then evill fame deserved , or likewise , who can see worse dayes , then he that yet living doth follow at the funerals of his owne reputation . i have laid up many hopes , that i am priviledged from that kind of mourning , and could wish that like peace to all those with whom i wage love : i might say much of the commodities that death can sell a man but briefly , death is a friend of ours , and he that is ready to entertain him , is not at home , whilest i am , my ambition is not to fore-slow the tyde , i have but so to make my interest of it , as i may account for it , i would wish nothing but what might better my dayes , nor desire any greater place then the front of good opinion , i make not love to the continuance of dayes , but to the goodnesse of them ; nor wish to dye , but referre my self to my houre , which the great dispenser of all things hath appointed me ; yet as i am fraile , and suffered for the first fault , were it given me to chuse , i should not be earnest to see the evening of my age , that extremity of it self being a disease , and a meer return into infancie : so that if perpetuity of life might be given me , i should think what the greek poet said , such an age is a mortall evill . and since i must needs be dead , i require it may not be done before mine enemies , that i be not stripe before ibe cold , but before my friends ; the night was even now ; but that name is lost , it is not now late , but early mine eyes begin to discharge their watch , and compound with this fleshly weaknesse for a time of perpetuall rest , and i shall presently be as happy for a few houres , as i had dyed the ●…t houre i was borne . the lord chancellour bacon his opinion , concerning the disposition of suttons charity , delivered unto king james . may it please your majesty , i find it a positive precept of the old law , that there should be no sacrifice without salt , the morall whereof ( besides the ceremony ) may be , that god is not pleased with the body of a good intention , except it be seasoned with that spirituall wisdome and judgment , as it be not easily subject to be corrupted and perverted ; for salt in the scripture is a figure both of wisdome and learning . this cometh into my mind upon this act of mr. suttons , which seemeth to me as a sacrifice without salt , having the materials of a good intention , but not powdered with any such ordinances and institutions , as may preserve the same from turning corrupt , or at the least from becoming unsavorie and of little use ; for although the choyce of the feo●…es be of the best , yet neither they can live alwayes ; and the very nature of the work it selfe , in the vast and unfit proportions thereof , being apt to provoke a mis-employment , it is no diligence of theirs , except there be a digression from that modell that can excuse it from running the same way , that gifts of the like condition have heretofore done . for to designe the charter house ( a house ●…r a princes habitation ) for an hospitall as some should give an almes of a rich embroydered cloak to a beggar . and certainly a man , see tanquam quae o●…is ceruantur , that if such an edifice with sixe thousand pounds revenue be ●rected into an hospitall , it will in small time degenerate to be made a preferment of some great person to be master , and he to take all the sweet , and the poor to be stinted , and take but the crums , as it comes to passe in divers hospitals of this realm , which have but the name of hospitals , and are but wealthy benefices , in respect of the mastership , but the poor which is the propter quid , little relieyed . and the like hath been the fortune of much of the almes of the roman religion in their great foundations , which being in vain-glory and ostentation , have had their judgment upon them in the end , in corruption and abuse . this meditation hath made me presume to write these few lines to your majesty , being no better then good wishes , which your majesties great wisdom may make something or nothing of , wherein i desire to be thus understood , that if this foundation ( such as it is ) be perfect and good in law , then i am too well aequainted with your majesties disposition . to advise my course of power , or profit , that is not grounded upon a right , nay further , if the defects are such , as a court of equity may remedy and cure , then i wish , that as st. peters shaddow did cure diseases , so the very shadow of a good intention , may cure defects of that nature . but if there be a right and birth-right planted in the heire , and not remediable by courts of equity , and that right be submitted to your majesty , whereby it is both in your power and grace what to do ; then i doe wish that this rude masse and chaos of good deed , were directed rather to a solid merit and durable charity , then to a blaze of glory , that will not crackle a little in talk , and quickly extinguish . and this may be done , observing the species of mr. suttons intent , though varying individuo : for it appears , that he had in notion a triple good , an hospitall , a school , and maintaining of a preacher , which individuals resort to●…ee generall head , viz. reliefe of the poore . advancement of learning . and the propagation of religion . now then if i shall see before your majesty , in every of these three kinds , what it is that is most wanting in your kingdom , and what is like to be the most fruitfull and effectuall use of beneficence , and like to be least perverted . that i think should be no ill scope of any labour how meanly soever performed , for out of variety presented election may be best grounded . concerniug the relief of the poor , i hold some number of hospitals with competent good , then any hospitall of an exorbitant greatnesse ; for though the course will be the more seen , yet the other will be the more felt . for if your majesty erect many , besides observing the ordinary maxime , bonum quo communius deo melius , choice may be made of those towns and places , where there is most need , and so the remedy may be distributed , as the disease is dispiersed . again , greatnesse of relief accumulated in one place , doth rather invite a swarm and surcharge of poor , then relieve those that are naturally bred in that place , like to ill tempered medicines , that draw more humour to the part , then they evacuate from it . but chiefly i rely upon the reason that i touched in the begining , that in those great hospitals the revenue will draw the use , and not the use the revenues , and so through the mass of their wealth they will swiftly tumble down to a mis-employment . and if any man say , that in the two hospi●als of london there is a president of greatnesse concurring with good employment , let him consider , that these hospitals have annuall governours , that they are under the superiour care and policy of such a state , as the city of london ; and chiefly , that the reuenues consist not upon certainties but upon casualties , and free gifts would be missing , if they appeared once to be perverted : so as it keeps them in a continuall good behaviour and awe to employ them aright ; none of which points , do match with the present case . the next consideration may be , whether this intended hospital , as it hath a more ample endowment then other hospitals , should not likewise work more in a better subject then other poor , as that it should be converted to the use of maymed souldiers , decayed merchants , and housholds , age and destitute church-men , and the like , whose condition being of a better sort then loose people and beggars , deserveth both a more liberall stipend , and some proper place of reliefe not intermingled and coupled with the basest sort of people , which project ( though spacious ) yet in my judgment will not answer the designment in the event , in these our times ; for certainly , few men which have been some body , and beare a mind somewhat according to the conscience and remembrance of that they have been , will ever descend to their condition , as to professe to live upon almes , and to become a corporation of declared beggars , but rather will chuse to live obscurely , and as it were to hide themselves with some private friends ; so that the end will be of such an intention , that it will make the place a receptacle of the worst , idlest , and most desolate persons of every profession , and to become a cell of loyterers and cast serving-men and drunkards , which will rather give a scandall , then yeeld any fruit of the common-wealth . and of this kind , i can find but one example with us , which is the almes knights of winsor , which particular would give a man small encouragement to follow that president . therefore , the best effect of hospitality is to make the kingdom [ if it were possible ] capable of that law , that there be no beggar in israel ; for it is that kind of people that is a burden , an eye-sore , a scandal , and a sort of peril and tumult in a state ; but chiefly it were to be wished , that such a beneficencie towards the relief of the poore , were so bestowed , as not onely the needy and naked poore should be sustained ; but also that the honest person which hath had meanes to live upon , with whom the poor are now charged should be in some sort eased , for that were a work generally acceptable to the kingdome , if the publick hand of almes migh spare the private hand of taxe . and therefore , of all other employments of that kind , i commend most the houses of reliefe and correction , which are mixt hospitals , where the impotent person is relieved , and the sturdy beggar buckled to work , and the unable person also not maintained to be idle , which is ever joyned with drunkennesse and impurity , but is sorted with such worke , as he can mannage and perform , and where the uses are not distinguished , as in other hospitals , whereof some are for aged and imp●…tent and some for children , and some for correction of vagabond , hutare generall and permiscous that must take of every for from the country , as the country breeds them . and thus the poor themselves shall find the provision , and other good people the sweetnesse , of the abatement of the tax . now if it be objected , that houses of correction in all places , have not done the good expected [ as it cannot be denyed , but in most places they have done much good ] it must be remembred , that there is a great difference between that which is done by a setled ordinance subject to regular visitation , as this may ; and besides this , the want hath been commonly in houses of correction , of a competent sum and certain estate , for the materials of the labour , which in this case may be likewise supplyed . concerning the advancement of learning . i do subscribe to the opinion of one of the wisest and greatest men of your kingdom , that for grammar schools there are already too many ; and therefore it is no providence to add where there is excesse : for the great number of schools within your highnesse realm , doth cause a want , and likewise causeth an overflowing , both of them being inconvenient , and one of them dangerous ; for by meanes whereof , they find want in the country and towns , both of servants for husbandry , and apprentices for trade ; and on the other side , there being more schollers bred then the state can prefer and employ , and the active part of that life not bearing proportion to the preparative , it must needs fall out , that many persons will be bred unfit for other vocations , and unprofitable for that which they are brought up which fills the realm full of indigent , idle , and wanton people which are but materia rerum nova . therefore , in this point , i could wish mr. suttons intention were exalted a degree higher , that , that which he meant for teachers of children , your majesty should make for teachers of men , wherein it hath been my ancient opinion and observation , that in the vniversities of this realm , which i take to be both of the best pol●…ed , and of the best endowed universities of europe , there is nothing more wanting towards the flourishing state of learning , then the honourable and plentifull salaries of readers , in arts and professions . in which point , as your majesties bounty hath already made a beginning , so this occasion is offered of god to make a proceeding . surely , readers , in the chair , are as parents in sciences , and desire to enjoy a condition not inferiour to the children that embrace the particular part , else no man will sit longer in the chair , then he can walk to a better preferment , and it will come to passe , as virgil saith . vt patrum invalidi referant tenina nati , for if the principall . readers through the means of their entertainment , be but men of superficiall learning , and that they shall take their place , but ju passage it will make the masse of sciences , want the chief and solid dimension which is death , and to become but pretty and compendious habits of practise . therefore , i could wish , that in both the universities , the lectures as well of the three professions , divinity , law , and physicke , as of the arts of speech , the mathimatiques and others , were raised in their pensions to 100. l. per annum a piece , which though it be not neer so great as they are in some other places , where the greatnesse of the reward doth wish for the ablest men out of all forrain parts to supply the chair ; yet it may be a portion to content a worthy and able man , if he be contemplative in nature , as most of those spirits are that are fittest for lectures . thus may learning in your kingdom be advanced to a further heigth ; for learning , which i say under your majesty the most learned of kings , is so cherished , may also claim some degree of elevation thereby . concerning propagation of religion , i shall in few words set before your majesty three propositions , none of them devices of mine own , otherwise then as fever approved them ; two of which have been in agitation of speech , and the third acted . 1. the first is a colledge for controversies . whereby we shall not still proceed single but shall as it were double our files , which certainly will be found good in the encounter . 2. the second is a receipt ( not seminary in respect of the vain vowes , and implicite obedience , and other things tending to the perturbation of states ( involved in that term ) of converts to the reformed religion , either of youth , or otherwise : for i like not the word seminary , in respect of the vain vows , and implicite obedience , and other things tending to the perturbation of states involved in that term ) of converts to the reformed religion , either of youth , or otherwise : for i doubt not but there are in spain , italy and other countries of the papists many , whose hearts are touched with a sence of those corruptions , and acknowledgment of a better way ; which grace is many times smothered , and choked through a worldly consideration of necessity to live there , men not knowing where to have succour and resuge here . this likewise i hold a work both of great piety and consequence , that we also may be wise in our generation , and that the watchfull and silent night may be used as well for sowing of good seed , as tears . 3. the third thing is an imitation of a memorable and religious act of queen elizabeth , who finding a part of lancashire to be extreamly backward in religion , and the benefices swallowed up in impropriations , did by decree in the dutchy court , erect four stipends of 50. l. per annum a piece for preachers well chosen to help the harvest , which have done a great deal of good in those parts where they have laboured ; neither doe there want other corners in the raelm , that for a time would require the like extraordinary helps . thus have i briesly delivered unto your majesty my opinion touching the employment of suttons charity , whereby that masse of wealth , which was in the owner , little better then a heap of mack , may be spread over your kingdom to many fruitfull purposes , your majesties planting and watering , and god giving the encrease , amen . a letter of advice written to sir edward cook , lord chief iustice of the kings beneh . my very good lord , though it be true , that who so considereth the wind and rain , shall neither sow nor reap ; yet there is a season fit for every action , & so there is a time to speak , and a time to be silent : there is a time when the words of a poor simple man may profit and that poor man in the proverbs , which delivered the city by his wisdom , found it without this opportunity , the power both of wisdom and eloquence lose but their labour , and charm the deaf adder . god therefore before his son that brings mercy , sent his servants ( the trumpets of repentance ) to levell every high hill to prepare the way before him , making it smooth and straight , and as it is in spirituall things , where christ never comes before his way-maker hath laid even the heart with sorrow & repentance , since self-conceited , and proud persons think themselvs too good , and too wise to learn of their inferiours , and therefore need not the physician : so in the acquiring of earthly wisdom , it is not possible for nature to attain any mediocrity of perfection before she be humbled by knowing her self and her own ignorance ; and not only knowledge , but also every other gift ( which we call the gifts of fortune ) have power to puff up earth , afflictions onely levell those molehils of pride , plowes the heart , and makes fit for wisdom to sow her seed , and for grace to bring forth her encrease : happy is that man therefore , both in regard of heavenly wisdom , and of earthly , that is thus wounded to be cured ; thus broken to be made straight ; thus made acquainted with his own imperfections that he may be perfected , utilius est frangi lanquoribus ad salutem , quam remanere in columen ad damnatione , supposing this to be the time of your affliction , that which i have propounded to my self , is by taking this seasonable advantage : like a true friend , though far unworthy to be accounted so , to shew you your true face in a glasse , and that not in a false one to flatter you , nor in one that is oblique and angular to make you seem worse then you are , and so offend you , but in one made by the reflections of your own words and actions ; from whose light proceeds that voice of the people , which is often , not unjustly called the voyce of god . but herein since i purpose a truth , i must intreat liberty to be plain a liberty which i know not whether at this time , or no , i may use safely , i am sure at othertimes i could not : yet of this resolve your self , it proceeds from love , and from a true desire to do you good , that you knowing the generall opinion , may not altogether neglect or contemn it , but mend what you find amisse in your self , and return what your judgment shall approve . for to this end , shall truth be delivered as nakedly , as if your self were to be anatomized by the hand of opinion . all men can see their own perfections , that part of the wallet hangs before ; a true friend , whose worthy office i would perform ( since i fear both your self and all other great men want such being themselves true friends to few or none ) is first to shew the other end , which is hid from your eyes . first , therefore behold your errours in discourse , you delight to speak too much , but not to hear other men ; this ( some say ) becomes a pleader , no judge for by this means sometimes your affections is intangled with a liking of your own arguments , though they be the weaker and rejecting of those , which when your affections were setled , your own judgments would allow for stronger . thus while you speak in your own element , no man ordinarily equals you : but when you wander ( as often you delight to do ) you then wander indeed , and never give such satisfaction as this curious time requireth . this is not caused by any naturall defect , but first for want of election , when you having a large and fruitfull mind , should not so much labour what to speak , as to find what to leave unspoken , rich soils are often to be weeded . secondly , you cloy the auditory when that you would be observed , speech must either be sweet or short . thirdly , you converse with books , not with men , and of books especially humane , and have not excellent choice with them who are best books , with a man of action and employment . you seldom converse , and then with your underlings ; not freely , but as a schoolmaster with his schollars , even to teach , and never to learn . but if sometimes you would in your familiar discourses hear others , and make election of such as know what they speak , you should know that many of these tales which ordinarily you tell , to be but ordinary , and many other things which you delight to repeat , and serve in for novelties to be but crambebis cocta , as in your pleadings you were wont to insult over misery , and to inveigh liberally against the person which then bred you many enemies , whose poyson yet swels , and the effect now appeareth : so were you still wont to be a little too carelesse in this point , to praise and dispraise upon sleight grounds , and that some times untruly ; so that your reproofs or commendations were for the most part neglected and contemned , when the censure of a judge coming slowly , but surely , should be a brand to the guilty , and a crown to the vertuous . you will jest at any man in publick , without respect of the persons dignity , or your own ; this disgraceth your gravity , more then it can advance the opinion of your wit , and so do all other acts which we see you do indirectly with any touch of vain glory , having not respect to the true end . you make the law to lean a little too much to your opinion ; whereby you shew your self a legall tyrant , striking with that weapon whom you please , since that you are able to turn the edge any way ; for this , the wise masters of the law give warning to young students , that they should be wary , least while they hope to be instructed by your integrity and knowledge , they should be deceived with your subtilty , armed with authority . your too much love of this world is seen , when having the living of ●10000 . l. yearly , you relieve few or none ; the hand that hath taken so much , can it give so little . herein you shew no bowels of compassion , as if you thought all too little for your self , or that god had given you all that you have ( if you think wealth to be his gift i mean that we get well , for i am sure the rest is not ) only to that end , that you should still gather more , and never be satisfied but try how much you can gather , to account for at the great and generall day ; we desire you to amend this , and let your poor tenents in norfolk find some comfort , where nothing of your estate is spent towards their relief , but all brought up hither , to the impoverishing of the county . in the last , which might have been your best of service to the state , affecting to follow that old rule , to give iustice leadon beeles , and iron hands , you used too many delayes , till the delinquents hands were loose , and yours bound ; in that work you seemed another fabius , but there the humour of marcellus would have done better ; what need you have sought more evidence then enough , whilest you pretended the finding out of more ? missing your aym , you discredited what you had sound . thus best judgments think , though you never used , such speeches are fathered upon you : yet , you might well have done it , and done it but right , for this crime was second to none but the powder-plot , that would have blown up all at one blow , a mercifull cruelty , this would have done the same by degrees , a lingering but as sure a way , one by one might have been called out , till all opposers had been removed . besides , that other plot was scandalous to rome , making popery odiovs to the eyes of the whole world , this hath been scandalous to the truth of the gospel , and ever since the first nullity , to this instant , when justice hath her hands bound , the divell could not have invented a more mischievous practise to our state and church , then this hath been , is , and is likely to be , god avert the evill ; but therein you committed another fault , that you were too open in your proceedings , and so taught them where to defend themselves ; so you gave them ●…me to undermine justice , and to work upon all advantages , both of affections and humours , and opportunities and breaches of friendship which they have so wel followed , sparing neither pain nor cost , that it almost seemeth an offence to you to have done so much , indeed that you have done no more ; you stopt the accusations and confessions of some , who perhaps had they been suffered , would have spoken enough to remove some stumbling blocks out of your way : and that you did not this in the true form of any one , but out of i know not what present unadvised humour , supposing enough behind to discover all , which fell not out so ; for there is sigillum confessionis non confiteri , howsoever as the apostle saith in another case , you went not right to the truth ; and though you are to be commended for what you did , yet you are to be reprehended for many circumstances in the doing ; and doubtlesse in this crosse god hath an eye to your negligence , and these bryers are left to be pricks in your sides , and thorns in your eyes . that which we commend you for , are those many excellent parts of nature , and knowledge of the laws , you are endued withall ; but these are only good in their good use , wherfore we shank you for standing stoutly on the behalf of the common-wealth , hoping it proceeds not from a disposition to oppose great ones , as your enemies say , but to do justly , and deliver truth indifferently , wi●hout respect of persons ; and in this we pray for your prosperity , and are sory that good actions should not ever succeed happily ; but in the carriage of this you were faulty for you took it in hand in an ill time , both in regard of the then present businesse which it interrupted , and in regard of his sicknesse who it concerned , whereby you dis-united your strength , and made a gap for the enemy to passe out at , and to return and assault you : but now since the case so stands , we desire you to give way to power , and so to fight as you be not utterly broken , but reserved intire to serve the common-wealth again , and do what good you can since you cannot do all the good you would ; and since you are fallen upon this rock , cast out the goods to save the bottome , stop the leak , and make towards land , learn of the steward to make friends of the unrighteous mammon . those spaniards in mexico who were chased of the indians , tell us what we are to do with our goods in extremity , they being to passe over a river in their flight as many as cast away their goods swam over safely , but some more covetous , keeping their gold were either drowned with it , or over-taken and slein by the salvages , you have received , learn now to give . the beaver learns us this lesson , who being hunted for his stones bites them off , cantabit vacuus , is an old , but a true saying . you cannot but have much of your estate ( pardon my plainnesse ) ill gotten . think how much you never spoke for , how much by speaking either unjustly , or in unjust causes ; account it then a blessing of god , if thus it may be laid out for your good , and not left for your heir to hasten the worst of much of the rest , perhaps of all : for so we see god oftentimes proceeds in judgment with many hasty gatherers you have enough to spare , being well laid , to turn the tide , and fetch all things again . but if you escape j suppose it worthy of an if , since you know the old use , that none called in question must go away uncensured . yet consider , that accusations make wounds , and leave skars . and although you see the toyl behind your back , your self free , and the covert before , yet remember there are flouds : trust not reconciled friends ; but think that the peace is but to secure you for further advantage , expect a second and third encounter , the main battell , the wings are yet unbroken , they may charge you at an instant as death , therefore walk circumspectly . and if at length by the means of our good masters and governours , you recover the favour you have lost : give god the glory in actions , not in words only , and remember us with some of your past misfortune whose estate and undoings , hath , doth , and may hereafterly in the power of your breath . there is great mercy in dispatch , delayes are tortures , where-with by degrees we are rent out of our estates : do not you , if you be restored , as some others do , fly from the service of vertue to serve the time , as if they repented their goodnesse , or meant not to make a second hazard in gods house . but rather let this crosse make you more zealons in gods cause , sensible in ours , and more sensible in all that expresse thus . you have been a great enemy of the papists , if you love god be so still , but more indeed then heretofore : for much of your zeal before was wasted in words , call to remembrance they were the persons that thus prophesied of this crosse of yours , long before it hapned , they saw the storm coming being the principall contrivers , and furtherers of the plot : these men blew the coals , heat the irons , and make all things ready , they owe you a good turn , and will if they can pay it you , you see their hearts by their deeds , prove you your faith so to ; the best good work you can do , is to do the best you can against them , that is to see the laws severely , justly , and diligently executed . and now we beseech you , my lord , seem sensible both of the stroke and hand that strikes you , learn of david to leave shemy , and look upon god , he hath some great work to do , and he prepares you for i● ; he would not have you faint , nor yet bear this crosse with a stoicall resolution , there is a christian mediocritie worthy your greatnesse , i must be plain , perhaps rash : had every note you had taken at sermons bin written in your heart to practise , this work had been done long since , without the errour of your enemies ; but when we will not mend our selves , god ( if we belong to him ) takes us in hand , and because he sees maius nitus dolem us per hoc quod foris patimur . he therefore sends us outward crosses , which while they cause us to mourn , they do comfort us , being assured testimonies of his love that sends them : to humble our selves therefore to god is the part of a christian : but for the world and our enemies that councell of the poet is apt , rebus angustus animosus atque forte apparere sapienter item contrahes vento in nostrum secundo turgida vela . the last part of this you forgot , yet none need to be ashamed to make use of it , and so being armed against casualties , you may stand firm against the assaults on the right hand , and on the left ; for this is cer●ain , the mind that is most prone to be puffed up with prosperity , is most weak , and apt to be dejected with the least touch of adversity : indeed , she is able to stagger a strong man , striking terrible blowes , especially immerito veniens paena dolonda venit , but true christian wisdom gives us armour of proof , against all these assaults , and teacheth us in all estates to be contented : for though she cause our trencher friends to declare themselves our enemies : though she give heart to the most coward to strike us : though an hours continuance countervails an age of prosperity : though she cast in our dishes all the evils that ever we have done , yet hath she no power to hurt the humble and wise , but only to break such as too much prosperity hath made stift in their own thoughts , but weak indeed , and fit for ruine , when the wise from thence rather gather profit and wisdom by the example of david , who saith , before i was chastis●d , i went wrong . now then he knows the right way , and will look better to his footing . cardans●… saith that weeping , fasting and sighing are three great purges of grief . indeed , naturally they help to assway sorrow , but god in this case is the best and only physician , the means he hath ordained are the advice of friends , the amendment of our selves : for amendment is both the physick and the cure . for friends , though your lordship be scanted , yet i hope you are not altogether destitute : if you be , look on good books , they are true friends that will neither slatter nor dissemble , be you betwixt your self , applying what they teach to the party grieved , and you shall need no other comfort nor counsellours . to them and to gods holy spirit directing you in the reading of them , i commit your lordship , beseeching him to send a good issue of these your troubles , and from henceforth to work a reformation in what hath been amiss , and a resolute perseverance proceeding , and growth in all that is good , and that for his glory , the benefit of your self , this church and common-wealth , whose faithfull servant while you remain , i remain a faithfull servant to you . suppose this boldnesse , occasioned by something i hear , which i dare not write , be not so secure , though you see some clouds break up , all crosses and damages may be compared to a woolf : which coming upon a man suddenly , causeth his voice and heart to fail . but the danger that is expected is toothlesse , and half prevented . a letter to my lord treasurer , in excuse of his speech in parliament , against the treble subsidie , it may please your good lordship , i was sorry to find by your lordships speech yesterday , that my hastie speech in parliament , delivered in discharge of my conscience , my duty to god , her majesty , and my countrey , was offensive . if it were misreported , i would be glad to attend your lordship , to disavow any thing i said not . if it were misconstrued , i would be glad to expound my words , to exclude any sense i meant not : if my heart be mis-judged by imputation of popularity or opposition . i have great wrong , and the greater , because the manner of my speech did most evidently shew that i spake simply , and only to satisfie my conscience , and not with any advantage or policie to sway the cause . and my terms carryed all signification of duty & zeal towards her majesty , and her service . it is very true , that from the beginning , whatsoever was a double subsidie , j did wish might , for presidents sake , appear to be extraordinary , and for discontents sake , might not have been levyed upon the poverty , though otherwise j wished it as rising , as j think this will prove , and more : this was my mind , j confesse it . and therefore , j do most humbly pray your good lordship first , to continue me in your own good opinion , and then to perform the part of an honourable friend , towards your poor , humble , and obedient servant , and allyance , in drawing her majestie to accept of the sinceritie and simplicitie of my zeal ; and to hold me in her majesties good favour , which is to me dearer then my life . and so , &c. your lordships most humbly in all duty , fran. bacon . a letter to my lord treasurer , recommending his first since touching the sollicitours place . my lord , after the remembrance of my humble duty , though j knew by late experience how mindfull your lordship vouchsafeth to be of me and my poor fortunes , since it pleased your lordship during your indisposition , when her majestie came to visit your lordship , to make mention of me for my employment and preserment : yet being now in the country , j do presume , that your lordship , who of yourself , had an honourable care of the matter , will not think it a trouble to be sollicited therein . my hope is this , that whereas your lordship told me , her majestie was somewhat graviled upon the offence shee took at my speech in parl. your lp● . favourable endeavour , who hath assured me , that for your own part , you construe that j speak to the best , will be as good a tyde to remove her from that shelf . and it is not unknown unto your good lordship , that j was the first of the ordinary sort of the lower house that spake for the subsidie . and that which j after spake in difference , was but in circumstance of time ; which me thinks was no great matter , since there is variety alotted in councell as a discord in musick , to make it more perfect . but j may justly doubt not so much her majesties impression upon this particular , as her conceit ; otherwise , if my insufficiency and unworthinesse , which j acknowledge to be greater : yet it will be the lesse , because i purpose not to divide my self , between her majesty , and the causes of other men , as others have done . but to attend her busines , only hoping that a whole man meanly able may do as well in half a man betterable . and if her majesty think either , that she shall make an adventure in using me , that is rather a man of study , then of practise and experience . surely , i may remember to have heard that my father ( an example i confesse rather ready then like ) was made sollicitour of the augmentation ( a court of much business ) when he had never practised , and was but 27. years old . and mr. brograve was now in my time called attorney of the dutchie when he had practised little or nothing , and yet hath discharged his place with great sufficiencie . but these things , and the like , as her majestie shall be made capable of them , wherein , knowing what authority your lordships commendation hath with her majesty , i conclude with my self , that the substance of strength which i may receive will be from your lordship . it is true , my life hath been so private , as i have had no means to do your lordship service . but as your lordship knoweth i have made offer of such as i could yeeld ; for as god hath given me a mind to love the publick : so incidently i have ever had your lordship in singular admiration , whose happy ability her majesty hath so long used to her great honour and yours . besides , that amendment of state or countenance which i have received , hath been from your lordship . and therefore , if your lordship shall stand a good friend to your poor alge , you shall but tuere opus , which you have begun . and your lordship shal bestow your benefice upon one that hath more sense of obligation , thenof self-love . thus humbly desiring pardon of so long a letter , i wish your lordship all happinesse , your lordships in all humblenesse to be commanded . f. bacon . june 6. 1595. a letter of ceremonies to queen elizabeth , upon the sending of a new-years gift . it may please your sacred majesty , according to the ceremonie of the time , i would not forget in all humblenesse , to present your majestie with a small new-years gift , nothing to my mind ; and therefore to supply it , i cannot but pray to god , to give your majestie his new-years gift , that is , a new-year , that shall be as no year to your body , and as a year with two harvests to your cofters , and every other way prosperous and gladsom , and so i remain your majesties loyall and obedient subject , fran. bacon . a letter of ceremonies to queen elizabeth , upon the sending of another new-years gift . most excellent soveraign mistrisse , the only new-years gift which i can give your majestie , is that which god hath given unto me ; which is , a mind in al humblenesse , to wait upon the commandements and businesse wherein i would to god , i were hooded , that i saw lesse , or that i could perform more . for now i am like a hawk , that baits when i see occasion of service ; but cannot fly , because i am tyed to anothers fist . but mean while , i continue of making your majesty my obligation of a garment as unworthy the wearing , as his service that sendeth , but the approach to your excellent person may give worth to both , which is all the happiness i aspire unto . a letter of advise to the earl of essex , to take upon him the care of the irish businesse , when mr. secretary cecill was in france . my singular good lord , i do write , because i have not yet had time fully to expresse my conceit ; nor now to attend you touching irish matters ; considering them , as they may concern the state , that it is one of the aptest particulars that hath come , or can come upon the stage to purchase your lordship honour upon . i am moved to think for three reasons , because it is ingenerate in your house , in respect of my lord your fathers noble attempts ; because of all the accidents of state of this time , the labour resteth most upon that . and because the world will make a kind of comparison between those that set it out of france , and those that shall bring it unto france , which kind of honour , giveth the quickest kind of reflection ; the transferring this honour upon your self consisteth upon two points : the one , if the principall persons employed come in by you , and depend upon you : the other , if your lordship declare your self to undertake a care of that matter . for the persons it falleth out well , that your lordship hath had no interest in the persons of imputation . for neither sir william fitz-williams , nor sir iohn norrice was yours , sir william russel was conceived yours , but was curbed , sir connyers clifford ( as i conceive it ) dependeth upon you , who is said to do well . and if my lord of ormond in this interim shall accommodate well , i take it he hath alwayes had good understanding with your lordship : so as all things are not only whole and intire , but of favourable aspect towards your lordship . if you now chuse well , wherein , in your wisdom you will remember there is a great difference in choice of the persons , as you shall think the affairs to incline to composition or to war . for your care taking , generall and popular conceit hath been , that irish causes have been much neglected , whereby the very reputation of better care will be a strength . and i am sure , her majesty , and my lords of the councell , do not think their care dissolved , when they have chosen whom to employ . but that they will proceed in a spirit of state , and not leave the main point to discretion . then if a resolution be taken , a consultation must be governed upon information , to be had from such as know the place and matters in fact . and in the taking of information , i have alwayes noted , there is a skill , and a wisdom . for i cannot tell what an account or enquiry hath been taken of sir william russel , and of sir r. bingham of the earl of thomond , of mr. wilbraham . but j am of opinion , much more would be had of them , if your lordship shall be pleased severally to confer not . obliter , but expresly , and upon caveat given them to think of it before . for , bene docet qui prudenter interrogat . for the points of opposing them , j am too much a stranger to the businesse to deduce them : but in a topique , me thinks the pertinent interrogatories , must be either of the possibilities and means of accord , or of the nature of the war , or of the reformation of the particular abuses , or of the joyning of practise with force , in the division of the rebels . if your lordship doubt to put your sickle in others harvest ; first , time being fit to you in mr. secretaries absence . next , vnita fortior . thirdly , being mixt with matter of war , it is fittest for you . lastly , i know your lordship will carry it with that modesty , and respect towards aged dignity , and that good correspondence towards my dear ally , and your good friend now abroad , as no inconvenience may grow that way . thus have i played the ignorant statesman , which i do to no body but your lordship , except j do it to the queen sometimes when she trains me on . but your lordship will accept my duty , and good meaning and secure me , touching the privatnesse of that i write . your lordships to be commanded , fran. bacon . a letter of advise to my lord of essex , upon the first treaty with tyron , 1598. before my lord was nominated for the charge of ireland . my lord , these advertisements which your lordship imparted to me , and the like , j hold to be no more certain to make judgment upon , then a patients water to a physitian : therefore for me upon one water , to make a judgment , were indeed like a foolish bold mountebank , or doctor birket : yet for willing duties sake , i will set down to your lordship what opinion sprung in my mind upon that i read . the letter from the councell there leaning to mistrust , j do not much rely upon , for three causes . first , because it is always both the grace and the safety from blame of such a councell to erre in causion : whereunto add that it may be they or some of them are not without envy towards the person who is used in treating the accord . next , because the time of this treaty hath no shew of dissimulation . for , that tyron is now in no straight . but he is not now like a gamester , that will give over because he is a winner , then because he hath no more money in his purse . lastly , i do not see but those articles , whereupon they ground their supposition may as well proceed out of fear , as out of fals●ood . for the retaining of the dependance of the porracting the admission of a sher●ff , the refusing to give his son for hostage , the holding off from present repair to dublin , the refusing to go presently to accord without including odonell , and others his assistants , may very well come of a guilty reservation , in case he should receive hard measure , and not out of treachery : so as if the great person be faithfull , and that you have not here some present intelligence of present succours from spain : for the expectation whereof , tyron would gain time . j see no deep cause of distrusting the cause , if it be good . and for the question , her majesty seemeth to me a winner three ways . first , her purse shall have some rest . next , it will divert the forrain designs upon that place . thirdly , though her majesty is like for a time but to govern precario on the north , and be not in true command in better state there then before : yet , besides the two respects of ease of charge , and advantage of opinion abroad before mentioned , she shal have a time to use her princely policy in two points to weaken them , the one by division and disunion of the heads ; the other by recovering and winning the people from them by justice , which of all other causes is the best . now for the athenian question , you discourse well , quid igitur agendum est . i will shoot my fools bolt since you will have it so● the earl of ormond to be encouraged and comforted above all things , the garisons to be instantly provided , for upportunity makes a thief ; and if he should mean never so well now , yet such an advantage , as the breaking of her majesties garrisons might tempt a true man . and because he may aswell waver upon his own inconstancy as upon occasion . ( and wanton variablenesse is never restrained but with fear . ) i hold it necessary he be menaced with a strong war , not by words , but by musters , and preparation of forces here , in case the accord proceed not but none to be sent over , least it disturb the treaty , and make him look to be over-run as soon as he hath laid way arms . and ( but that your lordship is too easie to passe in such cases from dissimulation to verity ) j think if your lordship lent your reputation in this case , it is to pretend , that if a defensive war as in times past , but a wofull reconquest of those parts in the countrey , you would accept the charge , j think it would help to settle him , and win you a great deal of honour gratis . and that which most properly concerneth this action , if it prove a peace , j think her majesty shall do well to cure the root of the disease , and to professe by a commission of peaceable men , chiefly of respect and countenance , and reformation of abuses , extortions , and injustices there , and to plant a stronger and surer government then heretofore , for the ease and protection of the subject , for removing of the sword or government in arms from the earl of ormond , or the sending of a deputy which will eclipse it , if peace follow , j think unseasonable . lastly , i hold still my opinion , both for your better information and your fuller declaration of your care , and medling in this urging and meriting service , that your lordship have a set conference with the persons i named in my former writing , i rest my lord , at your lordships service , fran. bacon . a letter of advice to my lord of essex , immediate before his going into ireland . my singular good lord , your late note of my silence on your occasions , hath made me set down these few wandring lines , as one that would say somwhat , and can say nothing , touching your lordships intended charge for ireland , which my endeavour i know your lordship will accept graciously and well , whether your lordship take it by the handle of the occasion ministred from your self , 〈◊〉 or of the affection from which it proceedeth , your lordship is designed to a service of great merit , and great perill ; and as the greatnesse of the perill must needs include a like proportion ; so the greatnesse of the merit may include no small consequence of perill , if it be not temperately governed : for all immoderate successe extinguisheth merit , and seareth up distast and envy , the assured fore-runners of whole changes of perils . but i am at the last point : first , some good spirit leading my pen to presage to your lordship successes ; wherein it is true , i am not without my oracles and divinations , none of them suppositions . and yet not all naturall . for first , looking into the course of gods providence in things now depending , and calling to consideration , how great things god hath done by her majesty , and for her , i collect he hath disposed of this great defection in ireland , thereby to give an urgent occasion to the reduction of that whole kingdom , as upon the rebellion of desmond , there ensued the whole reduction of that whole province . next , your lordship goeth against three of the unlucky vices of all others , disloyalty , ingratitude , and inconstancie , which three offences , in all examples , have seldom their doom adjourned to the world to come . lastly , he that shall have had the honour to know your lordship inwardly as i have had , shall find bona extra , wherby he may better ground a divination of good , then upon the defection of a sacrifice . but that part i leave : for it is fit for others to be confiden upon the cause the goodnesse and justice wherof is such , as can hardly be matched in any example . it being no ambitious war of forraigners , but a recovery of subjects . and that after lennity of conditions often tryed and a recovery of them not only to obedience , but to humanity and policy from more then indian barbarism . there is yet another kind of divination familiar to matters of state , being that which demosthenes so often relyeth upon in his time , when he saith , that which for the time past is worst of all , is for the time to come the best ; which is , that things go ill not by accident , but by errour : wherein your lordship have been heretofore an awaking censor , but look for no other now , but medicae cura , &c. and although your lordship shall not be the blessed physitian that cometh in the declination of the disease , yet you embrace that condition which many noble spirits have accepted for advantage ; which is , that you go upon the greater perill of your fortune , and the lesse of your reputation , and so the honour countervaileth the adventure : of which honour your lordship is in no smal possession , when that her majesty known to be one of the judicious princes , in discerning of spirits that ever governed , hath made choise of you meerly out of her royall judgment ( her affection rather including to continue your attendance ) into whose hand and trust to put the commandment and conduct of so great forces , the gathering in the fruit of so great charge , the execution of so many councels , the redeeming of the defaults of so many former governours , and the clearing of the glory of so many and happy yeers raign , only in this part excepted . nay further , how far forth the perill of that state is interlaced with the perill of england . and therefore , how great the honour is to keep and defend the approaches of this kingdom , i hear many discourse . and indeed , there is a great difference whether the tortoys gather her self into her shell hurt or unhurt . and if any may be of opinion , that the nature of the enemy doth extinuate the honour of the service , being but a rebell and a savage , i differ from him : for i see the justest tryumphs that the romans in their greatnesse did obtain , and that whereof the emperours in their stiles , took additions and denominations , were of such an enemy ; that is , people barbarous and not reduced to civility , magnifying a kind of lawless liberty , prodigall in life , hardened in body , fortifyed in woods and bogs , placing both justice and felicity in the sharpness of their swords . such were the germains and ancient brittains , and divers others ; upon which kind of people , whether the victory were a conquest , or a reconquest , upon a rebellion or revolt , it made no difference that i could ever find in honour . and therefore , it is not the enriching predatory war that hath the preheminence in honour , else should it be more honour to bring in a carrack of rich burthens , then one of the twelve spanish apostles . but then this nature of people doth yeeld a higher kind of honour , considered in truth and substance , then any war can yeeld , which should be atchieved against a civill enemy , if the end may be pacique impovere morem , to replant and refound the honour and policy of that nation , to which nothing is wanting but a just and civill government , which design as it doth descend to you from your noble father , who lost his life in that action , though he paid tribute to nature , and not to fortune . so i hope your lordship shall be as fatall a captain to this war as affricanus was to the war of carthage , after that both his uncle and his father had lost their lives in spain in the same war . now although it be true , that these things which i have writ ( being but representations unto your lordship of the honour and appearance of successe of the enterprize ) be not much to the purpose of my direction ; yet it is that which is best to me , being no man of war and ignorance in the particulars of estate . for a man may by the eye , set up the white right in the middest of the butt , though he be no archer , therefore , i will only add this wish , according to the english phrase , which termeth a well-willing advise ; i wish , that your lordship in this whole action looking forward , set down this position . that merit is worthier then fame . and looking back hither , would remember this text . that obedience is better then sacrifice , for designing to fame and glory , may make your lordship in the adventure of your person , to be valiant as a private souldier , rather then as a generall . it may make you in your commandements , rather to be gracious , then disciplinary . it may make you presse action , in respect of the great expectation conceived , rather hastily , then seasonably and safely . it may make you seek rather to atchieve the war by force , then by intermixture of practise . it may make you ( if god shall send you prosperous beginning ) rather seek the fruition of that honour , then the perfection of the work in hand . and for your proceeding like a good protestant upon warrant , and not upon good intention , your lordship knoweth in your wisdom , that as it is most fit for you to desire convenient liberty of instruction . so is it no lesse fit for you to observe the due limits of them , remembring that the exceeding of them , may not only procure , in case of adverse accidents , a dangerous disadvow . but also in case of prosperous successe to be subject to interpretation , as if all were not referred to the right end . thus i have presumed to write these few lines unto your lordship , in methodo ignorantiae , which is , when a man speaketh of a subject not according to the parts of the matter ; but according to the modell of his own knowledge . and most humbly desire your lordship , that the weaknesse thereof may be supplyed in your lordship , by a benigne acceptation , as it is in me by my best wishing . f. bacon . a letter to the earl of essex , of offer of his service , when he was first enlarged to essex house . my lord , no man can expound my doings better then you lordship , which makes me need to say the lesse : only j pray you to believe , that i aspire unto the conscience and commendation of bonus civis , and bonus vir , and that j love something , j confess , better then j love your lordship : yet j love few persons better , both for gratitudes sake , and for your vertues , which cannot hurt , but by accident : of which my good affection , it may please your lordship to assure your self of all the true effects and offices j can yeeld . for as i was ever sorry your lordship should fly with many wings , doubting iearus fortune : so for the growing up of your own feathers , be they ostriges , or other kind , no man shall be more glad . and this is the axeltree whereupon i have turned , and shall turn , which having already signified to you by some near means , having so fit a messenger for mine own letter , j thought good to redouble also by writing . and so commend you to gods goodnesse . my lord , yours in all humblenesse , fran. bacon . from grays . inne , &c. two letters framed ; the one as from mr. anthony bacon to the earl of essex ; the other , as the earls answer thereunto , delivered with the advise of mr. anthony bacon , and tho privity of the earl to be shewed the queen , upon some fit occasion , as a mean to work her majesty , to receive the earl again to favour and attendance . my singular good lord , this standing at a stay , doth make me in my love towards your lordship zealous , least you do somewhat , or omit somewhat that amounteth to a new errour : for i suppose , of all former matters , there is a full expectation ; wherein , for any thing that your lordship doth , i for my part , who am remote , cannot cast nor devise , wherein any errour should be , except in one point , which i dare not censure , nor disswade ; which is that as the prophet saith , in this affliction you look up , ad manum percutientem , and so make your peace with god . and yet i have heard it noted , that my lord of liecester , who could ●…ver get to be taken for a saint , yet in the queens disfavour , waxed seeming religious , which may be thought by some , and used by others as a case of resembling yours , if men do not see , or will not see the differences between your two dispositions . but to be plain with your lordship , my fear rather is , because i hear some of your good and wise friends , not unpractised in the court and supposing themselvs not to be unseen in that deep and unscrutable center of the court , which is her majesties mind , do not only tole the bell , but even ring out peales , as if your fortune were dead and buried , and as if there were no possibility of recovering her majesties favour ; and as if the best of your condition were to live a private and retyred life , out of want , out of perill , and out of manifest disgrace : and so in this perswasion of theirs , include a perswasion to your lordship wards , to frame and accommodate your actions and mind to that end , i fear i say , that this untimely dispair , may in time bring forth a just dispair , by causing your lordship to slack and break off your wise , loyall , and seasonable endeavour and industry , for reintegration into her majesties favour : in comparison whereof , all other circumstances are but as attomi , or rather as vacuum , without any substance at all . against this opinion , it may please your lordship to consider of these reasons which i have collected , and to make judgment of them ; neither out of the melancholly of your patient fortune ; nor out of the insusion of that which cometh to you by others relation which is subject to much tincture . but , ex rebus opis . but of the nature of the persons and actions themselves , as the truest and lesse deceiving , grounded of opinion . for though i am so unfortunate , as to be a stranger to her majesties eye , much more to her nature and manners : yet by that which is extant , i do manifestly discern , that she hath that character of the divine nature and goodnesse , as quos amavit , amavit usque ad finem . and where she hath a creature , she doth not deface it , nor defeat it : insomuch , as if i observe rightly in these persons , whom she hath heretofore honoured with her speciall favour she hath covered and remitted , not only defections , and ingratitudes in affections , but errour in state and service . secondly , if i can scholar-like , spell and put together the parts of her majesties proceedings now towards your lordship , i cannot but make this construction , that her majesty in her royall intention , never purposed to call your lordships doings into publick question : but only to have used a cloud without a showr , and censuring them by some restraint of liberty , and debarring from her presence . for both the handling the cause in the star-chamber was inforced by the violence of libelling and rumours , wherein the queen thought to have satisfied the world , and yet spared your appearance . and then after , when that means which was intended to quench malicious bruites turned to kindle them , because it was said your lordship was condemned unheard , and your lordships sister wrote that private letter : then her majestie plainly saw that these winds of rumours could not be commanded downe , without a handling of the cause by making your party , and admitting your defence ; and to this purpose i do assure your lordship that my brother francis bacon , who is to wise to be abused , though he be both reserved more then is needfull : yet in generality he hath ever constantly , and with asseveration assirmed unto me : that both those dayes , that at the star-chamber , and that at my lord keepers were won from the queene meerly upon necessity , and point of honour against her own inclination . thirdly , in the last proceedings i note three points which are directly significant , that her majestie did expresly forbear any point which was errecuperable or might make your lordship many degree uncapable of the returne of her favour or might fixe any character indeleble of disgrace upon you , for she spared the publick places , which spared ignomine ; she limited the charge precisely not to touch disloyalty , & no record remaineth to memory of the charge or sentence . fourthly , the very distinction that was made of sequestration from the places of service in state , and leaving your lordship the place of the mr. of the horse , do they in my understanding point at this , that her majestie meant to use your lordships attendence in court while the exercise of other places stood suspended . fifthly , i have heard & your lordship knoweth better , that now since you were in your own custody : her maiesty in verboregio , and by his mouth to whom she counteth her royall grants and decrees , hath assured your lordship she wi●… forbid , and not suffer your ruine . sixtly , as i have heard her majestie to be a prince of that mainanimity that she will spare the service of a meaner then your lordship , where it shall depend meerly upon her choice and will . seventhly i hold it for a principle that those diseases are hardest to cure , whereof the cause is obscure and these rafiest whereof the cause is manifest : whereupon i conclude , that sine 〈◊〉 hath beene your errour in your lownesse towards her majestie which have preiudiced you ; that your reforming , and conformity may restore you ; may be faber fortunae propriae . lastly considering your lordship is removed from dealing in causes of state , and left only to a place of attendance : me thinks the ambition of any which can endure no partners in state-matters may be so quenched , as they should not laboriously oppose themselves to your being in court . so as upon the whole matter i cannot find neither in her majesties person nor in your own person , nor in any third person , neither in former presidents , nor in your own case , any cause of peremptory dispair . neither do i speak this but that if her majesty out of her resolution should design you to a private life , you should vpon the appointment be as willing to go in the wildernesse , as into the land of promise . only i wish , that your lordship will not preoccupate dispaire , but put trust , next to god , in her majesties grace , and not be wanting to your self . i know your lordship may justly interpret , that this which i perswade may have some reference to my particular : because i may truly say , testante non virebo , for i am withered in my self . but manebo , or terebo , i shall in some sort be , or hold out . but though your lordships years and health , may expect return of grace and fortune , yet your eclipse for 〈◊〉 while is an ultimum vale , to my fortune ; and were it not that i desired hope to see my brother established by her majesty , as i think him well worthy for that he hath done and suffered , it were time j did take that course , from which j disswa●ed your lordship now in the mean time , i cannot chuse but perform those honest duties unto you , to whom i have been so deeply bound unto , &c. my lord of essex his answer to mr. anthony bacons letter . mr. bacon , i thank you for your kind and carefull letter , it perswadeth that which i wish strongly , and hope for weakly , that is , possibility of restitution to her majesties favour ; your arguments that would cherish hope turn into despair . you say the queen never meant to call me to publick censure , which sheweth her goodness , but you see i passed it , which sheweth others power . i believe most stedfastly , her majesty never intended to bring my cause to a publick sentence , and i believe as verily , that since the sentence , she meant to restore me to attend upon her majesties person . but they that could use occasions , which it was not in me to let and amplifie occasions , and practise occasions , to represent to her majesty a necessity to bring me to the one , can and will do the like to stop me from the other . you say my errours were my prejudice , and therefore i can mend my self . it is true : but they that know i can mend my self and that if i ever recover the queen , that i will never lose her again , will never suffer to obtain interest in her favour , and you say the queen never forsook utterly , where she inwardly favoured . but i know not whether the hour glass of time hath altered her . but sure i am the false glass of others information must alter her , when i want access to plead mine own cause . i know i ought double infinitly to be her majesties both jure creationis , for i am her creature , and jure redemptionis , for i know she hath saved me from overthrow . but for her first love , and for her last protection , and all her great benefits , i can but pray for her majesty : and my endeavours is now to make my prayers for her , and for my self , better heard . for , thanks be to god ; they that can make her majesty believe i counterfeit with her , cannot make god believe i counterfeit with him . and they which can let me from coming neer unto her , cannot let me from drawing neer to him , as i hope i do daily . for your brother , i hold him an honest gentleman , and wish him all good , much rather for your sake : your self i know hath suffered more for me , and with me , then any friend i have . but i can but lament freely , as you see i do , and advise you not to do , as i do , that is dispair : you know letters what hurt they have done me , and therefore make sure of this . and yet i could not , as having no other pledge of my love , but communicate openly to you , the ease of my heart , and yours . your loving friend , robert essex . a letter to mr. secretary cecill , after the defeating of the spanish forces in ireland , inciting him to embrace the cares of reducing that kingdom to civility , with some reasons sent enclosed . it may please your lordship , as one that wisheth you all increase of honour , and as one that cannot leave to love the state , what interest soever i have , or may come to have in it ; and as one , that now ( this dead vacation time ) have some leisure , ad aliud agendum . i wil presume to propound unto you that which though you cannot but see , yet i know not whether you apprehend and esteem it in so high a degree , that is , for the best action of importation to your self , of sound honour and merit of her majesty . and this crown without ventosity or popularity that the riches of any occasion , or the tyde of any opportunity , can possible minister or offer , and that is the causes of ireland , if they be taken by the right handle . for if the wound be not ripped up again , &c. i think no physitian will go on with much letting of bloud , in declanatione morbi , but will intend to purge and corroborate : to which purpose i send you mine opinion ( without labour of words ) in the inclosed . and sure i am , that if you shall enter into the matter , according to the verosity of your own spirit ; nothing can make unto you a more gainfull return . for you shall make the queens selicity compleat , which now as it is , is incomparable . and for your self , you shall make your self as good a patient as you are thought politique . and to have no lesse generous ends , then dexterrous delivery of your self towards your ends ; and aswell to have true arts and grounds of government , as the facility and felicity of practise and negotiation ; and to be aswell seen in the periods , and tydes of estates , as in your own circle and way : then the which i suppose , nothing can be a better addition and accumulation of honour unto you . this , i hope i may in privatnesse write , either as a kinsman that may be bold , or as a scholar that hath liberty of discourse , without commiting any absurdity : if not , i pray your honour to believe , i ever loved her majesty and the state , and now love our self . and there is never any vehement love without some absurdity : as the spaniard well saith , desuario con la calentura : so desiring your honours pardon , i ever continue . considerations touching the queens service in ireland , the reduction of the country as well to civility and justice , as to obedience and peace ; which thing as the affairs now stand i hold to be inseparable , consisteth of four points . 1. the extinguishing of the reliques of war . 2. the recovery of the hearts of the people . 3. the removing of the rootes and occasions of new troubles . 4 , plantations and buildings . for the first , concerning the places , times and perticularities of further prosecution in fact , i leave it to the opinion of men of war , onely the difficulty is to distinguish and discern , the prepositions which shall bee according to the ends of the state here : that is small , and summary towards the extirpation of the troubles from these , which though they pretend the publique end , yet may refer indeed to the more private , and compendious ends of the councell there ; or other perticuler governours or captaines ; but still as i touch in my letter , i do think much letting blood in declinatione morbi , is against method of cure , and that it will but exasperate necessity and dispair , and percase discover the hollowness of that which is done already , which now blazeth to the best shew . for taglaes , and proscriptions of two or three principall rebells , they are no doubt iure jentium lawfull in italie , usually practised upon the bandelty , best in season when a side goeth down , and may do good into kinds , the one , if they take effect , the other in the distrust , which followeth amongst the rebels themselves ; but of all other points to my understanding , the most effectuall is the expressing or impressing of the designe of this state ; upon that miserable , & desolate kingdom , containing the same betweene these two lists or boundaries , the one that the queen seeketh not an extirpation of the people but reduction , & that now she hath established them , by her royall power , & arms , according to the necessity of the occasion , her majestie taketh no pleasure in the effusion of blood , or displanting of ancient generations ; the other that her majesties princely care is principally , and intentionably bent upon that action of ireland , & that she seeketh not so much the ease of charge , as the royall performance of her office of protection , and reclaim of these her subjects , & in a word , that the case is altered as far as may stand with the honour of the time past , which it is easie to reconcile , as in my last note i shewed , & again , i do repeat that if her majesties designs be to reduce wild & barborous people to civility , & justice , as well as to rebells to obedience ; it maketh weakness true christianity , & conditions turn graces , & so hath a fineness in turning civility upon point of honour which is agreable to the honour of these time . and besides if her majesty shall sodainly abate the lists of her forces , and shall do nothing to countervaile it in point of reputation of a publique proceeding , i doubt things may too soon fall back into the state they were in . next to this , adding reputation to the cause by imprinting an opinion , of her majesties care , and intention upon this action , is the taking away of reputation from the contrary side , by cutting off the opinion and expectation of forraign succours , to which purpose this enterprise of algiers if it hold according to the advertisement . and if it be not wrapped up in the period of this sommer seemeth to be an opportunity caelitus demissa . and to the same purpose nothing can be more fit then a treaty , or shadow of a treaty of a peace with spain , which me thinks should be in our power at least rumore tenus , to the deluding of as wise people as the irish . lastly , for this point that the ancients called potestas factum rediundi ad sanctatem . and which is but a mockery when the enemy is strong or proud , but effectual in his declination , that is , a liberall proclamation of grace , and pardon to such as shall submit , and come within a time prefixed of , of some further reward to such as shall bring others in . that our sword may be sharpned against others , is a matter of good experience , and now i thinke , will come in time , and percase , though i wish the exclusions of such a pardon exceeding few , yet it will not be safe to continue some of them in their strengths , but to translate them and their generation into england , and give them recompence , and satisfaction here , for their possessions there ; as the king of spaine did by divers families of portugall , to the effecting of all the points aforesaid , and likewise these which fall within the divisions following , nothing can be in priority , either of time or matter precedent ; to the sending of some commission of the continuance . ad res inspiciendas et componendas , for it must be a very significant demonstration of her majesties care of that kingdome . a credence to any that shall come in , and submit a bridell to any that have their fortunes there , and shall applie their proposition● to private ends , and an evidence that her majesties politique course is without neglect or respiration ; and it hath beene the wisdomes of the best examples of government towards the recovery of the hearts of the people . there be but three things in natura rerum . religion . iustice and protection . obligation and reward . for religion , to speak first of piety , and then of policy , all divines do agree , that if conscience be to be enforced at all ( where they differ ) yet two things must proceed out of their inforcement , the one means of justification , and the other of opperation , neither of which they have yet had . besides , till they be more like reasonable men , then they yet are , their society were rather scandalous to true religion then otherwise , as pearles cast before swine ; for till they be cleansed from their blood , incontinency , and theft , &c. which are now not the lapses of perticular persons : but the very laws of the nation , they are incompetible with religion , ref●…ed with pollicie , there is no doubt but to wrastle with them now , is directly opposite to their reclaime , and cannot but continue their alienation of , made from this government ; besides one of the principall pretences , whereby the heads of the rebellion have prevayled , both with the people , and with the forraigner , hath beene the defence of the catholique religion , and it is that likewise hath made the forraigner reciprocally more plausible with the rebell . therefore a tolleration of religion for a time not definite , except it be in some principall townes , and precincts , after the manner of some french edicts seemeth to me to be a matter warrantable by religion , and in policy of absolute necessity , and the hesitation in this point i feare hath been a greater casting back of the affairs there , neither if any english papist , or recusant , shall for liberty of his concience transfer his person familie , and fortunes thither , do j hold it a matter of danger , but expedient to draw an undertaking , and to further population neither if rome will cosen it self by conceiving it may be some degree to the like tolleration in england , do i hold it a matter of any moment but rather a good mean to take off the sciences and eagernesse of the humour of rome , and to stay further excommunications and ininterdictions of ireland ; but there would go hand in hand with this same course of advantage religion . indeed , where the people is capable thereof , is the sending over of some good preachers , especially of that sort which are vehement and zealous perswaders , and not scholasticall , to be resident in the principall towns , allowing them some stipend out of her majesties revenues , as her majesty hath most religiously and graciously done in lancashire , and the great recontinuing and replenishing the colledge begun at dublin , the placing of good men to be bishops , the taking care of the versions of bibles , catechisms , and other books of instruction , into the irish language and the like religious courses , both for the honour of god , and for the avoiding of scandall , and in satisfaction here , by a toleration of religion there . for instance , the barbarism and desolation of the country considered it is not possible they should find any sweetnesse at all of it ( which hath been the errour of times past formal and fetched far off from the state , because it will require running up and down for proces of polling and exactions by fees , and many o●her delayes and charges : and therefore , there must be an intrim , in which the justice must be only summary ; the rather , because it is fit and safe for a time , the country do participate of a marshal government : and therefore i could wish in every principall town or place of habitation , there were a captain or governour , and a judge , such as recorders and learned stewards are here in corporations , who may have a prerogative commission to hear and determine , secundum saenam discretione , and as near as may be to the customs and laws of england , and that by bill or plaint , without originall writ , reserving from their sentence matter of free-hold and inheritance to be determined before a superiour judge itener●…t , and both sentences , aswell the bayliwick judg , as the itenerant to be reversed , if cause be , before the councel of the prince to be established with fit informations . for obligation and reward , it is true no doubt , which was anciently said that a state is contained in two words , praemium and paena , and i am perswaded if a peny in the pound which hath been spent in paena . for this kind of war is but paena , a chastisement of rebels without other fruit or emolument of this state , had beene spent in praemio , that is , in rewarding , things had never grown to this extremity . but to speak forwards , the keeping of the principall irish persons in tearms of contentment , and without particular complaint ; and generally the carrying of an even course between the english and the irish , whether it be in competition , or whether it be controversie , as if they were one nation , without the same partiall course that hath been held by the governours and councellours that some have savoured the irish , and some contrary , is one of the best medicines of that state . and as for the points of governing their nobility aswell in this court , as there of knighthood , if education of their children there , and the like points of comfort and allurement , they are things which fall into every mans consideration . for the extirpating of the seeds of trouble , i suppose the main roots are but three . the first , the ambition and absolutenesse of the chief of the families and sects . secondly , the licentious id●enesse of their kerns and souldiers thatly upon the country by sesses and such oppressions . and the third , the barbarous customs in habit of apparel in these poets or heraulds , that inchant them in savage manners and sundry other such dregs of barbarism & rebellion , which by a number of politick statutes of ireland , meet to be put in execution , are already forbidden unto which such addition : may be made , as the present time requireth . but the deducing of this barbarism requireth a more particular notice of the state and manners there , ther . fals within my compas . for plantations and buildings i do find it strange , that in the last plot for the population of munster , there were limitations how much in demeasnes , and how much in farm and tenantry , how many buildings should be erected , how many irish in mixture should be admitted ; but no restraint that they might not build parsim at their pleasure , much lesse any condition , that they should make places fortified and defensible . the which was too much securenesse to my understanding : so as for this last point , of plantations , and buildings , ●ere be ●wo considerations which i hold most materiall , the one of quickning ; the other for assuring . the first is , that choice be made of such persons for the government of towns and places , and such undertakers be produced , as be men gracious and well-beloved , and are like to be well fellowed ; wherein for munster , it may well be , because it is not res intigra ; but that the former undertakers stand interessed , there will be some difficulty . but surely , in mine opinion , either by agreeing with them , or by over-ruling them by a parliament in ireland , which in this course of a politick proceeding , infinite occasions will require speedily to be held : it will be fit to supply fit qualified persons for undertakers . the other , that it be not best , as heretofore , to the pleasure of the undertakers and adventurers , where , and how to build and plant , but that they do according to a prescript , or formilary . for first , the places both maritine , and in land , which are fittest for collonies and garisons , aswell for doubt of forraigners , as for keeping the country in bridell , would be found surveyed , and resolved upon ; and then , that the pattenties be tyed , to build on those places only , and to fortifie , as shall be thought convenient . and lastly , it followeth of course , in countries of new populations , to invite , and provoke inhabitants , by ample liberties and charter . a letter of recommendation of his service to the earl of northampton , a few dayes before queen elizabeths death , may it please your good lordship , as the time of the sowing of a seed is known , but the time of coming up and disclosing is casuall , or according to the season : so i am witnesse to my self , that there hath been covered in my mind a long time , a seed of affection and zeal towards your lord●… , sown by the estimation of your vertues , and your particula●●●our and favour to my brother deceased , and to my self , which seed still springing , now bursteth forth into this possession . and to be pl●in in with your lordship , it is very true , and no winds not noises of evill matters can blow this out of my head and he●rt , that your great capacity and love towards studies and contemplations of an higher and worthier nature then popular , a matter ra●e in the world , and in a person of your i ordships quality , a most singular , is to me a great and chief motive , to draw my affection and admiration towards you . and therefore , good my lord , if i may be of any use to your lordship , by my hand , tongue , pen , means , or friends , i humbly pray your lordship to hold me your own , and there withall not to do so much disadvantage to my good mind , as to conceive this my commendation of my humble service proceedeth out of any straights of my occasions ; but meerly out of an election , and indeed the fulnesse of my heart : and so wishing your lordship all prosperity , i continue . a letter of offer of his service to his majesty upon his first coming in . may it please your most excellent majesty , it is observed upon a place in the canticles , by some , ego sum flos campi & lillium convalium , it is not said ego sum flos horti & lillium montinum , because the majesty of that person is not inclosed for a few , nor appropriated to the great . and yet notwithstanding , this royall vertue of accesse , which nature and judgment have planted in your majesties mind , as ●ortall of all the rest , could not of it self ( my imperfections considered ) have animated me to have made oblation of my self immediatly to your majesty , had it not been joyned with a habite of like liberty , which i enjoyed with my late dear soveraign mistresse , a prince happy in all things , but most happy in such a successour . and yet further and more nearly , i was not a little encouraged not only upon a supposall that unto your majesties cares , open to the ayr of all vertues , there might have come some small breath of the good memory of my father , so long a principall councellour in your kingdom ; but also by the particular knowledge of the infinite devotion , and incessant endeavours beyond the strength of his body , and the nature of the times , which appeared in my good brother towards your majesties service , and near on your ma●esties part , through your singular benignity , by many most gracious and lively significations and favours , accepted and acknowledged beyond the merit of any thing he could effect . all which endeavours and duties for the most part , were common to my self with him , though by design between brethren dissembled . and therefore , most high and mighty king , my most deare and dread soveraign lord , since now the corner stone is laid of the mightiest monarch in europe ; and that god above , who is noted to have a mighty hand in bridling the flouds and fluctuations of the seas , and of peoples hearts , hath by the miraculous and universall consent ( the more strange , because it proceedeth from such diversity of causes ) in your coming , in giving a sign and token what he intendeth in the continuance , i think there is no subject of your majesties who leaveth this isla●● , and is not hollow and unworthy , whose heart is not set on fire , n●… only to bring you peace-offerings , to make you propitious ; but to sacrifice himselfe a burnt offering to your majesties service : amo●●st which number , no mans fire shall be more pure and fervent . but how farre forth it shall blaze out , that resteth in your majesties employment . for , since your fortune in the greatnesse thereof , hath for a time debarred your majesty of the fruitly vertue , which one calleth the principall , principi●s est voritus maxima , &c. because your majesty hath many of yours which are unknown unto you , i must leave all to the tryall of further time , and thirsting after the happinesse of kissing your royall hand , continue ever , &c. a letter to mr. fauls in scotland , upon the entrance of his majesties reign . sir , the occasion awaketh in me a remembrance of the constant and mutuall good offices which passed between my good brother and your self ; whereunto , as you know i was not altogether a stranger , though the nature of the time and design betweene us brethren made me more reserved : but well do i bear in mind the great opinion which my brother ( whose judgment i much reverence ) would often expresse to me of your extraordinary sufficiency , dexterity , and temper , which he found in you , in the business and service of the king our soveraign lord , this latter bred in m● an election , as the former gave an inducement forme to make this signification of my desire , of a mutuall entertainment of my good affection , and correspondence between us , hoping both that some good effect may result of it towards the kings service , and that for our particulars , though occasion give you the precedency of furthering my being , known by good note to the king : so wee shall have some means given to requite your savours , and verifie your commendations : and so with my loving recommendation good mr. foules , i leave you to gods goodnesse ▪ from grays-inne this 25 of march . a letter of commending his love to the lord of kinlosse upon his majesties entrance . my lord , the present occasion awaketh in me a remembrance of the constant amity , and mutuall good offices which passed between my brother deceased , and your lordship , whereunto i was lesse strange then in respect of the time . i had reason to pretend , and withall , i call to mind the great opinion which my brother , who seldom failed in judgment of person , would often expresse to me of your lordships great wisdom and soundnesse , both in head and heart , towards the service of our lord the soveraigne king . the one of those hath bred in me an election , and the other a confidence to addresse my good w●ll , and sincere affection to your lordship , not doubting , in regard that my course of life hath wrought me not to be altogether unseene in the matters of the kingdom , that i may be in some use both in point of service to the king , and in your lordships particular . and on the other side , i will not omit , to desire humbly your lordships favour , in furthering a good conceit and impression of my most humble duty , and true zeal towards the king , to whose majesty words cannot make me known , neither mine own , nor others . but time will , to no disadvantage of any , that shall fore ▪ run his majesties experience , by their humanity and commendations . and so i commend your good lordship to gods providence and protection . from grays-inn● . &c. a letter commending his love and occasions to ●ir tho● ch●lenor in scotland upon his majest●es en●… . sir . for our present affaires , i am assured you conceive no insatisfaction ; for you know my mind , and you know my meanes , which now the ap●nesse of the time , caused by this blessed con●e●t , and peace will increase , and so our agreement according to your time be observed ; ●or the present , according to the roman addage that one cluster of grapes ripeneth best against another ; so i know you hold me not unworthy whose mutuall friendship you should cherrish , and i for my part conceive good hope that you are like to be come an acceptable servan● to the king our mr. not so much for any way made , which in my judgement will make no great difference ; as for the stuffe , and sufficiency which i know to be in you and whereof i know his majesty may reap great service , and thereof my generall request is , that according to that industrious vivacitie which you use towards your friend , you will further his majesties good conceipt , and inclination towards one , to whom words cannot make me known , neither my own , nor others , but time will , to no disadvantage of any that shall fore-runne his majesties experience by their testimony , and commenadtion , & though occasion give you the precedencie of doing me this speciall good office yet i hope no long time will intercede , before i shall have some means to require your favour , and acqui●e your repo●● more perticulerly , having though● good to make oblation of my most humble service to his majesty by a few lines i do desire your loving care , and helpe by your selfe , or such means as i refer to your discretion ●to delive● & presentthis to his majesties hands , of which letter i ●end you a coppy ; that you may know what you carry , and may take of mr mathews , the letter it selfe , if you be pleased to undertake the delivery . lastly , i do commend to your self , and to such your courtesies as occasion may require this gent. mr. mathew● eld●st sonne to my lord bishop o● durham , an● my very good friend , assu●ing you that any cou●… t●at you shall use towards him , you shall use to a worthy young gent , and one i know , whose acquaintance you will much esteeme , and so j ever continue ▪ a letter to mr. davies , then gone to the king at his first entrance . mr. davies , though you went on the suddain yet you could not go before you had spoken with your self to the purpose whereof i will now write . and therefore . i know not , but that it was altogether needlesse , save that i meant to shew you , that j was not asleepe . besides , j commend my self to your love , and to the well using of my name , as in reposing and answering for me , if there be any biting or bibbling at it in that place , as in impressing a good opinion of me chiefly in the king of whose favour , i make my selfe comfortable assurance , as otherwise in that court ; and not only , but generally to perform to me all the good offices , which the vivacity of your wit can suggest to your mind , to be performed to one , in whose affection you have so great sympathy , and in whose fortune , you have so ▪ great interest : so desiring you to be good to concealed poets , i continue . yours , &c. a letter to mr. fauls , 28. march , 1603. mr ▪ faules , i did write to you yesterday by mr. lake who was dispatched hence from their lordships , with a letter of revivour of those sparks of acquaintance between us in my brothers time , and now upon the same case , finding so fit a messenger , i could not faile to salute you , hoping it will fall ou● so happily , as that you shall be one of the kings servants , which his majesty will apply here about us , where i hope to have some means not to be barren in friendship towards you . we all thirst for the kings coming , accounting all this but as the dawning of the day , before the rising of the sun , till we have his presence . and though his majesty must be now ianus bysrons , to have a face to scotland , as well as to england , yet quod num instat agendum . the expectation is here , that he will come in state , and not in strength . so for this time , i commend you to gods go●dnesse , and remain yours , &c. a letter to doctor morrison , a scottish physitian upon his ●aiesties coming in . mr , doctor morrison ▪ i have thought good by this my letter , to renew this my ancient acquaintance , which hath passed between us , signifying my good mind to you , to perform to you any good office , for your particular , and my expectation ; and a firm assurance on the like on your part towards me , wherein , i confesse you may have the start of me , because occasion hath given you the precedency in investing you with opportunity to use my name well , and by your loving testimony to further a good opinion of me in his majesty , and the court . but i hope my experience of matters here , will , with the light of his m●jesties favour , enable me speedily both to requite your kindnesse , and to acquir and m●ke good your testimony and report . so not doubting to see you here with his majesty , considering that it belonge●● to your art to feel pulses . and i assure you , galen doth not set down greater variety of pules , then do vent here in mens hearts . i wish you all prosperity , and remain yours , &c. from my chamber at gray-inne , &c. a letter to mr. robert kenney upon the death of queen elizabeth . mr. kenney , this alteration is so great , as you might justly conceive some readiness of my affection towards you , if you should hear nothing from me , i living in this place ; it is in vain to tell you with what wonderfull skill and calm this wheel is turnd round , which whether it be a remnant of her felicity that is gone , or a fruit of his reputation that is coming , i will not determine , for j cannot but divide my self between her memory and his name ; yet wee , account it but as a fair morning before sun-rising , before his majesties presence ; though for my part , i see not whence any weather should arise , the papists are conceived with fear enough , and hope too much ; the french is thought to turn his practises , upon procuring some disturbance in scotland , where crowns may doe wonders but this day is so welcome to that nation and the time so short , as i do not fear the effect . my lord of sou hampton expect●th release by the next dispatch , and is already much visited , and much well-wished . there is continuall posting by men of good quality towards the king ; the rather , i think , because this spring time it s but a kind of sport : it is hoped , that as the s●are here have performed the parts of good attornies , to deliver the king quiet possession of his kingdoms , so the king will re-deliver them quiet possession of their places , rather filling places void , then removing men placed . a letter to my lord of northumberland , mentioning a proclamation drawn for the king at his entrance . it may please your good lordship ; 〈◊〉 do hold it a thing formall and necessary for the king to fore-run his coming be it never so speedy , with some gracious declaration , for the cherishing , entertaining , and preparing of mens affections ; for which purpose , i have conceived a draught , it being a thing familiar to me in my mistresse her times , to have my pen used in politick writings of satisfaction , the use of this may be of two sorts . first properly , if your lordship think convenient to shew the king any such draught , because the veins and pulses of this state cannot but be best known here ; which if your lordship should do , then i would desire your lordship to withdraw my name , and only signifie , that you gave some heads of direction of such a matter , to one of whose stile and pen , you had some opinion . the other collaterall , that though your lordship make no other use of it ; yet it is a kind of po●t●acture of that which i think worthy to be advised to the king , to expresse himself according to those points , which are therein conceived , and perhaps more compendious and significant , then if j had set them down in article ▪ i would have attended your lordship , but for some little physick i took ; to morrow morning i will wait upon you : so i ever continue , &c. a letter unto my lord of southampton , upon the kings coming in . it may please your lordship , i would have been very glad to have presented my humble service to your lordship by my attendance , if i could have foreseen that it should not have been unpleasing unto you ; and therefore , because i would commit no errour , i chose to write , assuring your lordship , how credible soeve● , yet it is as true , as a thing that god knoweth , that this great change in me , hath wrought no other change towards your lordship , then this , that i may safely be now , that which i was truly before . and so craving no other pardon , then for troubling you with this letter , i do not now begin to be , but continue to be , your lordships humble , and much devoted , fran. bacon . a letter to the lord of northumberland , after he had been with the king . it may please your lordship , i would not have lost this journey , and yet i have not that i went for : for i have had no private conference to purpose , with the king ; no more hath almost any other english . for the speech his majesty admitteth with some noble men , is rather matter of grace , then matter of businesse . with the attorney hee sp●…ing urged by the treasurer of scotland , but no more then needes must ; after i had received his majesties first welcome , and was promised private accesse , yet not knowing what matter of service your lordships treasurer carryed ; ( for 〈◊〉 saw it no● , ) and knowing that privinesse in adver●i●em●nt is much , i chose rather to deliver it to sir thomas horeskins , then to coole it in my hands ▪ upon expectation of accesse , your lordship shall find a prince the furtherest from vain-glory that may be . and rather like a prince of the ancient form , then of the latter time , his speeches swift , and cursarie , and in the full dialect of his nation , and in speech of buisinesse short , in speech of discourse large , he affecteth popularity , by gracing such as he hath heard to be popular and not by any fashions of his own , he is thought somewhat generall ofhis favours , and his vertue of accesse , is rather , because he is much abroad , and in presse ▪ then that he giveth easie audience he hastneth to a mixture of both kingd m●s , ●nd nations , faster perhaps then pollicie will b●are . j told your lordship once before my opinion that we thought his majesty ra●her asked counsell of the time past then of the time to come , but it is yet early to be s●und in any setled opinion : for other perticularities j referre conference , having in those generalls gone further in so tender an argument , then j would have done , were not the bearer hereof so assured , so j continue &c. a letter to the earl of salisbury , touching the solicitours place , at what times he stood but in doubtfull termes of favour with his lordship . it may please your lordship , i am not privy to my selfe of any such ill deserving towards your lordship as that j should think it any mpudent thing to be a suitor unto your favour in a rea●o●able m●tter , your lord●●●p being to me , as with your good favour you cannot cease to be : but rather it were a simp●e , and arrogant part in me to forbeare ●t , t●s thought mr. atto●rney shall be cheif justice of the common place in case mr. sollicitour rise . i would be glad now at last to be sollicitour , chiefly because i think it will increase my practise wherein god blessing me a few yeares , i may amend my state , and so after fall to my studies , and ease , whereof the one is requisire for my body , and the other serveth to my mind , wherein if i shall find your lordships favovr i shall be more happy then i have been , which may make me also more wise , i have small store of meanes about the king , and to sue my selfe is not fit , and therefore i shall leave it to god , his majesty , and your lordship ; for i must still be next the door , i thanke god in these transitory things , j am well resolved : so beseeching your lordship not to think this letter the lesse humble because it is plain j rest . a letter to the earl of salisbury , upon sending him one of his bookes of advancemeat of learning . it may please your good lordship , i present your lordship with a work of my vacant time , which if it had been more , the work had been better ; it appertaineth to your lordship , besides , my particular respect , in some propriety , in regard you be a great governour in the province of learning ; and that which is more , you have added to your place affection towards laarning , and to your affection judgment : of which , the last i could be content were for the time lesse , that you might the lesse exquisitly censure that which i offer unto you . but sure i am , the argument is good , if it had lighted on a good author . but i shall content my self , to awake better spirits , like a bell-ringer , which is first up to call others to church : so with my humble desire of your lordships good acceptance , j remain yours , &c. a letter to the lord treasurer buckhurst , upon the like argument . may it please your lordship . i have finished an argument touching the advancement of learning which i have dedicated to his majesty the most learned of a soveraign temporall prince , that time hath known ; and upon reason not unlike , i humbly present one of them books to your lordship , not only as a chancellour of the university : but as one that was excellently bred , in all learning which i have ever noted to shine in all your speeches , and behaviour , and therefore your lordship will yeeld a gratious aspect to your first lover , and take pleasu ein the adorning of that , wherewith your selfe is so much adorned , and so humbly desiring your favourable acceptation thereof , with signification of humble duty to remaine , &c. yours , &c. a letter of the like argument to the lord chauncellour egerton . may it please your good lordship . i humbly present your lordship with a worke , wherein as you have much commandement over the author , so your lordship hath also great interest in the argument ; for to speak without flattery few have the like use of learning , or like judgement in learning , as i have observed in your lordship , hath beene a gteat planter of learning , not onely in these places in the church , which have been in your own guift : but also in your commendatory vote , no man hath more constantly held detur digniori , and therefore both your lordship is beholding to learning , and your lordship which maketh me presume with good assurance that your lordship will accept well of these my labours , the rather because your lordship in private speech , hath often begun to me in expressing your admiration of his majesties learning , to whom i have dedicated this work , and whose vertue , and perfection in that kind did chiefly move me to a work of this nature , and so with signification of my humble duty , and affection towards your lordship , i remaine . a letter of expostulation to the attourney generall sir edward cook . mr. attourney . i thought best , once for all , to let you know in plainesse what j finde of you , and what you shall find of me , to take to your selfe a liberty to disgrace , and disable my law , my experience , my discretion , what it please you , i pray think of me i am one that know , both my own wants , and other mens , and it may be perchance that mine may amend , when others stand at a stay , and surely i may not endure in publique place to be wronged without repelling , the same to my best advantage , to right my self , you are great , & therefore have the more enviours , which would be glad to have you paid at anothers cost , since the time i missed the sollicitours place ( the rather i think because your meanes ) i cannot expect that you or i shall ev●r serve as attourney , 〈◊〉 soll citor but either to serve with another upon your remove , or to step into some other course : so as i am more free then ever i was from any occasion of unworthy conforming my self more then generall good means or our perricular go●… usage shall provoke , & if you had not beene short sighted in your owne fortune as i thinke you might have had more use of me ; out that tide is past , i write not this to shew my friends what a brave letter i have writ to mr. attorney i have none of those humours : but that i have written , is to a good end , that is , to the more decent carriage of my mrs. service , and to a perticular better understanding out of another . this letter if it shall be answered by you in deed & not in word , i suppose it will not be worse for us both . else it is but a few lines lost , which for a much smaller matter i would adventure , so this being to your self i for my part rest . a letter to my lord of salisbury touching the sollicitours place . it may please your good lordship . i am not ignorant how mean a thing i stand , for desiring to come into the sollicitours place ; for i know well , it is not the thing it hath been , time having wrought alteration , both in the profession , and in the speciall place ; yet because i thinke it would encrease my practise , & that it may satisfie my friends , & because i have beene voiced to it i would be glad it were done , wherein i may say to your lordship in the confidence of your poor kinsman and of a man by you advanced . tuidem fer opem qui spem dedisti , for i am sure it was not possible for a man living to have received from any other more significant , & comfortable words of hope , your lordship being pleased to tell me during the course of my last service that you would raise me , & that when you were resolved to raise a man you were more carefull of him then himself , & that what you had done for me in my marriage , was a benefit to me but of●…●…nse to your lordship ; & therefore i might assure my self you would not leave me there with many like speeches , which i know well my duty , then to take any other hold of , then the hold of a thankfull remembrance , & i know & all the world knoweth that your lo●dship is no de●…er of holy-water , but noble , & reall , & on my part i am on a sure ground , that i have committed n●thing that may deserve any alteration ; and if i cannot observe you as i would , y●ur lordship will impute it to my want of experience , which i shall gather better when i am once setled ; and therefore , my hope is your lordship wi●… finish a good work , and consider that ●ime groweth precious , and tha i am now vergentibus annis : and although i know your for une is not to need an hundred such as i am . yet i shall ever be ready to give you my best and first fruits , and to supp●y as much as in me ●yeth a worthinesse by thankfulnesse . a letter to the lord chancellour of the like argument . it may please your good lordship . as i conceived it to be a resolution both with his majesty , and among your lordships of his councell that i shnuld be placed sollicitour , and the sollicitour removed to be the kings sergeant , so i most humblie thank your lordships , furtherance , and forwardnesse therein , your lordship being the man that first devised the mean , wherefore my humble request unto your lordship is , that you would set in with some strength to finish this your work , which assure your lordship , i desire the rather because being placed i hope by for many favours , to be able to do y a some better service ; for as i am , your lordship cannot use mee nor scarcely indeed know me , not that i think i shall be abl● to do any greater matters : but certainely it will frame me to use a more industrious observance and application to such as i honour so much as i do your lordship , and not i hope without some good offices which may deserve your thanks , and herewithall good my lord i humbly pray your lordship to consider that time groweth precious with me , and that a married man is seven yeares elder in his thoughts the first day , and therefore what a discomfortable thing it is for me to be unsettled still ; for surely were it not that i think my self born to do my soveraign service , and therefore in that station i will live and dy , otherwise for my own private comfort it were better for me that the king did blot me out of his book , or that i should turne to endeavour to serve him in some other kind , then for me to stand thus at a stop , and to have that little reputation which by my industry i gather to be scattered and taken away by continuall disgraces , every new man comming above me , and sure i am j shall never have fair promises , and hope from all your lordships ; for j know not what service , saving that your lordships all told me were good , and j would believe you in a much greater matter , and if it were nothing else j hope the modesty of my suit deserveth somewhat ; for j know well the sollicitours place is not as your lordship lest it , time working alteration somewhat in the profession , much more in that speciall place , and were it not to satisfie my wives friends , and to get my self out of being a common gaze , and a speech , j protest before god i would never speak word for it . but to conclude as my honourable lady was a mean to make me to change the name of another , so if it please you to help me as you said to change my owne name , i cannot be but more , and more bounden to you , and i am much deceived if your lordship find not the king well inclined , as for my lord of salisbury forward and affectionate . a letter to the king touching the sollicitours place . it may please your excellent majesty . how honestly , ready i have beene , most gratious soveraign , to do your majesty humble service to the best of my power , and in manner beyond my power , as i now stand i am not so unfortunate ; but your majesty knoweth ; for both in the commission of union , the labour whereof for men of my profession , rested most upon my hands , and this last parliament in the bill of the subsidie , both body and preamble , in the bill of attaindors both tresham , and the rest in the matter of purveiance in the ecclesiasticall petitions , in the grievances , and the like , as i was ever carefull , and not without good successe , sometimes to put forward that which was good , sometimes to keep back that which was good , sometimes to keep back that which was worse , so your majesty was pleased kindly to accept of my service and to say to me , such conflicts were the wars of peace , and such victories the victories of peace , and therefore such servants that obtained them were by kings that raign in peace no lesse to be esteemed the conquerours in the wars , in all which , neverthelesse i can challenge to my selfe our sufliciency : but that i was diligent , and reasonable happy to execute those directions which i received either immediatly from your royall mouth or from my lord of salisbury at that time it pleased your majesty , also to assure me , that upon the remove of the then attourney i should not be forgotten : but be brought into ordinary place , and this was after confirmed nuto me by many of my lords , and towards the end of the last term the mannet also in perticular ●poken of that is , that mr. sollicitour should be made your maiesties sergeant , and i sollicitour ; for so it was thought best to sort with both our gifts , and faculties for the good of our service , and of this resolution both courtand coun●ry tooke knowledge ; neither was this my invention or project of mine own , but moved from my lord , i think first from my lord chancellour , whereupon resting , your majesty well knoweth i never opened my mouth for the greater place , although i am sure , i had two circumstances that mr. attourney that now is could not all adge : the one , nine years service of the crown : the other , being couzen germain to the lord of salisbury : for of my fathers service i will not speak , but for the lesse place , i conceive &c. but after this mr. attorney habbard was placed , i heard no more o● my preferment , but it seemed to be at a stop to my great disgrace and discontentment . for ( gracious soveraign ) if still when the matters are stirred , another shall put in before me , your majesty had need to work a miracle , or else i shall be a ●ame man to do you services . and therefore , my most humble suit unto your majesty is , that this which seemed to me intended , may speedily be performed ; and i hope my former service shall be but as beginnings to better , when i am better strengthened . for sure i am no mans heart is suller , i say not , but many may have greater hearts ; but i say not fuller of love and duty towards your majesty , and your children , as i hope time will manifest against envie and detraction if any be . to conclude , i humbly c●ave pardon for my boldnesse . a letter to the earl of salisbury , of courtesie upon a new-yeers guift . it may please your good lordship , having no guift to present you within my degree proportionable to my mind , i desire neverthelesse to take the advantage of a ceremony to expresse my self to your lordship , it being the first time , i could make the like acknowledgment out of the person of a suitor : wherefore , i most humbly pray your lordship to think of me , that now it hath pleased you by many effectuall and great benefits , to add the assurance and comfort of your love and savour to the precedent disposition which was in me , to admire your vertue and merit . i do esteem whatsoever i have , or may have in this world , but as trash , in comparison of having the honour and happinesse to be a neer and well accepted kinsman , to so rare and wor●hy a councellour , governour , and patriot . for having been a studious is not a curious observer , as well of antiquity of vertue , as of late peace , i forbeare to say to your lordship what i find and conceive : but to another i would thinke to make my self believed . but not to be tedious in that which may have the shew of a complement . i can but wish your lordship many happy yeares , many more then your father had : but even so many more , as we may need you more : so i remain . yours , &c. a second letter to the chancellour . may it please your lordship . having finished an argument touching the advancement of learning which i have formerly dedicated to his majesty , i humbly presume ( once more ) to present one of them books to your lordship , not only as a chancellour of the university : but as one that was excellently bred , in all learning which i have ever noted to shine in all your speeches , and behaviour , and therefore your lordship will yeeld a gratious aspect to your first lover , and take pleasu●e in the adorning of that , wherewith your selfe is so much adorned , and so humbly desiring your favourable acceptation thereof , with signification of humble duty to remaine . yours &c. another letter to the lord chancellour touching the former argument . my lord , as i conceived it to be a resolution both with his majesty , and among your lordships of his councell that i should be placed sollicitour , and the sollici●our removed to be the kings sergeant , so i most humblie thank your lordships furtnerance , and forw●rdnesse therein , your lordship being the man that first devised the mean , wherefore my humble request unto your lordship is , that you would set in with some strength to finish this your work , which assure your lordship , i desire the rather , because being placed i hope by for many favours , to be able to do you some better service ; for as i am , your lordship cannot use mee nor scarce●y indeed know me , no ▪ that i think i shall be able to do any greater matters : but certainely it will frame me to use a more industrious observance and application to such as i honour so much as i do your lordship , and not i hope without some good offices which may deserve your thanks , and here withall good my lord i humbly pray your lordship to consider that time groweth precious with me , and that a married man is seven yeares elder in his thoughts the first day , and therefore what a discomfortable thing it is for me to be unsettled still ; for surely were it not that i think my self born to do my soveraign service , and therefore in that station i will live and dy , otherwise for my own private comfort it were better for me that the king did blot me out of his book , or that i should turne to endeavour to serve him in some other kind , then for me to stand thus at a stop , and to have that little reputation which by my industry i gather to be scattered ●nd taken away by continuall disgraces , every new man comming above me , and sure i am j shall never have fair promises , and hope from all your lordships ; for j know not what service saving that your lordships all told me were good , and j would believe you in a much greater matter , and if it were nothi●g else j hope the modesty of my 〈◊〉 deserveth somewhat . for j know well the sollicitours place is not as your lordship lest it , t●me working alteration somewhat in the profession , much more in that speciall place , and were it not to satisfie my wives friends , and to get my self out of being a common gaze , and a speech j protest before god i w●u●d never ●peak word for it . but to conclu●e as my honourable lady was a mean to make me to change the name of another so if it please you to help me as you said to change my owne n●me , i cannot be but more , and more bounden to you , and i am much deceived if your lordship find not the king well inclined . so remaining , yours , &c. an expostulatory letter to sir vincent skinner . sir , i see that by your need esse delayes , this matter is growne to a new question wherein for the matter it self , if it had beene stayed at the beg●nning my lord treasurer , and mr. chancellour i should not s● muc● have ●tood upon it , for the great and dayly travails which i take in his majesties service , either are rewarded in themselvs , 〈◊〉 ●hat they a●e but my duty , or else may deserve a much greater matter : neither can i think amisse of any man that in furtherance of the kings benefit moved the doubt , that knew not what warrant you had . but my wrong is , that you having had my lord treasurers , and mr. chancellours warrant for payment of above a moneth since , you i say , making your payments be like upon such differences , as are better known to your selfe , then agreeable to due respect of his majesties service , have declared it all this time , otherwise then i might have expected , either from our ancient acquaintance , or from that regard which one in your place may owe to one in mine : by occasion whereof , there ensueth unto me a great inconvenience , that now my name in a sort must be in question amongst you , as if i were a man likely either to demand that which were unreasonable , or to be denyed that which is reasonable ; and this must be , because you can pleasure men at pleasure . but this j leave with this , that it is the first matter wherein j had occasion to discern of your lordship , which i see to fall to this , that whereas mr. chancellour the last time in my mans hearing , very honourably said , that he would not discontent any in my place , it seems you have no such occasion . but my writing to you now , is to know of you where the stay now is , without being any more beholding to you , to whom indeed no man ought to be beholding in those cases in a right course , and so i bid you farewell . yours , &c. a letter to mr. davies , his majesties attourney in ireland . mr. attourney , i thank you for the letter , and the discourse of this new accident you sent me , as things then appeared , i see manifestly the beginning of better or worse : but me thinks , it is first a tender of the better and worse following . but upon refusall or difficult , i would have been glad to have seen you here ; but i hope occasion reserveth our mee●ing for a vacation . i would have more fruit of conference to requite your proclamation , which in my judgment is wisely and seriously penned , i send you another with us , which happened to be in my hands , when yours came , i would be glad to hear often from you , and be advertized how things passe , whereby to have some occasion to think ●…me good thought , though i can do little , at least it will be a continuance in exercize of friendship , which on my part remaine 〈◊〉 reased by that i hear of your service , and the good respect , i find towards my self . and so i continue , yours , &c. a letter to mr. pierce secretary to the lord deputy of ireland . mr. pierce , i am glad to hear of you as i do and for my part you shall find me ready to take any occasion to further your credit and preferment ; and i dare assure you though i am no undertaker to prepare your way with my lord of salisbury for any good fortune which may befall you , you teach me to comp●a●n of business , whereby i write more briefly , & yet i am so unjust as that which i alleadge for my own excuse , i cannot admit for yours . for i must by expecting , exact your letters with this fru●t of your sufficiency , as to understand ●ow things passe in that kingdome : and therefore , having begun i pray continue . this is not meerly curiosity , for i have ever ( i know not by what instinct ) wished well to that un olished part of this crown , and so with my very loving commendations , i remain . yours , &c. a letter to mr. murrey of the kings bed chamber . mr. murrey , it is very true , that his majesty most graciously at my humble request knighted the last sunday my brother in law , a towardly young gentleman ; for which favour , i think my selfe more ●ound to his majesty , then for the benefit often knights . and to tell you truly , my meaning was not that the suit of this other gentleman mr. temple , should have beene moved in my name . for i should have been unwilling to have moved his majesty for more then one at once , though many times in his majesties courts of justice , if we move once for our friends , we are allowed to move again for our fee . but indeed my purpose was that you might have been pleased to have moved it as for my self . n●verthelesse since it is so far gone , and that the gentlemans friends are in some expectation of successe . i leave it to your kind regard what is further to be done , as wa●ling to give satisfaction to th●se which have put me in trust , and loath on the other side to presse ab●ve good manners . and so with my loving commendations , i remain yours , &c. a letter to my lady pagington , in answer of a message by her sent . madam , you shall with right good will be made acquainted with any thing which concerneth your daughters if you bear a mind of love and concord ; otherwise , you must be content to be a stranger unto us . for i may not be so unwise as to suffer you to be an author or occasion of dissension betweene your daughters and their husbands , having seen so much misery of that kind in your self . and above all things i will turn back your kindnesse , in which you ay you will receive my wife if she be cast off . for it is much more likely we have occasion to receive you being cast off , if you remember what is passed . but it is time to make an end of those follies . and you shall at this time pardon me this one fault of writing to you . for j mean to do it no more till you use me , and respect me as you ought . so wishing you better then it seemeth , you will draw upon your self , i rest yours , &c. a letter to mr. matthews , imprisoned for rel●gion . mr matthews , doe not hink me forgetfull or altered towards you : but if i should say that i should do you any good . i should make my power more then it is . i doe hear that which i am right ●orry for , that you grow more impatient and busie then at first , which maketh me to fear the issue of that , which seemeth not o stand at a stay . i my self am out of doubt , that you have been miserably abused when you were first seduced , and that which i take in compassion , others may take in severity , i pray god that understands us all better then we understand one another continue you , as i hope he will at the least within the bounds of loyalty to his majesty and naturall piety towards your country , and i entreat you much to meditate sometimes upon the extreame effect of supersti●ion in this last powder treason , fit to be tabled and pictured in the tables of meditation as another hell above the ground , and well justifying the censure of the heathen that super●●ition is far worse then atheism , by how much it is lesse evill to have no opinion of god at all , then such as are impious towards his divine majesty and goodnesse . good mr. mathews , receive your self back from these courses of perdition , and being willing to have written a great deale more i continue , yours , &c. sir thomas bodleys letter to sir francis bacon , about his cogita & v●sa , wherein he declareth his opinion freely touching the same . sir , assoon as the term was ended , supposing your leisure was more then before , i was coming to thank you two or three times , rather chusing it by word then by letter , but i was sti●… disappointed of my purpose , as i am at this present upon an urgent occasion , which doth tyme last to fulham , and hath made me now determine to impart my mind in writing . i think you know i have read your cogita & visa , which i protest i have done with great desire , reputing it a token of your singular love , that you joyned me with those your chiefest friends , to whom you would commend your first perusall of your draught . for which , i pray you give me leave to say but this unto you . first , that if the depth of my affection to your person and spirit , to your works and your words , and to all your abilities were as highly to be valued , as your affection is to me , it might w●…k with yours arme in arme , and claim your love by just desert . but there can be no comparison where our states are so uneven , and our means to demonstrate our affections so different ; insomuch as for my own , i must leave it to be prized in the nature that it is , and you shall evermore find it most add●cted to your worth . as touching the subject of your book you have set a foot so many rare and noble speculations , as i cannot chuse but wonder ( and i shall wonder at it ever ) that your expence of time considered in your publike profession , which hath in a manner no acquaintance with any scholarship or learning , you should have culled out the quintessence , and sucked up the sap of the chiefest kind of learning . for howsoever , in some points you do vary altogether from that which is , and hath been ever the received doctrine of our schools , and was alwayes by the wisest , as still they have been deemed of all nations and ages adju●ged the truest , yet it is apparent , that in those very points , and in all your proposals and plots in that book , you shew your self a master-workman . for my self , i must co●…esse and i speak it ingenue , that for the matter of learning i am not worthy to be reckoned in the number of smatterers . and yet because it may seem , that being willing to communicate your treatise with your friends , you are likewise willing to listen to whatsoever i , or othe●…can except against it . i must deliver unto you for my pr●… 〈◊〉 i am one of that crew that say there is and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●…r greater hold-fast of certainty in your scien●… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 your ●…course will seeme to acknowledge . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 you 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ill successe and errours of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 you know as well they do proceed of the 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 ●…e 〈◊〉 ●…d doth obey his physician , in observing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or by mis-in●…tion of their owne indisposi●… . for 〈◊〉 are able in this kind to explicate themselvs , or by reason their disease , are by nature uncurable which is incident you know to many sorts of malladies , or for some other hid cause which cannot be di●covered by course of conjecture , howbeit , j am full of this bel●ese 〈◊〉 as phisick is ministred now a daies by phisitians it is much to be ascribed to their negligence or ignorance or other touch of my imperfection , that they speede no better in their practise , for few are found of that profession so well instructed in their art , as they might by their receipts which their art doth afford , which though it be deffective in regard of such perfection , yet for certain it doth flourish with admirable remedies , such as tract of time heth taught by experientiall events , and are the open high way to that principall knowledge that you recomend . as for alchimy and magick , some conclusions they have , that are worthy the preserving , but all their skill is so accompanied with subtilities , and guils , as both the crafts , & craftmasters are not onely despiseo , but named with derision , whereupon to make good your principall affection me thinks you should have drawne your examples , from that which is taught in the liberall sciences not by picking out cases that happen very seldome , and may by all confession bee subject to reproof , but by controlling the generalls , and grounds , and eminent positions , and aphorismes , which the greatest artists , and philosophers , have from time to time defended . for it goeth for currant amongst all men of learning , that those kind of arts which clerks in times past did term quadra vi nliis , confirm their propositions by infallible demonstrations . and likewise in the trivials , such lessons and directions are delivered unto us , as will effect very near , or as much altogether , as every faculty doth promise , now in case we should concur , to doe as you advise , which is to renounce our common notions , and cancell all our actions , rules , and tenents , and so to come babes , ad regnum naturae , as we are willed by scriptures to come , ad regnum toelorum , there is nothing more certain in my understanding , then that it would instantly bring us to barbarism , and after many thousand years , leave us more unprovided of theoricall furniture , then we are at this present , for that were indeed to become very babes , or tabula rasa , when we shall leave no impression of any former principles , but be driven to begin the world again , and to travell by tryals of action and sense ( which are your proofs by particulars ) what to place in intellectu , for our generall conception , it being a maxime of all mens approving , in intellectu , nihil esse quod non prius fuit in sensu , and so in appearance it would befall us , that till platoes year be come about , our insight of learning would be of lesse reckoning then now it is accounted . as for that which you inculcate , of a knowledge more excellent the now is among us , which experience might produce , if wee would but assay to extract it out of nature by particular approbations , it is no more upon the matter , but to ●…cire us unto that , which without instigation by a naturall instinct men will practise of themselves ; for it cannot in reason be otherwise thought , but that there are infinite members in all parts of the world . for we may not in this case confine our cogitations within the bounds of europe , which embrace the course that you purpose , with all the diligence and care that ability can perform , for every man is born with an appetite of knowledge , wherewith they cannot be so glutted but still as in dropsies they thirst after more . but yet why they should hearken to any such perswasion , as wholly to abolish those set●ed opinions , and generall theores , to which they attained by their own and their ancestots experience , i see nothing yet alleadged to induce me to th●nk it . moreover i may speak as i should suppose with good probabilitie , that if we should make a mentall survey what is like obe effected all the world over those five or sixe inventions which you have selected and imagine to be but of moderne standing , would make but a slender shew amongst so many hundreds of all kinds of natures which are daily brought to light by the enforcement of wit , or casuall event , and may be compared , or partly preferred above those that you have named . but were it so here th●t all were admitted , that you can require for the augmentation of our knowledge , and that all our theorems , and generall positions were utterly extinguished with a new substitution of others in their places , what hope may we have of any benefit of learning by this alteration . assuredly , as soon as the new are brought , with their additions by the inventors and their followers , by an interchangable course of natural things they wilfal by degrees to be buried in oblivion , & so on continuance to perish out right , & that perchanc● upon the ●ike to your present pretences , by proposall of some meanes to advance all our knowledge to an higher pitch of perfectnesse . for still the same defects that antiquity found will recide in mankind . and therefore , other issues of their actions , devices , and studies are not to be expected , then is apparent by records were in former times observed . i remember here a note which paterculus made of the incomparable wits of the gretians and romans in their flourishing state , that there might be this reason of their notable downfall in their issue that came after ; because by nature , quod summo studio petitum esse ascendit in summum difficisque in perfecto mora est : insomuch , that men perceiving that they could go no further , being come to the top , they turned back again of their own accord , so saking these studies hat are most in request , and beraking themselves to new endeavours as if the thing that they sought had been by prevention surprized by others . so it fared in particular with the eloquence of that age , that when their successours found that hardly they could equall , or by no means excell the predecessours they began to neglect the study thereof , and both to write and speak for many hundred years in a rustic●ll manner , till this latter revolution brought the wheele about again , by inflaming gallant spirits to give the onset afresh , with straining and striving to climbe unto the top and height of perfection , not in that gift onely , but in every other skill in any part of learning . for i do not hold it an erroneous conceit to think of every scierce , that as now they are professed , so they have been before in all preced●nt ages , though not alike in all places , nor at all times alike in one and the said place , but according to the changings and ●winings of times , with a more exact and plaine , as with a more rude and obscure kind of teaching , and if the question should be asked , what proof i have of it , i have the doctrine of aristotle , and of the deepest learned clerks , of whom we have any means to take any notice , that as there is of other things , so there is of sciences , ortus & interius , which is also the meaning , if i should expound it of nihil novum sub sole , and is as well to be applyed , ad facta , as ad dicta , ut nihil neque dictum neque factum quod non & dictum , & factum prius . i have further for my warrant that famous complaint of solomon to his son , against the infinite making of books in his time , of which in all congruity it must needs be understood that a great part were observations and instructions in all kind of literature , and of those there is not so much as one petty pamphlet , only some parts of the bible excepted remainig to posterity . as then there was not in like manner any footing to be found of millions of authors that were long before solomon , and yet wee must give credit to that which he affirmed , that whatsoever was then or had been before , it could never be truly pronounced of it . behold this is new . whereupon i must for my conclusion infer , seeing all the endeavours , study , and knowledge of mankind in whatsoever art or science , have ever bin the same , as there are at this paesent , though full of mutabilities according to the changes and accidentall occasions of ages and countries , and clerks dispositions , which can never be but subject to intention and commission , both in their devices , and in their practises of their knowledge , if now we should accord in opinion with you . first , to condemn our present knowledge of doubts and incertitudes , which you confirm but by averment without other force of argument and then to disclaim all our aximes and maximes , and generall assertions that are left by tradition from our elders to us , which ( for so it is to be intended ) have passed all probations of the sharpest wits that ever were . and lastly , to devise , being now become again as it were abecodarii , by the frequent spelling of particulars , to come to the notice of the true generals , and so afresh to create new principles of sciences , the end of all would be that when we shallbe dispossessed of the learning which we have , and our consequent travails , will butly he as in a circle to conduct us to the place from whence we set forward , and bring us to the happinesse to be restored in integrum , which will require as many ages as have marched before us to be perfectly atchieved . and this i wri●e with no dislike of increasing our knowledge with new found devises , which is undoubtably a practise of high commendation , in regard of the benefit they will yeeld for the present ; that the world hath ever been , and will assuredly continue very full of such devisours , whose industry that way hath beene very obstinate and eminent that way , and hath produced strange effects , above the reach , and the hope of mens common capasi●ie , and yet our notions and theorems have alwaies kept in grace both with them , and with the rarest that ever were named among the learned , by this you see to what boidnesse i am brought by your kindnesse , that if i seem to be too sawcy in this contradiction , it is the opinion that i hold of your nobld disposition , and of the freedome in these cases that you will afford your speciall friend that hath induced me to do it , and though i my self like a carriers horse cannot bank the beaten way in which i have be●e trained , yet such is my censure of your cogitata , that i must tell you to be plaine , you have very much wronged your self , and the world , to smother such a treasure so long in your coffer , for though i stand well assured for the tenour and subject , of your maine discourse , you are not able to impannell a substantiall jury in any university that will give upp a verdict to acquite you of errour , yet it cannot be gainsaid , but all your treatise , ever doth abound with choice conceipts of the present state of learning and with so worthy contemplations of the meanes to procure it as may perswade with any student to looke more narrowly to his businesse , not onely by aspiring to the greatest perfection of that which is now a dayes divulged in the sciences , but by diving yet deeper into ( as it were ) the bowel●s , and secrets of nature , and by enforcing of the powers of his judgement , and witt to learn of st. paule consectari meliora dona , which course would to god , ( to whisper so in your ear you had followed at the first , when you fell into the study of such a study , as was not worthy such a student , neverthelesse being so as it is , that you are therein setled , and your country soundly served , i cannot but wish with all my heart , as i do very often that you may gain a fit reward to the fu●l of your deserts , which i hope will come with heapes of happinesse and honour . from fulham , feb. 19. 1607. t. b. post script . sir , one kind of boldnesse doth draw on another , insomuch , as me thinks i should offend not to signifie , that before the transcript of your book be fitted for the presse , it will be requisite for you to cast your eye upon the stile , which in the framing of some periods , and in divers words and phrases , will hardly go current , if the copy brought to me , be just the same that you would publish . sir , clouds of misery darkens so much such as are not in the sun-shine of prosperity , as they prevaile with many good natures , furnished with commendable judgment , to give wrong censures of them . i am one of those that cannot justifie my self so far , as not to be liable to reproof ; yet i am of that rank that cannot stoop to the stroke of every malicious tongue . but in you i have found such abundance of favour , who never knew me , but in my tyde of ebbe , that i must needs leave this with you , as & record to witnesse my shame and reproach , if i be ingratefull for it , so far as either abilities of body , or goods of fortune may extend to perform . and hereunto he sets his hand , that resolves to live and dye , your faithfull friend to serve you , a. b. the characters of a believing christian , in paradoxes , and seeming contradictions . i. achristian is one that believes things his reason 〈◊〉 comprehend , he hopes for things which neither be no●…y man alive ever saw : he labours for that which he know●… he can never obtain , yet in the issue , his beliefe appeares not to be false , his hope makes him not ashamed , his labour is not in vain . ii. he believes three to be one , and one to be three , a father not to be elder then his son , a son to be equall with his father , and one proceeding from both to be equall with both ; he believes three ersons in one nature , and two natures in one person . iii. he beleeves a virgin to be a mother of a sonne , and that very sonne of hers to be her maker . he beleeves him to have been shut up in a narrow room , whom heaven and earth could never contain . he beleeves kim to have been born in time , who was and is from everlasting . he beleeves him to have been a weak child carried in arms , who is the almighty , and him once to have dyed , who onely hath life , and immortality in himself . iv. he beleeves the god of all grace to have been angry with one that have never offended him , and that god that hates sinne to be reconciled to himself , though sinning continually , and never making or being able to make him satisfaction . he beleeves the just god to have punished a most just person , and to have justified himself though a most ungodly sinner , he beleeves him freely pardoned , and yet a sufficient satisfaction was made for him . v. he beleeves himself to be precious in gods sight , and yet loathes himself in his own . he dares not justifie himself even in those things wherein he can find no fault with himself , and yet beleeves god accepts him in those services wherein he is able to find many faults . vi . he praises god for his justice , and feares him for his mercy . he is so ashamed as that he dares not open his mouth before god and yet he comes with boldnesse to god , and askes him any thing he needs . he is so humble as to acknowledge himselfe to deserve nothing ; but evill , and yet beleeves that god meanes him all good . he is one that fears alwayes , yet is as bold as a lyon . he is often sorrowfull , yet alwaies rejoycing , many times complaining , yet alwaies giving of thanks , he is the most lowly minded , yet the greatest inspirer , most contented , yet ever craving . vii . he beares a lofty , spirit in a mean condition , when he is ablest he thinks meanest of himself . he is rich in youth , and poore in the midst of riches . he beleeves all the world to be his , yet he dares take nothing without speciall leave from god , he covenants with god for nothing , yet lookes for a great reward , he looseth his life and gaines by it , and whilst he looseth it , he saveth it . viii . he lives not to himselfe , yet of all others , he is most wise for himselfe , he denieth himselfe often , yet no man loveth himselfe so well as he . he is most reproached , yet most honoured . he hath most afflictions , and most comforts . ix . the more injury his enemies do him , the more advantage he gaines by them . the more he forsakes worldly things , the more he enjoies them . x. he is the most temperate of all men , yet fares most deliciously , he lends , and gives most freely , yet he is the greatest usurer , he is meek towards all men , yet inexorable by men , he is the best child , husband , brother , friend , yet hates father , and mother , brother , and sister . he loves all men as himselfe , yet hates some men with a perfect hatred . xi . he desires to have more grace then any man hath in the world , yet is truly sorrowfull when he seeth any man have lesse then himselfe , he knoweth no man after the flesh yet gives all men their due respects , he knoweth if he please man he cannot be the servant of christ , yet for christ his sake he pleaseth all men in all things . he is a peace maker , yet is continually fighting , and an irreconcilable enemy . xii . he beleeves him to be worse then an infidell that provides not for his family , yet himself lives , and dles without care . he accounts all his inferiours , yet stand ; stifly upon authority . he is severe to his children , because he loveth them , and by being favourable unto his enemy , he revengeth himself upon him . xiii . he beleeves the angells to be more excellent creatures then himselfe , and yet counts them his servants . he beleeves that he receives many good turns by their meanes , and yet he neither praies for their assistance , nor offers them thanks , which he doth not disdain to do to the meanest christian . xiv . he beleeves himselfe to be a king how mean soever he be . how great soever he be , he thinkes himself not to good to be a servant to the poorest saint . xv . he is often in prison yet allwaies at liberty . a freeman though a servant . he loves not honour amongst men , yet highly priseth a good name . xvi . he beleeves that god hath bidden every man that doth him good , to do , so he yet of any man is the most thankfull to them that do ought for him , he would lay down his life to save the soule of his enemy , yet will not adventure upon one sinne to save the life of him who saved his . xvii . he swears to his own hinderance , and changeth not , yet knoweth that his oath cannot tie him to sinne . xviii . he beleeves christ to have no need of any thing hee doth , yet maketh account he doth relieve christ in all his acts of charity . he knoweth he can do nothing of himself , yet labours to work out his own salvation , he confesseth hee can do nothing , yet as truly professeth he can do all things , he knoweth that flesh , and blood cannot inherit the kingdome of god , yet beeleeveth he shall go to heaven both body , ond soule . xix . he trembles ar gods word , yet counts it sweeter to him then hony , and the hony-gombe and dearer then thousands of gold , and silver . xx . he beleeves that god will never dame him , and yet fears god for being able to cast him into hell . he knoweth he shall not be saved by nor for his good workes , yet he doth all the good workes he can . xxi . he knoweth gods providence is one all things , yet is so diligent in his calling , and businesse , as if he were to cut out the threed of his fortunes . he beleeves before hand that god hath purposed what he shall be , and nothing can make him to alter his purpose , yet praies and endeavours , as if he would force god to save him for ever . xxii . hee praies and labours for that which he is confident god meanes to give , and the more assured he is , the more earnest he praies , for that he knows he shall never obtain , and yet gives not over . he praies , and labours for that which he knowes he shall be no lesse happie , without he praies with all his heart not to be lead into temptation , yet rejoiceth when he is fallen into it , he beleevs his praiers are heard even when they are denied , & gives thanks for that which he praies against . xxiii . he hath within him both flesh , and spirit , yet he is not a double minded man , he is often ledd captive by the law of sinne , yet it never gets domminion over him , he cannot sinne , yet can do nothing without sinne . hee can do nothing against his will , yet maintains he doth what he would not . he wavers and doubteth , yet obtains . xxiv . he is some times so troubled , that he thinks nothing to be true in religion ; yet if he did think so , he could not at all be troubled , he thinks sometimes that god hath no mercy for him , yet resolves to dye in the pursuit of it . he believes like abraham against hope , and though he cannot answer gods logick , yet with the woman of canaan , hee hopes to prevail with the rhetorick of importunity . xxv . he wrastles and yet prevailes , and though yeelding himself unworthy of the least blessing he enjoyes , yet jacob like , he will not let him go without a new blessing . he some times thinks himselfe to have no grace at all , and yet how poor and afflicted soever he be besides , he would not change conditions with the most prosperous man under heaven , that is a manifest worldling . xxvi . he thinkes sometimes that the ordinance of god doe him no good , yet he would rather part with his life , then be deprived of them . xxvii . he was born dead , yet so that it had been murther in any to have taken his life away . after he began to live , he was ever dying . xxviii . and though hee hath an eternall life begun in him , yet hee makes account he hath a death to passe through . xxix . he counts self murther a hainour sinne , yet is ever busied in crucifying the flesh and in putting to death his earthly members , not doubting , but there will come a time of glory where he shall be esteemed precious in the sight of the great god of heaven and earth , appearing with boldnesse at his throne , and asking any thing he needs , being endued with humility , by acknowledging his great crimes and offences , and that he deserveth nothing but severe punishment . xxx . he believes his soul and body shall be as full of glory , as them that have more , and no more full , then theirs that have lesse . xxxi . he lives invisible to those that see him , and those that know him best do but guesse at him ; yet those many times judge more truly of hm then he doth of himself . xxxii . the world will sometimes account him a saint , when god accounted him a hypocrite , and afterwards when the world branded him for an hypocrite , then god owned him for a saint . xxxiii . his death makes not an end of him . his soule which was put into his body , is not to be perfected without his body ; yet his soul is more happy , when it is separated from his body , then when it was joyned unto it . and his body though torn in pieces , burnt in ashes , ground to powder , turned to rottennesse , shall be no loser . xxxiv . his advocate , his surety shall be his judge ; his mortall part shall become immortall , and what was sowne in cor●…ption , shall be raised in incorruption and glory , and a finite creature , shall possesse an infinite happinesse . a confession of the faith , written by sir francis bacon , knight , viscount of st. alban , about the time he was sollicitour generall to our late soverign lord king james . i believe , that nothing is without beginning , but god , nor nature no matter , no spirit , but one only , and the same god , that god as he is eternall , almighty , only wise , only god in his nature : so he is eternally father , sonne , and holy spirit in persons . i believe , that god is so holy , pure , realous , that it is impossible for him to be pleased in any creature ( though the work of his own hand ) so that neither angel , man nor world , could stand , or can stand one moment in his eyes , without beholding the same in the face of a mediator . and therefore , that before him , with whom all things are present , the lambe of god was slain before all worlds , without which eternal councel of his , it was impossible for him to have descended to any work of creation , but should have enjoyed the blessed and individuall society of three persons in god , head only for ever ; but that out of his eternall and infinite goodnesse and love ( purposing to become a creator , and to communicate with his creatures he ordained in his eternall councell , that one person of the god head should in time be united to one nature , and to one particular of his creatures , that so in the person of the mediator ; the true sadder might be fixed , whereby god might descend to his creatures ; and the creatures might ascend to god : so that by the reconciliation of the mediatour , turning his countenance towards his creatures ( though not in the same degree ) made way unto the disposition of his most holy , and sacred will whereby some of his creatures might stand and keep their state , others might fall , and be restored into their state , but yet remaine in being , though under wrath and corruption , all in the vertue of the mediator , which is the great mystery and perfect centry of all gods ways with his creatures , & unto which all his other works and wonders , do but serve and refer . that he chose ( according to his good pleasure ) man to be that creature , to whose nature the eternal son of god should be united , and among the generations of men elected a small flock , to whom the participation of himself , he purposed to expresse the riches of his glory . all the ministration of angels , damnation of divels and reprobats , and universall administration of all creatures , and dispensation of all times have no other end ; but as the wayes and ambages of god , to be furthet glorified of his saints , who are one with the mediator , who is one with god . that by vertue of his eternall councel ( touching a mediator ) he descendeth at his own good pleasure , and according to times & seasons to himself known , to become a creator ) and by his eternall word created all things , and by his eternall spirit doth comfort and preserve them . that he made all things in their first estate good , and removed from himself the begining of all evill and vanity , unto the liberty of the creature ; but reserved in himself the begining of all restistitution , and the liberty of his grace using ( neverthelesse ) and turning the falling and desention of the creature , which to his presciens was eternally known to make way to his eternall councell , touching a mediator and the work , he purposed to accomplish in him . that god created spirits , whereof some kept their standing , and others fell . he created heaven and earth , and all their armies and generations , and gave unto them constant and everlasting laws , which we call nature , which is nothing else but the laws of creation ; which laws ( neverthelesse ) have had three changes or times , and are to have a fourth and last . 1. the first , when the matter of heaven and earth was created without formes . 2. the second , the interim of every dayes work . 3. the third , by the curse , which notwithstanding was no new creation , but a privation of part of the first creature . and the last end of the world , the manner where of is not yet revealed . so as the lawes of nature which now remaine and govern inviolably till the end of the world begin to be in force when god first rested from his works , and ceased to create . but received a revocation ( in part ) by the curse , since which timey the changed not . that , notwithstanding god hath rested , and ceased from creating since the first sabboth , yet neverthelesse he doth accomplish and fullfill his divine will in all things great , and small , singular , and generall , as fully and exactly by providence , as he would by miracle , & new creation , though his worke be not immediate , & direct , but by compasse , not violating nature which is his owne law upon his creatures . that as at the first the soule of man was not produced by heaven or earth but was breathed immediatly from god : so that the wayes and proceedings from god with spirits are not concluded in nature , that is in the lawes of heaven and earth , but are reserved to the law of his secret will , and grace wherein god worketh still , and resteth not from the work of creation , but continnueth working till the end of the world , what time that worke also shall be accomplished , and an eternall sabboth shall ensue . likewise that whensoever god doth break the law of nature by miracles ( which are ever new creatures ) he never cometh to that point or passe , but in regard of the worke of redemption which is the greater , and whereunto all gods saints and martirs do referre . that god created man in his owne likenesse or image in a reasonable soule , in innocency , in free-will , in soveraignty that he gave him a law and commandement which was in his power to keep , but he kept it not . that man made a totall defection from god , presuming to imagine , that the commandement and pro●i●ition of god were not the rules of good and evill , but that good and evill had their principles and beginnings , to the end , to depend no more upon gods will revealed , but upon him and his own light as a god , then the which , there would not be a sinne more opposite to the whole law of god . that ( neverthelesse ) this great sinne was not originally moved by the malice of man , but was intimated by the suggestion and instigation of the divell who was the first defected creature , who did fall of malice and not by temptation that upon the fall of man death and vanity upon the justice of god , and the image of god was defaced , and heaven , and earth which was made for mans use were subdued and corrupted by his fall . but then that instant and without intermission of time after the words of gods law became through the fall of man frustrate , as to obedience there succeeded the greater word of the promise , the righteousnesse of god might be wrought by faith . that aswell the law of god as the word of his promise enduce the same for ever , but that they have been revealed in severall manners according to the dispensation of times for the law was first imprinted in that remnant of light of nature which was left after the fall being sufficient to accuse , then it was more manifestly expressed in the written law , & was yet more opened to the prophets , & lastly expounded in the true perfection of the sonne of god the great prophet , and interpreter of the law . that likewise the word of the promise was manifested & revealed . first by the immediate revelation & inspiration after the figures which were of two natures . the one , of the rites and ceremonies of the law ; the other continuall history of the old world , & church of the jews , which though it be literall , is true ; yet it is pregnant of a perpetuall allegory and shadow of the work of redemption , to follow the same promise or evangell , was more cleerly revealed and declared by the prophets , and then by the son himself . and lastly , by the holy ghost which illuminateth the church to the end of the world . that in the fulnesse of time , according to the promise and oath of god , of a chosen image descended the blessed seed of the woman , jesus christ the only begotten son of god , and savior of the word , who was conceived by the holy ghost , and took flesh of the virgin mary . that the word did not only take flesh , or was joyned to flesh , but was flesh , though without confusion of substance or nature : so as the eternal son of god , and the ever blessed son of man was one person : so one , as the blessed virgin may be truly and catholikely called dei para the mother of god . so one as there is unity in universal nature . not that the soul and body of man so perfect , for the three heavenly unities ( whereof that as the second ) exceed all natural unities ; that is to say , the unity of god and man in christ and the church , the holy ghost being the worker of both these latter unities . for by the holy ghoct was christ incarnate & quickned in the flesh , and by the holy ghost is man regenerate and quickned in the spirit . that jesus the lord became in the flesh a sacrifice for sin , a satisfaction and price to the justice of god , a meritour of glory and the kingdom , a pattern of all righteousnesse , a preacher of the word which himself was , a finisher of the ceremonies , a corner stone to remove the sepa●ation between jew and gentile , an intercessour for the church , a lord of nature , a conqueror of death , and the power of darknesse in his resurrection . and that he fulfilled the whole councell of god , performed his whole sacred office , and annointing in earth , accomplished the whole work of redemption , and restitution of man , to a state superiour to the angels , whereas the state of his creation was inferiour , and reconciled and established all things , according to the eternall will of the father . that in time jesus the lord was born in the days of herod , and suffered under the government of pontius pilat , being deputy of the romans , and under the high priesthood of caiphas and was betrayed by judas , one of the 12. apostles , and was crucified at jerusalem , and after a true and natural death , and his body laid in the sepulchre , the third day he raised himself from the bonds of death , and arose , and shewed himself to many chosen witnesses by the space of many days . and at the end of those days , in the sight of many ascended into heaven , where he continueth his intercession , and shal from thence at a day appointed , come in great glory to judge the world . that the sufferings and merit of christ , as they are sufficient to do away the sins of the whole world , so they are only effectuall to such as are regenerate by the holy ghost , who breaketh where he will of free grace ( which grace as a seed incorruptible ) quickneth the spirit of man , and conceiveth him a new the son of god , and a member of christ . so that christ having mans flesh , and man having christs spirit there is an open passage and mutual imputation whereby sinne & wrath is conveyed to christ from man , and merit and life is conveyed to man from christ , which seed of the holy ghost , first figureth in us the image of christ , slain or crucified in a lively faith , and then reigneth in us the image of god , in holinesse and charity , though both imperfectly and in degrees far differing , even in gods elect , aswel in regard of the fire of the spirit , as of the illumination , which is more or lesse in a large proportion ; as namely in the church before christ , which yet neverthelesse was partakers of one and the same salvation , and one and the same means of salvation with us . that the work of the spirit , though it be not tyed to any means in heaven or earth , yet it is ordinarily dispensed by the preaching of the word , the administration of the sacraments , the covenants of the fathers upon the children , prayer , reading , the censures of the church , the society of the godly , the crosses and afflictions , gods benefits , his judgments upon others , miracles , the contemplation of his creatures . all which things , some be more principall . god usethas the meanes of vocation or conversion of his elect not derogating power to call immediately by his grace , & at all hours & moments of the day ( that is ) of mans life according to his good pleasure . that the word of god whereby this will is revealed continued in revelation & tradition untill moses & that the scriptures were from moses time , to the times of the apostles & evangelicts in whose ages after the comming of the holy ghost the teacher of all truth the booke of the scriptures is shut and closed up , to receive any new addition , and that the church hath no power over the scriptures to teach or command any thing contrary to the written word , but is as the ark , wherein the tables of the first testament were kept and preferred ( that is to say ) the church hath onely the custody , and delivery of the scriptures committed unto the same together with the interpretation of them . that there is an vniversall or catholique church of god dispersed over the face of the earth , which christs spouse and christs body being gathered of the fathers of the old world of the church of the jewes , of the spirits , of the faithfull , dissolved of the spirits of the faithfull militant , and of the names yet to be born , which are already written in the book of life . that there is a visible church distinguished by the outward works of god servant , and the receiving of the holy doctrine , with the use of the misteries of god , and the invocation and sanctification of his holy name . that there is also a holy succession of the ' prophets of the new . testamen , and fathers of the church from the time of the apostles and disciples which saw our saviour in the flesh unto the consumation of the work of the ministery , which persons are called of god , by guift or inward annointing and the vocation of god followed by an outward calling or ordination of the church . i believe that the soules of those that dy in the lord are blessed and rest from their labour and enjoy the sight of god , yet so as they are in expectation of the further revelation of their glory in the last day . at which time , all flesh of man shall arise and be changed and shall appeare and receive from iesus christ his eternall judgement , and the glory of the saints shall then be full and the kingdome shall be give , to god the father from which time all things shall continue for ever in that being and estate which then they shall receive : so as there are three times ( if times they may be called ) or parts of eternity . the first , the time before beginning , when the god-head was only without the being of any creature . the second , the time of mystery , which continueth from the cretion to the dissolution of the world . the third , the time of the revelation of the sons of god , which time is the last , and is without change . a prayer made and used by the late lord chancellour . oeternall god and most mercifull father in iesus christ , in whom thou hast made . let the words of our mouths , and the meditations of our hearts be now and ever gracious in thy sight , and acceptable unto thee o lord , our god , our strength , and our redeemer . oeternall god , and most mercifull father in jesus christ ; in whom thou hast made a covenant of grace and mercy with all those that come unto thee in him , in his name and mediation we humbly prostrate our selvs before thy throne of thy mercies seat acknowledging that by the breach of all thy holy lawes and commandements we are become wild olive branches , strangers to thy covenant of grace , wee have defaced in our selvs thy sacred image imprinted in us by creation ; wee have sinned against heaven and before thee , and are no more worthy to be called thy children , o admit us into the place even of hired servants . lord thou hast formed us in our mothers wombs , thy providence hath hitherto watched over us and preserved us unto this period of time o stay not the course of thy mercies and loving kindnesse towards us ; have mercy upon us o lord for thy dear sonne christ jesus sake , who is the way , the truth , and the life . in him o lord we appe●l from thy justice to thy mercy , beseeching thee in his name , & for his sake only thou wilt be graciously pleased freely to pardon , and forgive us all our sins and disobedience , whether in thought , word , or deed committed against thy divine majesty ; and in his precious bloud-shedding , death , and perfect obedience , free us from the guilt , the stain , the punishment and dominion of all our sins , & cloath us with his perfect righteousnesse ; there is mercy with thee o lord that thou mayst be feared : yea , thy mercies swallow up the greatnesse of our sins , speak peace to our souls and consciences , make us happy in the free remission of all our sins and be reconciled to thy poor servants in jesus christ , in whom thou art well pleased : suffer not the works of thine own hands to perish , thou art not delighted in the death of sinners , bat in their conversion . turn our hearts , and weshall be turned , convert us and we shall be converted ; illuminate ▪ the eyes of our mindes and understanding with the bright beames of thy holy spirit , that wee may dayly grow in the saving knowledge of the heavenly mystery of our redempsion , wrought by our dear lord and saviour jesus christ , sanctifie our wils and affection by the same spirit , the most sacred fountain of all grace and goodnesse , reduce them to the obedience of thy most holy will in the practise of all piety toward thee , and charity towards all men . inflame our hearts with thy love , cast forth of them what displeaseth thee , all infidelity , hardnes of heart , prophanenesse , hypocrisie , contempt of thy holy word and ordinances all uncleannesse , and whatsoever advanceth it self in opposition to thy holy will . and grant that hencefor●h , through thy grace we may be inabled to lead a godly , holy sober , and christian life in true sincerity and uprightnesse of heart before thee . to this end , plant thy holy feare in our hearts , grant that it may never depart from before our eyes , but continually guide our feet in the paths of thy righteousnesse , and in the ways of thy commandements , increase our weak ●aith , grant it may dayly bring forth the true fruits of unfeigned repentance , that by the power of the death of our lord and saviour jesus christ , we may dayly dy unto sin , and by the power of his resurrection , wee may be quickned , and raised up to newnesse of life , may be truly born a new , and may be effectually made partakers of the first resurrection , that then the second deach may never have dominion over us . teach us o lord so to number our days , that wee may apply our hearts unto wisdome ; make us ever mindfull of our last end , and continually ●o exercise the knowledge of grace in our hear●s , that in the said divorce of soul and body we may be translated here to that kingdom of glory prepared for all those that love thee , and shal trust in thee , even then and ever , o lord let thy holy angels pitch their ●ents round about us , to guard and defend us from all the malice of sathan , and from all perils bo●h of soule and body , pardon all our unthankfulnesse , make us dayly more and more thankful for all thy mercies and benefits dayly powred down upon us . let these our humble prayers ascend to the throne of grace , and be granted not only for these mercies , but for whatsoever else thy wisdome knows needfull for us , and for all those that are in need , misery , and distresse , whom lord thou hast afflicted either in soul or body , grant them patience and perseverence in the end , and to the end . and that o lord not for any merits of thy son , and our alone saviour christ jesus ; to whom with thee , and the holy spirit , be ascribed all glory , &c. amen . imprimatur . ja: cranford . errata . page 2. line 21. for ●ege read regall , p. 7. l. 9. for my r. suit , p. 10. l. 23. so wast r. wast , p. 12. l. 7. for is ready , r. is not ready . p. 14. for my r. any , ibid● 28. for not r. but , p. 21. l. 17. for that part r. in that part , p. 28. l. 8. for worst r ▪ wast , p. 31 l. 8. for as no , r. as a new , ibid l. 20 , for upon the r. upon your , p. 32. l. 11. for moved to think r. moved so to think , p. 35. l. 7. for here r. there , p. 36. l. 3. read as to pretend not only a desensive war as in times past , but a whole reconquest , ibid l. 10. for respect , r. therespe●● , p. 48. l. 8 for verosity r. vivacity , p. 73. l. 27. for was good , r. not good . the reader will also meet with some stight errours , as purpose for propose , remission for commission , and such like . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a28370e-1580 1. custome . 2. wisdome . 3. iustice . 4. rule against it , the historie of life and death with observations naturall and experimentall for the prolonging of life. written by the right honorable francis lord verulam, viscount s. alban. historia vitae et mortis. english bacon, francis, 1561-1626. 1638 approx. 231 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 168 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a01446 stc 1157 estc s100504 99836343 99836343 608 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a01446) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 608) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 619:02) the historie of life and death with observations naturall and experimentall for the prolonging of life. written by the right honorable francis lord verulam, viscount s. alban. historia vitae et mortis. english bacon, francis, 1561-1626. bacon, francis, 1561-1626. instauratio magna. [14], 323, [1] p. printed by i. okes, for humphrey mosley, at the princes armes in pauls church-yard, london : 1638. anonymous translation of "historia vitae et mortis". the foreword to the edition printed later the same year by john haviland calls this translation "lame, and defective, in the whole". the second section of part 3 of bacon's projected "instauration magna". with an initial imprimatur leaf and an additional title page, engraved. reproduciton of the original in cambridge university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded 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available at the text creation partnership web site . eng life (biology) -early works to 1800. longevity -early works to 1800. death (biology) -early works to 1800. 2000-00 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2001-08 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2001-09 tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread 2001-10 tcp staff (michigan) text and markup reviewed and edited 2001-11 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the historie of life and death . with observations naturall and experimentall for the prolonging of life . written by the right honorable francis lord verulam , viscount s. alban . london : printed by i. okes , for humphrey mosley , at the princes armes in pauls church-yard . 1638. academiae cantabrigiensis liber . to the right worshipfull sr. edward mosley knight , his majesties atturny general of the dutchey of lancaster , &c. sir , the honourable author of this history was such a miracle of learning , that fancy striving to comprehend his worth , would be lost in wonder and amazement : this work of his retaining an affection to grayes-inne , where the author is , and shall bee remembred by the living and posterity , hath an originall ambition , before it walk abroad into the world , to visit your worship , being a worthy ornament of that society ; that so your respective entertainment may instruct the envious and ignorant tribe , to reverence , rather than udge honorable personages and their labours . it will become mee onely to waite on the imaginations of so great a genius , and while they converse with you in a nearer distance , to acknowledge that your worships name dignified with deserved titles , the seales of vertue , agreeing with mine only in denomination , made mee presume of your favour in accepting them , and my intention full of service viceable respects , hoping that verbum sat , &c. a word will bee sufficient to present this oblation , and the humble service of your worships honourer , humphrey mosley . to the living and posterity . the history of life and death , being the last of sixe monethly designations , seemed worthy to bee preferred to bee the second in publication , because the least losse of time , in a matter of so great utility , should bee , pretious , for wee hope , and desire that it may redound to the good of many ; and that noble physitians raising their minds , may not be wholly imployd in uncleane cures , nor honoured only for necessity , but become also the stewards of divine omnipotency and clemency , in prolonging and renewing the life of man , especially since it may be done by safe , convenient , civill , but untryed new waies and meanes : for while 〈◊〉 christians aspire and labour to come to the land of promise ; it will be a signe of divine favour , if our shoos and the garments of our frail bodies , be here little worne in our iourney in the worlds wildernesse . the history of life and death . the accesse . ancient is the saying and complaint , that life is short , and art long . therefore our labours intending to perfect arts , should by the assistance of the author of truth and life , consider by what meanes the life of man may be prolonged . for long life being an increasing heape of sinnes and sorrowes lightly esteemed of christians aspiring to heaven , should not be dispised , because it affoords longer opportunity of doing good workes . moreover amatus survived the other disciples , and many fathers , especially many holy monkes and hermites , lived very long , whereby it seemes that this blessing of long life ( so often repeated in the law ) was after our saviours time lesse diminished then other earthly benedictions . but the happinesse of long life is naturally desired , although the meanes to attaine it , through false opinions and vaine reports be hard to find , the generall opinion of physitians concerning radicall mosture , and natural heat being deceiveable , and the immoderate praise of chymicall medicines possessing others with failing hopes . that which admits reparation , remayning whole and sound in essence , may be eternally preserved , as the vestall fire , whereupon physitians and phylosophers perceiving that the bodies of living creatures being nourished , repaired , and refreshed , grew old afterward , and speedily perished , they sought death in an irreparable subject , supposing radicall moysture incapable of solid reparation , from infancy there being no just reparation , but an unlike addition , sensibly by age decayed , and at last corrupted , and dissolved . this conceit of theirs was ignorant and vaine , for young living creatures being all over and wholly repaired , do by their increasing in quantity , and growing better in quality , shew that if the measure and manner of repairing decayed not , the matter of repairing might be eternall . but the 〈◊〉 in repairing proceeds from the unequall repairing of some parts sufficiently , others hardly and badly in age , the bodies of men beginning thereby to undergoe mezentius torment , living in the embraces of the dead untill they dye , and being easily repairable , yet through some particular difficulty in restoring , doe decay . for spirits , blood , flesh , and fatnesse , are in the declining estate of age easily repaired ; but there is much difficulty and danger in repairing the dry parts , and fuller of pores , as membranes , tunicles , nerves , arteries , veines , gristles , most of the bowels , and all the organicall and instrumentall parts . for when those parts that should performe their office to other actually reparable parts , cannot , being decayed in strength , execute their office , a generall ruine follows , and parts naturally restoreable , through defective organs of reparation , doe decrease and decay . for the spirit , like a light flame , continually feeds on bodies , and the ayre without conspiring therewith , doth suck and dry the fabrick and instruments of the body , which are thereby decayed , and made unfit to performe the office of repairing . and these are the true wayes whereby natur all death approacheth , deserving due consideration : for how can natures course , if unknowne , bee helped or prevented ? therefore the meanes whereby the consumption , or decay of mans body may be prevented , and the repairing and restoring thereof furthered , are most precious , and worth knowing . the spirits and ayre without are the chiefe causes of consumption , and the generall progresse of nourishment is the cause of restoration . for the spirit within and the ayre without doe worke on dead bodies , striving also to produce in living bodies the same effects , though weakened and restrayned by the vitall spirits , and partly by them increased . for bodies without life doe a long while subsist and endure without reparation : but the life of creatures without due nourishment and reparation suddenly decayes , and is extinguished like fire . therefore a two-fold search is required , considering mans body as livelesse and unnourished ; and as living , and nourished . so much for the preface , proceeding now to the topicks , or common-places of the search . particular places : or , poynts of inquiry concerning life and death . 1. of nature durable , and lesse durable , in liveles bodies , and in vegetables , no copious or legall , but a summary briefe inquiry is made . 2. of the drinesse , withering , and consumption of livelesse bodiesand vegetables , of their manner and progresse in working , and also of hindring and staying of drying , withering , and consumption , and the preservation of the state of bodies ; and also of mollifying , softning , and reviving , beginning to be affected with drinesse , make diligent inquiry . 3. yet no perfect exact inquiry is needfull concerning these poynts , included under their proper title of duration and continuance , beeing not principall matters in this inquiry : but such as doe onely affoord light to prolonging and restoring of life , in living creatures , subiect ( as is aforesayd ) to the same accidents butin a peculiar manner . afterward the inquiry proceedes from livelesse creatures , and vegetables , unto living creatures , and man. 4. of long liv'd , and shortliv'd living creatures , with the due circumstances , causing their long lives , enquire . but the dureablenesse of bodies being two-fold , one in identity or being , the other in repayring of vegetables and living creatures , perfected by nourishment , therefore concerning nourishment and the wayes and progresse thereof , enquire in the title of digestion and nourishment , where they are particularly handled . the inquiry proceeds from living creatures to man , the principall subject , whereof a more exact and perfect inquiry is needfull . 5. of the long life of men , in respect of the ages of the world , countries , climates , places of birth , and dwelling , 6. of the length and shortnesse of life in men , in regard of their stocke and kindred , and in respect of severall complexions , constitutions , shapes and statures of the body , measure , and space of growth , and the making and proportion of the limbes , inquire . 7. the long and short life of men is shewed by no astrologicall inquiry , but by common and evident observations drawne from births in the seaventh , eight , ninth , and tenth moneth , by night or day , and in what moneth of the yeare . 8. how mans life is lengthned and shortned , by sustenance , dyet , government of life , exercise , and the like , and by ayre , shewed in the aforesayd poynt of dwelling places . 9. how studdies , kind of life , affections of the soule , and divers accidents doe shorten and lengthen the life of man. 10. of medicines prolonging life . 11. the signes of a long and short life , not denoting ensuing death , ( which belong to physicall history ) but being in health apparent , are observable by the physiognomy , and such others . to the inartificiall inquiry of length and shortnesse of life , is added an artificiall inquiry , by ten practicall intentions , being of three sorts , and intending to stay consumption , to repaire and renew age. 12. preservatiues against drinesse and consumption , and to keep the body from drying and consuming . 13. of nourishment and digestion , being repairers of the body , and how to improove and make them good . 14. how to repaire and renew age , and to soften and moisten hardnesse and drynesse . 15. and because the way of death without knowing the seate , house , and den of death is hard to be knowne , therefore these kinds of death are declared , which want and necessity , whence consumption of age proceeds , not violence doe procure . 16. of the drawing neare of death , and the necessary not violent causes thereof . 17. lastly , the lively character of age describing the different state of the body in youth and age , by their necessary effects and defects . 18. of the different state of the body , and abillities in youth , and in age remayning undecayed . natvre durable . the history . mettals are very durable , and continue beyond al observation , age and rust , not perspiration making them decay , but not gold. 2. quick silver beeing a moyst and soft substance , is easily rarified by the fire , but without fire doth neither decay by age nor gather rust. 3. the harder sort of stones , and many minerals , though exposed in the open ayre , are very durable , much more lying in the earth . stones gather a kind of solder insteed of rust , but pearles and christall , though their clearenesse decay through age are more durable then mettals . stones on the northside of pyramids , churches , and other buildings , do sooner than on the south-side decay and consume ; but iron , as appeares by iron bars of windows , doth on the south-side sooner than the north-side beginne to rust . for in all putrefaction ( as rust ) moisture haftens dissolution , and drinesse withering . 5. the stocks and bodies of hard trees being feld , and hew'd into timber , or framed into wooden workes , doe last divers ages , yet their bodies differ ; some being hollow , as the elder-tree ; outwardly hard , but having a soft pith in the middle . but of solid trees , such as the oke , the inward part ( called the heart of the oke ) is hardest . 6. the leaves and stalkes of plants and flowers continue not long , but doe either dissolve into dust , or rot : roots are more durable . 7. bones of living creatures last long , as appeares by dead bones lying in charnell-houses . hornes also are very durable , and teeth , as ivory , and sea-horse teeth . 8. hides also and skinnes endure long , as it is evident by ancient parchment-bookes : paper also will last many ages , though not as long as parchment . 9. glasse and burned bricks , also roasted flesh and fruites last longer than raw , because the roasting prevents putrefaction ; and by evacuating and venting the watry humour , doth longer preserve the oyly humour . 10. water is soonest devoured and dryed by the ayre , oyle on the contrary , doth slowly evaporate , which in liquors and mixtures may bee discerned . for paper wetted with water is at first transparent , but afterward waxeth white and cleare againe , loosing that former transparentnesse , the vapour of the water being exhaled : but paper ; dipped in oyle , is a long while transparent , the oyle being not exhaled : so that writings , by laying on them an oyled paper , and carefully drawing the letters discerned through the paper , may be counterfeited . 11. all gummes are very durable , and also waxe and honey . 12. other accidents also , as well as their owne nature , doe make bodies endure , or decay . for wood and stones lying continually in the water , or ayre , endure longer than if they were sometimes wet and over-flowed ; and stones placed in buildings north or south , as they lye in the mynes are more durable ; and plantslive longer being removed and transplanted . greater observations . 1. it is a certaine position , that all bodies which may bee touched , have a spirit with tangible parts , covered and 〈◊〉 being the originall cause of dissolution and consumption , prevented by detaining of the spirit . 2. the spirit is detained , either violently when it is thrust together , and confin'd ; or voluntarily , the spirits being slack , and unactive in motion , and the ayre doth not urge it to vent and issue forth : for hardnesse and oylinesse being durable qualities , doe binde , supple , and feed the spirit , and keepe it from the corruption of the ayre , which is in substance like unto water , as flame to oyle . and so much of the durablenesse and dissolution of inanimate bodies . the historie . cold hearbs with their roots and stalkes doe every yeere spring , and dye ; as lettice , purslane , wheate , and all kind of corne : yet the colder sort of hearbs endure three or foure yeeres , as the violet , strawberry , burnet , primrose , and sorrell : but borage and buglosse are short liv'd ; borage living a yeere , buglosse above a yeere . 14. hot hearbs beare their age and yeeres better , as hysop , thyme , savory , marioram , balm , mint , worme-wood , germander , sage , &c. fennell , after the 〈◊〉 is dead , buddeth forth againe from the roote : but pulse and sweet marjoram can better endure age than winter , and will live and flourish being set 〈◊〉 a warm place , and defenced from cold . for a knot of hyssop 〈◊〉 usuall ornament of gardens , being twice clipped yeerely , 〈◊〉 continued forty yeares . 15. bushes and shrubs live three score yeeres , and some double 〈◊〉 much . a vine of sixty yeeres old is fruitfull in age : rosemary well set and planed , lives sixty yeeres : but beares-foote and ivy endure ●bove an hundred yeeres . the age of the respasse is not discerned , because the head thereof bending to the earth , gets new roots hard to be perceived from the old . 16. the oldest great trees are , the oke , the holme , wild ashe , elme , beech , chesnue , plane-tree , fig-tree , lote-tree , wild olive , olive , palme , and mulberry , some whereof live 800 yeeres , and the rest 100. 17. the wood of sweet rozen trees is more durable than themselves are in age ; also the cypresse , maple , pine , box , and juniper , live not so long as the former trees , but the tall cedar is as long-liv'd . 18. the ash forward in bearing fruite , reacheth to 100 yeeres of age , or more ; and also the cane , maple , and servis-tree . but the poplar , linden , willow , sycomore , and walnut-tree live not so long . 19. the apple-tree , peare-tree , plumme-tree , pomegranate , orange , and cytron , medler , dog-tree , and cherry-tree , being cleared from mosse , may live fifty or threescore yeeres . 20. great trees are generally long-liv'd , and of a hard substance ; mast-trees and nut-trees live longer than fruite-trees , and berry-trees : and trees whose leaves doe slowly come forth , and fall off , continue longer than trees more forward in producing fruite and leaves : also wild forrest-trees live longer than orchard trees , and sharpe fruit-trees than sweete fruite-trees . the greater observation . 3. a ristotle well observed the difference between plants and living creatures , in respect of nourishment and repairing ; namely , that the body of living creatures is confined within certaine bounds , and comming to a due proportion , is continued and preserved by nourishment : nothing that is new growing forth , except haire and nailes , accounted excrements , whereby the vigour and strength of living creatures must necessarily sooner decay and waxe old : but trees putting forth new boughs , branches , and leaves , those renewed parts being young , greene , and flourishing , doe more strongly and cheerfully attract nourishment than seare dry branches , whereby the body , through which such nourishment passes to the boughes , is with more plentifull nourishment moistened . this ( though not observed by aristotle , nor clearely discussed ) is evident , because woods and trees , by lopping their boughs and branches , flourish more , and live longer . of drynesse ; the preventing of drynesse , and softning of drynesse . the historie . 1. by fire and vehement heat some substances are dryed , others melted . limus ut hic durescit , & haec ut cera liquescit vno eodemg igne — as the same fire hardens clay , and makes wax to melt away . it dryeth the earth , stones , wood , cloth , and skinnes , and melteth mettalls , waxe , gumme , butter , sewet , and the like . but fire being vehement , at last dryeth up that which it hath melted : for a hot fire maketh metalls ( except gold ) by evaporation lighter in weight , and more brittle . and oyly fat substances are by a hot fire fryed and roasted , becomming more dry and hard . 3. the open ayre doth dry , but never melt ; as high-wayes , and the face of the earth wet with showers , are hereby dryed ; and also linnen-cloaths hanged out in the ayre , and hearbs , leaves , and flowers growing in the shade : and the ayre warmed with the sunne-beames , ( not disposing it to putrefaction ) or moved with windes , doth dry much more on an open plaine . 4. age is a great but slow dryer ; for all naturall bodies not rotting or putrefying , are dryed by age , being the measure of time , and the effect of the in-bred spirit of bodies , sucking out the bodies moysture thereby decaying , and of the outward ayre , multiplying above the inward spirits , and moysture of the body , and so destroying them . cold most properly dryeth ; for drynesse proceeds from shrinking and gathering together , being the proper effect of cold : but by the powerfull warmth of fire , abating the weaker cold of winter , frost , and snow , the drynesse of cold is not on men so powerfull , but sooner dissipated : yet frost , and march winds being dry and cold , doe licke up moisture , and dry the earth more than the sun. 6. chimney-smoake is a dryer ; for bacon and neats tongues are hung and dry'd in chimnies , and perfumes of sweetewood & olybanum drying the braine , doe stop distillations and catarrhs . 7. salt dries slowly both without and within , making salt fish , through long salting , hard within . 8. by the application of some hot gummes and binding waters the skinne is dryed , and fill'd with wrinkles . 9. the spirit of strong wine drying like fire , will make the yoalke of an egge put thereinto become white , and bake bread. 10. powders dry , and sucke up moystures like spunges , or as sand-dust throwne on a writing , dryes the inke : also the smoothnesse and uniformity of a body ( not admitting moysture to enter by the pores ) accidentally causeth drynesse , by exposing the body to the ayre , as iewels , looking-glasses , and sword-blades , being breathed on , seeme at first to bee covered with a vapour , which vanisheth afterwards like a cloud , and so much for drynes . 11. in the east parts of germany garners are usually made in cellars under ground , wherein wheate and other graines are kept in straw , which beeing layd a good thicknesse , expels and drinks up the moysture of the vault . corne is thus kept twenty or thirty yeares from putrefaction , and both greene and serviceable to make bread. the like garners have beene used in divers countries , as in cappadocea , thrace , and also in spaine . 12. on the topps of houses , garners also with windowes to the east and north , may be conveniently placed , having a higher and lower roome , and a scuttle hole in the midst , through which the corn , ( like sand in an houre glasse ) continually falling , and afterward with shovels throwne backe agayne , is kept in continuall motion , and preserv'd from putrefaction ; for by this motion and wind , the watrey humour beeing speedily vented , the oylie humour is kept from venting with the watry humor . also on mountaynes of a pure ayre , dead carkasses do not in many dayes corrupt . 13. fruites , as pomegranates , cytrons , melons , peares , and the like , and also flowers , as roses and lyllies , will keepe long in earthen vessells well stopt , although the ayre , their outward enemy , le ts in through the vessell unequall heate and cold . therefore lay the vessels closely stopt in the earth , or in shaded waters , as in the wells or cisternes of houses ; but let fruits laid thus in water , bee put in glasse-vessells rather than earthen . 14. generally , whatsoever is laid under the earth , and in cellars under ground , or deepe in waters , doth retaine naturall vigour longer , than if kept above the earth . 15. apples , chesnuts , or nuts , falling into a snow-cave on the mountaines , or into an artificiall snow-house , and afterward found when the snow is melted , will bee as fresh and faire as if newly gathered . 16. bunches of grapes in the countrey , kept in meale , will taste some what unpleasant , but are thereby preserved moyst and greene , also all hard fruits will keepe long in meale , or saw-dust , or in a heape of sound corne. 17. fruites in liquors of their kind , resembling their flowers , will keepe fresh , as grapes in wine , olives in oyle , &c. 18. pomegranates and quinces keepe long , being lightly dipped into sea-water , or salt water ; and then in the open ayre and shade dryed . 19. fruits laid in wine , oyle , & pickle , are thereby long kept . honey , and the spirits of wine , preserve them longer , but especially quicksilver . 20. fruites covered with wax , pitch , mortar , past , or the like , keepe greene very long . 21. flyes , spiders ' , and ants , being accidentally drowned , and buried in amber , and the gums of trees , their soft and tender bodies doe never rot or corrupt . 22. grapes and other fruits are by hanging up , both kept from bruises , often received by lying on the ground , and are also by the ayre equally encompassed . 23. observe that vegetables and fruites beginne to putrifie and wither on that part , by which growing they attracted nourishment , therefore apples or fruites , their stalkes being covered with waxe or pitch , wil keepe best . 24. great weekes of candels doe sooner consume the suet , then lesser weeks , & the flame of cotton , sooner then that of a rush , or straw , or wooddentwigs ; and iuniper torches burne out sooner then firre or beech torches . a candle blazing in the winde , wastes sooner , then burning quietly in a lanthorne ; for generally all flames stirred with winde are most wastfull and devouring . also lampes in sepulchers burne very long . 25. the nature also and quality of the nourishment , as of the flame , maketh candels burne long ; waxe being more durable than sewet , and wet sewet than dry sewet , and hard waxthan soft wax . 26. trees , the earth about their roots being not every yeere , but evere five or ten yeeres opened , and the superfluous boughs and branches cut away , and pruned , will last the longer . also dunging and spreading of marle about trees , or much watering makes them fruitfull , but not durable . and so much of preventing drynesse and consumption . the experiments of softning drynesse drawne from living creatures , and from man , are these which follow . 27. willow-twigs , serving usually to binde trees , layd to steepe in water , become more flexible : rods are set in pitchers of water to keepe them from drying , and bowles cleft with drynesse , being laid in the water doe close againe . 28. boots growne old , hard , and stubborne , being greased with sewet before the fire , doe wax soft ; or being onely held before the fire , become somewhat softer . bladders and skinnes growne hard , are softned with warme water , and sewet , or any kind of grease , especially by rubbing together . 29. old trees having stood long without removing , if the earth bee opened about their rootes , will beginne to put forth , and flourish . 30. old spent oxen taken from the plough , being put into fresh pastures , recover new tender flesh , and as sweete as if it were of a steere . 31. a strict spare dyet of guiacum , and bread twice bak'd , used for curing the french disease , or old catarrhs , and the dropsie , makes patients very leane , by consuming the moisture of their body ; which being restor'd againe , they become strong and lusty . moreover weakning sicknesses well cur'd , doe make many-live the longer afterward . greater observations . 1. men like owles wondrous sharp-sighted in the darknesse of their owne opinions , are blinded with the day-light of experience . the elementall quality of drynesse , and how drynesse by a natural working doth corrupt and consume bodies , is observed , but not the beginning , proceeding , and ending of drynesse and consumption . 2. drynesse and consumption proceed from three actions , originally caused by the naturall spirit of bodies . 3. the 1. action is the refining of moisture into spirit , the 2. the spirits venting ; the 3. the drawing or closing together of the bodies thicker parts the spirit being gotten out . the former are causes onely of consumption , the last is that drynesse and hardnesse , heere chiefly handled . the refining of spirits is cleare and manifest ; for the spirit inclosed in every tangible body that may bee toucht , forgets not to alter and change whatsoever is digestable and convertible in the body , and doth multiply it selfe by begetting a new spirit . this is most evident in substances , which by drynesse being abated in weight , are hollow , and full of pores , and doe yeeld an inward kind of sound ; for the spirit making things lighter rather than heavier , by converting into it selfe the heavy moisture of a body , makes it lighter in weight . and this is the first action , namely of refining & cōverting moisture into spirit . 5. the second action of the spirits venting is also evident . for this venting forth of the spirit may be seene in vapours , and smelt in decaying odours and sents , or if breaking out by degrees , as in age , is the same , but insensibly performed . moreover , the spirit in a compact close body , finding no pores whereby to vent , striving to get out , drives and thrusts out the thicker parts of the bodies superficies , thereby making mettalls rust , and fat substances grow mouldy . and this is the second action of the spirits venting . 6. the third action obscurer , but certaine , is the contraction of thicker parts , after the spirits getting forth , for bodies do then contract & take up lesser roome , as dry'd nut-kernels fill not their shells , and beames and wooden rafters joyned close at first , afterward through drynesse doe chinke , and cleave asunder , and bowles chap and gape with drynesse . secondly , it is evident by the wrinkles of withered bodies , some parts by contraction being loosened , others drawne together , and wrinkled . for wrinkled outsides of bundels of paper and old parchments , the skinne of living creatures , and soft cheese having an outward coate wrinkled with age , are smooth within : and so parchment , paper , and leaves held before the fire , doe wrinkle , turne , and winde together . for age by slow contracting and drawing together , doth cause wrinkles ; but fire doth hastily contract , and fold together : and substances uncapable of wrinkles do cōtract , and grow hard . but when bodies , after the spirits are violently vented , and moisture consumed , cannot unite & contract , they putrefie into a masse of dust , which being lightly touched falls asunder , and vanishes into ayre , as burnt paper and linnen , and embalmed carkasses will doe . and this is the third action of contraction of thick parts after the spirits venting . 7. observe , that when fire and heate drying onely accidentally , have performed their proper worke of refining and diffusing the spirit and moysture , then the parts accidentally contract , onely to avoid vacuity and emptinesse , or for other reasons . 8. putrefaction and drynesse proceeding from the inward spirit , differ in their ingresse and entrance : for in putrefaction all the spirit is not vented , but a part detayn'd , which like a silent fancy works divers changes on the thicker parts not locally contracted , and brings them to an uniforme likenesse . the length and shortnesse of life in living creatures . concerning the length and shortnesse of life in living creatures , observations are light and fabulous : the unkindly life of tame creatures being corrupted , and the life of wild beasts by enduring hard and hot weather , shortned . neither doe the greatnesse of their bodies , time of bearing , number of young ones , or time of growth , sometimes concurring together , sometimes disjoyned , afford any certaine observations . 1. of all living creatures , ( except some few , ( it is reported ) that man liveth longest , in whom all concomitant accidents meete in due proportion : stature great and large , bearing in the wombe nine moneths , one off-spring commonly ; private haire at fourteene , growth till twenty . 2. the elephant liveth longer than any man doth ordinarily : his bearing in the wombe ten yeeres is afabulous report , being but two yeeres , or above a yeere . his bulke or body is exceeding great , growing twenty yeers ; and his teeth are very strong . the elephant is observed to have the coldest blood of all other living creatures , and an hundred yeeres , whereunto sometimes he attaineth , is his age . 3. lyons are accounted long-liv'd , many having beene found toothlesse , caused happily by their violent breathing , and therefore no certaine signe of age . 4. the beare is a great sleeper , a slow and sluggish beast , born by the damme not above forty dayes , being a signe of short life . 5. the fox is well skin'd , feeds on flesh , and lives in caves , but not long liv'd , being a kind of dogge , which is a short liv'd beast . 6. the cammell being a slender strong beast , lives ordinarily fifty yeeres , sometimes an hundred . 7. the horse seldome attaines to forty yeeres of age , his ordinary age being twenty yeeres , there being now no horses of the sunne living freely in faire pastures , but all are serviceable to man , by whose usage the life of the horse is shortened : but the horse growes untill he be six yeeres old ; and a mare goes longer than a woman , and hath seldome two foales . 8. the asse lives as long as the horse , but the mule is longer liv'd than both . 8. the hart is famous for his long life ; for about the necke of a hart a chaine hid , and covered over with fat was found , which had beene put about his necke many yeeres before . but because at five yeeres old the hart comes to perfection , and his hornes having at first but a few branches , doe then sprout forth , and afterward fall off , and grow againe every yeere ; therefore his age is not so currantly beleeved . 9. the short-liv'd dogge lives but twenty yeeres , being his utmost age ; his ordinary age fourteene yeeres . his disposition is hot and fickle , alwayes violently stirring about , or sleeping . the bitch brings forth many whelps at one litter , and goeth nine weekes . 10. the oxe being a slow beast , full of flesh , soone fatted , and fed with grasse , is short-liv'd in respect of his bignesse and strength , sixteene yeeres being his age ; which is longer than the cow doth live , bringing forth but one calfe , and going with her burthen sixe moneths . 11. the sheepe , a beast of a midling bignesse , having a little gall , and well cloathed with a warme fleece , more curled than other beasts haire , seldome comes to the age of ten yeeres . rammes at three yeeres old begin to engender , and untill eighteene yeeres of age doe beget lambes . a sheepe being subject to many diseases , doth seldome live out his utmost age . 12. the goate somewhat resembling the sheepe in shape , lives no longer , but is nimbler , and firmer flesh'd , and should be therefore longer-liv'd , but lasciviousnesse shortens his life . 13. the sow lives fifteene yeeres , sometimes twenty , being moister flesh'd than other beasts , but not long-liv'd . the age of the wilde boare and sowe not certainely knowne . 14. the cats age is sixe or ten yeeres , being a nimble , fierce ravenous beast , not chewing his foode , but devouring and swallowing his foode whole , and his seed ( as aelianus saith ) burnes the female , conceaving with much paine , but kitning easily . 15. hares and conies doe hardly live seven yeeres , being breeding creatures , knitting and coneeaving againe immediately after their bringing forth young . the coney liveth under ground , the hare sitteth in the open ayre , and hath blacker flesh . 16. birds are lesser bodied than beasts , an oxe or horse being farre bigger than an eagle or swan , and an elephant than an estridge . 17. birds are well cloathed with feathers , lying close downe to their bodies , and being warmer than beasts wooll or haire . 18. birds , though great breeders , carry not all their young in their belly , but doe lay their egges severally , being apt to produce young birds by hatching . 19. birds chew not their food , being often found whole in their crops ; but they will picke out nut-kernels , and the seeds of hearbs and flowers , and they are of a strong hot digestion . 20. birds flye with a mixt motion , being borne up by the ayre , and their wings , whose motion exercises their bodies . 21. aristotle observes , that when birds engender by treading , the cocke begets not the egges substance , but makes it fit to hatch ; so that fruitfull egges are hardly known from unhatchable egges . 22. birds bodies are in one yeeres growth at their full bignesse , but their feathers and bills grow seven yeeres afterward . 23. the eagle casting her bill , and so becomming young , is the embleme of long life , her age being a proverb , aquilae fenectus , the age of an eagle ; yet the eagles growing young changes not her beake , but her beakes changing makes the eagle young : for the eagle feeds very painefully and difficultly when her bill is growne extreame crooked . 24. the vulter lives an hundred yeeres , crowes also , and all ravenous birds feeding on flesh , are long-liv'd : but the hawk living not according to his owne kind , but being kept in bondage for private delight and recreation , his terme of life is therefore not certainly knowne ; though some reclaim'd , man'd hawkes have lived thirty yeeres , and wilde haggasses forty yeeres . 25. the long-liv'd raven lives an hundred yeeres : hee feeds on carrion , and flyes not often , but fits much , and hath very blacke flesh . the crow resembling the raven , though not so bigge , nor like in voyce , liveth almost as long , being accounted a long-liv'd bird. 26. the faire feathered swanne feeds on fish , swimmes continually on running streames and rivers , and an hundred yeeres is his age . 27. the goose , though his food be grasse , is long-liv'd , especially the wild-goose ; so that in germany this proverb is common , magis senex quam anser nivalis , older than a white goose. 28. storkes are long-liv'd , for because they never came to thebes , a citty often sack't , therefore it was observed , that they did either circumspectly instruct their young ones in the theban history , or remembred the passages of former ages wherein they lived , and so this sable pointed at their long life . 29. concerning the phoenix , truth is lost in fables . it is chiefly observable , that other birds , when this bird did flye abroad , wonder'd not at her , as they doe by instinct of nature at an owle flying by day light , or a parret gotten out of a cage . 30. the parret brought into england , hath liv'd threescore yeeres , being a bird that eateth any kind of meate , chews his food , changes his bill , and is of a churlish angry disposition , and hath black flesh . 31. the peacocke hath a slow pace , and white flesh , living twenty yeers , and being three yeeres old his tayle is with argus eies speckled and adorned . 32. the cocke is leacherous , a couragious fighter , and short-liv'd , having white flesh . 33. the turky-cocke , or indian cocke , somewhat longer liv'd than the cocke , is a testy angry bird , and hath very white flesh . 34. the ring-dove being an ayery bird , loving to build and sit high , is long-liv'd , fifty yeeres being her age . but pidgeons and turtles are short-liv'd , their age being eight yeeres . 35. pheasants and partridges live sixteene yeeres , being great breeders , but blacker flesh'd than chickens or pullets 36. the lascivious loud whistling black-bird is of all small birds longest liv'd . 37. the sparrow is short-liv'd , the cocke-sparrow shortning his life by wanton lasciviousnesse . the linnet and finch , though no bigger than the sparrow ; doe live twenty yeeres . 38. the estredges age is uncertaine , & life not long , as by tame estreges it is observ'd . the age of the bird 〈◊〉 being long-liv'd , is unknowne . 39. the age of fishes lesse observ'd , because living under the water , is more uncertaine than the age of beasts . some of them breath not , their vitall spirits being kept close , and cooled by their gills , but not so constantly as by breathing . 40. the ayre dries not , nor decayes their bodies , because the water wherein they live , encompassing them , pierceth into their pores , having a greater power than encompassing ayre to shorten their lives . 41. they are ravenous devourers of their owne kind , having cold blood , and soft flesh , not so firme as beasts flesh , but fatter , an infinite quantity of oyle being made of the fat of 42. dolphins live thirty yeeres ; for some whose tayles were cut off , thirty yeeres afterward being taken , were knowne ; they grow tenne yeeres . 43. it is observable , and very strange , that fishes bodies doe grow slender with age , their tayle and head retaining their former bignesse . 44. in fish-ponds belonging to the roman emperour , lampreys living threescore yeers , by long keeping were made tame ; one of their deaths being therefore by the orator crassus lamented . 45. the pike of all fresh-water fish is longest liv'd , forty yeeres being his age : hee is a ravenous devourer , and his flesh in eating is dry and firme . 46. the carpe , breame , tench , and eele , live not above tenne yeares . 47. salmons are of a suddaine growth , but short liv'd , and also trouts , but the perch groeth slowly , and lives longer . 48. the age of the whale , sea-calfe , sea-hog , and other fishes is unknowne . 49. the long-liv'd crocodile alwayes growing , is a devouring cruel creature , that layeth egges , and the water pierces not his skinne beeing scaly and hard . the age of other shel-fishes is unknowne . greater observations . concerning the length and shortnesse of the life of living creaturer , hitherto negligently observed , and proceeding from divers causes , insteed of certayne rules hard to find , these notes following may be added . 1. birds are longer-liv'd then beasts , as th' eagle , vulter , pellican , kite , raven , crow , swan , goose , storke , crane , ib is , parret , ringdove , &c. though they are lesser , and in one yeare at their ful growth . for birds are long-liv'd , because they are wel clothed with warme feathers to keepe out cold , and doe live in the free open aire , as mountayners doe , or because when they flye , they are carryed by the ayre & their wings , this mixt motiō makes thē helthful or because birds are not pin'd for want of nourishment , or thrust in the belly of their old bird , by turnes laying her eggs ; but especially because birds partaking more of the hennes substance than of the cocks , have not such sharpe and hot spirits . 2. it is a position , that living creatures begotten by a greater quantity of the dammes seed ( as birds are ) than of the sires , and lying longer in their dammes belly , partaking more of the dammes seed than the sires , are therefore longer liv'd . and it is observeable , that men being in visage and countenance liker their mother than their father , doe live longest ; as those children doe , which sound and healthfull men beget on young wives . 3. living creatures may receive much hurt or good in their first breeding ; for such as lye not too close together in the belly of the damme , but have sufficient nourishment , are long-liv'd ; as the egges of birds laid by turnes , and the young of beasts , bringing but one at a yeaning , have roome enough and nourishment . 4. long bearing in the mothers wombe , and the dammes belly , is forthree respects a cause of long life . first , the of-spring hath more of the mothers or dammes substance : secondly , it becomes a stronger birth . thirdly , it better endures the ayres power . lastly , it denotes , that nature intended such a birth for the center of a large circumference of many yeeres . the short life of oxen and sheepe , calves , and lambs lying sixe moneths in their dams belly before they are calved & yeaned , proceeds from other causes . 5. grazing cattle are short-liv'd , but beasts feeding on flesh live longer , and birds which do eate seeds and fruits . for halfe the long-lived harts foode growes ( as they say ) above his head ; and the goose feeding not onely on grasse , finde some foode in the water . 6. another cause of long life , is warme cloathing , and keeping out immoderate heat and cold , whereby the body is much weakned and decay'd , as birds cloathed with warm feathers , are therefore longer liv'd . but sheepe having thicke fleeces , are not longliv'd , being subject to many diseases , and feeding onely on grasse . 7. the head is the principall seate of all the spirits , beeing great wasters and consumers of the body , so that the great abundance , or sharp inflamatiō of the spirits shortens life . therefore birds having little heads inrespect of their bodies are long liv'd , and men having very great heads live not long . 8. the best kind of motion for prolonging of life , is to be born and carried , as the swan and other swiming water fowle are , and all birds flying more painfully with their wings , and fish whose age and long life is unknowne . 9. slow comming to perfection , both for growth and ripenes , signifies long life in al creatures , for teeth , private haire , and a beard , are degrees of maturity or ripenesse preceding manhood . 10. milde meeke ereatures , as sheepe and doves , are not long-liv'd , the gall being like a whetstone , whereon natures faculties are sharpened , and fitted to performe their offices . 11. creatures having white flesh , live not so long as those , whose blacker flesh shewes that their bodies moisture is finner , and more compact . 12. as a great fire is lasting , and not soone extinguished , and a little water soone evaporates : so quantity and bignesse preserve corruptible bodies ; a twigge withering sooner than the body of a tree , and all great beasts living longer than lesser beasts . nourishment , and the waies of nourishing . the history . 1. nourishment should bee of an inferiour nature , and simpler in substance than the body nourished . plants are nourished by the earth and water , living creatures by plants ; and men by living creatures , feeding partly on flesh as man doth on plants ; but neither can subsist by plants or sallets onely ; but fruits and parched corne will sustaine life . 2. nourishment too like the nourished substance , is not good . for grazing cattle touch not any flesh , and beasts feeding on flesh prey not upon their owne kind . anthro pophagi or cannibals , feede not one mens flesh ordinarily , but by eating their enemies flesh as a great dainty , doeat once satisfie their hunger and reuenge . also seede corne in the same field where it grew , should not be sowne , nor a graft be set into the stocke , whence it was taken . 3. nourishment well prepared , and somwhat like the nourished substance , makes plants fruitful and living creatures fat. for the stocks nourishment is better and more agreeable unto the grafts nature , then the earths nourishment to a young tree or plant. and an onion-seed or a plants seede sowne or set in the earth , produceth not such a great onion , or faire plant , as when the seede is put into an onion , or into a plants root , and so set in the ground . the boughs of elme , oke , and ash , and such forrest-trees , grafted on stocks , and comming to bee trees , have broader leaves thā other planted trees . also men feed not so wel on raw flesh as on roast . 4. living creatures receive nourishment at their mouth , plants at the roote , young creatures in the wombe at the navell . birds are nourished awhile by the white of the egge , part thereof being found in their throats after hatching . 5. observe , that although all nourishment proceeds and rises from the center to the circumference , issuing forth from the inward parts to the outward , yet trees receive not from their inward parts and pith so much nourishment as from their outward parts and barke , which being stript off , they presently wither , and dye . also of living creatures , the flesh beneath and above the veines is nourished by the blood . 6. by the inward function of extruding or driving out , and the outward operation of attracting nourishment , the nourishing faculty doth worke . 7. vegetables or plants simply digest their nourishment , without avoyding superfluous excrements , gummes of trees being rather superfluities of nourishment than excrements , and knobs and knots , sores : but living creatures discerning what nourishment is like their substance , doe digest the best , and reject the rest in excrement . 8. the greatest and fairest fruits hanging on the tree , receive all their nourishment through their stalkes . 9. living creatures seed being sowne and spent , is onely at first capable of nourishment , but seeds of plants after long keeping will grow : but young grafts and shoots must be planted while they are fresh and greene , or else they will not grow , but their roots being not covered with earth , will dye . 10. living creatures have different kinds of nourishment agreeable to their age , for in their mothers or dammes belly moysture is their food , after birth milke , then meate and drinke ; and being old , they love sollid savory food . 11. but whether nourishment may not onely by the mouth , but also outwardly bee received , is chiefly considerable . for if baths of milke in hot feavers and consumptions were used , and some physitians hold that nutritive glisters might bee purposely made , then such nourishment received not by the stomacke , but outwardly , may supply digestions weaknesse in age. the length and shortnesse of mans life . the history . 1. before the flood , as the sacred scriptures declare , men lived an hundred yeeres : yet of all the fathers none attained to a compleat thousand yeeres of age , neither did the generations of the holy line of grace live onely thus long ; for by the patriarkes eleaven generations from adam to the flood , and caines eight , cains generation seemes longer-liv'd but mans life immediately after the flood , was reduced to a moiety , though noah borne before the flood lived to his ancestors age , and sem attayned to sixe hundred yeares of age . but three generations after the flood , mans life was contracted & shortned to an hundred yeares , being the fourth part of their former age. 2. abraham lived 175. yeares in great prosperity and happinesse . isaac attained to an hundred and eighty yeares of age , a chaste and quiet man. iacob having many troubles , and many children , lived an hundred forty and seaven yeares , hee was a patient , milde , wise man. ismael was a martialist , and an hundred thirty seaven yeares was his age. 3. but sarah ( no other womans age beeing recorded in the holy scripture ) dyed at an hundred seaventy years of age , being a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 woman , an excellent mother and wife , and famous for discreet carriage , and obedience to her husband . also ioseph , a wise and politicke man , though in his younger yeares much afflicted , lived afterward in great felicity and happinesse , and attained to an hundred and ten yeares of age. but his elder brother levi , impatient of disgrace , and seeking revenge , lived an hundred thirty seaven yeares compleate . and the sonne of levi , and his nephew , the father of aaron and moses lived as long . 4. moses lived an hundred yeeres , being stout-hearted , but of a mild carriage , and slow speech : yet moses said in the psalme , that threescore and ten yeeres was the ordinary age of man , and of the strongest but fourscore yeers , being still the terme of mans life . but aaron , three yeeres elder than moses , dyed the same yeere that his brother did : a man of ready speech , and gentle carriage , but somewhatinconstant . phineas , aarons nephew , ( by gods divine grace and favour ) lived three hundred yeeres : for all the israelites going out to warre against the tribe of benjamen , phineas , being a very zealous man , was then ( as the history relates ) a chiefe captaine and counseller . ioshua , an excellent and fortunate captaine , lived to an hundred and tenne yeeres of age. caleb lived in his time , and to his age : but ehud the judge lived also an hundred yeeres . the holy land , after his conquest of the moabites , being eighty yeeres under his government : he was a valiant stout man , and devoted his actions to the common-wealths good . 5. iob restored to his former happinesse , lived one hundred and forty yeeres , having had before his troubles , sonnes that were growne men . he was a politick , eloquent , good man , and the example of patience . ely the priest lived 98. years a fat man , and of a pleasant loving disposition . but elizeus the prophet , beeing at the time of the assumption of elias , in regard of his age , mockt by children , and called old bald pate , lived sixty yeares afterwards , and was above an hundred yeares of age when hee dyed : hee was a severe man , living austerely , and contemning riches . isaias the prophet was an hundred yeares of age , and spent seaventy of those yeares in prophesying ; but when hee beganne to prophesie , and at what age hee dyed is unknowne . hee was a very eloquent and evangelicall prophet , inspired with the promises of the comming of christ , fulfilled in the new testament . 5. tobias the elder lived 158. yeares , and the yonger tobias 127. yeares , being mercifull and charitable men . many iewes that returned from the captivity of babylon lived long , and could remember the building of both the temples , the latter being builded seaventy years after the other . many ages afterward when our saviour was borne , simeon was an old religious , faithfull man. and anna the prophetesse lived then to an hundred yeares of age , shee having bin first a mayde , then a married wife seaven yeares , a widdow eighty foure yeares , and afterward a prophetesse of our saviours incarnation : shee was a holy woman , that spent her life in prayer and fasting . 6. the long lives of men mentioned in heathen authours are fabulous narrations , and deceitfull calculations of ages . those egyptian kings , that raigned longest , lived not above fifty or five and fifty yeares , a common moderne age . but it is fabulously supposed that the kings of arcadia lived to a great age , because their countrey was mountaynous , and both they and their people being for the most part shepheards , kept a temperate dyet . but as pan was their god , so all these relations are but pannicke vaine fables . 7. numa king of the romans lived to eighty yeares of age , beeing a peaceable , studious , and religious man. marcus valerius corvinus , was consull sixe and forty yeares after his first consulshippe , and lived an hundred yeares , being both in warres and private affaires very powerfull , of a popular disposition , and alwayes fortunate . 8. solon the athenian law-maker , and one of the wise sages , lived above fourescore yeares , beeing a valiant man , but popular , a lover of his countrey , learned , and somewhat voluptuous . 〈◊〉 of creete reached unto 157. yeares of age , and lived fifty seven of those yeeres in a cave . halfe an age afterward 〈◊〉 calophonius , having at twenty yeeres of age left his countrey , after 77 yeeres travaile returned againe , and lived in all 102. yeers , or longer . this man being a traveller , had also a wandring minde ; and for holding many opinions , was called 〈◊〉 orthe wanderer , instead of zenophon ; yet certainely his conceite and fancy was large , and infinite . 9. anacreon , the wanton , voluptuous poet , reached to fourescore yeeres of age , and upwards ; and pindar of thebes , a poet of an high fancy , witty in a new way of writing , and a religious adorer of the gods , lived fourescore yeeres compleate . sophocles the athenian , attained to the same age , an eloquent tragicall poet , and a great writer , but carelesse of his family . 10. artaxerxes , king of 〈◊〉 lived ninety foure yeeres , being a man of a dull wit , not laborious , nor painefull , but affecting ease more than glory . agesilaus was a moderate king , and a philosopher ; a great souldier , and polititian , but ambitious of honour ; and aspired to fourescore and foure yeeres of age. 11. gorgias leontinus lived an hundred and eighty yeeres . this man was a rhetorician , a publicke schoole-master , and a traveller , and before his death he sayd , that protagoras the abderite , being a rhetorician , a polititian , and as great a traveller as gorgias , lived ninety yeeres . socrates the athenian multiplying his life , reached to ninety nine yeeres of age : hee was a modest rhetorician , that would never plead in open court , but kept a private schoole . democritus of abdera , drew out his time of life to an hundred yeeres , being a great naturall philosopher , and a learned physitian , and practitioner in experiments ; so that aristotle objected against him , that his observations were grounded more on comparison than reason , being not prooved by logicke , but by similitude , the weakest kind of argument . diogenes synopeus , allowing others liberty , but strict in private government , delighting in poore dyet , and patience , lived ninety yeeres . zeno citteus , lacking but two of an hundred yeeres old , was high-minded , and a contemner of opinions , and had an excellent wit , not offensive , but rather alluring than cōpelling affection . seneca afterward had the like wit. plato of athens lived 81 yeers , a man affecting quietnesse , and high contemplation ; of a civill handsome behaviour , not light but pleasing , and majesticall . theophrastus etesius using a sweet kind of cloquence , mingled with plentifull variety gathering onely the sweete roses of philosophy , not the bitter worme-wood , attained to fourscore and five yeeres of age compleat . carneades of cyrene many yeeres afterward , lived untill hee was fourescore and five yeeres old ; a fluent eloquent man , delighting in variety of knowledge , which made his conversation pleasing and acceptable . but in cicero's time orbilius , no philosopher , or rhetorician , but a grammarian , lived almost an hundred yeeres ; being first a souldier , then a schoolemaster ; of a proud disposition , and a whipping , rayling writer even against his own schollers . 12. q. fabius maximus having beene sixty three yeeres augur , and more respected for his nobility than age , was above fourescore yeeres old when he dyed . he was a wise man , that ripened actions by delaying their execution , being all his life-time moderate , courteous , and grave . masinissa , king of numidia , lived above 90. yeeres , and being above fourescore and five yeeres old , had a sonne . this man was valiant , and confident in fortune , whose changes his younger yeeres having experienced , hee afterward lived in constant happinesse . marcus porcius cato lived above 90 yeeres , being a man of an iron body and minde , of a sharpe speech , and contentious ; addicted also to husbandry , and to himselfe and his family a physitian . 13. terentia , cicero's wife , living an hundred and three yeeres , suffered many troubles and afflictions by her husbands banishment , and putting to death , and by the gout . luceia playing the part of a young maid , afterward of an old wife upon the stage , lived an hundred yeeres . also galeria copiola being at first an actresse , was 99 yeeres afterward at the dedication of pompeyes theater , brought forth as a miracle of age , and afterward was a spectacle in playes made in honour of augustus caesar . 14. livia iulia augusta , wife to augustus caesar , and mother to tiberius , living but ninety yeeres , was a more famous actresse than the former : for livia being a courteous , stately , and pragmaticall matron , complying with her husband by dissembling obedience , and with her sonne by majesticall courage , was certainely an excellent actresse in the comedy of augustus life , whereunto himselfe spoke a commanding epilogue , charging his friends to applaud it after his death . iunia , wife to c. cassius , and sister to m. brutus , being ninety yeeres old , and living sixty foure of those yeeres before the philippicke battaile , was rich , and though unfortunate in her husband , and kindred , yet a noble widdow . 15. in vespasians reigne , anno 76. in the part of italie lying betweene the appenine and the river po , men of an hundred yeeres old , and upward , were ceassed , and put into the subsedy-booke , namely , 124. of one hundred yeeres of age , 54 an hundred and twenty yeeres old , 57 aged one hundred twenty five yeeres , 2 aged one hundred twenty five yeeres , 4 one hundred and thirty , 4 others one hundred and thirty five , or seven ; and 3 that were one hundred and and forty yeeres old . there were also at parma 3 men of an hundred and twenty yeeres of age , and 2 one hundred and thirty yeeres old . at bruxels there was an old man aged one hundred twenty five yeeres , and another at placentia an hundred twenty one yeeres old , and an old woman aged an hundred thirty two yeeres , was living at fluentia ; and in the ancient towne velleiacium , seated on the hills neare placentia , were sixe men aged an hundred and ten , and foure an hundred and twenty . lastly , at rimino , one m. aponius was an hundred and fifty yeeres old . the fortune , disposition , and qualities of the former persons being signes of long life , to such as be endued with the like , are in a true and briefe character described , and no examples of long life under fourescore yeeres of age , have beene , or shall be mentioned . 16. of the roman , grecian , french , and german emperors , being almost two hundred , some onely attained to fourescore yeeres of age. the emperours augustus and tiberius living seventy eight , and seventy sixe yeeres , might have reached fourscore yeers , had they not beene poyson'd by livia and caius . augustus lived seventy six yeeres , being a moderate prince , somewhat hasty in action , but of a faire and pleasing carriage ; temperate in dyet , lascivious , and very fortunate , and about 30. yeeres of age falling into a dangerous sicknes , was restored to health by antonius musa , and cured by cold medicines , instead of hot applications used by other physitians , as agreeable to his disease . tiberius was by two yeeres longer-liv'd than augustus . his words ( as augustus sayd ) stucke in his jawes ; being a prince of a flow speech , but sterne , and bloody ; a drinker , and 〈◊〉 in dyet , yet very carefull of his health , being wont to say , that every one after 30. yeeres of age was a foole , or a physitian . gordian the elder lived sixty yeeres , then being made emperor , he fell into a violent sicknesse , and dyed . he was a brave famous man , learned , and a poet , constant in the whole course of his life , and a little before his death fortunate . the emperour valerian lived seaventy sixe yeeres before hee was taken prisoner by sapor king of the persians , seaven yeeres afterward suddainely fell sicke , and dyed : he was or an ordinary temper , and not very valiant , and though weake in desert , was by generall opinion conceived worthy to be 〈◊〉 emperor . anastasius sirnamed dicorus , was fourescore yeeres of age , being a quiet , mild , superstitious , 〈◊〉 man. amicius iustinianus lived fourescore and foure yeeres , affecting glory , famous by his captaines successe , not his owne valour ; uxcrious , and by others governed . helena of britaine , the mother of constantine the great , lived fourescore yeeres , being no states-woman , but wholly devoted to religion ; yet of an high spirit , and alwayes happy . theodora the empresse , ( sister to zoes , the wife of monomachus , who after her decease reigned ) lived above fourescore yeeres , a 〈◊〉 woman , stately , fortunate , 〈◊〉 credulous . 17. after these examples of long-liv'd heathen men , the ages of principall ecclesiasticall persons shall bee related . st. iohn , our saviours beloved apostle and disciple , lived ninety three yeeres , whose divine 〈◊〉 and burning charity were shadowed forth by the embleme of an eagle drawne neare his picture . luke the evangelist was fourescore and foure yeeres of age , an eloquent man , and a traveller , st. pauls constant companion , and a physitian . simoon cleophas , called christs brother , was bishop of ierusalem , and lived an hundred and twenty yeeres before hee was martyred , being a couragious , constant , charitable man. polycarp the apostles disciple , and bishop of smyrna , attained to an hundred yeeres of age , and was then martyred : a high minded man , of heroicall patience , and laborious . dionysius areopagita , in the apostle pauls time , living ninety yeeres , was called the bird of heaven , being an excellent divine , and famous for life and doctrine . aquila and priscilla , the apostle pauls hosts , and afterward fellow-helpers , lived to an hundred yeeres of age , being in pope xistus time an ancient married couple , wholly given to good workes , the churches first founders being commonly to their great comfort , fortunate in marriage . st. paul the hermite lived in a cave an hundred and thirty yeeres , with intollerable poore hard dyet , spending his life in meditation , being not illiterate , but learned . st. anthony , the first founder or restorer of the order of monkes , attained to an hundred and five yeeres of age , and being a devout contemplative man , of an austere and severe life , governed his monkes in such a glorious solitude , that hee was visited by christians and philosophers , and adored as a living image of sanctity and holinesse . athanasius , a man of invincible constancy , commanding fame , and yeelding not to fortune ; bold with great personages , popular , & a stout champion in controversies , dyed above 80. yeeres old , st. ierome above 90. yeers old ; being an eloquent writer , learned in languages and sciences : a traveller , and toward his old age of an austere life , his high minde shining in a private life like a starre in obscurity . 18. but of two hundred and one and forty popes , five onely attayned to fourescore yeeres of age , and upwards : the age of many of the first popes being shortened by martyrdome pope iohn the 23 th , lived ninety yeeres compleate : a man of an unquiet disposition , and an innovator ; bringing in many alterations and changes , some for the better , but a great hoarder of wealth and treasure . gregory the twelfth , by a factious election created pope , dyed at ninety yeeres of age , his short papacy affording nothing worthy of observation . paul the third lived eighty one yeeres , being of a quiet disposition , and profound judgement ; a learned astrologer , carefull of his health , and like the old priest ely , a father of his family . paul the fourth being fourescore and three yeeres of age , was of a severe disposition , high-minded , and imperious ; of a working fancy , and an eloquent ready speech . gregory the 13 th , living also fourescore and three yeeres , was a good man , politicke , temperate , and charitable . 19. the examples following are promiscuously set downe together . arganthonius , king of cadez in spaine , lived 130. or 40 yeeres , reigning 80. yeeres ; his manners , kind of life , and the time wherein he lived are unknowne . cyniras , king of cyprus , accounted then a happy pleasant island , lived one hundred and fifty , or sixty yeeres . two kings of the latines 800. and 600. yeeres . some kings of arcadia 300. yeeres , but the inhabitants long life in this healthfull countrey is but an invented fable . it is reported that in illyricum one dardanus lived five hundred yeeres without any infirmity of age . the epians , a people of aetolia , were generally all long-liv'd , 200 yeeres being a common age ; and amongst the rest the gyant litorius was 300. yeeres old . on the top of the mountaine tmolus , anciently called tempsus , many men attain'd to 100 and 50. yeeres of age . the sect of the esseans in iudea liv'd above 100. yeeres , keeping a very poore pythagorean dyet . apollonius tyaneus being above an hundred yeeres old , had a fresh faire complexion , and was accounted by the heathens a very divine man , but by the christians esteemed a magitian ; being a pythagorian in dyet , a great traveller , famous , and renowned , but in his age hee was disgraced , and suffered many contumelies and reproaches , which redounded afterward to his honour . but his pythagoricall dyet caused not his long life , being rather hereditary from his grandfather , who lived an hundred yeeres , the age also of q. metellus , who being twenty yeeres after his consulship , high-priest , his hand did not shake , nor his voyce failed not in offering sacrifice . appius caecus being very old , and blind , governed a great family , and the common-wealth ; and in his extreame old age being brought on a bed into the senate house , disswaded from making peace with pyrrhus : in the beginning of his oration shewing a memorable and invincible courage and strength of minde , saying , my blindnesse ( reverend fathers ) i have very patiently endured , but now hearing your dishonest counsell and purpose to conclude a peace with pyrrhus , i could wish my selfe deafe . m. perpenna lived ninety eight yeeres , surviving all the senators of his consulship , and all elected in his censorship , except seven . hiero , king of sicily , reigning at the time of the second punick warre , lived almost an hundred yeeres , being a moderate prince both in government and manners , religious , faithfull in friendship , bountifull , and continually fortunate . statilia , of a noble family , lived ninety nine yeeres in claudius reigne . claudia , the daughter of otilius , one hundred and fifteene yeeres . xanophilus , an ancient philosopher of the pythagorean sect , one hundred and six yeeres , being very healthfull and lusty in his old age , and very popular for his learning . islanders were formerly accounted very long-liv'd now equall to others in age . hippocrates of cous a famous physitian , lived one hundred and foure yeeres , approving his art by lengthning his life . hee was a wise learned man , of great experience and observation , who affecting not methodicall words , found out the nerves and sinewes of science . demonax a philosopher by profession and manners , livingan hundred yeeres in adrians reigne , was an high-minded man , a conquerour of his minde , and without affectation a contemner of the world , yet civill and courteous : when hee dyed , being asked touching his buriall , hee answered , never take care for burying me , for stinch will burie me . hee that askt him , sayd againe , would you have your body left for dogges and ravens to feede upon ? demonax answered , what great hurt is it , if having sought while i lived , to doe good unto men , my body doe some good to beasts when i am dead . the indians called pandorae , are very long-liv'd , reaching two hundred yeeres of age , and their childrens haire , ( which is strange ) being white , when they grow elder , turnes blacke , and afterwards gray ; whereas white haire doth ordinarily grow blacker . the seres , another sort of indians , with their plantine drinke , live to an hundred yeeres of age . euphranor the grammarian , being above an hundred yeeres old , kept a schoole , and taught schollers . ovid senior , ovid the poets father , lived 90. yeeres ; who differing from his sonnes disposition , and contemning the muses , disswaded 9. his sonne from studying poetry asinius pollio , favorite to augustus , and favored also by the gods , granting him a long life of an hundred yeeres , was luxurious , eloquent , learned , hasty , proud , cruell , and made private benefit , his actions onely center . seneca managing states matters , and being banished for adultery in claudius reigne , was not an hundred yeeres old when hee was neroes schoole-master . iohn of times being a french man , and charles the greats souldier , was accounted in those latter times the longest liver , being three hundred yeeres old . gartius aretine , grand-father to aretine , living to 104. yeeres of age , was healthfull even to the last , feeling no sicknesse ; but when strength of nature decay'd , dyed with age. many venetians lived exceeding long , as captaine francis donatus , thomas contarenus , proctor of saint markes , francis molin , proctor also of st. marks and others . but comerus venetus having a sickly crazy body , for the recovery of health , tooke all his meate and drinke by weight , keeping afterward according unto that proportion a constant dyet , and thereby lived above an hundred yeares in perfect health . william postell a french-man , beeing an hundred and twenty years old , had on his upper lip blacke haire not turned white , being a man of a stirring braine and light fancy , a great travailer , and a well experienced mathematician , and somewhat enclined unto heresie . 20. in england there is in every populous village a man or woman of threescore yeares of age . and at a wake in herefordshire , a dance was performed by eight men , whose age added together , amounted to eight hundred yeeres , some being as much above 100 yeeres old , as others were under that age . 21. many mad folks in bethleem hospitall , in the suburbs of london , live very long . 22. the ages of nymphs , fawnes , and satyres , formerly superstitiously adored , are but dreames and fables , contrary to philosophy and religion . so much forthe history of the long life of particular persons , generall observations follow . 23. in succeeding ages and generations , length of life is not shortned , fourscore yeeres having beene from moses time the constant age of man , which declines not ( as it is supposed ) nor decreases . but in particular countries mens lives were longer , when plain homely dyet , and bodily labour were much used , and shorter when more civiliz'd times delighted in idlenesse , and wanton luxury . but succeession of ages shortning not the length of life , must be from the corruptions thereof distinguished . the ages also of beasts , as oxen , horses , sheepe , goates , and such like creatures , being not shortned in this age. therefore the deluge , or generall flood , and perhaps particular accidentall floods , long drouths , earthquakes , and the like , doe shorten age , not succession of ages and generations . neyther doth the bignesse and stature of bodies now decrease and grow lesse , though virgil following common opinion , prophesied of a lesser stature of men in succeeding ages , of the ploughing the emathian and emonensian fields , saying thus : grandiaque effossis mirabitur ossa sepulohris . he shall admire those great and mighty bones , which are digg'd up from under their grave stones . though is sicily and other places three thousand yeares since gyants lived in caves , yet the generall stature of men since then , is not declined , or decreased , which is observable , confutes the common opinion , that men are not so long liv'd , bigge , nor strong , as formerly . 24. in colde northerne countries men commonly live longer than in hotter , their skin beeing more compact and close , whereby their moysture is not so easily diffufed , scattered abroad , and consumed by the sharpenesse of their repaireable spirits , nor by the ayre moderately warmed with the sunne beames exhausted and devoured . but under the equinoctial line . over which the sunne passing , makes two winters and summers , and equall dayes and nights , the inhabitants live very long as in peru and taprobana . 25. the mediterranian islanders are commonly long liv'd , for the russians live not so long as the orcades , nor the affricans as the inhabitants of the carnaries and terceras , though under the same paralell , and the 〈◊〉 though earnestly desiring and affecting long life , are not so long liv'd as the chinois , the sea ayre yeelding a cheerishing warmth in colde countryes , and a refreshing coole breez in hot countries . 26. high grounds , except the tops of mountaines , doeproduce longer liv'd people , than low flat levells , and in high countries , as in arcadia and greece , and part of aetolia ; the inhabitants live to a great age , as the inhabitants of mountaines would doe , if their pure cleere ayre were not accidentally corrupted with vapours , which rising from the vallies , do settle and rest on the hils . therefore on snowy mountaynes , on the 〈◊〉 the pyrenean mountaines , and the appenine , the inhabitants live not so long , as those dwelling on midling hills or vallies : but on the ridges of mountaines towards ethiop . and the abyssines , covered with snow , but with no hovering vapors , the people live and arrive to an hundred and fifty yeare of age . 27. the ayre of marches and fens lying flat and low , agrees wel enough with the natives , but to strangers is unhealthful , shortning their lives . and marshes or other fenneyplaces that are over-flowed with salt tides , are unwholsomer than those overflowed with fresh land water . 28. the particular countryes wherein the people live unto agreat age , are these ; arcadia , aetolia , indye on this side ganges , brasil , taprobana , brittaine , ireland , and the ilands of orcades and hebrides , but not ethiopia , as some of the auncients supposed . 29. the ayres perfect wholesomnesse is a secret quality , rather found out by experience , than reason . for if a peece of wooll laid some certaine dayes in the open ayre , doe not grow heavier in weight , it is an experiment that the ayre is good , also if a peece of flesh layd in the same manner remaine unputrified , or if a perspective glasse doe present the object in neere distance , the ayre is thereby approoved wholesome . 30. a wholesome and healthfull ayre must bee good , pure and equall . hils and vallies , with a kinde of changeable variety , make a pleasant prospect , but are not so healthfull , as the moderately dry plaine , notbarren or sandy , but woodded with shady trees . 31. it is bad dwelling in a different changeable ayre , but change of ayre in travayle , by use and custome becomes healthfull , making travailers long-liv'd . and cottagers dwelling continually in one place , live to a great age , the spirits beeing consumed lesse by an accustomed ayre , but nourished and repayred more by change of ayre . 32. the life of man ( as was sayd ) is not lengthned or shortned by succession of ages , but the immediate condition of the parents , both the father and mother is to bee regarded . as whether the father were an old man , young , or middle aged , healthfull and sound , or sickly and diseased , a glutton , or a drunkard , or whether children were begotten after sleepe in the morning , after long forbearance of venery , in the heate of love , ( as bastards ) or in colder blood , as in continuance of marriage . the same circumstances are also on the mothers side considerable ; and also the conditions of the mother being with child , as whether shee were healthfull , and what dyet she kept . certaine rules for judging of childrens long life by their begetting , and birth , are hard to bee given , matters falling out contrary to likelyhood : for children begotten with a lively courage , prove strong , but through their spirits sharpe inflammation are not long-liv'd . also children conceaved of a greater or equall quantity of the mothers seed , and begotten in lawfull wedlock , not in fornication , and in the morning , their parents being not too lusty and wanton , doe live long . for it is observable , that stout strong parents , especially mothers , have not strong children . therefore plato ignorantly imagined , that because women used not exercise as men did , therefore children were not strong ; whereas unequall strength is most powerfull in the act of generation , a strong man and a weake woman having strongest children ; so young women are the best breeders , and young nurses are best . for the spartan women marrying not untill two or five and twenty yeeres of age , called therefore man-like women , had no luster long-liv'd children , than the roman , athenian , or theban women , counting themselves at twelue or foureteene yeares old marriageable . therefore spare dyet made the spartan women excellent breeders , not late marriage . but experience shewes that some families are long-liv'd ; long life , and diseases beeing hereditary to all of the same stocke and parentage . 34. a blacke or red haire and complexion with freckles , are signes of longer life , than a white haire and complexion . and a fresh red colour in yong folkes , is better than a pale ; a hard skin , being not a thick spongy goose skin , but close grain'd , is a better signe of long life than a smooth skinne . and great wrinkles in the forehead are better signes than a smooth fore-head . 34. haire hard like bristles , is a better signe of long life than dainty soft locks , and hard thicke curled haire is better than soft and shining . 35. baldnesse comming sooner or later , is an indifferent signe , many being soone bald , yet long-liv'd ; and gray haires accounted signes of old age , comming betimes without baldnesse , are signes of long life ; with baldnesse betokening the contrary . 36. the hairinesse of the lower parts , as the thighes and legges , is a signe of long life , but not of the breast , or upper parts . 37. men of a tall stature , proper , bigge , strong , and active , are long-liv'd ; but a low stature , and slow disposition , are contrary signes . 38. in regard of proportion , short wastes and long legges betoken longer life than long wasts and short legges . and a bigge proportion downwards and slender upwards , is a signe of longer life , than broad shoulders , and slender making downwards . 39. leane folkes , of a quiet , peaceable disposition , and fat folkes of a cholericke stirring nature , are commonly long-liv'd . fatnesse in youth is a signe of short life , but not in age . 40. long growth , eyther to a great or lesser stature , is a signe of long life ; but suddaine growth either to a lowe or high stature , is a bad signe . 41. firme flesh , full of muscles and sinews , buttocks not too bigge , and high swelling veines , doe signifie long life ; the contrary are signes of short life . 42. a small head proportionable to the body , a middle-siz'd necke , not long , slender , thicke or short , shrinking within the shoulders , large nostrils , a wide mouth , eares grisly , not fleshy ; and strong , close , even teeth doe signifie long life , and especially breeding of new teeth . 43. a broad breast bending inwards , crooked shoulders , a flat belly , a broad hand with few lines in the palme , a short round foote , thighes not very fleshy , and high calves of the legges , are signes of long life . 44. great eyes with a greene circle betweene the white and the white of the eye , senses not too sharpe , slow pulses in youth , in age quicker , holding the breath easily ; costivenesse in youth , loosenesse in age , doe signifie long life . 45. astrologicall observations drawne from the horoseope or nativity , are not allowable . children comming at eight moneths are commonly still-borne ; but children borne in winter , are long-liv'd . 46. a strict pythagoricall dyet , or cornarus dyet of equall proportion , are good to make schollers and fryars live long . but by free eating and drinking , and a plentifull dyet , common people live longest . a moderate , temperate dyet , though healthfull , is no cause of long life ; for the strict dyet doth breed few spirits , consuming lesse moysture , and the full dyet yeelds more repairing nourishment ; but the moderate dyet affords neither fewer spirits , nor more nourishment , the meane of good extreames being not so good as of bad extreames . with a strict dyet watching must bee used , to keepe sleepe from oppressing the spirits being few , and also moderate exercise , & abstinence from venery : but a plentifull dyet requires much sleepe , frequent exercise , and seasonable venery . baths and oyntments formerly used for delight , not to prolong life , shall bee hereafter in the following propositions exactly handled . but the learned and wise physitian celsus , held that variety and change of good plentifull dyet was best , also watching , but longer and oftner sleepe ; fasting also , but more frequent feasting ; and businesse sometimes , but more often pleasure and recreation were good and healthfull . in keeping a good dyet , being the greatest lengthner of life , there are different observations . i remember 〈◊〉 an old man of above an hundred yeeres of age , produced for a witnesse in a plea of prescription , having given in evidence , and being askt by the iudges by what meanes hee had lived so long , answered , by eating before i was hungry , and drinking before i was thirsty : but this matter shall bee heereafter handled . 47. a religious holy life may cause a long life ; for retyrednesse , rest , divine contemplation , spirituall joy , noble hope , wholesome feare , sweet sorrow , newnesse of life , strict observations , repentance and satisfaction , doe lengthen the naturall life of a mortified christian ; and the austere dyet of such a life hardens the body , and humbles the spirit ; so that paul the hermite , and simeon the anchorite , and many other monkes , lived thus in the wildernesse untill they were old . 48. next unto this is the learned life of philosophers , rhetoricians , and grammarians , living in ease , and thoughts not appertaining to businesse , without griefe , delighting in variety & impertinences , and in a free voluntary expence of time , in the pleasant conversation of young men . but philosophies in respect of long life are different ; for superstitious high contemplative philosophies , as the pythagoricall , and platonicke , and naturall philosophy , metaphysicks , and morall philosophy of heroicall vertues were good studies to prolong life : such were the philosophies of democritus , philolaus , xenophon , astrologians and stoicks : also sensible philosophies , not profound and speculative , but agreeable to common opinion , were good studies , profest by carneades , and the accademicks , rhetoricians , and grammarians : but difficult subtile philosophies , weighing matters in the scale of principles , and full of thorney questions , were bad studies , whereunto the peripateticks and scholasticks were devoted . 49. the countrey life busied in imployments abroad , being active , and keeping a fresh homely dyet , without care and envy , doth therefore prolong life . 50. the military life is good in youth , many excellent warriers having beene long-liv'd , as corvinus , camillus , xenophon , agefilaus , and other both ancient and moderne . also the improvement of vertue by increasing dayly in goodnesse , and labouring in youth , doth prolong life , the remembrance thereof being sweet in age . besides , military affections , raised with the desire and hope of victory , infuse into the spirits heate agreeable to long life . medicines for long life . medicines there are many for preserving health , and and curing diseases , but few to prolong life : therefore those notables medicines called cordials , shall be here propounded . for cordials taken to fortifie and strengthen the heart and spirits against poyson and diseases , being with iudgement used , may by all likely hood be as powerfull to prolong life . these heere selected , and orderly set downe , are best . 1. gold is exhibited , and used three wayes ; in potable gold , gold quenched in wine , or substantiall gold , as leafe-gold , and powder gold. potable gold was given first in dangerous desperate diseases , for an excellent powerful cordiall , receiving the virtuall effect from the spirit of salt wherein it is dissolved ; for gold would bee more soveraigne , could it bee without corrosive waters , or by corrosives cleared of their venemous quality , dissolved . 2. pearles are taken in loose powder , or dissolved in the sharpe juyce of greene lemmons , or in spiced comfits , and drinkes . the pearle and the shell whereunto it cleaves , are of one nature , and in quality like the shells of river-crabs . 3. two christalline precious stones are chiefe cordials , the emerald , and iacinth , given in the same manner as pearles , but not usually dissolved ; yet these glasse greene stones are of a sharp operation . the benefit and helpe received from these medicinall species , shall be hereafter declared . 4. bezars stone is of approoved vertue , recreating the spirits , and provoking gentle sweat . unicornes horne is of like esteeme with the harts horne , and the bone of the harts heart , ivory , and the like . 5. amber-grise is very good to comfort and refresh the spirits . these drugges following are of approved vertue . hot. saffron . the indian leafe wood of aloes . citron barke . baulme-mint . graines . avens , or sanamund . orange flowers . rosemary . mint . betony . blessed thistle . cold. nitre . roses . violets . strawberry bush . strawberries . syrrop of lemmons syrrop of oranges . juice of apples . borrage . buglosse . burnet . sanders . camphire . prescriptions for dyet being here onely delivered , hot waters and chymicall oyles , ( by chymists sayd to be under the planet of mars ) having a destructive furious operation , and also hot biting spices are to bee rejected , and waters must bee made more temperate , lively , and fragrant than phlegmatick distillations , or hot extractions of the spirit of wine . 6. often letting blood having beene formerly much used , and all observations falling out fit and convenient , is good to prolong life , the old moysture of the body being thereby evacuated and emptied , and new introduced and bred . 7. consumptious also and sicknesses procuring leanenesse , being well cured , doe lengthen life , the body being thereby supply'd with new moysture after the consumption of the old . therefore it is sayd , that to grow healthfull after such a sicknesse , is to grow youthfull ; therefore the procuring of sicknesse by artificiall dayets shall be hereafter declared . intentions . inquiry having beene made concerning livelesse bodies , vegetables , living creatures , and man ; a new search by true and proper intentions , resembling the paths of mortall life , shall be made , and more effectuall than all former contemplations of comforting naturall heate , and radicall moysture , or of meates breeding good blood ; neither hot , nor phlegmaticke , and of refreshing and recreating the spirits ; or of medicines of gold , being of all mettals least subject to corruption ; and of precious stones recreating the spirits by their hidden qualities and cleerenesse , and of the balsomes and quintessences of living creatures , which being contayn'd and received in vessels , would give a proud hope of immortality . and of the flesh of serpents and harts being powerfull to renew life , the one changing his skinne , the other his hornes ; and the flesh of eagles , because the eagle changeth his bill ; and of one that by annointing himselle all over , ( except the soules of his feete ) lived 300 yeeres , and never felt any other sicknesse , but onely a swelling of his feete : and of artesius , who perceiving that his spirits grew old , attracted the spirit of a lusty young man , killing him for that purpose , and receiving it into his mouth with the young mans last breath , living many yeeres by his spirit ; and of fortunate houres according to astronomie , wherein medicines to prolong life should bee gathered and compounded , and of the planets influence powerfull to prolong life , and the like superstitious fables , and strange delusions , by which reason being besieged , hath miserably yeelded up the fort of beleefe . but to these materiall intentions , touching the quicke of the matter , though not largely handled , much cannot be added , some few admonitions onely concerning them are to be delivered . first , the offces and duties of life being better than life , the prescriptions of our intententions hinder not the offices and duties of life , such being rejected , or lightly mentioned , and not insisted on . for no serious discourse of living in a denne , or hole of a rocke like epimenides cave , never befriended with any cheerefull sun-beame , or day-light , or of continuall baths of prepared liquors , nor of seare-cloaths , keeping the body in a bagge , nor of thicke pargetting and painting used by salvages , or of accurate dyets to prolong life , formerly kept by 〈◊〉 and in our age more moderately by cornarus venetus , nor the like unprofitable idle projects are heere mentioned . but our remedies and precepts may be used without interrupting and hindering common duties and businesses . secondly , it is a vaine conceit , to imagine that any potion or medicine can stay or renew the course of nature ; which great worke must bee brought about and effected by application of divers remedies , and being a new project , must bee wrought by unusuall meanes . thirdly , some following propositions are not grounded on approoved experiments , but on reason , and our former principles and suppositions are all cut and digged out of the rock and myne of nature . and because mans body is in scripture said to be the soules upper garment , therfore no dangerous , but wholesome and profitable remedies are here propounded . besides , it is observable , that the same drugs are not good to preserve health , and to lengthen life ; for some being good to cheere the spirits , and make them vigorously and strongly performe their duties , doe shorten life ; others being powerfull to prolong life , unlesse prevention bee used , doe endanger health ; therefore some cautions and advertisements shall bee inserted , leaving the choise of remedies belonging to the severall intentions , to the readers discretion . for their agreeablenesse to different constitutions of bodies , to divers kinds of life , and severall ages , and the order observable in their application , would bee too tedious to declare , and unfit to bee published . the 3. intentions propounded in the topicks , of staying consumption , perfecting reparation , and renewing age , are enlarged into these ten operations . 1. the first operation is of reviving and renewing the spirits . 2. the second operation is of excluding or keeping out the ayre . 3. the third of blood , and heate breeding blood. 4. the fourth of the juyce and moysture of the body . 5. the fifth of the bowels , and digestion of nourishment . 6. the sixth is of the outward parts attracting nourishment . 7. the seaventh is of making dyet more nourishing . 8. the eight is of the last act of assimilation , or converting into the substance of the body . 9. the ninth is of making the parts of the body tender , after they begin to wither , and waxe dry . 10. the tenth is of purging out old-moysture , and filling the body with fresh new moysture . of these operations , the first foure belong to the first intention , the second foure to the second intention , and the two last to the third intention . and because these intentions may bee dayly practised , therefore under the name of an history , experiments , observations , counsells , remedies , explications of causes and reasons are together blended and mingled . the operation on the spirits , to make them continue youthfull , and to revive and renew them being decayed . the history . 1. that the spirits worke all effects in the body , is most cleere and evident by divers experiments . 2. and youthfull spirits convey'd into an old body , would like a great wheele turning about the lesser , make nature move backward , and old folks become young . 3. in all consumption by fire , or age , the more moisture that the spirit or heate doth devoure , the lesse durable is the substance . 4. the spirits working temperately , should not drinke or devoure , but sip the moysture of the body . 5. flames are of two kinds , one suddaine and weake , working and vanquishing thinne substances , as the blazing flame of straw , and shavings of wood : the other strong , and constant , invading hard stubborne substances , as the flame of great wood . 6. flames suddainly blazing , and weake , doe dry , consume , and parch the body : but strong flames dissolve and melt the body , making it moist and solt . 7. also some plasters and medicines for swellings , drawing out thinne humours , doe harden the flesh ; others by drawing strongly , doe soften . 8. and some purgations doe sweepe and fetch away waterish thinne humours , others draw downe watery , stubborne , flymy matter . 9. such spirits as are more powerfull to abate , and subject hard stubborne humours , than to avoyd thinne and prepared humours , will keepe the body lusty and strong . 10. the spirits should bee composed , thicke in substance , hot and lively ; not sharpe and burning ; of sufficient quantity , not abounding , or swelling ; and quiet in motion , not hoyting or leaping in an unequall unruly manner . 11. vapours worke powerfully on the spirits , as those doe arising from sleepe , drunkennesse , melancholy , and merry passions , and from odours and sweet smells recreating the fainting spirits . 12. the spirits are by foure sorts of meanes thickned : by flight , cooling , delight , and restraint ; and first of the thickning by flight . 13. bodies by generall driving and putting to flight , are forced into their center , and so thickned . 14. the juyce of blacke poppy , and all medicines procuring sleepe , doe thicken the spirits by flight . 15. three graines of poppy-juyce will make the spirits curdle together , and quite extinguish their working . 16. the spirits are not put to flight by the coldnesse of poppy-juyce , and the like drugs being hot ; but the flight of the spirits doth make them hot and cooling . 17. the flight of the spirits from poppy-juyce , is best discerned by the outward application , making the spirits withdraw and retire , and keepe within , untill the mortified part turne to a gangrine . 18. in painefull incisions , or cutting for the stone , or cutting off limbes , juyce of hemlocke is used to mitigate the paine , by putting the spirits to flight , and casting the patient into a swoone . 19. the thickning of the spirits by flight , and driving inwards , is a good effect of poppy-juyce , proceeding from a bad cause , being the flight of the spirits . 20. poppey was esteemed by the graecians to bee a great preserver of health , and prolonger of life : the principall ingredient used by the arabians called gods hands , was poppey-juyce , the bad qualities thereof being allay'd with other mixtures , as treacle , mithridate , and the like . 21. all medicines thickning the spirits , as poppey doth especially , and staying and restrayning the spirits unruly working and raging in pestilentiall diseases , are good to prolong life . 22. a good quantity of poppy-juyce being found by experience to be comfortable , is taken by the turkes to make them valiant ; but to us , unlesse taken in a small quantity , and well allay'd , it is deadly poyson . 23. poppy-juyce doth also strengthen the spirits , and excite to venery . 24. the distilled waters of wilde poppy is good for surfeits , feavers , and divers diseases , the spirits being therby thickned , and strengthened to resist any diseases . 25. the turkes drinke the powder of an hearbe in warme water , to increase their valour , and sharpnesse of wit ; but a greater quantity thereof is of a stupe fying power like poppey . 26. the east indians refresh themselves before and after labour , by holding in their mouths , or eating a famous roote called betell , enabling also their acts of generation ; being also of a stupefying power , because it blacketh the teeth . 27. tobacco , in this age growne so common , and yeelding such a secret delight and content , that being once taken , it can hardly be forsaken , doth lighten the body , and take off wearinesse ; opening the pores , and voyding humours , but thickning the spirits ; being a kind of henbane , and doth like poppy , buzzell and trouble the braine . 28. some humours of the body , as those proceeding from melancholy , are like poppey-juyce , and doe cause long life . 29. opium , or poppy-juyce , the leaves and seeds of both kinds of poppey , also henbane , mandrake , hemlocke , tobacco , nightshade , or banewort , have all a drowsie stupefying power . 30. treacle , mithridate , trifer , paracelsus gumme , syrrop of poppey , pills of hounds tongue , are compouded drugs of the sale nature . 31. these presecriptions prolong life by thickning the spirits by coolers . 32. in youth keepe every yeere a coole dyet about may , the spirits in summer being loose and thinne , and no cold humours bred : and take a julip of poppey , and other hot ingredients , but not too strong , every morning between sleep , then keepe a spare diet for fourteene dayes afterward , forbearing wine , and hot spices . 33. smoakes and steames being not too purgative to draw forth humours , but having a light operation on the spirits of the braine , doe coole the spirits as well as coolers : therfore a suffumigation made of tobacco , wood of aloes , dry rosemary-leaves , and a little myrrh , being in the morning received into the nostrills , is very wholesome . 34. but the water of compound opiate drugs , the vapor rising in distilling , and the heare settling downwards , is better to bee taken in youth , than the drugs : for the vertue of distilled water is in their vapour , being in other respects weake . 35. some drugs being like poppy , but not so strong , doe yeeld a drowsie cooling vapour , and wholesomer than poppy , not shunn'd by the spirits , being thereby gathered together , and thickned . 36. the drugges like unto poppy , and therewith used , are saffron , and saffron flowers , the indian leafe , ambergrīse , coriander-seed prepa red ; amomum , pseudamomum , rhodianwood , water of orange blossomes , and an infusion of the flowers steeped in oyle olive , and a nutmeg dissolved in rose-water . 37. vse poppy sparingly at set times , but these other drugs being commonly taken , and in dayly dyet , are very soveraigne to prolong life . pharmacopaeus in calecut , by using amber lived to one hundred and sixty yeeres of age , and the nobility of barbary , by using the same drugge , are longer liv'd than the common people . and our long-liv'd ancestors used saffron very-much in their cakes and broths . so much of thickning the spirits by poppy , and other drugges . 38. the second way and meanes to thicken the spirits is by cold ; for cold doth properly thicken , and by a safer operation and working than the malignant qualities of poppey , though not so powerfully ; yet because coolers may be familiarly used in dayly dyet , they are better to prolong life than drowsie potions , or drugs . 39. the spirits are cooled by breathing , by vapours , or by dyet ; the first way being best , but difficult ; the second good , and easie ; the third weakeand tedious . 40. the cleare pure ayre which may be taken on the dry tops of mountaines , and in open shady fields , is good to thicken the spirits . 41. also vapours doe coole and thicken , and nitre hath in this kind a speciall operation , grounded on these reasons . 42. nitre is a kind of cold spice , being so cold that it biteth the tongue as hot spices doe . 43. the spirits of all drugges naturally , not accidentally cold , are few and weake ; spirituall drugges being on the contrary hot ; nitre onely having aboundance of spirits , is of a vegetable nature , and cold . for camphire is spirituall , and cold in operation by accident , and the thinne quality thereof being without sharpnesse , doth lengthen the breath in inflammations . 44. also nitre mingled with snow and ice , and put about vessels , doth congeale and freeze the liquor within , and common bay-salt doth make snow colder , and more apt to freeze . but in hot countries where no snow falls , niter is onely used . 45. 〈◊〉 and souldiers , to make them valiant , doe drinke gunne-powder before they fight , or joyne battaile , as the turkes doe poppy , 46. nitre doth allay the destroying he are of burning 〈◊〉 and pestentiall 〈◊〉 47. the nitre in gun-powder shunning the flame when a peece is fired , doth make the crake and report . 48. nitre is the spirit of the earth ; for any pure earth covered or shaded from the sun-beames , so that nothing doe spring or grow thence , will gather store of nitre , the spirit of nitre being inferiour to the spirit of living creatures , and of vegetables , and plants . 49. cattell drinking of water wherein there is nitre , doe grow fat , being a signe that the nitre is cold . 50. land and grounds are made ranke and mellow by the fatning quality of the spirit of nitre , which is in dung . 51. therefore the spirit of nitre will coole , thicken , and refresh the spirits , and abate their heate . for as strong wine and spices doe enflame the spirits , and shorten life , so nitre composing and restrayning the spirits ; doth lengthen life . 52. nitre may bee used with meate , and eaten with salt to the proportion of a tenth part , and put in morning broaths , from three graines to ten , or in drinke , and being used in any manner moderately , it prolongs life . 53. as other drugges besides poppy , being weaker , and safer , to bee taken in greater quantity , and oftner , doe condensate and thicken the spirits by flight : so drugs of an inferiour nature and operation to nitre , doe also coole and thicken the spirits . 54. all drugges inferiour to niter smell earthly , like good pure earth newly turn'd up , and digg'd : the chiefe whereof are burrage , buglosse , burnet , strawberry-leaves , and strawberries , cowcumbers , and fragrant apples , vine-leaves , and buds , and violets . 55. next to these are drugges of a hot smell , but cooling ; as balme , citrons , and lemmons , greene oranges , rose-water , roasted peares , damask and red roses , and muske-roses . 56. these fruits , inferiour to nitre for thickning the spirits , should bee used raw , not roasted , their cooling spirits being by fire dispersed ; therefore to infuse or squeeze them into drink , or to eate , or smell to them raw is best . 57. the spirits are thickned also by the odour and smell of other drugges inferiour to poppey and nitre . for the smell of pure fresh earth , comming from following a plough , or digging , or weeding , and the smel of leaves fallen from trees in woods , or hedge-rowes at the beginning of autumne , is good to coole the spirits : and especially wither'd strawberry leaves ; also the smel of violets , of the flowers of pellitory of the wall , of blackberries , and madre-selve , is cooling . 58. a noble man of my acquaintance , who lived to bee very old , did usually after sleepe , smell to a clod of fresh earth . 59. also endive , succory , liverwort , purflaine , &c. doe by cooling the blood , coole also the spirits , though not so soone as vapours and smells . so much of thickning the spirits by flight . the third kind of thickning is by delight : the fourth by the restraint of their cheorefulnesse , joyfulnesse , and too violent motions . 60. the spirits are mitigated and thickned by such acceptable pleasing objects , as doe not draw them forth , but afford them inward delight , whereby being collected into their center , they enjoy themselves , and therein finde a sweete content . 61. the former positions of drugges inferior to opium and nitre , being here remembred , further inquiry of thickning the spirits by cooling will bee needelesse . 62. the restraint of the violent affections and motions of the spirits , shall bee hereafter declared : now the thickning of the spirits having beene shewed , the qualification and temper of their heate follows . 63. the spirits should not bee hot , and sharpe , but strong , and lusty , to conquer and subdue resisting matter , not to attenuate & expell thin humors . spices , wine , and strong drinke must be temperately used , and after abstinence hath refreshed the appetite : and also savory , margerum , penny-royall , and all heaters that bite on the tongue , must bee seldome used : the heate by them infused into the spirits being not operative , but a devouring heate . 65. these hearbs strengthen the heate of the spirits ; endive , garlicke , blessed-thistle , young cresses , germander , angelico , wormseed , vervin , set-well , myrthe , pepperwort , elder-budds , and parsley , and being used in sawces and medicines , are hot in operation . 66. also of cooling drugges , compounded with euphorbium , bastard pellitory , stavesacres , dragon-wort , anacardium , oyle of beaversstone , hart-wort , opoponax , gumme of agasillis , and galbanum , and the like , to allay the drowsie stupefying power of poppey , a very good medicine to strengthen the spirits , and make them hot and lusty may bee made , like treacle and mithridate being not sharpe , nor biting on the tongue , but bitter , and of a strong sent , yet hot in the stomacke , and in working , or in their operations . 67. the desire of venery often stirred up and excited , but seldome satisfied in act , doth strengthen the heate of the spirits , and so doe some of the affections . so much of the heare of the spirits , being a cause of long life . 68. the spirits should not abound , but be few , and moderate ; for a small flame devoures not so much as a greater . 69. a sparing pythagoricall dyet , such as monks and hermits under the order of st. necessity , and st. poverty used , is good to prolong life . 70. also drinking of water , hard lodging , cold spare dyet of sallets , fruits , and powderd flesh , and sale fish , without any fresh warme meate , a haire-shirt , fasting , watching , abstinence from sensuall pleasures , doe abate and diminish the spirits , which being reduc'd to a quantity sufficient to maintaine life , doe make lesser wast on the body . 71. but a higher dyet , somewhat above those rigorous moderate dyets , being kept man equall constant manner , hath the same operation . for a great constant , quiet flame consumes not so much as a lesser which blazeth , and is somtimes bigger , sometimes lesser : and cornarus venetus keeping such a constant dyet , and drinking and eating so many yeeres , by just proportion and weight , lived in perfect health untill hee was an hundred yeeres of age . 72. also to avoyd inflammation of the spirits , a full-sed body not mortified by strict dyets , must use seasonable venery , lest the spirits swelling too much doe soften and destroy the body : so much of the moderate plenty of spirits . 73. the restraynt of the spirits motion is next considerable , for motion doth make the spirits hot . there be three restrayners of the spirits , sleepe , avoyding of violent labour , exercise , and wearinesse , and the governing and moderating of troublesome affections . and first of sleepe . 74. epimenides slept many yeeres in a cave without any food , because the spirits in sleepe devoure not much radicall moysture . 75. also dormice and bats doe sleepe in holes all the winter , sleep restrayning the consrming power of their vitall spirits : so bees wanting honey , and butter-flies and flesh-flyes do live by sleep . 76. sleepe after dinner , the first vapours of meate like a dew ascending then into the head , is good for the spirits , but unwholesome for the body . and sleepe is as nourishing as meate for old folkes , who should often take light refections , and short naps , and beeing growne extreame olde should live in continuall ease and rest , especially in winter . 77. thus moderate sleepe being sound and quiet , doth prolong life . 78. to make one sleepe soundly and quietly , violets are good , sod lettuce , syrrup of roses , saffron , balme , apples eaten before going to bed , a sop dipt in malmsey , wherein a muske-rose hath beene steeped , or a pill or potion made of these ingredients . also all binding drugges , as coriander-seed prepared , and roasted quinces , and peares , doe cause sound and quiet sleepe : but a good draught of cleere cold water is best to make young folkes having strong stomacks , sleepe soundly . voluntary extasies , and fixed profound meditations , joyned with a quiet minde , doe thicken the spirits more than sleepe , making them rest from outward operations , as sleepe doth . so much of sleep . 79. violent wearisome exercises and motions , as running , tennis , fencing , are not good , nor strayning of strength to the uttermost , as leaping , and wrestling : for the spirits by such violent nimble motions , and straining of the strength being droven into a narrow roome , doe become more sharpe , and praedatory , or devouring : but dancing , shooting , riding , bowling , and such moderate exercises are very healthfull . some of the affections and passions of the minde doe shorten the life of man , and some doe cause long life . 80. by exceeding great joy the spirits are made thinne , loose , and weake , but by familiar common recreations they are not loosened , but strengthened . 81. joy arising from sensuall pleasure is bad , but the remembrance of former ioy , or the apprehension of ioy to come conceived onely in the imagination is good . 82. an inward conceived ioy , sparingly vented , doth comfort the heart more than a vulgar immoderate expression of ioy . 83. sorrow and griefe , beeing without feare , and not too heavy , and grievous , doe prolong life by contracting the spirits , which is a kinde of condensation or thickning . 84. great feares doe shorten life ; for though sorrow and feare doe both contract the spirits , yet sorrow doeth onely contract , but feare mingled with care and hope , doth heate and vexe the spirits . 85. anger being close and suppressed is a kinde of vexation , making the spirits devoure the moisture of the body , but being vented and getting forth , doth strengthen the heate of the spirits . 86. by envy the worst passion , the spirits , and by them the body are hurt and weakned , beeing alwayes in action and working , for envy is sayde to keepe no holy-dayes . 87. pitty and compassion of anothers misery , whereinto wee cannot possibly fall , is good , but pitty reflecting backe , and exciting feare of beeing in as bad a case , is bad . 88. shame lightly at the first drawing in the spirits , and afterwards sending them forth againe , doth make blushing bashfull folkes commonly long-liv'd . but shame arising from reproach , and continuing long , doth contract and choake the spirits . 89. love not unfortunate , nor wounding too deepe , being a kind of joy , is governed by the rules prescribed for joy . 90. hope being the best of all the affections , and passions , is very powerfull to prolong life , if like a nodding nurse it doe not often fall asleepe , and languish , but doe continually feed the fancy with beholding good obiects . and therefore such as propound certaine ends and purposes to be compassed , thriving and prospering therein according to their desire , are commonly long-liv'd : but having attayned to their highest hopes , all their expectitions and desires being satisfied , doe not live long afterward . 91. admiration and light contemplation are very good to prolong life , keeping the spirits busied in 〈◊〉 matters , and in a peaceable quiet gentle temper : so that all philosophers , and observers of the wonders of nature , ( as democritus , plato , parmenide , apollonius ) were long liv'd . also rhetoricians , tasting onely matters , & following the light of speech , not obscure dark philosophy , were also long-liv'd , as gorgias , protagoras , i socrates , seneca . andas old men are talkative , so talkative men , doe often live to bee old men . for talkativenesse is a signe of a light apprehension , not binding or vexing the spirits : but subtile acute studies wearying and weakening the spirits , doe shorten life . so much of the motion of the spirits by the pafsions of the minde , some generall observations not included in the former division , doe follow . 92. the spirits must not bee often loosed , nor made thinne , being thereby loosed ; for the spirits being once extenuated , loosened , and made thinne , are not easily collected and thickned . the spirits are loosed by excessive labour , exceeding violent passions of the minde , much sweating , much evacuation , warme baths , and intemperate or unseasonable venery ; also care , griefe , doubtfull expectation , sicknesse , sorrow , and payne , doe dissolve and loosen the spirits , and should therefore bee avoyded and shunned . 93. the spirits delight in customes and novelties ; for customes not used untill they grow wearisome , and nove'ties much desired , and then enjoy'd , doe wonderfully preserve the vigour of the spirits . therefore judgment and care should bee shewed in leaving off customes before they become loathsome and contemptible , and in making the desire of novelties stronger by restraint , and in altering and changing the course of our life , lest the spirits imploy'd in one setsed kind of life should grow heavy and dull : for though seneca sayd well , a foole doth alwayes beginne to live ; yet this folly and many other doe lengthen life . 94. it is observable ( contrary to common custome ) that the spirits being in a good , quiet , sound temper , ( discerned by the quietnesse and inward joy of the minde ) should bee cherrished , not changed . 95. ficinus saith , that old men should comfort their spirits with the actions of their childhood , and youth , being a recreation proper to age. therefore the remembrance of former education together is pleasant in conversation , and the place of education is beheld with delight . so that the emperour vespasian would not alter his fathers house , being but a meane building , because the old house did put him in remembrance of his childhood : and besides , on festivall dayes hee would drinke in a silver-tip'd wooden cup , which was his grand-mothers . 96. also an alteration of life for the better , is acceptable and delightfull to the spirits . therefore youth and manhood having beene spent in pleasures proper and peculiar to those ages , old age should enjoy new delights , especially moderate ease . therefore noble-men in their age should live a retired kind of life , as cassiodorus , having beene in great favour with the gothish kings of italy , and accounted the soule and life of their affaires , at fourescore yeeres of age retired to a monastery , living there to 110. yeeres of age , and there dyed . but such retyrement should be before the body bee decayed , and diseased , for then all changes , though for the better , doe hasten death : and a retyred life being undertaken , their minds and thoughts should not be addicted to idlenesse , but imploy'd in pleasant delightfull studies , or in building and planting , 97. lastly , the spirits are recreated by labour willingly undertaken , but consumed by action or labour performed with unwillingnesse . therefore a free kind of life by art contrived , to bee at our owne disposing , and an obedient minde , not resisting , but yeelding to the power of fortune , doe prolong life . 98. and for the better governing of the affections , the body must not bee soluble , or loose ; for on all the affections , except those arising from melancholy , as drunkennesse and melancholy , such laxativenesse and loosenesse hath more power than on the heart or braine . 99. this operation of making the spirits continue youthfull and lusty , not mentioned by physitians , hath beene more diligently handled , because the readiest and most compendious way to prolong life , is by renewing the spirits , working suddainly on the body , as vapours and passions doe worke on the spirits in a direct not indirect manner . the operation on the exclusion ; or keeping out of the ayre . 2. the history . 1. the exclusion or keeping out of the ayre , doth in two respects lengthen life : first , because the outward ayre animating the spirits , and being healthfull , doth next unto the inward spirits , devoure the moysture of the body , growing thereby dry , and withered . 2. secondly , by the exclusion and keeping out of ayre , the body being shut and closed , and not breathing forth at the pores , the detayned spirits by their working doe soften the hardnesse of the body . 3. the reason hereof is grounded on the infallible axiom of the drynesse , the body being dryed by the emission and issuing forth of the spirits , but by their detayning melted and softned . besides , it is a position that all kind of heate doth properly make thin and moysten , and doth onely accidentally contract and dry . 4. dwelling in caves and dennes , the ayre receiving there no sun-beames , doth lengthen life ; for the ayre being not excited by heate , cannot wast and consume the body . and by divers ancient tombes and monuments in sicily , and other places , it is cleerely evident , that the stature of man was greater in former ages than now , being of a great stature , and long-liv'd . epimenides cave is an ancient fable . and as living in caves was then usuall , so the anchorites lived in pillars , impenetrable by the sun-beames , and the ayre being unchangeable . the anchorites , simeon , stilita , daniel , and saba living in pillars , were very long-liv'd . also moderne anchorites have lived in walls and pillars unto agreat age. 5. dwelling on mountaines is next to living in caves ; for the sun-beames pierce not , nor penetrate into caves , and on the tops of mountaines have no reflexion , and little strength . but on mountaines having a cleare pure ayre , and drye vallies below , whence no clouds or vapours doe ascend , being like those mountaines encompassing barbary , whereon people live to an hundred yeeres of age , it is good dwelling . 6. such an ayre , either in caves , or on mountaines , is not naturally praedatory , or devouring ; but our common ayre being of a wasting quality through the warme heate of the sunne , must be excluded , and kept out of the body . 7. the ayre is excluded , or kept out by shutting or filling the pores . 8. coldnesse of the ayre , nakednesse of the skinne , washing in cold water , binders applyed to the skinne , as masticke , myrthe , and myrtle , doe shut & close the pores of the body . 9. baths also made of astringent binding minerall waters , extracted from steele and glasse , doe strongly contract and close the skinne , but must be seldome used , especially in summer . 10. concerning filling ; painting , oyntments , oyles , and pomanders doe preserve the substance of the body , as oyle-colours and varnish doe preserve wood . 11. the ancient brittaines painted their bodies with woad , and were very long-liv'd , and so were the picts , from the like painting of their bodies called picts , or living pictures . 12. the virginians and brasiltans doe paint themselves , and are very long-liv'd ; for the french fryars lately found there some indians who could remember an hundred and twenty yeeres since the building of farnamburg . 13. iohn of times living to 300. yeeres of age , being asked what preservatives had made him live so long ? answered , oyle without , honey within . 14. the wild irish also live very long , being used to annoynt themselves naked before the fire with old salt-peeter : and the countesse of desmond bred teeth thrice , and lived to 140. yeeres of age. 15. the irish doe weare saffroned linnen , and shirts , continuing long cleane , and lengthening life . for saffron being a great binder , oyly , and hot without sharpnesse , is very comfortable to the skinne and flesh . i remember that an english man , being to goe to sea , and having put a bag of saffron within his doublet , next his breast , to avoyd paying of custome , was in that voyage very healthfull , having been formerly alwayes sea-sicke . 16. pure fine linnen ( according to hypocrates advice ) should be worne in winter next unto the skinne : in summer courser linnen , and oyled ; for the spirits being then very much exhaled and drawne forth , the pores of the skinne should bee closed and filled . 17. annointing of the skin at the first rising out of bed with oyle-olive , or oyle of almonds mingled with bay-salt , and saffron , is good to lengthen life . but this annoynting must be with wooll , or a soft spunge lightly done ; not dropping on the body , but onely wetting the skinne . 18. for the body being drawne by a great quantity , and drinking in a lesser quantity , should bee therefore lightly annoynted , or instead thereof oyled shirts may be worne . 19. but the grecians and romans formerly using this annointing with oyle , left off now in italy , lived not longer in those ages , being used by all , except fencers , onely after bathing , hot baths being of a contrary operation opening the pores by unctions and oyntments shut together and closed . therefore bathing without annoynting is unhealthfull , but annoynting without bathing is very good . besides , precious oyntments were then used for delicacy and delight , not for health , or to lengthen life , as virgil sayd : nec cassia liquidi corrumpitur usus olivi : nor doth the use of oyle decay , by using precious cassia . 20. annoynting is healthfull to keepe out cold in winter , and good to keepe in the spirits in the summer from loosening , and defend them from the praedatory devouring power of the ayre . 21. in annoynting with good oyle , being good to prolong life , foure cautions arising from foure discommodities are observable . 22. the first discommodity is , that suppressing of sweat may breed diseases out of those excrementitious humours , being not prevented by purgations and glisters . for swearing , though healthfull , doth weaken nature , and shorten life ; but moderate purgatives work on the humours , not the spirits , as sweat doth . 23. the second discommodity is , that by heating and enflaming the body , the enclosed spirits venting not forth by breathing , may become hot . this inconvenience is prevented by a coole dyet , and by often taking such coolers , as in the operation of blood shal be mentioned . 24. thirdly , annoynting may make the head heavy ; for all outward filling , striking back the vapours , doth drive them backe towards the head : but purgatives and glisters , and closing the mouth of the ventricle with restrictive binders , and combing and rubbing the head with lye , to cause the exhalations , and using exercises to vent humours by the pores of the skin , doe all prevent this inconvenience . 25. the fourth discommodity being of a subtiler nature , is the increasing of the detayned spirits by shutting the pores ; for new spirits being without any venting of the old continually generated and multiplyed , would feed on , and waste the body ; but this assertion is erronious , for the spirits being confined , are dull , ( and venting by motion as flame ) are not so active and generative to increase in heate like a hot flame , but slow in motion : besides , this inconvenience may be remedied by coolers , steeped in oyle of roses and myrtle , but cassia , and heaters must bee shunned . 26. the linings of apparell for exhausting and drawing the body , should not be of a watery but oyly substance ; and therefore bayes and woollen linings are better than linnen . and sweete powders sooner loose their sent among linnen , than among woollen ; linnen beeing soft and cleane , but not so healthfull as woollen . 27. the wild irish beginning to grow sicke , doe presently take the sheets of their beds , and afterwards wrappe themselves in the woollen blankets . 28. carded wooll worne next the skin in britches and doublets is very good . 29. accustomed ayre wasts not the body so much as change of ayre : therefore poore men living in cottages , and never changing their dwellings , are commonly long-liv'd . but in other respects , the spirits beeing fresh and lively change of ayre is good , foure yeerely remoovings beeing sufficient , that so neither travayle , nor continuall residence in one place may proove wearisome . so much of excluding or keeping out , and avoyding the praedatory devouring power of the ayre . the operation on the blood , and cooling the heate of the blood. 3. the history . the two operations following have ( as actives to passives ) relation to the former , which endeavoured to keepe the spirits and ayre from wasting the body , as these shew how to make the blood , moysture , and body lesse subject to depraedation and wasting : but blood watering the moysture and limbes , three powerfull rules concerning the operation on the blood shall bee first propounded . 2. first , blood being cold is lesse dissipable , and subject to scattering abroad . there are two coolers more agreeable to the following intentions than julips or potions . 3. in youth glisters not purgative or cleansing , but onely refrigerative , cooling , and opening , made of the juyce of lettuce , purslane , liverwort , sevegreene , or house-leeke , fleawort-seed , with a temperate opening decoction , mingled with a little camphire : but in age , instead of houseleeke and purslane , the juyce of borage and endive may be used , and these glisters must be an houre or more retained . 4. secondly , in summer a bath may be made of sweete luke-warme water , and new whey , and roses , insteade of mallows , mercury , milke , and such like mollifiers and softners . 5. annoynt the body with oyle and thickning substances before bathing , for receiving the refrigerating quality of the coolers , and repelling the water , the pores of the body being not shut too close , lest outward cold strongly closing & shutting the body , doe hinder cooling , and rather stirre up heate . 6. bladders also apply'd with decoctions and cooling juyces to the inferiour region of the body , beneath the ribs downward , are a kind of bathing , whereby the liquour being excluded , the refrigerating quality , or coolenesse is onely received . 7. the third rule doth onely qualifie the substance of the blood , making it firmer and lesse subject to dissipation , and scattering abroad , or to the working heate of the spirits . 8. to effect this operation , powder of gold , or leafe-gold , or powder of pearle , precious stones and corrals , are good ; being therefore much esteemed by the arabians , grecians , and also modernes . therefore to omit fantasticall opinions , insinuation being made into the substance of the blood , the spirits and heate having no power to worke thereon , putrefaction and drying would bee thereby prevented , and life prolonged ; yet divers cautions are observable : first let them bee exactly pulveriz'd , and made into powder ; secondly , let their malignant quality , hurtfull to the veines , be taken away : thirdly , beware lest their long abode in the body , being taken with meate , or otherwise received , doe breed dangerous obstructions in the bowels : fourthly , to avoyd repletion , or filling of the veines , let them be seldome used . 9. therefore take them fasting , in white-wine mingled with a little oyle of almonds , and afterward use some exercise . 10. in this operation use pearles , corrall , and gold ; for all other mettals , having some malignant quality , are not so exactly pulveriz'd , or made into powder , and the powder of cleere grasse greene stones is bad , being a corrosive . 11. but drugges of wood may be more safely and effectually used in infusions and decoctions , being good to make the blood firme , and not dangerous for breeding of obstructions ; and their infusions being taken in dyet , or drinke , having no dregs , doe easily pierce into the veines . 12. drugges of wood are sanders , the oke , and vine ; but hot woods having in them any rozzen , or gumme , are not good : but dry rosemarystalkes , being a shrub as longlivd as many trees , and such a quantity of ivy-stalkes as will not make the potion unsavory may be used . 13. drugs of wood may be also boiled in broths , infused into ale , or wine before they be setled or refined : but guiacum , and such drugges must bee put in before the broaths are boyled , that the substance of the firmer parts of the wood being dissolved , may remaine in the broath : but whether ash bee good in potions is uncertaine . so much of the operation on the blood. the operation on the moysture of the body . 4. the history . 1. two kinds of bodies ( formerly mentioned concerning living creatures ) are hardly consumed : hard bodies , as mettals and stones ; fat , as oyle and waxe . 2. therefore the moysture of the body must bee hardened , and made fatty or dewy . 3. moysture is hardened by firme foode , by cold thickening the skinne and flesh , and by exercise compacting the juyce , that it may not bee soft and frothy . 4. beefe , porke , venison , goat , kid , swanne , goose , and woode-pigeons , especially beeing powdred , also dryed salt-fish , olde cheese , and the like , are firme sollid meates . 5. oaten bread , or miscelline bread made of pease , rye , and barley , is more sollid than wheaten bread , and the course wheaten bread , or browne bread that is full of brane , is sollider than white bread made of purer flower . 6. the orcades feeding on fish , and beeing generally fish-eaters , are long liv'd . 7. monkes and hermites living sparingly on drye foode , commonly attayned to a great age . 8. pure water beeing mingled with wine or drinke , hardens the bodies moisture , and because the spirit of the water is dull and piercing , nitre may be there with mingled . and so much for the firmnesse of nourishment . 9. people living abroad in the open ayre , the cold thickning their skinne and flesh , no longer liv'd than dwellers in houses ; and in cold countries , the inhabitants attaine unto a greater age , than in hot countries . 10. many thicke cloathes on the bed , or backe , doe loosen and soften the body . 11. washing the body in colde baths , doth lengthen life , but hot baths are very bad . baths of binding minerall waters were formerly mentioned . 12. by an easie jdle life without exercise , the flesh is made dissipable and soft , being by stout exercises used without excessive sweating and wearinesse , compacted & hardned . swimming is also a good exercise , & generally all exercises abroad , are better than within the house . 13. frications by a kind of exercise fetching out , not hardning nourishment shall be hereafter handled in its proper and due place . 14. to make hard moysture , oily , and dewy , is a perfecter worke than hardning , being attended with no inconvenience , whereas hardners of moysture , staying the consumption , and hindering the reparation , and renewing of nourishment , do thereby further and hinder long life . but oilie and juycy nourishment by bedewing the body , is lesse dissipable , and more reparable . 15. this dewy fat moysture of the body is no tallowy fatnesse , but a radicall dew diffused and spread through the body . 16. oily fat meates are not converted agayne into fat , perfect substances returning not agayne into one and the same substance , but nourishment doth after maturation and digestion breede an oy lines in the bodies moisture . 17. for oyle and fat alone , and also in mixture and composition , are hardly dissipated and wasted . for water is sooner consumed and dryed than oyle alone , sticking longer in paper or a napkin before it be dried . 18. to breede this oylinesse in the body , roasted or baked meate , is better than boyled or stewed , or dressed in any kinde with water , more oyle beeing distilled and extracted out of drye substances , than moist . 19. and generally all sweete things doe moysten the body with this oylinesse , as sugar , honey , sweete almonds , pine-apples , pistacke-nuts , dates , raysons , and figs ; but all sower , salt , sharpe meates doe breede no dewy oylinesse . 20. also seeds , nuts , and roots , the maniches using no other dyet , are good with meat & in sawces , for all kinde of bread beeing the confirmer of meats is made of seedes or rootes . 21. but drinke , being the waggon , carrying downe meate , doth especially moisten and soften the body . therefore drinkes not sharpe or sower , but ripe and cleere are best , as wine ( beeing as the old wise sayd in plautus ) toothles with age ; also stale beere and ale beeing not sharpe but ripe and pleasant . 22. metheglin strong and olde is a good drinke , but beeing incorporated with sugar insteede of honey which is sharpe , as the water is by chymists thence extracted would bee better , espeoially after a yeare or sixe moneths age , the rawnesse of the water beeing then gone , and the sugar growne subtil and spirituall . 23. but olde wine and stale drinke beeing subtill and full of oylinesse , are also spirituall and sharpe , and not so good ; therefore porke or venison well boyled being laid into vessels of wine , ale , or beere , the spirits of the wine and of other lyquors feeding thereon will lose their sharpnes . 24. also beere or ale , bread of wheate , barley , and pease , with potato roots , b ur rootes , and other sweete rootes , to the quantity of a third part , is better to prolong life , than drink made onely of graine . 25. flowers also being not sharp or biting , are good sawces and sallets for meate , as ivy-flowers with vinegar taste pleasantly , and marigold leaves , and betony flowers in broaths . so much of the operation in the bodies moisture . the operation on the inward parts to make them digest and drive out nourishment . 5. the history . 1. how the stomacke , liver , heart , and braine , the principalls parts and fountaines of concoction , may be comforted , and made to performe their offices , by imparting nourishment and spirits to the severall parts , and renewing the body , physicall rules and prescriptions doe declare . 2. the spleene , gall , reynes , midriffe , small guts , and lights being members serving the principall parts , are here confiderable , because their diseases cured by physicke , may bee derived to the principall parts : but by good digestion , and the soundnesse & strength of the principall parts , life is prolonged , and the body nourished , and kept from decaying in old age . 3. but medicines and dyets agreeable to the state of bodies , and comfortable to the foure principall parts , are in physicke prescribed . for 〈◊〉 and physick are necessary to recover and preserve health , but life is chiefly lengthned by a good physicall diet , prescribed in these choise receipts following . 4. the stomack resembling the good man of the house , and being the cause of all concoction and digestion , must be fortified and strengthened , by being kept temperately warm , retentive , and cleane without oppressing humours ; not empty , or fasting , being nourished by it selfe more than by the veines , and lastly in appetite , whereby digestion , is sharpned . 5. warme drinks are also very good . for a famous physitian would usually at dinner & supper 〈◊〉 messe of hot broth very greedily , and afterward wish that he could cast it up again , saying that he needed not broth , but the broths warmth . 6. at supper the first cup of wine , beere , ale , or any other kinde of drinke , must bee alwayes warmed . 7. a draught of wine wherein gold was quenched is good at meales , the gold having no vertue , but as other mettals , yet gold quenched in liquor , leaves therin a binding power , without other qualities belonging to metals . 8. sopps of bread dipped in wine wherein rosemary and citerne barke have beene infused with sugar , are better in the middle of meales than wine . 9. 〈◊〉 are good to 〈◊〉 the stomacke ; but syrrup 〈◊〉 quinces taken alone after meales , and with vinegar before meales , is better than quinces beeing somewhat too 〈◊〉 for the stomacke . 10. 〈◊〉 elecampane , masticke , wormwood , sage and mint , are excecding good for 〈◊〉 stomacke . 11. 〈◊〉 of aloes , masticke , and saffron , taken in winter before dinner , are also very good , the aloes beeing first washed in rosewater , and the infusion of dragant in vinegar , and then dissolved in sweet fresh oyle of almonds . 12. an infusion of wormwood , with a little elecampane and sanders , may be sometimes used in winter . 13. in summer a 〈◊〉 of white 〈◊〉 of the infusion of powder of pearle , and powder of river crevises shells , and a little chalke , doth very much refresh and strengthen the stomacke . 14. but all cold morning-draughts commonly used , as syrrups , decoctions , whey , beere , or ale , are unwholesome ; coolers being not good for an empty fasting stomack , but five houres after dinner , and an houre after a light breakefast they may be used . 15. fasting often is bad for long life , and so is also all kind of thirst ; for the stomacke must be kept cleane , but alwayes moyst . 16. the annoynting of the backe-bone over against the 〈◊〉 of the stomacke , with 〈◊〉 fresh oyle-olive , of the 〈◊〉 of mithridate , is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for the stomack . 17. a bagge of locks of wooll , 〈◊〉 in sharpe wine , after the in fufion of myrtle , 〈◊〉 barke , and a little 〈◊〉 is good to be worne alwayes next the stomack . and so much of comforting the 〈◊〉 handled more largely in other operations . 18. the liver must be kept from inflammation , drynesse , and obstruction happening in age , the waterish loosenesse thereof being a disease . 19. to the rules hereunto belonging , delivered in the operation of blood , these choise prescriptions may be added . 20. promegranate-wine , or pomegranate-juyce newly squeezed into a glasse , may be taken in the morning with some sugar , and a little citron-bark , and three or foure whole cloves , and used from february to the end of april . 21. young cresses taken either raw , or in broth , or drinke , are exceeding good , and also spoonewort . 22. aloes washed , and allayed , is hurtfull to the liver , therefore not commonly to bee taken . rheubarb dissolved in sweet oyle of almonds , and rose-water is good for the liver , being taken before meate , because a dryer ; and at severall times , either alone , or with tartar , or a little bay-salt , lest by purging away the thinne matter the humours should become tougher and harder . 23. take the decoction of steele twice or thrice a yeere to loosen obstructions , and stoppings in the liver , two or three spoonefuls of oyle being first taken , and the body , especially the armes , and fore part of the stomacke afterward stirred by exercise . 24. sweete drinkes keepe the liver from growing dry , salt , hot and cold , especially being incorporated , and made of sweete fruits and roots , as raysons , iujuba , dry figges , dates , parsnips , potatoes , and lickorish . also drinke made of indian maze , and other sweete compounds , is very good . it is an observation , that the keeping of the liver fat and soft doth lengthen life , and the opening of the liver procures health , in obstructions joyned with inflamations curing also drynes . 25. succory , spinage , and beet , after their pith is taken out , being boyled in water with a third part of white wine , untill they bee soft , are with oyle and vinegar good ordinary sallets . also sperage-buds and stalkes , and burre-rootes well sod and seasoned , and broth made with young vine-buds , and blades of greene wheate are good . so much of strengthning the liver . 26. because the heart receives most benefit or harme by the vapours of the ayre drawne in by breathing , or by affections and passions , therefore the former rules concerning the spirits may bee thereunto applyed , but no physicall cordials but antidotes , strengthening the heart and spirits to resist the allayed poyson . these cordials are formerly mentioned . 27. a good ayre is better known by experience than signes . the best ayre is on a levell open playne , the soyle being dry , not barren and sandy ; but naturally bearing wild bettony , fetherfew , and wilde mints , shaded with some trees , and black-berry-bushes , and watred with no great river , but with cleare gravelly brooks . 28. the morning ayre is healthfuller than the evening ayre , which is accounted more pleasant . 29. an ayre somewhat rugged , and stirred with a gentle winde , is better than a calme cleare ayre ; and in the morning the west wind is best , but the north-winde in the afternoone . 30. sweet odours and smells are very comfortable to the heart , yet a good ayre hath not alwaies a good smell ; for as pestilent ayres have no very bad smell , so oftentimes wholesome aires are not very sweete and fragrant : but the odour and sent of a good ayre should bee interchangeably taken , for one continuall excellent odour or sent oppresses the spirits . 31. nosegayes are good in the open ayre , but growing flowers yeeld the best odours and sents , as violets , gilliflowers , pinkes , beane-blossomes , linden-buds , vine-buds , honey-suckles , pellitory-flowers , muske-roses , ( other roses yeelding no great sent ) withered strawberries , blackberry-bushes in the spring , wilde mint , lavendar ; and in hot countries the orange-tree , citron , myrtle , and bay : also walking and sitting in such sweete ayres is very good . 32. cooling smells are better for the heart than hot sents : therefore in the morning , and at noone , the steame of perfumes made of vinegar , rose-water , and wine , put into a brasse-pan , being received into the braine , is very good . 33. and wine powrd on the earth digg'd or turn'd up , being no sacrifice , yeelds a good scent and smell . 34. also orange-flower water mingled with rose-water , and brisk-wine , and being smell'd unto , or infused into the nostrills , is very good . 35. small pills made of amber , muske , lignum aloes , lignum rhodium , flower deluce-roots , roses , rose-water , and indian balsam being chewed , and held in the mouth , are comfortable for the heart and spirits . 36. vapours arising from medicines taken inwardly to strengthen and cherish the heart , must bee wholesome , cleare , and cooling , hot vapours being naught ; for wine yeelding hot vapours , is like poppey in quality . cleare vapours are such as have more vapour than exhalation , being not altogether smoaky , and oyly , but also moist . 37. the chiefest cordials used in dyet are amber-grise , saffron , kermes , being hot and dry , and for coolers buglosse , and borage-roots , oranges , lemmons , and apples . also powders of gold and pearle doe coole the blood , and stomacke , leaving no bad quality . 38. bezar-stone being not taken in broath , 〈◊〉 or rose-water , but in wine , or cynamon-water , or some other water not hot or strong , is an approved cordiall for the spirits . 39. observe also that great constant and heroicall desires doe strengthen and enlarge the heart : and so much of the heart . 40. opium , nitre , and other inferiour drugs procuring sleepe , are good for the braine , being the animall spirits seate and residence , and protected or annoyed by the stomacke ; and therefore stomacke cordials are comfortable also for the brayne , as these receipts be , three wherof are outwardly & one inwardly applyable . 41. bathe the feet every week in a bath made of lye , bay-salt , sage , camomile , fennil , sweet marjoram , & angelico leaves . 42. suffumigations also , or perfumes of dry rosemary , dry bay-leaves , and lignum aloes , ( for sweet gummes oppresse the head ) are good every morning . 43. no hot drugs or spices , except nutmegs , may bee outwardly applyed to the head , but unto the soles of the feete they may be laid : but annointing of the head lightly with oyle , rose-water , myrtle-water , salt , and saffron mingled together , is very good . 44. a morning potion of 3. or 4. graines of oyle , of bezars stone , with a little angelico seed and cynamon , once in 14 dayes being taken in the morning doth strengthen the braine , and thicken & quicken the spirits . 45. all these cordials taken in dyet doe comfort the braine , variety of medicines being the daughter of ignorance , many dishes breeding many diseases , and many medicines effecting few cures . and so much of the operation on the principall parts , for extrusion , and driving out of nourishment . the operation on the outward parts , for attracting and drawing nourishment . 6 the history . 1. good digestion of the inward parts , being the chiefe cause of good nourishment , the outward parts must also performe their offices and duties , that the inward faculty may drive out nourishment , being attracted by the outward faculty , then requiring most strengthning whe digestion is growne weake . 2. the outward parts by bodily exercise comforted , and warmed , doe thereby cheerefully attract nourishment . 3. but exercises attracting new moysture to the limbes , being violent , doth loosen the limbes , and consume the old moysture . 4. frication also and rubbing is in the morning very good for the body , being afterward lightly annoynted with oyle , lest by rubbing , the outward parts , by respiration and vapouring should bee weakened . 5. exercise , nibbing and chafing the limbes together , is also very good , being moderate , not strayning , or toilesome ; for the body must not respire , nor sweat too much by rubbing or exercise . therefore exercise is better abroad than in the house , and in winter than in summer . also after exercise annoynting is good , and before and after violent exercises , as fencers before and after their prizes were heretofore annoynted . 6. exercise on a fasting stomack , doth by sweating loosen the spirits and moysture of the body , and beeing unhealthfull on a full stomacke , is best after a light breakfast , not of physicall morning potions , or ray sons or figges , but playne meate and drinke moderately taken . 7. exercise must stirre all the body , not ( as socrates sayth ) the knees , or armes onely , but generally all the limbes of the body , and the posture of the body should bee every houre changed , except in sleeping . 8. mortification is a kinde of vivification and rene wing , for hayre shirts , whippings , and all outward austerities doe strengthen the attractive faculty . 9. netling is commended by cardan to be good against melancholly , but for raysing red blisters on the skin , is not to bee allowed . so much of the operation on the outward parts for attracting and drawing of nourishment . the operation on food and dyet , shewing which is most nourishing . 7. the history . 1. philosophers might better than physitians follow common opinion in condemning many services and messes of meate , lengthning not life , but preserving health , for a heterogeneous mixture of meates doth more readily nourish the veines , breeding better moysture than one kinde of meate : moreover , variety excites the appetite , and the appetite sharpens disgestion . so that a various kinde of dyet according unto the seasons of the yeare , is approoved . 2. good sawces are wholsome preparatives to meate , preserving health , and prolonging life . 3. course fare requires strong drinke , and piercing sawces that may sinke into the meate : but with fine fare , small drinke is best , and fat sawces . 4. at supper the first cup of drinke should be drunk warm , and a good draught of warme drinke spiced , taken halfe an houre before meate , is a good preparative for the stomacke . 5. meat , bread , and drinke being well drest , made , and brew'd , are most nourishing , which matters belonging to the kitching and buttery , are more necessary to be knowne than the fables of gold and pearle . 6. boyl'd meate drest with moyst cooling sawces , doth not moysten the body , beeing good in hot sicknesses , but affording no oyly nourishment , boyld meats being not so good as roasted and baked . 7. meate must bee roasted with a quick fuddain fire , not with a slow fire , nor lye too long at roasting . 8. solid meats so corned with salt , that little or no salt neede bee eaten therewith at the table is good . salt meate beeing better for digestion , than salt eaten with meate . 9. meat should be layd to soake in convenient lyquors , before it bee roasted or baked , as fish is watred and layd in pickle . 10. flesh beaten before boyling , becomes tender , for partridges and pheasants taken by hawking , and venison killed in hunting , are very sweete and pleasant in eating . and some fish is better by beating . also hard sower peares , and other fruites beeing rowled and squeezed , do wax sweet and mellow . flesh beaten and bruised before laying downe to roast , is thereby prepared for disgestion , and is very good . 11. bread well leavened , but lightly salted , and baked in a very hot oven is best . 12. of drinke to lengthen life water beeing no life prolonger , it is onely observable that the parts of spiritual drinkes , as wine , beere , 〈◊〉 and metheglin , must be subtile , and the spirits gentle , 〈◊〉 because shortnesse and age doe make the parts 〈◊〉 and cleere , but the 〈◊〉 sharpe , therefore some 〈◊〉 substance ( as was sayd ) must bee put in vessells to allay the sharpenesse of the spirits . also drinke beeing kept in continuall motion , by carriage at sea , or in carts , or in bladders hung on lines and stirred every day , will by such motions become thinne and cleere , & by blending the spirits , be kept from sowernes , being a kinde of putrefaction . 13. meate should by dressing be made easie of disgestion for old folkes . but distillations of meate are vaine conceites , the nourishing and best part thereof ascending not into vapour . 14. meate and drinke dissolved and mingled together is easie of digestion . therefore of chickins , partridge , or pheasants , beeing first parboyled with water and salt , then wip'd and dryed , and boyled to a ielly in wine or ale with some sugar , a strong comfortable broth is made . 15. also gravie of meate , or mince-meat , and hodg-podges well seasoned , are good for old folkes , whose teeth cannot be cheewing , prepare their meate for disgestion . 16. the defect of strong 〈◊〉 for chewing meate , may 〈◊〉 supplied by making new 〈◊〉 grow , hardly effected 〈◊〉 an inward powerfull restoring of the whole body , or by hardning the gums by binding medicines to serve insteede 〈◊〉 teeth , or by preparing and dressing meate , to neede little or no chewing . 17. to exceede sometimes 〈◊〉 the quantity of meat and drink and to water the body by great feasts , and liberall drinking , is sometimes good . so much of the operation of preparing and dressing of dyet . the operation on the last act of assimilation or conversion into the like substance . 8. the nature of the last act of assimilation or converting into the like substance , being the intended effect of the three former operations , may bee opened and declared without rules . the comment . 1. all bodies desire to assimilate and convert substances into their owne substance . flame , spirit , & ayre , being thinne and spirituall , doe couragiously performe this worke , but thicke and grosse substances very weakely , this desire of assimilating being by a stronger desire of rest and ease restrayned . 2. for this desire of assimilating , restrained in the body , is ineffectuall , untill it bee by heate and spirit , freed , excited and actuated ; and therefore livelesse bodies doe not assimilate , and living creatures assimilate , disgest , and convert into their owne substance . 3. more heate is required to make hard bodies assimilate and disgest , therefore the bodies parts growne hard with age must bee softned , and heate then weake encreased , for helping disgestion . but of preventing the bodies hardnesse , some rules were delivered , and others shall be given heereafter for softning the parts . for increasing heate take this rule or axiom . 4. the act of assimilation incited and provoked by heate , a very accurate subtile motion , and most powerfull when bodily motion , the disturber thereof , ceases . for a substance of one kind wil not separate into parts of divers kinds being moved ; as curd will not rise , nor the whey sinke downe , the milke being gently stirred . also running water , nor any water or liquor , will not put refie being continually moved and shaked . therefore by this reason this conclusion is inferr'd . 5. assimilation is performed and perfected chiefly in sleepe and rest , especially towards morning after good digestion : therefore sleeping warme , using oyntments towards morning , or provoking of moderate heate by an oyled shirt , and sleeping afterward again , are all very good . so much of the last act of assimilation , or converting food into the substance of the body . the operation for making the body tender and young , having begun to wither , and grow old , and how to soften the body . 9. that good dyet , and restraint of the spirits doe by an inward tedious manner of working , make the body tender , was formerly shewed , an outward and more speedy meanes shall now bee declared . the history . 1. as medea in the fable pretended to make pelias young , by boyling the pieces of his dissected body in a kettle with medicinable drugges : so heere in renewing of age , the inward parts must bee distinguished , and divided with judgement , and by more particular wayes than the body softned . 2. but this dissection must be in some respect performed , not with any razour , but with judgement ; for the bowells and inward parts being different , their softning is not effected by the same meanes , but they must be particularly softned , and by other wayes than those which belong unto the whole body , which shall be first declared . 3. soften the body with baths and oyntments , and the like , according to these following observations . 4. baths and oyles soften livelesse bodies , attracting and sucking in liquors , but not living bodies , working outward . 5. therefore common mollifiing , softning baths doe rather draw than soften , and loosen rather than harden the body . 6. the best baths and oyntments to soften the body , must have these three properties . 7. their substance must be like unto the bodies substance , having an outward nourishing power . 8. secondly , that they bee compounded with some piercing drugs , infusing the power of other nourishing drugs into the body . 9. thirdly , they must have ( though in a lesser quantity ) some binding ingredients , being not sharpe , or sower , but oyly , and comfortable , that the other ingredients , by the exhaling of the body , bee not hinderd in working , and making the body tender , but may have by the binding of the skinne , and shutting the pores , a stronger operation . 10. the warme blood of man , or beast is most consubstantiall , or like in substance to mans body . the invention of ficinus was vaine , imagining that strength might in old age bee renewed , by sucking blood out of the arme of a yong man , for nourishment should not be equall nor like in substance unto the body nourished , but subordinate , and 〈◊〉 before digestion : substances like the body being best for outward applications . 11. a bath of childrens blood was formerly held a soveraigne cure for the leprosie , and to purifie old corrupted bodies : so that some kings using these luxurious baths , were envied by the common people . 12. heraclitus to cure his dropsie , crept into the belly of an oxe newly killed . 13. the warme blood of kitlings doth cure tettars and ring-wormes , and make new fleshand skinne grow againe . 14. to stay the bleeding of an arme or limbe cut off , or any other wound , put the remaining part , or the wounded limbe into the belly of an oxe that hath beene newly opened ; for the blood of the limbe cut off , or wounded , sucking and drawing unto it selfe the warme blood of the beast , doth stop , and run backe . 15. pigeons split asunder , and opened , are in dangerous desperate sicknesses layd to the patients soles of the feete , the cures thereby wrought being imputed to their drawing away the malignity of the disease ; howsoever their application doth comfort the head , and animal spirits . 16. but besides these bloody baths and oyntments , there are other baths more handsome , cleanly , and effectuall . 17. baths may be made of nourishing substances like unto mans body , as beefe-sewet , hogs grease , deeres sewet , oysters , milke , butter , whites of egges , wheat-flower , sweet wine , sugar , and metheglin . 18. with these ingredients bay-salt and old wine may bee mingled , to make them penetrate and pierce into the body . 19. binding ingredients being oyly and comfortable , are saffron , masticke , myrrh , and myrtle-berries : and all these ingredients make an excellent bath . 20. for the powerfull working of this bath , foure rules are observable . 21. first , before bathing , rub and annoint the body with oyle , and salves , that the baths moistning heate and virtue may penetrate into the body , and not the liquors watery part : then sit two houres in the bath ; after bathing wrap the body in a seare-cloth made of masticke , myrrh , pomander , and saffron , for staying the perspiration or breathing of the pores , untill the softning of the body , having layne thus in seare-cloth twenty foure houres , bee growne solid and hard . lastly , with an oyntment of oyle , salt , and saffron , the seare-cloth being taken off , annoint the body . 22. and some dayes the bath must be renewed with plasters and oyntments in the aforesaid manner , and this way of softning must continue a moneth . 23. in bathing a good dyet must be kept , and warmth , and warm drinks used . 24. fomentations or nourishing of naturall heate by the warmth of living bodies is good . ficinus saith , that david was cherished by the virgin-warmth of a young mayd , who being annoynted after the persian manner with myrrh , had beene a delightfull reviving fomentation . 25. barbarossa in his old age by the jew his physitian , continually apply to his stomacke and sides young boyes for fomentations : and little dogs being layd to the stomackes of old folkes , have kept them warme in the night-time . 26. some to avoyd derision , have cut off a peece of their long nose , or the crooked bunch thereof , and afterward their nose being thrust into an incision made in their arme , was both healed , and grew into a handsomer fashion and forme , whereby the consent of flesh in healing flesh is declared . 28. prescriptions for softning the particular principall parts , as the stomacke , lights , liver , heart , braine , the marrow of the back-bone , the reynes , gall , stanke , veines , arteries , sinews , gristles , and bones , would bee too tedious to set downe : no generall instructions , but certaines notes for practice being here delivered . how the bodie being purged of old oysture , and filled with new moysture may be renewed , and made yong . 10. the history . these positions following concerning the principall parts before lightly touched , are now againe enlarged . 1. plough-oxen spent with labour , being put into new fresh pastures , grow fat , and faire , their flesh proving afterward in eating very young and tender . so that flesh may eafily be made tender , and by often softning the flesh the bones and skinne may be softned . 2. dyets of guiacum , sarsa-perilla , china , and sassafras , being long strictly kept , doe first attenuate or make thin , then consume or devoure all the moysture of the body : for the french pox being growne to gumminesse , and being got into the marrow , and moysture of the body , hath beene thereby cured . some also by such dyets being made leane and pale , have afterward growne fat and fresh-coloured . therefore in the declining of age , such dyets are good to bee kept once in two yeeres , there by to grow young againe , as the snake doth by casting his skinne . 3. it is my opinion , though i am no hereticall puritane , that purgations often and familiarly used , doe lengthen life more than exercise or sweating . for as annoynting of the body , and stopping the pores , and keeping out the ayre , and keeping in the spirits , doe lengthen life : so by sweatings and outward breathings the good spirits and moysture being not easily repayred , are exhaled and consumed with the excrementitious humours and vapours . but purgations of gentle purgative , not griping the belly , being taken before meate to prevent their drying quality , doe worke chiefly on the humours . these perscriptions are true , and the remedies approved , seeming vulgar , but being carefully and diligently tryed , were found to bee good and effectuall experiments . for so the effects of wise counsell are admirable , and their order excellent , but their meanes of effecting seeme vulgar , and common . the doores of death . the doores of death are accidents going before , or following after , or comming with death . for death being not violent , but naturall , by defect of nature , doth enter at certaine common doores . the history . 1. the living spirit subsists by due motion , temperate , cooling , and fit nourishment . a flame needs onely motion and nourishment , being a simple substance ; the spirit , a compounded substance , destroyed by approaching neerer to the nature of flame . 2. a flame , as aristotle well no ted , is by a greater stronger flame extinguished , much more the spirit . 3. the flame of a candle being put into a glasse , and kept very close , is extinguished by the ayre enlarged by heate , and thrusting the flame together . and fewell lying too close in a chimney , burnes not with a bright flame . 4. fire also by thrusting & pressing together is extinguished , and a coale of fire being trodden or crush'd with the tongs . 5. but concerning the spirits , blood , or fleame getting into the ventricles of the braine , doe cause suddaine death , the spirit having no place of residence or motion . also violent fractures and beating of the head , doe cause suddain death , by straightning the spirits in the ventricles of the braine . 7. opium and other strong drugs , procuring unsensiblenesse , doe by thickning the spirits , deprive them of motion . 8. venemous vapours beeing hateful to the spirits , are deadly poysons , by whose malignant quality the spirits are opprest , deprived of their motion , and made unable to resist so strong an enemy . 9. extreame drunkennesse and gluttony have caused sudaine death , the spirits not with thicke or malignant vapours , ( proceeding from opium or poyson ) but with aboundance of vapors being opprest . 10. with the suddain apprehension of griefe and feare , conceived at the relation of unexpected bad tidings , some have suddainly dyed . 11. the excessive compression , and inlarging of the spirits are both deadly . 12. great and suddaine ioyes have deprived many of their life . 13. greater evacuations of water by dissections for the dropsie , or violent and suddaine fluxes of blood are deadly , the blood and spirits doe avoyde vacuity or emptinesse , and fill up the emptie places repaying hither , slower fluxes of blood procuring want of nourishment , but no powring backe of the spirits . so much of the compression , and effusion of the spirits causing death . 14. stopping the breath is through defect of cooling deadly , by choaking and strangling , the motions of the spirits being not hindred , but cooling defective ; for excessive hot ayre drawne in for breath , doth choake as soone as stopping of the breath . as by burning charcoale , or by the smell of new whited walles in a close chamber iustinian and others have beene choaked . fausta , the wife of constantine the great , was strangled by the steame of an exceeding hot bath . 15. for breath is drawne in by the lungs , and breathed forth againe every third part of a minute . 16. the beating of the pulse , and of the heart , both by the systole , or backward motion , or dyastole , or forward motion , is thrice as swift as breathing ; for the beating of the heart , could it be without stopping , being stayd would cause death sooner than strangling . 17. delian dyvers , and pearlefishers , through continuall use will hold their breath tenne times longer than another . 18. living creatures having lungs , hold their breath a shorter or longer time , as they neede more or lesse cooling . 19. fishes neede lesse cooling than other creatures , cooling and breathing themselves at their gills . and as other creatures cannot endure a hot close ayre : so fish in water quite frozen over , and long covered with ice , are choaked and strangled . 20. the naturall heate of the spirits is by another more violent heate oppressed , being unable to endure them both without cooling , as may bee seene in burning-feavers , naturall heate being extinguished and dissipared by hot putrified humors . 21. want of sleepe , is a want of cooling . for motion doth rarifie , make thinne , sharpen , and encrease the heat of the spirits . but by sleep their motion is allayd , and their wandring restrayn'd . for sleepe doth strengthen and excite the working of the inward parts and spirits , and all outward motion , but maketh the living spirit rest from motion . every 24. houres nature requires 5. or 6. houres sleepe . thogh some have miraculously refrained from sleepe , for mecaenas slept not a great while before hee dyed . 22. nourishment is a third want of nature , suffered by the parts of the body , not the living spirit , subsisting in idenity and beeing , without succession or renewing . and the reasonable soule proceeding not from generation , needs no reparation , beeing not subject to death , as the animall and vegative soule , differing both in essence and forme from the reasonable soule . for their confusion without distinction , was the originall of transmigration , and many heathen hereticall opinions . 23. a healthfull body doth every day require food , enduring not to fast three dayes together , unlesse enabled by custome ; but sicke folkes can easily fast : and sleepe doth nourish , as exercise makes the body require nourishment and some miracles of nature have lived a long time without meate or drinke . 24. dead bodies being kept from putrefaction , will not a long time decay : but living bodies cannot above three dayes subsist , this speedy consumption , being the worke of the living spirit , repairing it selfe , or making the parts neede repairing ; and therefore living creatures by sleeping endure longer without food , sleepe being the reception and collection of the living spirit . 25. a continuall flux or voyding of blood by the piles , or by vomiting of blood , some veyne within being opened or broken , or by wounds , doth cause speedy death . for the blood of the veines doth supply and feed the blood of the arteries , and the blood of the arteries doth feed the spirits . 26. meate and drinke received twice daily , is not all voyded by extrements , vrine , or sweating , the rest being converted into the moysture & substance of the body , the body growing not bigger , as the repaired spirits are not in quantity increased . 27. nourishment must be so prepared and dressed that the spirits may worke thereon . for the flame of a torch is not maintayned and kept burning by the staffe , unlesse it bee covered with waxe lights , and hearbs alone are no nourishing flood . this doth cause the decay in age , the spirits cloathed with flesh and blood being few and thinne , and the moysture and blood , old and hard , are unable to nourish . 28. the ordinary necessities of nature are these , continuall motion of the spirits in the ventrieles of the braine , beating of the heart every third part of a moment , breathing every moment , sleepe and food within three dayes , the decaying after fourscore years of age of the faculties of digestion ; these defects beeing not seasonably supply'd , death will ensue . so that death hath three doores , the spirits fayling in motion , cooling , and nourishing . the living spirit is not like a flame continually lighted and extinguished , without certaine duration and continuance . a flame doth live in a flame , being by contrary qualities only extinguished . but all parts of the body beeing to the living spirit friends and servants , are also comfortable and serviceable . therfore the living spirit is of a middle nature betweene flame , beeing a momentary substance , and aire beeing a fixed substance . the destruction of the organs of the spirits either by diseases , or violence , is another doore of death : and so much of the forme of death . 29. convulsions of the head , and face , with deepe deadly sighing , being a kind of convulsion , and the extreame quicke beating of the pulse , the heart trembling with the pangs of death ; and sometimes againe beating weakely , and slowly , as the heate beginnes to faile and faint , are two chiefe signes of death . 30. the immediate signes of death are , great unquietnesse , tumbling , and striving , raking with the hands , as if gathering lockes of wooll , striving to take hold , and holding fast , hard shutting of the teeth , ratling in the 〈◊〉 trembling of the under-lip , pale countenance , confused memory , speechlesnesse , cold sweats , stretching out the body , lifting up the white of the eyes , and an alteration of the whole face , ( the nose becomming sharp , the eyes hollow , and the cheekes falling ) with the contraction and convulsion of the tongue , and coldnesse of the lowest parts , and sometimes issuing of blood , or seede , loud shreeking , short breathing , the falling of the lower jawes , and the like . 31. after death there follows immediately a privation or depriving of the sense and motion of the heart , arteries , nerves , and sinewes , inability of standing upright , stiffenesse of the nerves and limbs , coldnesse , putrefaction , and stinke . 32. ecles , serpents , and flyes , cut in pieces will a great while after moove and stirre , countrey people supposing they would , if suffered , joyne together againe . and the bodies of birds their heads beeing cut or pluckt off , will afterward leape and flutter . i remember that i say a traytor emboweled , whose heart beeing cast into the fire , leaped five foote high , and afterward lower for the space of seaven or eight minutes . also the old tradition of a sacrificed oxe , that in embowelling lowed , deserves to 〈◊〉 beleeved , thogh it be more 〈◊〉 that a man executed and embowelled , after his hart was pluckt out , and in the hang mans hand , was heard to utter three or foure words of his prayers , beeing more likely than the relation of the 〈◊〉 oxe , the friends of the partie executed usually feeing the executioner for a suddayne dispatch out of payne , by the quicke performance of his office ; but the priests were not feed speedily to dispatch their sacrifices . 33. to rayse and recover to life such as faint and fall into a swond ( in which fits many without helpe would expire ) use hot waters ; bend the body forwards , stoppe the mouth and nostrils hard , bend and wring the fingers , plucke off hayre from the beard or head , rub and chafe the body , especially the face and outward parts , cast cold water suddainly in the face , shrecke out aloud , hold rose-water and vinegar to the nostrils : burning feathers and woollin cloath for the mother , also the smoak of a hot frying pan is good in sounding , and keeping the body close and warme . 34. that many laid forth , coffin'd & buried , were only in a sound , hath bin discovered by digging them up agayne , and finding their heads beaten and bruised with striving in the coffin . of such a living funerall iohn scotus that subtle scholler was a memorable example , who by his servant absent at his buriall ( but acquainted with those 〈◊〉 wherein hee falling was supposed to bee dead , and so buried ) being digg'd up againe 〈◊〉 found in the aforesayde manner with his head and other limbes beaten and 〈◊〉 . a player also acting death to the life in a sound , thought to put a ieast upon death , but was buried in earnest at cambridge , as many can well 〈◊〉 , who were then 〈◊〉 . i remember that a 〈◊〉 desirous to make 〈◊〉 of the paine suffered by prisoners at their execution , told me , that in hanging 〈◊〉 , getting upon a stoole , and casting himselfe off from 〈◊〉 , hee swung a while about , and then thought to recover the stoole , but could not , without the helpe of his friend then present , who asking him what hee suffered : he answered that hee felt no payne , but first saw a fire , or a flame , then a kinde of black greene mist , and lastly a pale sea-blew colour , usuall visions in sowning . also a physitian having hang'd a man halfe an houre , recovered him to life by rubbing and hot baths , professing also to recover any man after halfe an houres hanging , his necke at the first falling downe beeing not broken . the differences of youth and age. 1. the scale or ladder of mans life hath these steps : 〈◊〉 , quickning in the 〈◊〉 , birth , sucking , 〈◊〉 , feeding on pap , and spoon-meat in infancy , 〈◊〉 of teeth at two yeares old , secret haire at twelve or foureteene , ability for 〈◊〉 , flowers , hayre on the 〈◊〉 , and under the arme-holes , a budding beard , full growth , full strength and agility , graynesse , baldnesse , 〈◊〉 of flowers , and of 〈◊〉 ability , inclining to 〈◊〉 , a creature with three feete , death . the periods and courses of the minde , as slipperinesse of memory , and such like , not described by yeeres , shall be hereafter mentioned . 2. the differences of youth and age are these following : in youth the skinne is moyst and smooth , in age dry , and wrinkled , especially about the fore-head , and eyes : the flesh in youth is tender , and soft , in age hard ; youth is strong , and nimble , age weake , and unwealdy ; in youth good digestion , in age weake : the bowels in youth are soft , and moyst , in age salt , and dry ; in youth the body is straight , in age bowed , and crooked ; the finews in youth are steddy , in age weake , and trembling , cholericke humours in youth , and hot blood , in age phlegmatick , melancholy humours , and cold blood , youth prone to venery , age slow in performance : the moysture of the body in youth oyly , in age raw , and waterish , in youth many swelling spirits , in age few , and weake ; in youth spirits thicke , and lively ; in age sharpe , and thinne ; in youth sharpe and sound senses , in age dull , and decaying ; in youth strong sound teeth , in age weake , worne , and falling out ; in youth colour'd haire , in age the former colour turnes grey ; haire in youth , in age baldnesse , quicke , and strong pulse in youth , in age weake and flow ; in youth sharpe 〈◊〉 sicknesses and diseases , in age tedious and incurable : wounds heale soone in youth , in age slowly , in youth fresh-coloured checkes , in age pale , or of a deepe fanguine red ; youth not much troubbled with rheumes , age rheumaticke ; the bodie growes fatter onely in age than youth . perspiration and digestion in age being bad , and fatnesse being the aboundance of nourishment over and above that which is perfectly assimilated and converted into the substance of the body . and the appetite is sometimes in age increased , by sharpe humours , digestion being then weaker : this and the rest being by physitians ascribed to the decay of naturall heate , and radicall moysture ; but drynesse in the 〈◊〉 of age doth precedo coldnesse , and the lusty heat of flourishing youth declines 〈◊〉 then to coldnesse . 3. the affections also of youth and age differ : i remember in my youth i was familiarly acquainted at poicters in france with an ingenious young gentleman , afterward an eminent man , who inveighing against the conditions of age , would usually say , that old mens minds being visible , would appeare as 〈◊〉 as their bodies , 〈◊〉 afterward comparing the mindes vices in age to the 〈◊〉 defects , saying they 〈◊〉 skinn'd , and impudent , 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and envious ; 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 earth , not heaven , being their constant object : 〈◊〉 limbs , wavering , and unconstant ; wooked finger'd , greedy , and covetous ; knees 〈◊〉 and fearefull , 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 but to make a more serious comparison , youth is shamefac'd , and modest , age is hardened ; youth is liberall and mercifull , age is hard ; youth emulates , age envies ; youth is religious , and fervently zealous ; being unexperienced in the miseries of this world ; age cold in piety and charity , through much experience , and incredulity ; youth is forward in defire , age 〈◊〉 youth light and inconstant , age grave , and constant ; youth is liberall , bountifull , and loving , age covetous . and wisely provident ; youth confident , and 〈◊〉 age distrustfull , and 〈◊〉 youth gentle , and 〈◊〉 age froward , and disdainfull ; youth sincere , and simple ; age cautelous , and close ; youth haughty in desires , age carefull for necessaries ; youth a time-pleaser , age a time-rememberer ; youth an adorer of superiors , age a censurer . and by many other characters impertinent to the present matter , the different conditions of youth and age may bee described : but the body growing fat in age , so the iudgement , not the fancy growes stronger , preferring safe sure courses before shows & appearances : and lastly , age loves to 〈◊〉 and brag , and being defirous to doe least , is desirous to talke most . poets therefore feigned , that old 〈◊〉 was changed into a chirping grashopper . canons of the continuation and forme of death . canon 1. dissolution or corruption 〈◊〉 by transmigration into another body . the explication . there is no utter destruction : corruption being a dissolution into ayre , or 〈◊〉 into some other body . as the spider , flye , and ant 〈◊〉 tender , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 falling into amber , 〈◊〉 therein buryed , finding therein both a death , and 〈◊〉 preserving them 〈◊〉 from corruption than a royall monument . for no ayre being within , there can be no corruption ; and the 〈◊〉 nature of amber 〈◊〉 of no reception from their substance . wood , or roots being put into 〈◊〉 would also remaine 〈◊〉 waxe , honey , and gumme doe also preserve 〈◊〉 corruption . can. 2. every tangible body hath spirit , covered and encompassed with a thicke body , being the cause of consumption , and dissolution . the explication . no knowne body on the upper part of the earth doth want a spirit , either by 〈◊〉 and concoction of coelestiall heate , or by other meanes : for the concavity and hollownesse of bodies admitting no vacuity or emptinesse is fill'd with ayre , or a spirit but this spirit here mentioned is no power , efficacy , or perfection , but onely a 〈◊〉 invisible body , yet locall , dimensive , and reall : neither is this spirit ayre , ( as the juyce 〈◊〉 grape is not water ) but a 〈◊〉 body like ayre , yet 〈◊〉 but the thicke parts 〈◊〉 substance ( being 〈◊〉 slow , and almost 〈◊〉 ) would endure longer , 〈◊〉 the working , piercing spirit 〈◊〉 not devoure the moysture 〈◊〉 body , and all that is 〈◊〉 vertible into a new spirit , 〈◊〉 former new made spirits 〈◊〉 by degrees 〈◊〉 together . this is evident the decrease of waight in 〈◊〉 bodies , by venting of 〈◊〉 not increasing the 〈◊〉 of a body , but yet by 〈◊〉 making it grow dry . can. 3. the 〈◊〉 of the spiriti is the cause of drynesse , but by inward detaining and warking , they doe soften , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quicken . the explication . there are foure workings of the spirit ; drynesse , softning , putrefaction , and generation of bodies . drynesse is no proper worke of the spirit , but of the thicker parts , after the venting of the spirits shrinking and uniting together to avoide vacuity or emptinesse , as burned bricks : doe sea-coale cakes , stale bread and toasts . softnesse , is 〈◊〉 worke of the spirits , 〈◊〉 by heate , whereby the spirits enlarging not venting , 〈◊〉 pierce into , and moysten 〈◊〉 thicker parts , making 〈◊〉 soft and limber , as fire 〈◊〉 mettalls , and waxe ; for 〈◊〉 and other stiffe 〈◊〉 are of a matter fit to 〈◊〉 the spirits , and keep 〈◊〉 from venting . 〈◊〉 is a mixt work of the 〈◊〉 thicker parts ; for after 〈◊〉 spirit ( contayning and 〈◊〉 the parts of the 〈◊〉 ) is vented , all the parts 〈◊〉 and returne into their 〈◊〉 elements ; because by the spirits of substances gathering 〈◊〉 putrefied bodies stink , 〈◊〉 the assembling together of 〈◊〉 becōming light , & 〈◊〉 the withdrawing of water and earth , are dissolved , and fall asunder . but generation or quickning being a mixt worke of the spirit , and thicker parts , is performed in another manner , the spirit being totally detayn'd , swelling , and moving locally : but the thicker parts being not dissolved , but following the motion of the spirit blowing and fashioning them into divers formes , are generated , and become bodies : therefore the matter quickned is alwayes clammy , limber , plyant , and soft , be thereby fit to detayne the spirit , and to yeeld to the spirits fashioning of parts , such being also the clammy yeelding matter of all vegetables , and living creatures generated of 〈◊〉 or seed . can. 4. all living creatures have two spirits : dead spirits , 〈◊〉 those in livelesse creatures , 〈◊〉 the living spirits . the explication . necessary is the consideration of mans body , as 〈◊〉 and unnourished , or 〈◊〉 and nourished , the 〈◊〉 shewing the wayes of 〈◊〉 the latter of 〈◊〉 for there are in the 〈◊〉 bones , skinnes , organs , 〈◊〉 the severall limbes of the 〈◊〉 body : such spirits as are 〈◊〉 the flesh , bone , and skinne , 〈◊〉 separated , and dead , 〈◊〉 in a dead 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the vitall spirits governing and agreeing with them , is of a different nature , integrall , and constant . they differ in two respects ; mortuall dead spirits are not continued , but disjoyned , and inclosed in a thicker body , as ayrein snow , or froath . but the spirit being continuate , passing through certaine channels , and totally inclosed , is either pervious , passing through small pores , or continuate , and resident in a proportionable quantity to the body , in a hollow seate or fountaine whence lesser rivalets are derived . this seate is the ventricles of the braine , being straite and narrow in the baser sort of living creatures , whose spirits being spred through the whole body , have no particular 〈◊〉 residence , as in 〈◊〉 eeles , and flyes , whose 〈◊〉 being cut asunder will 〈◊〉 afterward . and birds , their heads being pluckt off , will leape and flutter , because their heads being small , their spirits have therein no 〈◊〉 residence : but 〈◊〉 have large ventricles , especially man : and besides , the vitall spirit is inflameable , being compounded of flame and ayre , as the moysture of living creatures is of oyle and water , the 〈◊〉 giving it motion and 〈◊〉 as inflameable smoak , before it blaze into a flame , 〈◊〉 hot , thinne , and moveble , being when it is a flame , 〈◊〉 substance : but the 〈◊〉 of the vitall spirits is more gentle than the flame of the spirit of wine , beeing compounded of an aiery substance , and a mysterious vnion of a flaming and aiery nature . canon 5. the particular parts have naturall proper actions , excited and quickned by the vitall spirit . the explication . the several parts have severall actions and functions ; as attraction , retention , digestion , assimulation , sepration , ejection , and sensibility , suteable to the proper organs in the stomack , liver , heart , spleene , gal , braine , eyes , 〈◊〉 and the rest , and their 〈◊〉 are actuated by the vigour and presence of the vitall spirits , and by the heate thereof , as iron drawes iron , beeing touched by a loadstone , and an egge brings a chickin beeing actuated by the cocks treading the hen. can. 6. mortuall dead spirits are consubstantiall , or like in substance to ayre , but the vital spirits are more like a flame . the explication . the explication of the former fourth canon declares the meaning of this present canon , which sheweth also that fat oyly substances do long retaine their essence , being neither consumed much by the 〈◊〉 nor very desirous to 〈◊〉 into ayre . therefore flame is not enflamed ayre ; for flame and ayre 〈◊〉 as oyle and water 〈◊〉 and by the canon that 〈◊〉 the vitall spirits are like 〈◊〉 substance , is to be understood that they are more enflaming than the mortuall dead spirits , not more flame-like , or ayrie . can. 7. the spirits desire to multiply , or depart , and congregate with their connaturalls , or like in substance . the explication . by this canon the mortual dead spirits are understood , for the vitall spirits abhorre 〈◊〉 parting out of the body , because they find in a neere 〈◊〉 no connaturalls , or like 〈◊〉 sometimes happily flying forth to the 〈◊〉 parts of the body , to 〈◊〉 some desired object , 〈◊〉 shunning departure . but the mortuall dead spirits desire both ; for the spirit finding no happy residence in thicke 〈◊〉 nor its like , being alone , doth create and make another , by endeavouring to multiply and increase in quantity : and it desireth also to depart and resolve into ayre ; for slender thinne substances ( being alwayes moveable ) are willingly carryed to their like being neare , as a bubble of water is carried to a bubble , flame to flame , and much more willingly doth the spirit depart into the ayre , beeing not carried to a peece like it selfe , but to a whole globe of connaturall and like substance . but the departing and venting of the spirit into ayre , is a two-fold action , proceeding from the desire of the spirit , and the desire of the ayre , being an indigent needy substance greedily gathering and receiving spirits , smells , substances , sounds , and the like . can. 8. the detayned spirit having not sufficient matter to beget another spirit , doth soften the thicker parts . the explication . a new spirit is generated of a matter somwhat neere 〈◊〉 nature of a spirit , as of 〈◊〉 therefore if the 〈◊〉 residing in the thicker 〈◊〉 farre different from their nature , cannot convert them 〈◊〉 a spirit , yet it softens and enlarges them , that it may , being not increased in 〈◊〉 have a larger dwelling , and live with more friendly companions in nature . also by this aphorisme the bodies hardnesse may bee softned by detayning the spirits . can. 9. the softning of the parts of the body is best wrought , when the spirit doth neither depart , nor generate . the explication . this canon dissolves a knotty doubt , in softning by detayning the spirits ; for if the spirit not vented doe devoure inward moysture , the softning of the parts doth not advantage their continuing in their essence , but rather their dissolution and corruption . therefore the detayned spirits must bee cooled and restrayned , lest they bee too active . can. 10. the heate of the spirit to renew and make the body young , must bee strong not vioent . the explication . this canon also dissolving the aforesaid doubt , shews the temper of heate fit to prolong life ; for howsoever the spirits be detayn'd , or not , yet their heate should rather soften hard substances , than devoure soft , softning rather than drying : for such heat causeth good digestion and assimilasion ; but this 〈◊〉 must have these properties : first , slowly , not suddainly enflaming : secondly , not violent , but moderate : thirdly , equall , not disordered , being sometimes greater , sometimes lesser : fourthly , not languishing , nor soone extinguished . this operation is very subtile and profitable , being partly explained in the remedies prescribed for infusing into the spirits a strong working heate , not pradatory , or devouring . can. 11. the thickning of the spirits substance doth lengthen life . the explication . this canon is subordinate to the former ; for the thicke spirit is capable of all those foure properties of heate formerly mentioned , the manner of thickning is shewed in the first operation . can. 12. a boundance of spirits are more hasty to depart and get forth , and more consuming than a small quantity of spirit . the explication . this canon is cleare and evident , for the bigger , the stronger . as great flames breaking forth with greater violence , consume more suddainly ; therefore exceeding plenty , or excessive swelling of the spirits doe hinder long life . for spirits maintaining life and the body in good plight are sufficient . can. 13. the spirits equally diffused through the body , is not so hasty to depart , nor so devouring as being unequally placed . the explication . a subundance of spirits generally diffused , is an enemy to durablenesse : so is store of spirits not dispersed . therefore the spirit being more diffused , consumes lesse ; for dissolution begins in that part where the spirit is loose . therefore exercise and rubbings doe lengthen life , because motion doth very finely blend and mingle . can. 14. the disordered motion of spirits makes them hastier to depart , and more consuming than a constant equall motion . the explication . this canon holds in livelesse creatures ; for inequality is the mother of dissolution , but in living 〈◊〉 ( whose consumption and reparation is considerable ) reparation proceeding from appetite , and appetite being sharpened by variety , it is not absolutely , but respectively true , this variety being rather an alteration than confusion , and a constant inconstancy . can. 15. the spirit in the solid frame of the body is unwillingly detayned . the explication . dissolution is generally abhorr'd , but more or lesse according to the thicknesse and thinnesse of subtances . the thinner bodies being driven into straighter narrower passages . for water will runne through where dust will not passe , and ayre is more penetrative and piercing than water , and yet their penetration is bounded . for the spirit will not passe through exceeding narrow pores , thereby to get foorth and depart , for the spirit being encompassed with a hard or oyly and clammy body , not easily divisible ; is bound and imprisoned , and not desirous to depart . therefore the spirit of mettalls and stones will not in an age depart , unlesse they be melred or dissolved with strong corrosive waters . in clammy substances also the spirits are not desirous to depart , as in gummes , though with lesse heate dissolved . therfore the hard juyce of the body , and the closenesse of the skinne , and the like ( caused by dry nourishment , exercise and cold ayre ) do lengthen life , because they keepe the enclosed spirits from departing . can. 16. in oyly fat substances not clamy , the spirits are willingly detayned . the explication . the spirit not incited by the antipathy of an encompassing body , nor fed by too neere likenesse of a body , doth not strive much to depart . as in oyly substances being not so trouble some to the spirit as hard substances , nor so like it as watry substances , nor tempted forth by the flattery of encompassing ayre . can. 17. the suddaine departure of the watery humour , doth make oylinesse endure the longer . the explication . watery spirits , as was sayd , being like ayre , doe sooner depart than ayre , oyly spirits slower , having not so much affinity with ayre . but both these moystures being in most bodies , the watery spirit doth vent before the oyly , and the former getting forth by degrees , carryeth with it the latter . therefore light drying is healthfull , maling the watery humour expire , not forcing out the watery humour , there by becomming more perfect , and both hindering putrefaction , and preserving the body yong . and therefore light rubbings and exercise breathing the body , not procuring sweate , doe exceedingly lengthen life . can. 18 : the exclusion or keeping out of the ayre , lengthens life , other inconvemences being avoyded . the explication . the evolation or departing of the spirit , as was sayd , is a two-fold action , proceeding from the appetite of the spirit and of the ayre . the former action may be stayed and taken away by oyntments , the remedies for the inconveniences ensuing thereon , being prescribed in the second operation . can. 19. by young spirits being put into an aged body , the course of 〈◊〉 may be suddainly brought about againe to youth . the explication . the spirits are in nature like the highest wheele turning about the other wheeles in mans body , and an especiall engine to lengthen life . besides , the spirits are easily and soone altered . for operation on the spirits is two-fold , one by nourishment being slow and indirect : the other suddaine , & directly working on the spirits by vapors , or by affections . can. 20. the moisture of the body being hard and oyly doth lengthen life . the explication . the reason is grounded on a former rosition , that hard and oyly substances are hardly dissipated or dispersed . but yet ( as was sayd in the tenth operation ) hard moisture 〈◊〉 lesse dissipable , is also lesse reparable , and an inconvenience therefore joyned with a convenience can produce no great effect . but the oyly moysture being not dissipable , and also reparable , is therefore diligently to bee regarded . can. 21. sv btile , thinne , piercing substances , without gnawing acrymony or sharpnesse , doe breed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the explication . this canon is more difficult in practice than in 〈◊〉 for all piercing 〈◊〉 and sharpe substances doe 〈◊〉 and corrode , hardening 〈◊〉 but the penetration of the subtile substances without violence , doth bedew and water the body , as was 〈◊〉 in the fourth and seventh operation . can. 22. asstmilation or digestion is best performed , when all locall motion doth cease . the explication . this canon in the cōment on the third operation is sufficiently explained . can. 23. nourishment received by outward meanes , not onely by the stomacke , would lengthen life , if it may be effected . the explication . nourishment doth work in a compasse course , but infusions more suddainly : therfore outward nourishment would be good , because the faculties of digestion doe faile in age . and inward nourishment joyned with outward nourishment by baths , oyntments , and glisters , wonld be more powerfull and strong . can. 24. digestion being weak to drive out nourishment , the outward parts must be comforted to draw forth nourishment . the explication . 〈◊〉 his canon and the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are not the same : for 〈◊〉 of outward 〈◊〉 differs from extraction , 〈◊〉 drawing out of in ward 〈◊〉 but both by several 〈◊〉 doe helpe weaknesse 〈◊〉 digestion . can. 25. all 〈◊〉 renewing of the body is wrought either the spirits , or by softning . the explication . in the body there are spirits and parts , where nourish 〈◊〉 by a compasse-course 〈◊〉 but vapours and 〈◊〉 doe work suddainly on the spirits , and softning on the parts : yet externall nourishment and softning must not bee confounded , softning intending not to nourish the parts , but make them more nourishable . can. 26. softning is wrought by like substances , by piercing and shutting substances . the explication . for consubstantials , or like substances doe properly soften , conveying substances drive in , and binding shutting substancesdoe retaine , and restraine perspiration or breathing forth , being a motion contrary to softning : therefore ( as was said in the ninth 〈◊〉 softning cannot be 〈◊〉 once effected , but by an 〈◊〉 proceeding : first , by 〈◊〉 and keeping out the 〈◊〉 by thicke oyntments , because the outward thicke 〈◊〉 doth not supple the body , but the subtile vapours thereinto penetrating and piercing . secondly , by softning 〈◊〉 consubstantialls , and the 〈◊〉 substances , for bodies by the gentle touch of like substances doe open and loosen 〈◊〉 pores . thirdly , by 〈◊〉 of the like substances and 〈◊〉 restrayning 〈◊〉 afterwards binding 〈◊〉 plasters and oyntments 〈◊〉 good & applyable , untill 〈◊〉 subtile softnesse of the 〈◊〉 be growne hard and solid . can. 27. the frequent renewing of reparable parts , doth bedew and moysten the lesse reparable . the explication . in the beginning of the history , the perishing of the more reparable , and lesse reparable parts together , was called the high way of death , and therefore the reparation of these parts should be most intended . for as aristotle well observed , that in plants new sap passing through the boughes , doth refresh the body also : so in like manner , by often repairing the flesh and blood of the body , the bones and membranes , and other lesse reparable parts , by the passage of new moysture , and being cloathed with new flesh and blood , may be 〈◊〉 renewed . can. 28. cooling not passing by the stemacke , doth lengthen life . the explication . for a strong cooling of the blood , is necessary to prolong life , which cannot bee effected inwardly without hurting the stomacke and bowels . can. 29. consumption and reparation being both effected by heate , 〈◊〉 by their conioyned operation 〈◊〉 length of life . the explication . all great workers are destroyed by the mixture of natures , helpfull and hurtfull in severall respects . therefore judgement in practice must distinguish good heates from hurtfull . can. 30. diseases are curable by medicines , but life must bee lengthned by dyets . the explication . accidentall diseases their causes being taken away , doe cease ; but the continuall course of nature flowing like a river , must bee stopt , and turn'd backe by dyets , whereof there are two kinds : set dyet used at certaine times , and familiar dayly dyet . set dyets are more powerfull , being able to turne backe natures course , and sooner change and alter the body than usuall dyets . in the intention three set dyets are onely mentioned , the dyet with opium , the dyet for softning , and the dyet for making leane , and renewing the body . but in dayly dyet , these prescriptions , good also in set dyets are most effectuall ; nitre , and drugges subordinate to nitre , the government of the affections , and the kinds of studies coolers not passing by the , stomacke , oyly drinkes , making the blood firme , by potions of the powder of pearle , and wood drugs , oyntments to keepe out the ayre and keepe in the spirits , outward heaters to further 〈◊〉 after sleepe ; avoyding inflamers of the spirits , infusing into them a sharpe heat , as wines and hot spices , and the moderate and seasonable use of drugges , infusing a strong heate into the spirits , as saffron , cresses , garlick , elecampane , and compositions of opium . can. 31. the living spirit doth immediatly perish , being destitute of motion , cooling , or nourishment . the explication . these are three doores of death formerly mentioned , being the proper and immediate passions of the spirit . for all the organs of the principall parts serve them , in performing their offices . and the destruction of the organs doth cause their defectivenes . therefore all other wayes to death meete in these three commonroades . but the fabricke of the parts is the organ of the spirit , as the spirit is of the reasonable soule , being immortall and divine . can. 32. flame is a momentary substance ; ayre a fixed ; the living spirits in creatures is of a middle nature . the explication . this canon requires a deeper search , and larger explication than is here requisite . flame is continually generated and extinguished , and continued only by succession . but ayre is a fixed body not subject to dissolution , for though the ayre doth out of moisture generate new ayre , yet the olde ayre remaineth , whence proceedeth the over-burdning of the ayre , mentioned in the title of winds . but the spirits participating of the nature of flame and ayre , is nourished by oyle being of the same kinde with flame , and by ayre homogeneous to water . for the spirit is not nourished by an oyly or waterish substance , but by both . and though ayre and flame , & oyle and water , are hardly blended and compounded , yet they agree in a mixtbody . the ayre raysing quicke and delicate conceits in the fancy , and the flame enciting noble active desires in the soule . the continuance also of the spirit is compounded , beeing neyther so momentary as flame , nor so fixed as ayre . and therfore is not accidentally extinguished like a flame by contraries , for the spirit is not so hard beset with destructive qualities . but the spirits are repayred by lively fresh blood , insinuated through the arteries into the braine , by a speciall manner of reparation , not now to be mentioned . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a01446-e1460 artic. 1 notes for div a01446-e2150 artic. 20. notes for div a01446-e2840 artic. 3. cōnexion . notes for div a01446-e4390 artic. 4. notes for div a01446-e4780 artic. 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 and 11. an admonition . notes for div a01446-e9730 artic. 10 an admo nition . notes for div a01446-e19150 artic. 15 connexion . 〈◊〉 admonition . notes for div a01446-e20540 artic. 16 historie naturall and experimentall, of life and death. or of the prolongation of life. written in latine by the right honorable francis lo. verulam, vis-count st. alban historia vitae et mortis. english bacon, francis, 1561-1626. 1638 approx. 350 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 233 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a01454 stc 1158 estc s100506 99836345 99836345 610 this 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a01454) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 610) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 619:03) historie naturall and experimentall, of life and death. or of the prolongation of life. written in latine by the right honorable francis lo. verulam, vis-count st. alban historia vitae et mortis. english bacon, francis, 1561-1626. bacon, francis, 1561-1626. instauratio magna. rawley, william, 1588?-1667. [30], 395 [i.e. 435], [1] p. printed by iohn haviland for william lee, and humphrey mosley, london : 1638. translator's foreword signed: w.r., i.e. william rawley. the second section of part 3 of bacon's projected "instauratio magna.". with an initial and a final imprimatur leaf. the last leaf is blank. p. 435 minsumbered 395. running title reads: the historie of life and death. reproduction of the original in cambridge university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng life (biology) -early works to 1800. longevity -early works to 1800. death (biology) -early works to 1800. 2000-00 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2001-09 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-06 olivia bottum sampled and proofread 2002-06 olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-07 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion imprimatur . tho. wyke r. p. episc. lond. cap. domest . decemb. 29. 1637. history naturall and experimentall , of life and death . or of the prolongation of life . written in latine by the right honorable francis lo. verulam , vis-count st. alban . london , printed by iohn haviland for william lee , and humphrey mosley . 1638. to the reader . i am to give advertisement , that there came forth , of late , a translation of this booke , by an unknowne person ; who though he wished well to the propagating of his lordships works , yet he was altogether unacquainted with his lordships stile , and manner of expressions ; and so published a translation , lame , and defective , in the whole . whereupon , i thought fit , to recommend the same , to bee translated anew , by a more diligent , and zealous pen ; which hath since travailed in it : and though it stil comes short of that lively , and incomparable spirit , and expression , which lived and died with the authour ; yet i dare avouch it , to bee much more warrantable , and agreeable , than the former . it is true , this booke was not intended to have been published in english ; but seeing it hath beene , alreadie , made free of that language ; whatsoever benefit , or delight , may redound from it ; i commend the same to the courteous , and judicious reader . w. r. to the present age , and posteritie , greeting . although we had ranked the historie of life and death , as the last , amongst our six monethly designations ; yet wee have thought fit , in respect of the prime use thereof ; ( in which the least losse of time ought to bee esteemed precious ; ) to invert that order , and to send it forth in the second place . for we have hope , and wish , that it may conduce to a common good ; and that the nobler sort of physicians will advance their thoughts ; and not employ their times wholly in the sordidnesse of cures ; neither bee honoured for necessitie only ; but that they will become coadjutours and jnstruments of the divine omnipotence and clemencie , in prolonging and renewing the , life of man ; especially seeing we pre scribe it to be done by safe , and convenient , and civill wayes , though hitherto un-assayed . for though wee . christians doe continually aspire , and pant afterthe land of promise ; yet it will bee a token of gods favour towards us , in our journeyings thorow this worlds wildernes , to have our shooes , and garments , ( i meane , those of our fraile bodies ) little worn , or impaired . fr. st. alban . the history of life and death . the preface . it is an ancient saying , and complaint ; that life is short , and art long. wherefore , it behoveth us , who make it our chiefest aime , to perfect arts ; to take upon us , the consideration , of prolonging mans life ; god the author , of all truth , and life , prospering our endevours . for though the life of man bee nothing else , but a masse , and accumulation , of sins , and sorrowes ; and they that looke for an eternall life , set but light by a temporarie ; yet the continuation of workes of charity , ought not to be contemned , even by us christians . besides , the beloved disciple of our lord , survived the other disciples ; and many of the fathers of the church , especially of the holy monkes , and hermits , were long liv'd ; which shewes , that this blessing of long life , so often promised in the old law , had lesse abatement after our saviours dayes , than other earthly blessings had . but to esteeme of this , as the chiefest good , we are but too prone . onely the inquirie is difficult , how to attaine the same ; and so much the rather , because it is corrupted , with false opinions , and vaine reports . for both , those things , which the vulgar physitians talke , of radic all moisture , and naturall heat , are but meere fictions ; and the immoderate praises 〈◊〉 chymicall medicines , first puffe up with vain hopes , and then faile 〈◊〉 admirers . and as for that death , which is caused by suffocation , putrefaction , and severall diseases , wee speake not now ; for that pertains to an history of physick ; but onely of that death which comes by a totall decay of the body , and the inconcoction of old age. neverthelesse , the last act of death , and the very extinguishing of life it selfe ; which may so many wayes bee wrought , outwardly , and inwardly ; ( which notwithstanding have , as it were , one common porch , before it comes to the point of death ; ) will bee pertinent , to be inquired of in this treatise ; but wee reserve that for the last place . that which may bee repaired by degrees , without a totall waste of the first stocke , is potentially eternall ; as the vestall fire . therefore , when physicians , and philosophers saw , that living creatures were nourished , and their bodies repaired ; but that this did last only for a time ; and afterward came old age , and , in the end , dissolution ; they sought death in somewhat , which could not properly bee repaired ; supposing a radical moisture incapable of solid reparation ; and which , from the first infancie , received a spurious addition , but no true reparation ; wherby it grew daily worse and worse ; and , in the end , brought the bad , to none at all . this conceit of theirs , was both ignorant and vain . for all things , in living creatures , are , in their youth , repaired entirely ; nay , they are , for a time , increased in quantitie , bettered in qualitie ; so as the matter of reparation might be eternall , if the manner of reparation did not faile . but this is the truth of it : there is , in the declining of age , an unequall reparation ; some parts are repaired easily , others with difficultie , and to their losse ; so as , from that time , the bodies of men begin to endure the torment of mezentius ; that the living die in the embraces of the dead ; and the parts easily reparable , through their conjunction with the parts hardly reparable , doe decay . for the spirits , bloud , flesh , and fat , are , even after the decline of yeares , easily repaired ; but the drier , and more porous parts , ( as the membranes ; all the tunicles ; the sinewes , arteries , veines , bones , cartilages ; most of the bowels ; in a word , almost all the organicall parts ; ) are hardly reparable , and to their losse . now these hardly reparable parts , when they come to doe their office , of repairing the other , which are easily reparable , finding themselves deprived of their wonted abilitie , and strength , cease to performe any longer , their proper functions . by which meanes , it comes to passe , that in processe of time , the whole tends to dissolution ; and even those very parts , which in their owne nature , are , with much case , reparable ; yet through the decay of the organs of reparation , can no more receive reparation ; but decline and , in the end , utterly fail . and the cause of the termination of life , is this for that the spirits , like a gentle flame , continually preying upon bodies ; conspiring with the outward aire , which is ever sucking , and drying of them ; doe , in time , destroy the whole fabricke of the bodie ; as also the particular engines , and organs therof ; and make them unable , for the worke , of reparation . these are the true wayes , of naturall death , well , and faithfully , to bee revolved in our mindes . for he that knowes not the wayes of nature , how can he succour her , or turne her about ? therefore , the inquisition ought to bee two-fold : the one touching the consumption , or depredation , of the body of man ; the other , touching the reparation , and renovation of the same : to the end , that the former may , as much as is possible , be forbidden and restrained ; and the latter , comforted . the former of these , pertaines especially , to the spirits , and outward aire ; by which the depredation , and waste , is committed ; the latter , to the whole race of alimentation , or nourishment ; whereby , the renovation , or restitution , is made . and as for the former part , touching consumption ; this hath many things common , with bodies inanimate , or without life . for such things , as the native spirit , ( which is in all tangible bodies , whether living , or without life ; ) and the ambient , or externall , aire , worketh upon bodies inanimate ; the same it attempteth , upon animate , or living bodies ; although the vitall spirit super added , doth partly breake , and bridle , those operations ; partly exalt , and advance them wonderfully . for it is most manifest , that inanimate bodies , ( most of them , ) will endure a long time , without any reparation ; but bodies animate , without food , and reparation , suddenly fall , and are extinguished ; as the fire is . so then , our inquisition shall be double ; first we will consider the bodie of man , as inanimate , and not repaired by nourishment ; secondly , as animate , and repaired by nourishment . thus having prefaced these things , we come now to the topick places of inquisition . the particular topick places : or , articles of inquisition , touching life and death . 1 first inquire , of nature durable , and not durable ; in bodies inanimate , or without life ; as also in vegetables : but that , not in a large , or just treatise ; but , as in a briefe , or summary , onely . 2 also inquire diligently , of desiccation , arefaction , and consumption , of bodies inanmate ; and of vegetables ; and of the wayes , and processes by which they are done : and further of inhibiting , and de laying , of desiccation , arefaction , and consumption ; and the conservation of bodies , in their proper state : and a gaine , of the inteneration , emellition , and recovery of bodies to their former freshnesse , after they be once dried and withered . neither need the inquisition , touching these things , to be full , or exact ; seeing they pertaine rather , to their proper title , of nature durable ; seeing also , they are not principals , in this inquisition ; but serve onely , to give light , to the prolongation , and instauration of life , in living creatures . in which , ( as was said before , ) the same things come to passe , but in a peculiar manner . so from the inquisition touching bodies inanimate , and vegetables ; let the inquisition passe on to other living creatures , besides man. inquire , touching the length , and shortnesse of life , in living creatures ; with the due circumstances , which make most , for their long , or short , lives . 4 but because the duration of bodies , is twofold ; one in identitie , or the selfe-same substance ; the other , by a renovation , or reparation ; whereof the former , hath place onely , in bodies inanimate ; the latter in vegetables , and living creatures ; and is perfected by alimentation , or nourishment ; therefore it will be fit to inquire of alimentation ; and of the wayes , and progresses thereof : yet this , not exactly ; ( because it pertaines properly to the titles of assimilation , and alimentation ) but as the rest , in progresse only . from the inquisition , touching living creatures , and bodies repaired by nourishment , passe on to the inquisition touching man. and now being come to the principall subject of inquisition , the inquisition ought to bee , in all points , more precise , and accurate . 5 inquire , touching the length , and shortnesse of life , in men , according to the ages of the world ; the severall regions , climates , and places , of their nativity , and habitation . 6 inquire , touching the length , and shortnesse of life , in men , according to their races , and families ; as if it were a thing hereditary : also according to their complexions , constitutions , and habits of body ; their statures ; the manner , and time , of their growth ; and the making , and composition , of their members . 7 inquire , touching the length , and shortnesse , of life , in men , according to the times of their nativitie ; but so , as you omit , for the present , all astrologicall observations , and the figures of heaven , under which they were borne : onely insist upon the vulgar , and manifest observations ; as , whether they were borne , in the seventh , eighth , ninth , or tenth , moneth ; also , whether by night , or by day ; and in what moneth of the yeare ? 8 inquire , touching the length , and shortnesse , of life , in men , according to their fare , diet , government of their life , exercises , and the like . for as for the aire , in which men live , and make their abode , we account that proper to be inquired of , in the above-said article , touching the places of their habitation . 9 inquire , touching the length , and shortnesse of life , in men , according to their siudies ; their severall courses of life ; the affections of the minde ; and divers accidents befalling them . 10 inquire apart , touching those medicines , which are thought , to prolong life . 11 inquire , touching the signes , and prognosticks , of long , and short life ; not those which betoken death , at hand ; ( for they belong to an historie of phisick ; ) but those , which are seene , and may bee observed , even in health ; whether they bee physiognomicall signes , or any other . hitherto have beene propounded , inquisitions touching length , and shortnesse of life , besides the rules of art , and in a confused manner ; now wee thinke to adde some , which shall be more art-like , and tending to practice , under the name of intentions . those intentions are , generally , three : as for the particular distributions of them , we will propound them , when wee come to the inquisition it selfe . the three generall intentions are , toe forbidding of waste and consumption ; the perfecting of reparation ; and the renewing of oldnesse . 12 inquire , touching those things , which conserve and exempt the body of man , from arefaction , and consumption ; at least , which put off , and protract the inclination thereunto . 13 inquire , touching those things , which pertaine to the whole processe of alimentation ; ( by which the body of man is repaired ; ) that it may bee good , and with the best improvement . 14 inquire , touching those things , which purge out the old matter , and supply with new : as also , which do intenerate , and moisten , those parts , which are already dryed , and hardned . but because it will be hard , to know the wayes of death , unlesse you search out , and discover , the seat , or house , or rather den of death ; it will bee convenient to make inquisition of this thing ; yet not of every kinde of death , but of those deaths , which are caused , by want , and indigence of nourishment , not by violence : for they are those deaths only , which pertaine to a decay of nature , and meere old age. 15 inquire , touching the point of death ; and the porches of death leading thereunto from all parts : so as that death be caused , by a decay of nature , and not by violence . lastly ; because it is behoovefull , to know the character , and forme , of old age ; which will then best be done , if you make a collection , of all the differences , both in the state , and functions , of the body , 〈◊〉 youth , and old age ; that by them , you may observe , what it is that produceth such manifeld effects ; let not this inquisition be omitted . 16 inquire diligently , touching the differences , in the state of the body , and faculties of the minde , in youth , and old age ; and whether there bee any , that remaine the same without alteration , or 〈◊〉 , in old age. nature durable , and not durable . the historie . metals are of that long lasting , that men cannot trace the beginnings of them . and when they doe decay , they decay through rust , not through perspiration into aire . yet gold decayes neither way . 2 quick-silver , though it bee an humide , and fluide body : and easily made volatile by fire ; yet , ( as farre as wee have observed ) by age alone , without fire , it neither wasteth , nor gathereth rust. 3 stones , especially the harder sort of them , and many other fossiles , are of long lasting : and that , though they be exposed to the open aire ; much more , if they bee buried in the earth . notwithstanding stones gather a kinde of nitre ; which is to them , in stead of rust. precious stones , and crystals , exceed metals in long lasting ; but then , they grow dimmer , and lesse orient , if they be very old . 4 it is observed , that stones , lying towards the north , doe sooner decay with age , than those that lie towards the south ; and that this appeares manifestly , in pyramids , and churches , and other ancient buildings : contrariwise , in iron , that exposed to the south , gathers rust sooner ; and that to the north , later ; as may be seene , in the iron barres of windowes . and no marvell , seeing in all putrefaction , ( as rust is ) moisture hastens dissolution ; in all simple arefaction , drinesse . 5 in vegetables , ( wee speak of such as are feld , not growing , ) the stocks , or bodies , of harder trees , and the timber made of them , last dive ages : but then , there is difference , in the bodies of trees some trees are , in a 〈◊〉 spongie ; as the elder ; in which the pith , in the midst is sost , and the outward part harder ; but in timber trees as the oake , the inner part , ( which they call , hart of oake lasteth longer . 6 the leaves , and flowers , and stalks , of plants , are but of short lasting ; but dissolve into dust , unlesse they putrifie : the roots are more durable . 7 the bones of living creatures last long ; as we may see it , of mens bones , in charnell houses : hornes also last very long ; so doe teeth ; as it is seene in ivorie ; and the sea. horse teeth . 8 hides also , and skins , endure very long ; as is evident in old parchment books : paper likewise , will last many ages ; though not so long às parchment . 9 such things , as have possed the fire , last long ; as glasse , and bricks : likewise , flesh , and fruits , that have passed the fire , last longer , than raw : and that , not onely , because the baking in the fire , forbids putrefaction ; but also , because the watrie humour being drawne forth , the oyly humour supports it selfe the longer . 10 water , of all liquors , is soonest drunk up by aire ; contrariwise , oyle latest : which wee may see , not onely in the liquors themselves ; but in the liquors mixt with other bodies : for paper wet with water , and so getting some degree of transparency , will soone after wax white , and loose the transparencie again the watrie vapour exhaling : but oiled paper will keepe the transparencie long , the 〈◊〉 not being apt to exhale : and therefore they , that counterfeit mens hands , will lay the oiled paper upon the writing they meane to counterfe 〈◊〉 and then assay to draw the lines . 11 gummes , all of them , last very long ; the like doe , wax and honey . 12 but the equall , or vnequaliuse , of things , conduceth no lesse , to long lasting , or short lasting , than the things themselves . for timber , and stones , and other bodies , standing continually in the water , or continually in the aire , last longer than if they were sometimes wet , sometimes drie . and so stones continue longer , if they be layed towards the same coast of heaven , in the building , that they lay in the mine . the same is , of plants removed , if they be coasted just , as they were before . observations . 1 let this be laid for a foundation , which is most sure ; that there is , in every tangible body , a spirit , or body pneumaticall , enclosed , and covered , with the tangible parts ; and that , from this spirit , is the beginning of all dissolution , and consumption : so as the antidote 〈◊〉 them , is the detaining 〈◊〉 this spirit . 2 this spirit is detained 〈◊〉 wayes ; either by astraigh inclosure , as it were in prison ; or by a kinde 〈◊〉 free , and voluntarie detention . again , this voluntarie stay is perswaded 〈◊〉 wayes : either if the spirit it selfe , be not too moveable , or eager to depart ; or if the externall 〈◊〉 importune it not too 〈◊〉 to come forth . so then , 〈◊〉 sorts of substances are durable ; hard substance and oyly : hard substance bindes in the spirit close , oyly , partly enticeth the spirit to stay ; partly , is of that nature , that it is not 〈◊〉 by aire : for aire is consubstantiall to water , and flame to oile . and touching nature durable , and not durable , in bodies inanimate , thus much . the historie . 13 herbs , of the colder sort , dye yearly , both in root , and stalk ; as lettice , purslane ; also wheat , and all kinde of corne. yet there are some cold herbs , which will last three , or foure yeares , as the violet , strawberrie , burnet , prime-rose , and sorrell but borage , and buglosse , which seeme so alike , when they are alive , differ in their deaths ; for borage will last but one yeare , buglosse will last more . 14 but many hot herbs , beare their age , and yeares , better hyssope , thyme , savourie , pot marjoram , balme , wormewood , germander , sage ; and the like , fennell , dies yearly in the stalk , buds againe from the root . but pulse , and sweet marjoram , can better endure age , than winter ; for being set , in a very warme place , and well senced , they will live more than one yeare . it is knowne that a knot of hyssope , twice 〈◊〉 yeare shorne , hath continued forty yeares . 15 bushes , and shrubs , live threescore yeares ; and some double as much . a vine may attaine to threescore yeares , and continue fruitfull in the old age . rose mary , well placed , will come also to threescore yeares . but white thorne , and ivie , endure above an hundred yeares . as for the bramble , the age thereof is not certainly knowne ; because bowing the head to the ground , it gets new roots ; so as you cannot distinguish , the old , from the new. 16 amongst great trees , the longest livers are ; the oake , the holme , the wild-ash , the elme , the beech-tree , the chestnut , the plain-tree , ficus ruminalis , the lote-tree , the wild-olive , the olive , the palme-tree , and the mulberrie-tree : of these , some have come to the age of eight hundred yeares ; but the least livers of them , doe attaine to two hundred . 17 but trees odorate , or that have sweet woods ; and trees rozennie , last longer , in their woods , or timber , than those above said , but they are not so long liv'd ; as the cypresse-tree , maple , pine , box , iuniper . the cedar , being borne out , by the vastnesse of his body , lives well-neare 〈◊〉 long as the former . 18 the ash , fertile , and forward in bearing , reacheth to an hundred yeares , and somewhat better ; which also , the birch , maple , and service-tree , sometimes doe : but the poplar , lime-tree , willow , and that which they call the cycomore , and wall-nut-tree , live not so long . 19 the apple-tree , peare-tree , plum-tree , pomegranate-tree , citron-tree , medlar-tree , blackcherrie-tree , cherrie-tree , may attaine to fiftie , or sixtie yeares ; especially , if they be cleansed from the mosse , where with some of them are cloathed . 20 generally , greainesse of body , in trees , if other things be equall , hath some congruitie , with length of life : so hath hardnesse of substance : and trees , bearing mast , or nuts , are commonly longer livers , than trees , bearing fruit , or berries : likewise , trees putting forth their leaves late , and shedding them late againe , live longer than those , that are early , either in leaves , or fruit : the like is of wilde trees , in comparison of orchard trees : and lastly , in the same kinde , trees that beare a sowre fruit , out-live those that beare a sweet fruit. an observation . 3 aristotle noted well 〈◊〉 difference between plants . and living creatures , in 〈◊〉 of their nourishment , and reparation ; namely , that the bodies of living creatures , an confined within certain bounds and that after they bee come to their full growth , they are continued and preserved by nourishment , but they put forth nothing new , except haire and nailes ; which are counted for no better than excrements ; so as the juyce of living creatures , must , of necessitie , sonner wax old : but in trees , which put forth yearly , new boughes , new shoots , new leaves , and new fruits ; it comes to passe , that all these parts in trees , are once a yeare young and renewed ; now it being so , that whatsoever is fresh and young , drawes the nourishment more lively and cheerfully to it , than that which is decayed and old ; it happens withall , that the stock and body of the tree , through which the sap posseth to the branches , is refreshed and 〈◊〉 , with a more bountifull and vigorous nourishment , in the passage , than otherwise it would have beene . and this appeares notably , ( though aristotle noted it not ; neither hath bee expressed these things so clearly , and perspicuously ; ) in hedges , copses , and pollards , when the plashing , shedding , or lopping , comforteth the old stemme or stock , and maketh it more flourishing , and longer liv'd . desiccation ; prohibiting 〈◊〉 desiccation ; and inteneration of that , which is desiccated and dried . the historie . 1 fire , and strong heats dry some things , and mels others : limus ut hic durescit , & 〈◊〉 cera liquescit , vno eodemque igne . how this clay is hardned , and how this wax is melted , with one , and the same thing , fire ; it dryeth earth , stones , wood , cloth , and skins , and whatsoever is not liquefiable ; and it melteth metals , wax , gums , butter , tallow , and the like . 2 notwithstanding , even in those things , which the fire melteth , if it bee very vehement , and continueth , it doth at last dry them . for metall , in a strong fire , ( gold onely excepted , ) the volatile part being gone forth , will become lesse ponderous , and more brittle : and those oyly , and fat substances , in the like fire , will burne up , and bee dried , and parched . 3 aire , especially open aire , doth manifestly dry , but not melt : as high wayes , and the upper part of the earth , moistned with showers , are dryed ; 〈◊〉 clothes , washed , if they bee hanged out in the aire , are likewise dried ; herbs , and leaves , and flowers , laid forth in the shade , are dryed . but much more suddenly doth the aire this ; if it bee either inlightned with the sun-beames , ( so that they cause not putrefaction ; ) or if the aire bee stirred ; as when the winde bloweth ; or in roomes open , on all sides . 4 age , most of all , but yet slowest of all , dryeth ; as in all bodies , which ( if they be not prevented by putrefaction ) are dryed with age. but age is nothing of it selfe ; being onely the measure of time : that which causeth the effect , is the native spirit of bodies , which sucketh up the moisture of the body , and then , together with it , flyeth forth ; and the aire ambient , which multiplieth it selfe , upon the native spirits , and jayees of the body , and preyeth upon them . 5 cold , of all things , most properly , dryeth ; for drying is not caused , but by contraction ; now contraction is the proper work of cold. but because we men have heat in a high degree , namely that of fire ; but cold in a very low degree , none other than that of winter ; or perhaps of ice , or of snow , or of nitre : therefore the drying caused by cold , is but weak , and easily resolved . notwithstanding wee see the surface of the earth , to bee more dryed by frost , or by march windes , than by the sunne ; seeing the same winde , both licketh up the moisture , and affecteth with coldnesse . 6 smoak is a dryer ; as in bacon , and neats tongues which are hanged up in chimneys : and perfumes of olibanum , or lignum aloes , and the like , dry the braine , and cure catarrhs . 7 salt , after some reasonable continuance , dryeth ; not only on the outside , but in the inside also ; as in flesh and fish salted , which if they have continued any long time , have a manifest hardnesse within . 8 hot gummes , applied to the skin , dry , and wrinkle it : and some astringent waters also doe the same . 9 spirit of strong wines , imitateth the fire in drying : for it will both potch an egge , put into it ; and toast bread. 10 powders dry like sponges , by drinking up the moisture , as it is in sand , throwneupon lines , new written . also smoothnesse , and politenesse of bodies , ( which suffer not the vapour of moisture , to goe in by the pores , ) drie by accident , because it exposeth it to the aire ; as it is seene in precious stones , looking-glasses , and blades of swords ; upon which if you breathe , you shall see at first a little mist ; but soone after it vanisheth , like a cloud . and thus much for desiceation , or drying . 11 they use at this day , in the east parts of germany , garners , in vaults under ground ; wherin they keepe wheat , and other graines ; laying a good quantity of straw , both under the graines , and about them , to save them from the danknesse of the vault : by which device , they keepe their graiaes twenty , or thirtie yeares . and this doth not only preserve them from eustinesse , but ( that which pertaines more to the present inquisition , ) preserves them also in that greennesse , that they are fit , and serviceable to make bread. the same is reported , to have beene in use , in cappadocia , and thracia , and some parts of spaine . 12 the placing of garners , on the tops of houses , with windowes towards the east , and north , is very commodious . some also make two sollars ; an upper , and a lower ; and the upper sollar hath an hole in it ; thorow which the graine continually descendeth , like sand in an houre-glasse ; and after a few dayes , they throw it up againe with shovels ; that so it may be in continuall motion . now it is to bee noted , that this doth not onely prevent the fustinesse , but conserveth the greennesse , and slacketh the desiccation of it : the cause is that which we noted before ; that the discharging of the watry humor , which is quickned by the motion , and the winds , preserves the oily humour in his being ; which otherwise would fly out , together with the watry humour . also in some mountaines , where the aire is very pure , dead carkases may bee kept for a good while , without any great decay . 13 fruits ; as pomegranates , cytrons , apples , peares , and the like . also flowers ; as roses , and lilies ; may bee kept , a long time , in earthen vessels close stopped . howsoever they are not free from the injuries of the outward air which will affect them , wit. his unequall temper , thorow the sides of the vessell ; as 〈◊〉 is manifest , in heat and cold therefore it will bee good to stop the mouthes of the vessels carefully , and to bury them within the earth . and it will be as good : not to bury them in the earth , but to sinke them in the water , so as the place be shady ; as in wels : or cisternes placed within doores : but those that bee sunke in water , will doe better in glasse vessels , than in earthen . 14 generally , those things which are kept in the earth , 〈◊〉 in vaults under ground , or in the bottome of a well , will preserve their freshnesse longer , than those things that are kept above ground . 15 they say , it hath been observed ; that in conservatories of snow , ( whether they were in mountaines , in naturall pits , or in wells made by art , for that purpose ) an apple , or chest-nut , or nut , by chance falling in , after many moneths , when the snow hath melted , have beene found in the snow , as fresh and faire , as if they had been gathered the day before . 16 country people keep clusters of grapes in meale ; which though it makes them lesse pleasant to the taste , yet it preserves their moisture , and freshnesse . also the harder sort of fruits may bee kept long , not onely in meale , but also in saw-dust , and in 〈◊〉 of corne. 17 there is an opinion held ; that bodies may be preserved fresh in liquours of their own kind ; as in their proper 〈◊〉 as to keepe grapes in wine , olives in oyle . 18 pomegrants , and quinces , are kept long , being lightly dipped in sea water , or salt-water ; and soone after taken out againe ; and then dryed in the open aire , so it bee in the shade . 19 bodies put in wine , oyle , or the lees of oyle , keepe long ; much more in honey , or spirit of wine ; but most of all , as some say , in quick-silver . 20 fruits enclosed in wax , pitch , plaister , paste , or any the like case , or covering , keep green very long . 21 it is manifest , that flyes , spiders , ants , or the like small creasures , falling by chance into amber , or the gums of trees , and so finding a buriall in them , doe never after corrupt , or rot , although they be soft and tender bodies . 22 grapes are kept long by being hanged up in bunches ; the same is of other fruits . for there is a twofold commodity of this thing ; the one , that they are kept without pressing , or bruising ; which they must needs suffer , if they were laid upon any hard substance ; the other , that the aire doth encompasse them , on every side alike . 23 it is observed , that putrefaction , no lesse than desiccation , in vegetables , doth not 〈◊〉 in every part alike ; but chiefly in that part , where , being alive , it did attract nourishment . therefore some advise , to cover the stalkes 〈◊〉 apples , or other fruits , with wax , or pitch . 24 great wiekes of candles , 〈◊〉 lamps , doe sooner 〈◊〉 the tallow , or oyle , than 〈◊〉 wiekes : also wieks of cotton sooner than those of rush , 〈◊〉 straw , or small twigs : and in staves of torches , those of iuniper , or firre , sooner than those of ash : likewise , flame , moved , and fanned with the wind , sooner than that which is still ; and therefore candles , set in a lanthorne , will last longer , than in the open aire . there is a tradition , that lamps set in sepulchers , will last an incredible time . 25 the nature also , and preparation of the nourishment , conduceth no lesse , to the lasting of lamps , and candles , than the nature of the flame : for wax will last longer than tallow ; and tallow a little wet , longer than tallow dry ; and wax candles old made , longer than wax candles new made . 26 trees , if you stir the earth about their roots , every yeare , will continue lesse time ; if once in foure , or perhaps in ten yeares , much longer : also cutting off the suckers , and young shoots , will make them live the longer : but dunging them , or laying of marle about their roots , or much watring them , addes to their fertility , but cuts off from their long lasting . and thus much , touching the prohibiting of desiccation , or consumption . the inteneration , or making tender , of that which 〈◊〉 dryed , ( which is the chiefe matter , ) affords but a small number of experiments : and therefore some few experiments which are found in 〈◊〉 creatures , and also in man shall be joyned together . 27 bands of willow , wherewith they use to bind trees , laid in water , grow more flexible . likewise , they put boughes of birch , ( the ends of them ) in earthen pots filled with water , to keepe them from withering ; and bowles cleft with drinesse , steeped in water , close againe . 28 boots , growne hard and obstinate with age , by greasing them before the fire with 〈◊〉 , wax soft ; or being only held before the fire , get some softnesse : bladders , and parchments , hardened also , become tender , with warme water , mixed with tallow , or any fat thing ; but much the better , if they be a little chofed . 29 trees growne very old , that have stood long without any culture , by digging , and opening the earth , about the roots of them , seeme to grow young againe , and put forth young branches . 30 old draught oxen , worne out with labour , being taken from the yoke , and put into fresh pasture , will get young and tender flesh againe ; in so much , that they will eat , as fresh and tender , as a steere . 31 a strict emaciating dyet , of guaiacum , bisket , and the like ; ( wherewith they use to cure the french pox , old catarrhs , and some kinde of dropsies , ) doth first bring men to great povertie and leannesse , by wasting the juyces and humours of the body ; which after they begin to be repaired againe , seeme 〈◊〉 more vigorous and young : nay , and we are of opinion , that emaciating diseases , afterwards well cured , have advanced many in the way of long life . observations . 1 men see clearly , like owles in the night , of their owne notions ; but in experience , as in the day-light , they winke , and are but halfe-sighted . they speake much , of the elementary quality of siccity , or drinesse ; and of things desiccating ; and of the naturall periods of bodies , in which they are corrupted , and consumed : but meane while , either in the beginnings , or middle passages , or last acts , of desiccation , and consumption , they observe nothing , that is of moment . 2 desiccation , or consumption , in the processe thereof , is finished by three actions ; and all these , ( as was said before , ) have their originall , from the native spirit of bodies . 3 the first action is , the attenuation of the moisture into spirit ; the second is , the issuing forth , or flight of the spirit ; the third is , the contraction , of the grosser parts of the body , immediately after the spirit issued forth : and this last , is that desiccation , and induration , which we chiefly handle ; the former two consume only . 4 touching attenuation , the matter is manifest . for the spirit , which is enclosed in every tangible body , forgets not his nature ; but whatsoever it meets withall in the body , ( in which it is enclosed , ) that it can disgest , and master , and turne into it selfe ; that it plainly alters , and subdues , and multiplies it selfe upon it , and begets new spirit . and this is evicted , by one proofe , in stead of many ; for that those things , which are 〈◊〉 dryed , are lessened in their weight ; and become hollow , porous , and resounding from within . now it is most certaine , that the inward spirit of any thing , confers nothing to the weight ; but rather lightens it ; and therefore it must needs be , that the same spirit , hath turned into it , the moisture and juyce of the body , which weighed before ; by which meanes the weight is lessened . and this is the first action ; the attenuation of the moisture , and converting it into spirit . 5 the second action , which is the issuing forth or flight of the spirit , is as manifest also . for that issuing forth , when it is in throngs , is apparent even to the sense ; in vapours , to the sight ; in odours , to the smelling : but if it issueth forth slowly ; ( as when a thing is decayed by age , ) then it is not apparent to the sense ; but the matter is the same . againe , where the composure of the body , is either so strait , or so tenacious , that the spirit can finde no pores , or passages , by which to depart , then , in the striving to get out , it drives before it the grosser parts of the body ; and protrudes them beyond the superficies , or surface of the bodit ; as it is in the rust of metals ; and mould of all fat things . and this is the second action ; the issuing forth , or flight of the spirit . 6 the third action , is somewhat more obscure , but full as certaine : that is ; the contraction , of the grosser parts , after the spirit issued forth . and this appeares first , in that bodies after the spirit issued forth , doe manifestly shrinke , and 〈◊〉 a lesse roome ; as it is in the kernels of nuts , which after they are dryed , are too little for the shells ; and in beames , and planchers of houses , which at first lay closo together , but after they are dryed , gape ; and likewise in bowles , which through drought , grow full of cranies , the parts of the bowle contracting themselves together , and after contraction must needs be emptie spaces . secondly , it appeares by the wrinkles of bodies dryed : for the endevour of contracting it selfe , is such ; that by the contraction , it brings the parts nearer together , and so lifts them up ; for whatsoever is contracted on the sides , is lifted up in the midst ; and this is to be seene , in papers , and old parchments ; and in the skins of living creatures ; and in the coats of soft cheeses ; all which , with age , gather wrinkles . thirdly this contraction shewes 〈◊〉 selfe most , in those things , which by heat , are not only wrinkled but ruffled , and plighted , and , 〈◊〉 it were , rowled together ; as it is in papers , and parchments , and leaves , brought neare the fire . for contraction , by age , which is more slow , commonly causeth wrinkles ; but contraction , by the fire , which is 〈◊〉 speedie , causeth plighting . now in most things , where it 〈◊〉 not to wrinkling , or plighting , there is simple contraction , and angustiation , 〈◊〉 straitning , and induration 〈◊〉 hardning , and desiccation ; as was shewed in the first place : but if the issuing forth of the spirit ; and absumption , or waste of the moisture , bee so great ; that there is not left bodie sufficient , to unite , and contract it selfe ; then , of necessitie , contraction must cease ; and the bodie 〈◊〉 putride ; and nothing else , but a little dust , cleaving together , which with a light touch , is dispersed , and falleth asunder ; as it is in bodies that are rotten , and in paper burnt ; and linnen made into tinder ; and carkaises embalmed , after many ages . and this is the third action ; the contraction of the grosser parts , after the spirit issued forth . 7 it is to be noted ; that fire , and heat , dry only by accident . for their proper worke is , to attenuate , and dilate the spirit , and moisture ; and then it followes by accident , that the other parts should contract themselves ; either for the flying of vacuum alone ; or for some other motion withall ; whereof we now speake not . 8 it is certaine that putrefaction , takes his originall , from the native spirit , no lesse than arefaction ; but it goeth on a far different way ; for in putrefaction , the spirit , is not simply vapoured forth ; but being detained in part , workes strange garboises ; and the grosser parts , are not so much locally contracted , as they congregate themselves to parts of the same nature . length , and shortnesse of life in living creatures . the historie . touching the length , and shortnes of life , in living creatures , the information , which may bee had , is but slender ; observation is negligent ; and tradition fabulous : in tame creatures , their 〈◊〉 life , corrupteth them ; in wilde creatures , their exposing to all weathers , often intercepteth them . neither doe those things , which may seeme concomitants , give any furtherance , to this information , ( the greatnesse of their bodies ; their time of bearing in the womb ; the number of their young ones ; the time of their growth , and the rest ; ) in regard that these things are intermixed , and sometimes they concur , sometimes they sever : 1 mans age , ( as farre as can be gathered by any certaine narration , ) doth exceed the age , of all other living creatures ; except it be , of a very few only . and the concomitants in him , are very equally disposed ; his stature , and proportion , large ; his bearing in the wombe , nine moneths ; his fruit , commonly , one , at a birth ; his pubertie at the age of fourteen yeares ; his time of growing , till twenty . 2 the elephant , by undoubted relation , exceeds the ordinary race of mans life : but his bearing in the wombe , the space of ten yeares , is fabulous ; of two yeares , or at least , above one , is certaine : now his bulke is great ; his time of growth , untill the thirtieth yeare ; his teeth exceeding hard : neither hath it beene unobserved ; that his bloud is the coldest of all creatures : his age , hath sometimes reached , to two hundred yeares . 3 lions are accounted long livers , because many of them , have been found toothlesse ; a signe not so certaine ; for that may bee caused , by their strong breath . 4 the beare is a great sleeper ; a dull beast , and given to ease ; and yet not noted for long life : nay hee hath this signe of short life ; that his bearing in the wombe is but short ; scarce full forty dayes . 5 the fox seemes to bee well disposed , in many things , for long life ; he is well skinned , feeds on flesh , lives in dens ; and yet hee is noted not to have that propertie . certainly , hee is a kinde of dog ; and that kinde is but short liv'd . 6 the camell is a long liver : a lean creature , and sinewy : so that he doth ordinarily attaine to fifty ; and some . times to an hundred yeares . 7 the horse lives but to a moderate age ; searce to fortie yeares ; his ordinarie period is twentie yeares . but perhaps , he is beholding , for this shortnesse of his life , to man : for we have now no horses of the sunne ; that live freely , and at pleasure , in good pastures . notwithstanding the horse growes , till hee bee six yeares old ; and is able for generation , in his old age. besides , the mare goeth longer with her young one , than a woman ; and brings forth two at a burthen more rarely . the asse lives commonly to the horses age ; but the mule out-lives them both . 8 the hart is famous amongst men , for long life ; yet not upon any relation , that is undoubted . they tell of a certaine hart , that was found with a coller about his neck , and that coller hidden with fat. the long life of the hart , is the lesse credible , because hee comes to his perfection at the fifth yeare ; and not long after , his hornes , ( which hee sheds , and renewes yearely ) grow more narrow at the root , and lesse branched . 9 the dag is but a short liver : he exceeds not the age of twentie yeares ; and for the most part lives not to fourteen yeares . a creature of the hottest temper , and living in extremes ; for he is commonly , either in vehement motion , or sleeping besides , the bitch , bringeth forth many at a burthen , and goeth nine weekes . 10 the oxe likewise , for the greatnesse of his body , and strength , is but a short liver ; about some sixteen yeares : and the males live longer than the females : notwithstanding , they beare , usually , but one at a burthen , and goe nine moneths . a creature dull , and fleshy , and soone fatted , and living onely upon herby substances , without graine . 11 the sheep seldome lives to ten yeares ; though hee bee a creature , of a moderate size , and excellently clad : and , that which may seeme a wonder , being a creature with so little gall , yet hee hath the most curled coat of any other ; for the haire , of no creature , is so much curled , as wooll is . the rams generate not before the third yeare ; and continue able for generation , untill the eighth : the ewes beare young , as long as they live . the sheep is a diseased creature ; and rarely lives to his full age. 12 the goat lives to the same age , with the sheepe ; and is not much unlike in other things ; though hee bee a creature more nimble , and of somewhat a firmer flesh ; and so should bee longer liv'd : but then hee is much more lascivious ; and that shortens his life . 13 the sow lives to fifteen yeares , sometimes to twentie : and though it be a creature of the moistest flesh ; yet that seemes to make nothing to length of life . of the wilde boare , or sow , we have nothing certaine . 14 the cats age , is betwixt six , and ten yeares . a creature nimble , and full of spirit , whose seed , ( as aelian repotteth ) burneth the female . whereupon it is said ; that the cat conceives with paine , and brings forth with ease . a creature ravenous in eating ; rather swallowing downe his meat whole , than feeding . 15 hares and conies attaine scarce to seven yeares : being both creatures generative , and with young ones , of severall conceptions , in their bellies : in this , they are unlike , that the coney lives under ground , and the hare above ground ; and againe , that the hare is of a more duskish flesh. 16 birds , for the size of their bodies , are much lesser than beasts : for an eagle , or swan , is but a small thing , in comparison of an oxe , or horse ; and so is an estrich , to an elephant . 17 birds are excellently well clad ; for feathers , for warmth , and close sitting , to the body , exceed wooll , and haires . 18 birds , though they hatch many young ones together , yet they beare them not all in their bodies at once ; butlay their egges by turnes ; whereby , their fruit hath the more plentifull nourishment , 〈◊〉 it is in their bodies . 19 birds chew , little , or nothing ; but their meat is found whole in their crops ; notwithstanding they will breake the shels of fruits , and pick out the kernels : they are thought to bee , of a very hot , and strong concoction . 20 the motion of birds , in their flying , is a mixt motion consisting , of a moving of the lims , and of a kinde of carriage , which is , a most wholesome kinde of exercise . 21 aristotle noted well , touching the generation of birds ; ( but hee transferred it ill to other living creatures ; ) that the seed of the male , confers lesse to generation , than the female . but that it rather affords activity , than matter : so that fruitfull egges , and unfruitfull egges , are hardly distinguished . 22 birds , ( almost all of them , ) come to their full growth , the first yeare , or a little after : it is true , that their feathers , in some kindes , and their bils , in others , shew their yeares ; but for the growth of their bodies , it is not so . 23 the eagle is accounted a long liver ; yet his yeares are not set downe . and it is alledged , as a signe of his long life ; that he casts his bill ; whereby hee growes young againe . from whence comes that proverb ; the old age of an eagle . notwithstanding , perchance , the matter may be thus ; that the renewing of the eagle doth not cast his bill ; but the casting of his bill , is the renewing of the eagle : for after that his bill is growne , to a great crookednesse , the eagle feeds , with much difficultie . 24 vultures also are affirmed to bee long livers ; insomuch , that they extend their life , well-neare to an hundred yeares : kites likewise , and so all birds that feed upon flesh , and birds of prey , live long . as for hawkes , because they lead a degenerate , and servile life , for the delight of men ; the terme of their naturall life is not certainly knowne : notwithstanding , amongst mewed hawkes , some have beene found , so have lived thirty yeares . and amongst wilde hawkes , forty yeares . 25 the raven likewise , is reported to live long ; sometimes , to an hundred yeares . hee feeds on carrion ; and flies not often , but rather is a se dentarie , and melancholy bird ; and hath very black flesh . but the crow , like unto him in most things ; ( except in greatnesse , and voice ; ) lives not altogether so long ; and yet is reckoned amongst the long livers . 26 the swan , is certainly found , to bee a long liver ; and exceeds , not unfrequently , an hundred yeares . he is a bird excellently plumed ; a feeder upon fish ; and is alwayes carried ; and that in running waters . 27 the goose also may passe amongst the long-livers ; though his food bee commonly grasse , and such kinde of nourishment : especially , the wilde-goose ; whereupon , this proverb grew amongst the germans ; magis senex quam anser nivalis ; older than a wilde-goose . 28 storks must needs bee long-livers ; if that bee true , which was anciently observed of them ; that they never came to 〈◊〉 because that citie was often sacked . this if it were so ; then either , they must have the knowledge of more ages than one ; or else the old ones , much tell their young , the historie . but there is nothing more frequent , than fables . 29 for fables doe so abound , touching the phoenix ; that the truth is utterly lost , if any such bird there be . as for that , which was so much admired ; that shee was ever seen abroad , with a great troope of birds about her , it is no such wonder : for the same is usually seene , about an owl flying in the day time , or a parret , let out of a cage . 30 the parret , hath been certainly knowne , to have lived threescore yeares in england ; how old soever hee was , before he was brought over . a bird , eating almost all kinde of meats , chewing his meat , and renewing his bill ; likewise , curst , and mischievous , and of a black flesh. 31 the peacock lives twentie yeares ; but hee comes not forth with his argus eyes , before he be three yeares old : a bird slow of pace , having whitish flesh. 32 the dunghill cock , is venereous , martiall , and but of a short life ; a cranck bird ; having also white flesh. 33 the indian cock , commonly called , the turkey-cock . lives not much longer , that the dunghill-cock : an angry bird ; and hath exceeding white flesh. 34 the ring-doves , are of the longest sort of livers ; insomuch , that they attaine , sometimes , to fiftie yeares of age : an aëry bird ; and both builds , and sits , on high : but doves , and turtles , are but short liv'd , not exceeding eight yeares . 35 but pheasants , and 〈◊〉 , may live to sixteen yeares : they are great breeders ; but not so white of flesh , as the ordinarie pullen . 36 the black-bird is reported to be , amongst the lesser birds , one of the longest livers : an unhappy bird , and a good singer . 37 the sparrow is noted to be of a very short life ; and it is imputed , in the males , to their lasciviousnesse . but the linnet , no bigger in body , than the sparrow , hath beene observed , to have lived twentie yeares . 38 of the estrich , we have nothing certaine : those that were kept here , have beene so unfortunate , that no long life appeared by them . of 〈◊〉 bird ibis , wee finde only , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 long ; but his yeare are not recorded . 39 the age of fishes is 〈◊〉 uncertaine , than that of terrestriall creatures ; because living under the water , 〈◊〉 are the lesse observed . 〈◊〉 of them breath not ; by 〈◊〉 meanes , their vitall 〈◊〉 more closed in : and there fore , though they 〈◊〉 some refrigeration , by 〈◊〉 gils ; yet that refrigeration is not so continuall , as 〈◊〉 it is by breathing . 40 they are free , from the diccation , and depredation , 〈◊〉 the aire ambient , 〈◊〉 they live in the water : 〈◊〉 there is no doubt , but the water ambient , and piercing and received into the pores of their body , doth more hurt , to long life , than the aire doth . 41 it is affirmed too , that their 〈◊〉 is not warme : some of them : are great devourers , even of their owne kinde . their flesh is softer , and more tender , than that of terrestriall creatures . they grow exceedingly fat ; insomuch , that an incredible quantitie of oyle will be extracted out of one whole . 42 〈◊〉 reported to live about thirty yeares : of which thing , a triall was taken , in some of them , by cutting off their tailes : they grow untill ten yeares of age. 43 that which they report , of some fishes , is strange ; that after a certaine age , their bodies will waste , and grow very slender ; onely their head , and taile , retaining their former greatnesse . 44 there were found , in caesars fish-ponds , lampreys to have lived threescore yeares : they were growne so familiar , with long use , that crassus the orator , solemnly lamented one of them . 45 the pike , amongst fishes living in fresh water , is found to last longest ; sometimes 〈◊〉 forty yeares : he is a 〈◊〉 of a flesh , somewhat dry , and firme . 46 but the carp , breame , 〈◊〉 , and the like ; are no held to live , above ten yeares 47 salmons are quicke of growth , short of life ; so are trouts : but the perch is slow of growth , long of life . 48 touching that monstrous bulk , of the whale , or orke ; how long it is wielded by vitall spirit ; wee have received nothing certaine : neither yet , touching the sea-calf , and sea hog , and other innumerable fishes . 49 crocodiles are reported to be exceeding long liv'd ; and re famous , fer the time of their growth ; for that they , amongst all other creatures , are thought to grow , during their whole life . they are of those creatures , that lay egges ; ravenous , cruell , and well fenced against the waters . touching the other kindes of shell . fish , wee finde nothing certaine , how long they live . observations . to finde out a rule , touching length , and shcrtnesse , of life , in living creatures , is very difficult ; by reason of the negligence of observations , and the intermixing of causes : a few things wee will set downe . 1 there are more kindes of birds , found to bee long liv'd , than of beasts ; ( as the eagle the vultur , the kite , the pelican , the raven , the crow , the swan , the goose , the storke , the crane , the bird called the ibis , the parret , the ring dove , with the rest ; ) though they come to their full growth , within a yeare ; and are lesse of bodies . surely , their clothing is excellent good against the distemperatures of the wether ; and besides , living , for the most part , in the open aire , they are like the inhabitants of pure mountaines , which are long liv'd . againe , their motion ; which , ( as we else where said , ) is a mixt motion ; compounded of a moving of their lims , and of a carriage in the aire ; doth lesse wearie , and weare them ; and is more wholesome . neither doe they suffer any compression , or want of nourishment , in their mothers bellies ; because the egges are laid by turnes : but the chiesest cause of all , i take to be this ; that birds are made more of the substance of the mother , than of the father ; whereby their spirit is not so eager , and hot . 2 it may bee a position ; that creatures , which partake more of the substance of their mother than of their father , are longer liv'd ; as birds are ; which 〈◊〉 said before . also that those which have a longer time of bearing in the wombe , doe 〈◊〉 more of the substance of the mother , lesse of the father ; and si are longer liv'd : insomuch 〈◊〉 wee are of opinion , that even 〈◊〉 mongst men , ( which wee 〈◊〉 noted in some , ) those that resemble their mothers most , are longest liv'd : and so are the children of old men , begotten upon young wives ; if the fathers be sound not diseased . 3 the first breeding of creatures , is ever most materiall , either to their hurt , or benefit and therefore it stands with reason ; that the lesser compression , and the more liberall alimentation , of the young one , in the wombe , should conferre much to long life ; now this happens , when either the young ones are brought forth successively , as in birds ; or when they are single births ; as in creatures bearing but one at a burthen . 4 but long bearing , in the wombe , makes for length of life , three wayes . first , for that the young one partakes more of the substance of the mother ; as hath beene said . secondly , that it comes forth , more strong , and able . thirdly , that it undergoes the predatorie force of the aire , sater . besides it shewes , that nature intendeth to finish her periods , by larger circles . now though oxen , and sheepe , which are borne in the wombe , about six moneths , are but short liv'd : that happens for other causes . 5 feeders upon grasse , and 〈◊〉 herbs , are but short livers ; and creatures , feeding upon flesh , or seeds , or fruits , long livers ; as some birds are . as for harts , which are long liv'd ; they take the one halfe of their meat , ( as men use to say , ) from above their heads . and the goose , besides grasse , findeth something in the water , and stubble , to feed upon . 6 wee suppose , that a good clothing of the body , maketh much to long life : for it fenceth , and armeth , against the intemperances of the aire , which dot wonderfully assaile , and decay , the body : which benefit birds especially have . now that sheep , which have so good fleeces , should bee so short 〈◊〉 ; that is to bee impated to diseases , whereof that creature is full ; and to the bareeating of grasse . 7 the seat of the spirits , without doubt , is principally the head : which though it bee usually understood , of the animall spirits onely , yet this is all in all . againe , it is not to bee doubted , but the spirits doe , most of all , waste , and prey upon the body ; so that , wher they are either in greater plentie ; or in greater inflammation , and acrimonie ; there the life is much shortned . and therefore wee conceive , a great cause of long life , in birds , to bee ; the smalnesse of their heads , in comparison of their bodies : for even men , which have very great heads , wee suppose to be the shorter livers . 8 we are os opinion ; that carriage , is of all other motions , the most helpfull to long life ; which we also noted before . now there are carried ; water-fowles , upon the water ; as swans ; all birds in their flying , but with a strong endevour of their lime ; and fishes , of the length of whose life , wee have no certaintie . 9 those creatures which are long , before they come to their perfection ; ( net speaking of growth in stature onely , but of other steps to maturitie ; as manputs forth , first his 〈◊〉 next the signes of pube , tie ; then his beard ; and so forward ; ) are long-liv'd . for it shewes , that nature finisheth her periods , by larger circles . 10 milder creatures , are not long-liv'd ; as the sheepe , and dove : for choler is as the whetstone , and spur , to many functions in the body . 11 creatures , whose flesh is more duskish , are longer liv'd , than those that have white flesh : for it sheweth , that the iuyce of the body is more firme , and lesse apt to dissipate . 12 in every corruptible body , quantitie maketh much , to the conservation of the whole : for a great fire is longer in quenching ; a small portion of water is sooner evaporated ; the body of a tree withereth not so fast as a twig : and therefore generally ; ( i speak it of species , not of individuals ; ) creatures that are large in body , are longer liv'd than thos that are small ; unlesse there be some other potent cause , to hinder it . alimentation , or nourishment ; and the way of nourishing . the historie . 1 nourishment ought to bee of an inferiour nature , and more simple substance , than the thing nourished . plants are nourished with the earth and water ; living creatures with plants ; man with living creatures : there are also certain creatures feeding upon flesh ; and man himselfe , takes plants , into a part of his nourishment : but man , and creatures feeding upon flesh , are scarcely nourished with plants alone . perhaps , fruits , or graines , baked , or boyled , may , with long use , nourish them ; but leaves , of plants , or herbs , will not doe it ; as the order of the foliatanes , shewed by experience . 2 over-great affinity , or consubstantiality of the nourishment , to the thing nourished , proveth not well : for creatures , feeding upon herbs , touch no flesh ; and of creatures feeding upon flesh , few of them eat their owne kinde . as for men , which are cannibals , they feed not ordinarily upon mens flesh ; but reserve it as a dainty , either to serve their revenge upon their enemies , or to satisfie their appetite at some times . so the ground is best sowne , with seed growing else-where ; and men do not use to graft , or inoculate , upon the same stocke . 3 by how much the more the nourishment is better prepared , and approacheth nearer in likenesse , to the thing nourished ; by so much the more , are plants more fruitfull ; and living creatures in better liking , and plight . for a young slip , or cions , is not so well nourished , if it bee pricked into the ground ; as if it be grafted into a stecke , agreeing wich it in nature ; and where it findes the nourishment alreadie disgested , and prepared : neither , ( as is reported , ) will the seed of an onion , or some such like , sown in the bare earth , bring forth so large a fruit , as if it be put into another onion ; which is a new kind of grafting ; into the root , or under ground : againe it hath beene found out lately ; that a slip of a wilde tree ; as of an elme , oake , ash , or such like , grafted into a stock of the same kind , wil bring forth larger leaves , than those that grow without grafting : also men , are not nourished so well with raw flesh , as with that which hath passed the fire . 4 living creatures are nourished by the mouth ; plants by the root ; young ones in the womb , by the navill : birds , for a while , are nourished with the yolke in the egge ; whereof some is found in their crops , after they are hatched . 5 all nourishment moveth , from the center , to the circum cumference ; or , from the inward , to the outward : yet it is to be noted ; that in trees , and plants , the nourishment passeth , rather by the barke , and outward parts , than by the pith , and inward parts : for if the barke be pilled off , though but for a small bredth , round , they live no more : and the bloud , in the veines of living creatures , doth no lesse nourish the flesh beneath it , than the flesh above it . 6 in all alimentation , or nourishment , there is a two-fold action ; extrusion , and attraction : whereof the former proceeds from the inward function , the latter from the outward . 7 vegetables assimilate their nourishment simply , without excerning : for gums , and teares of trees , are rather exuberances , than excrements : and knots , or knobs , are nothing but diseases . but the substance of living creatures is more perceptible , of the like ; and therefore it is conjoyned with a kinde of disdaine ; whereby it rejecteth the bad , and assimilateth the good. 8 it is a strange thing , of the stalkes of fruits ; that all the nourishment , which produceth , sometimes , such great fruits , should bee forced to passe thorow so narrow necks : for the fruit is never joyn'd to the stock , without some stalke . 9 it is to be noted ; that the seeds of living creatures , will not be fruitfull , but when they are new shed ; but the seeds of plants , will be fruit , full , a long time , after they are gathered . yet the slips , or cions of trees , will not grow , unlesse they be grafted green ; neither will the 〈◊〉 keepe long fresh , unlesse they be covered with earth . 10 in living creatures , there are degrees of nourishment according to their age : in the wombe , the young one is nourished with the mothers bloud ; when it is new borne , with milke ; afterward , with meats , and drinks ; and in old age , the most nourishing , and savourie meats , please best . 11 above all , it maketh to the present inquisition ; to inquire diligently , and attentively ; whether a man may not receive nourishment from without ; at least some other way , beside the mouth ? wee know , that baths of milke are used in some hectick fevers , and when the body is brought extreme low ; and physitians doe prescribe nourishing clysters : this matter would be well studied ; for if nourishment may be made , either from without , or some other way , than by the stomach , then the weaknesse of concoction , which is incident to old men , might be recompenced by these helps ; and concoction restored to them , intire . length and shortnesse of life in man. the historie . 1 before the floud , as the sacred scriptures relate , men lived many hundred yeares : yet none of the 〈◊〉 attained to a full thousand . neither was this length of life , 〈◊〉 only to grace , or the holy 〈◊〉 for there are reckoned , of the fathers , untill the floud , eleven generations ; but of the sons of adam , by cain , only eight generations ; so as the posteritie of cain may seeme the longer liv'd . but this length of life , immediately after the floud , was reduced to a moitie ; but in the post-nati : for noah , who was borne before , equalled the age of his , ancestours ; and sem saw the sixth hundred year of his life . afterward , three generations being run , from the floud ; the life of man was brought downe , to a fourth part of the primitive age ; that was , to about two hundred years . 2 abraham lived an hundred seventie and five yeares : a man of an high courage , and prosperous in all things . isaac came to an hundred and eightie yeares of age ; a chaste man , and enjoying more quietnesse , than his father . but iacob , after many crosses , and a numerous progenie , lasted to the hundred fortie seventh yeare of his life : a patient , gentle , and wise man. ishmael , a militar man , lived an hundred thirtie and seven yeares . sarah , ( whose yeares only , amongst women , are recorded , ) died in the hundred twentie seventh yeare of her age : a beautifull , and magnanimous woman ; a singular good mother , and wife ; and yet , no lesse famous , for her libertie , than obsequiousnesse towards her husband . ioseph also , a prudent , and politicke man , passing his youth in affliction , afterwards advanced to the height of honour and prosperitie , lived an hundred and ten yeares . but his brother levi , elder than himselfe , attained to an hundred thirty seven yeares ; a man impatient of contumely , and revengefull . neare unto the same age , attained the sonne of levi : also his grand child ; the father of aaron , and moses . 3 moses lived an hundred and twenty years : a stout man , and yet the meekest upon the earth ; and of a very slow tongue . howsoever moses , in his psalme , pronounceth ; that the life of man is but seventie yeares ; and if a man have strength , then eighty ; which terme of mans life standeth firme , in many particulars , even at this day . aaron , who was three yeares the elder , died the same yeare , with his brother : a man of a readier speech , of a more facile disposition , and lesse constant. but phineas , grand-child of aaron , ( perhaps , out of extraordinary grace , ) may be collected , to have lived three hundred yeares ; if so be , the war of the israelites , against the tribe of benjamin ; ( in which expedition , phineas was consulted with , ) were performed , in the same order of time , in which the historie hath ranked it : he was a man of a most eminent zeale . ioshua , a martiall man , and an excellent leader , and evermore victorious , lived to the hundred and tenth yeare of his life . caleb was his contemporany ; and seemeth to have beene of as great yeares . ehud the judge , seemes to have beene no lesse than an hundred years old ; in regard , that after the victory over the moabites , the holy land had rest , under his government , eightie yeares : he was a man fierce , and undaunted ; and one , that in a sort , neglected his life for the good of his people . 4 iob lived , after the restauration of his happinesse , an hundred and fortie yeares ; being , before his afflictions , of that age , that he had sons at mans estate : a man politick , eloquent , charitable , and the example of patience . eli the priest , lived ninetie eight yeares ; a corpulent man , calme of disposition , and indulgent to his children . but elizeus the prophet , may seeme to have died , when he was above an hundred yeares old ; for he is found to have lived after the assumption of elias , sixty yeares ; and at the time of that assumption , he was of those yeares , that the boyes mocked him , by name of bald-head ; a man vehement , and severe , and of an austere life , and a contemner of riches . also , isaiah the prophet , seemeth to have beene an hundred years old : for he is found , to have exercised the function of a prophet , seventie yeares together ; the yeares , both of his beginning to prophecie , and of his death , being uncertain : a man of an admirable eloquence ; an evangelicall prophet ; full of the promises of god , of the new testament , as a bottle with sweet wine . 5 tobias the elder , lived an hundred fifty eight yeares ; the younger , an hundred twenty seven ; mercifull men , and great almes-givers . it seemes , in the time of the captivitie , many of the iewes , who returned out of babylon , were of great yeares : seeing they could remember both temples , ( there being no lesse than seventie yeares betwixt them ; ) and wept for the unlikenesse of them. many ages after that , in the time of our saviour , lived old simeon , to the age of ninetie yeares : a devout man , and full , both of hope , and expectation . into the same time also , fell anna the prophetesse ; who could not possibly bee lesse than an hundred yeares old : for shee had been seven yeares a wife ; about eighty foure yeares a widow ; beside the yeares of her virginitie ; and the time that she lived after her prophecie of our saviour . shee was an holy woman ; and passed her dayes in fastings and prayers . 6 the long lives of men , mentioned in heathen authors , have no great certaintie in them : both for the intermixture of fables , whereunto those kind of relations were very prone ; and for their false calculation of yeares . certainly , of the aegyptians , we finde nothing of moment in those workes that are extant , as touching long life ; for their kings , which reigned longest , did not exceed fifty , or five and fiftie yeares , which is no great matter ; seeing many at this day , attaine to those yeares . but the arcadian kings , are fabulously reported to have lived very long . surely , that country was mountainous , full of flocks of sheep , and brought forth most wholesome food . notwithstanding , seeing pan was their god , wee may conceive , that all things about them were panick , and vaine , and subject to fables . 7 numa , king of the romans , lived to eightie yeares ; a man peaceable , contemplative , and much devoted to religion . marcus valerius corvinus , saw an hundred yeares compleat ; there being betwixt his first and sixth consulship , forty six yeares ; a man valourous , affable , popular , and alwayes fortunate . 8 solon of athens , the law-giver , and one of the seven wise men , lived above eighty yeares ; a man of an high courage , but popular , and affected to his country : also learned , given to pleasures , and a soft kind of life . epimenides the cretian , is reported to have lived an hundred fifty seven yeares : the matter is mixt with a prodigious relation ; for fifty seven of those yeares , he is said to have slept in a cave . halfe an age after , xenophanes the colophonian , lived an hundred & two yeares , or rather more ; for at the age of twenty five yeares , he left his country ; seventy seven compleat yeares he travelled ; and after that returned : but how long hee lived after his returne , appeares not : a man , no lesse wandring in mind , than in body ; for his name was changed , for the madnesse of his opinions , from xenophanes to 〈◊〉 a man , no doubt , of a vast conceit , and that minded nothing but infinitum . 9 anacreon , the poet , lived eighty yeares , and somewhat better : a man lascivious , voluptuous , and given to drinke . pindarus , the theban , lived to eighty yeares ; a poet of an high fancie , singular in his conceits , and a great adorer of the gods. sophocles the athenian , attained to the like age ; a lofty tragicke poet , given over wholly to writing , and neglectfull of his family . 10 artaxerxes , king of persia , lived ninety foure yeares : a man of a dull wit , averse to the dispatch of businesse , desirous of glory , but rather of ease . at the same time lived agesilaus , king of sparta , to eighty foure yeares of age : a moderate prince ; as being a philosopher amongst kings ; but not withstanding ambitious , and a warrier ; and no lesse stout in warre , than in businesse . 11 gorgias , the sicilian , was an hundred and eight yeares old ; a rhetorician , and a great 〈◊〉 of his faculty ; one that taught youth for profit , hee had seene many countries ; and a little before his death said , that hee had done nothing worthy of blame , since he was an old man. protagoras of abdera , saw ninetie yeares of age , this man was likewise a rhetorician ; but professed not so much to teach the liberall arts , as the art of governing common-wealths , and states : notwithstanding , he was a great wanderer in the world , no lesse than gorgias . isocrates , the athenian , lived ninety eight yeares : he was a rhetorician also , but an exceeding modest man , one that shunned the publike light ; and opened his schoole only in his owne house . democritus of abdera , reached to an hundred and nine yeares : hee was a great philosopher ; and , if ever any man amongst the grecians , a true naturalist : a surveyour of many countries , but much more of nature ; also a diligent searcher into experiments ; and , ( as aristotle objected against him , ) one that followed similitudes , more than the laws of arguments . diogenes the sinopean , lived ninety yeares : a man , that used liberty towards others , but tyranny over himselfe ; of a course diet , and of much patience . zeno of citium , lacked but two yeares of an hundred : a man of an high minde , and a contemner of other mens opinions ; also of a great acutenesse , but yet not troublesome , choosing rather to take mens mindes , than to enforce them : the like whereof afterward was in seneca . plato the athenian , atrained to eighty one yeares : a man of a great courage , but yet a lover of 〈◊〉 in his notions sublimed , and full of fancie : neat and d i cate in his life ; rather calme , than merry ; and one , that carried a kinde of majestie in his countenance . theophrastus the etesian , larrived at eightie five yeares of age ; a man sweet for his eloquence ; sweet also for the varietie of his matters ; and who selected the pleasant things of philosophy ; and let the bitter and harsh goe . carneades of cyrene , many yeares after , came to the like age , of eightie five yeares : a man of a fluent eloquence ; and one , who by the acceptable , and pleasant varietie of his knowledge , delighted , both himselfe , and others . but 〈◊〉 who lived in cicero's time ; no philosopher , or rhetorician ; but a grammarian ; attained to an hundred yeares of age : he was first a souldier , then a schoole-master ; a man by nature tart , both in his tongue , and pen ; and severe towards his schollers . 12 quintus fabius maximus , was augur sixty three yeares ; which shewed him to bee above eighty yeares of age , at his death : though it bee true , that in the augurship , nebilitie was more respected , than age. a wise man , and a great deliberatour , and in all his proceedings moderate , and not without affabilitie severe . masinissa , king of numidia , lived ninetie yeares ; and being more than eightie five , got a sonne : a daring man , and trusting upon his fortune ; who in his youth , had tasted of the inconstancie of fortune ; but in his succeeding age , was constantly happy . but marcus porcius cato , lived above ninetie yeares of age : a man of an iron body and minde ; hee had a bitter tongue , and loved to cherish factions : hee was given to husbandry ; and was to himselfe , and his family , a physician . 13 terentia , cicero's wife , lived an hundred and three yeares : a woman afflicted with many crosses ; first , with the banishment of her husband ; then with the difference betwixt them ; lastly , with his last fatall misfortune : shee was also oftentimes vexed with the gout . luceia must needs exceed an hundred , by many yeares ; for it is said , that shee acted , an whole hundred yeares , upon the stage ; at first , perhaps , representing the person of some young girle ; at last , of some decrepit old woman . but galeria copiola , a player also , and a dancer , was brought upon the stage as a novice , in what yeare of her age , is not knowne ; but ninetie nine yeares after , at the dedication of the theater , by pompey the great , shee was shewne upon the stage againe ; not now for an actresse , but for a wonder ; neither was this all ; for after that , in the 〈◊〉 , for the health and life of augustus , she was shewne upon the stage the third time . 14 there was another actresse , somewhat inferiour in age , but much superiour in dignity , which lived well-neare ninety yeares : i meane livia lulia augusta , wife to augustus cesar , and mother to tiberius . for if augustus his life were a play ; ( as himselfe would have it ; when as upon his death-bed , hee charged his frineds , they should give him a plaudite , after hee was dead , ) certainly this lady was an excellent actresse ; who could carry it so well with her husband , by a dissembled obedience ; and with her sonne , by power and authoritie : a woman affable , and yet of a matronall carriage , pragmaticall , and upholding her power . but iunia , the wife of caius cassius , and sister of marcus brutus , was also ninetie yeares old ; for shee survived the philippick battaile , sixty foure yeares : a magnanimous woman ; in her great wealth happy ; in the calamity of her husband , and neare kinsfolkes , and in long widowhood , unhappy ; notwithstanding much honoured of all . 15 the yeare of our lord seventie six , falling into the time of vespasian , is memorable ; in which wee shall finde , as it were , a calender , of long liv'd men : for that yeare , there was a taxing ; ( now a taxing , is the most authenticall , and truest informer , touching the ages of men ; ) and in that part of italie , which lieth betwixt the apennine mountaines , and the river po , there were found , an hundred and foure and twenty persons , that either equalled , or exceeded , an hundred yeares of age : namely , of an hundred yeares just , fiftie foure persons ; of an hundred and ten , fiftie seven persons ; of an hundred and five and twenty , two onely ; of an hundred and thirty , foure men ; of an hundred and five and thirtie , or seven and thirtie , foure more ; of an hundred and fortie , three men . besides these , parma in particular , afforded five , whereof three fulfilled an hundred & twentie yeares ; and two , an hundred and thirty : bruxels afforded one , of an hundred and twentie five yeares old : placentia one , aged an hundred thirty and one : faventia , one woman , aged one hundred thirtie and two : a certaine towne , then called velleiacium , scituate in the hils , about placentia , afforded ten ; whereof six fulfilled an hundred and ten yeares of age ; foure , an hundred and twentie : lastly , rimino one , of an hundred and fiftie yeares ; whose name was marcus aponius . that our catalogue might not be extended too much in length , wee have thought fit , as well in those whom we have rehearsed , as in those whom we shall rehearse , to offer none under eighty yeares of age. now wee have affixed to every one a true and short character , or elogie ; but of that sort , whereunto , in our iudgement , length of life , ( which is not a little subject to the manners and fortunes of men , ) hath some relation : and that in a twofold respect : either that such kinde of men , are for the most part long liv'd ; or that such men may sometimes bee of long life , though otherwise not well disposed for it . 16 amongst the roman and grecian emperours ; also the french and almaine ; to these our dayes ; which make up the number of well-neare two hundred princes ; there are only foure found , that lived to eightie yeares of age : unto whom we may adde the two first emperours ; augustus , and tiberius ; whereof the latter fulfilled the seventie and eighth yeare , the former the seventie and sixth yeare of his age ; and might both perhaps have lived to fourescore , if livia and caius had been pleased . augustus ( as was said ) lived seventie and six yeares : a man of a moderate disposition ; in accomplishing his designes , vehement , but otherwise calme , and serene ; in meat and drink sober ; in venerie intemperate ; through all his life time happy : and who about the thirtieth year of his life , had a great and dangerous sicknesse ; insomuch that they despaired of life in him ; whom antonius musa the physician , when other physicians had applied hot medicines , as most agreeable to his disease , on the contrarie cured with cold medicines ; which perchance might bee some help , to the prolonging of his life . tiberius lived to bee two yeares older : a man with leane chaps ; as augustus was wont to say ; for his speech stuck within his jawes , but was weightie , hee was bloudy , a drinker , and one that tooke lust into a part of his diet : notwithstanding , a great observer of his health ; insomuch , that hee used to say ; that hee was a foole , that after thirtie yeares of age , tooke advice of a physician . gordian the elder , lived eightie yeares ; and yet died a violent death , when he was scarce warme in his empire : a man of an high spirit , and renowmed ; learned , and a poet ; and constantly happy , throughout the whole course of his life , save only , that he ended his dayes by a violent death . valerian the emperour , was seventie six yeares of age , before hee was taken prisoner , by sapor king of persia : after his captivitie hee lived seven yeares in reproches ; and then died a violent death also : a man of a poore minde , and not valiant ; notwithstanding lifted up in his owne , and the opinion of men , but falling short in the performance . anastasius , surnamed dicorus , lived eightie eight yeares : he was of a setled minde , but too abject , and superstitious , and fearefull . anicius iustinianus , lived to eightie three yeares : a man greedy of glorie ; performing nothing in his owne person , but in the valour of his captaines happie and renowmed ; uxorious : and not his owne man , but suffering others to lead him . helena of britaine , mother of constantine the great , was four-score yeares old : a woman , that intermedled not in matters of state , neither in her husbands , nor sonnes 〈◊〉 ; but devoted her 〈◊〉 wholly to religion , magnanimous , and 〈◊〉 flourishing . theodora the 〈◊〉 ; ( who was sister to 〈◊〉 , wife of monomachus ; and reigned alone after her decease ; ) lived above eightie yeares : a pragmaticall woman ; and one that tooke 〈◊〉 in governing ; fortunate in the highest degree , and through her good 〈◊〉 credulous . 17 we will proceed now from these secular princes , to the princes in the church . s. iohn , 〈◊〉 apostle of our saviour , and the beloved disciple , lived ninetie three yeares : he was rightly denoted under the 〈◊〉 of the eagle , for his piercing fight into the divinitie ; and was as a 〈◊〉 amongst the apostles in 〈◊〉 spect of his burning love saint luke the evangelist , fulfilled fourescore and fouryeares : an eloquent man and a traveller ; saint paul inseparable companion ; and a physitian . simeon the sonne of cleophas , called the brother of our lord , and bishop of his rusalem , lived an hundred and twenty yeares ; though he was cut short by 〈◊〉 dome ; a stout man , and constant , and full of good works . polycarpus , disciple 〈◊〉 to the apostles , and bishop smyrna , seemeth to have 〈◊〉 his age , to an hundred yeares , and more though hee were also cut 〈◊〉 by martyrdome : a man 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 high minde , of an 〈◊〉 patience , and unwearied 〈◊〉 labours . dionysius 〈◊〉 contemporany to the apostle s. paul , lived ninetie cares : hee was called the 〈◊〉 of heaven , for his high lying divinitie ; and was famous , as well for his holy life , as for his meditations . aquila and priscilla , first saint paul the apostles hosts ; afterward his fellow-hel-bers ; lived together , in an happy and famous wedlock , at least , to an hundred yeares of age , a peece : for they were both alive , under pope 〈◊〉 the first : a noble paire , and prone to all kinde of charitie ; who amongst other their comforts ; ( which no doubt were great , unto the first founders of the church ; ) had this added ; to enjoy each other so long , in an 〈◊〉 marriage . saint paul , the hermite , lived an hundred and thirteen yeares : now hee 〈◊〉 in a cave ; his diet was so slender and strict , that was thought almost impossble , to support humane nature therewithall : he 〈◊〉 his yeares onely in meditations , and soliloquies ; yet he was not illiterate , or an 〈◊〉 but learned . saint 〈◊〉 the first founder of monks , or ( as some will have it , ) the restorer onely ; 〈◊〉 to an hundred and five yeares of age : a man devout , and contemplative though not unfit for civil affaires ; his life was austere , and mortifying ; notwithstanding hee lived in kinde of glorious solitude ; and exercised a command ; or he had his monks under 〈◊〉 ; and besides , many 〈◊〉 and philosophers 〈◊〉 to visit him , as a living mage , from which they 〈◊〉 not without some 〈◊〉 . saint athanasius exceded the terme of eightie 〈◊〉 : a man of an 〈◊〉 constancie ; commaning fame , and not yeelding 〈◊〉 fourtune ; hee was free towards the great ones ; with he people gracious , and 〈◊〉 ; beaten and 〈◊〉 to oppositions ; and in 〈◊〉 himself from them , out , and wise . s. hierome , 〈◊〉 the consent of most 〈◊〉 , exceeded ninety yeares of age : a man powerfull in is pen , and of a manly elequence ; quence ; variously learne both in the tongues and 〈◊〉 also a traveller , 〈◊〉 that lived strictly towards 〈◊〉 old age ; in an estate 〈◊〉 and not dignified , hee 〈◊〉 high spirits ; and shined 〈◊〉 out of obscuritie . 18 the popes of rome , are 〈◊〉 number to this day , 〈◊〉 hundred fortie and one : 〈◊〉 so great a number , five one have attained to the age 〈◊〉 fourscore yeares , or upward but in many of the first 〈◊〉 their ful age was intercepte by the prerogative and 〈◊〉 of martyrdome . iohn the 〈◊〉 ty three , pope of rome , 〈◊〉 the ninetieth yeare of 〈◊〉 age : a man of an 〈◊〉 disposition , and one that 〈◊〉 died noveltie ; hee 〈◊〉 many things , some to the better , others onely to the new ; a great 〈◊〉 of riches and treasure . gregorie , called the twelfth , created in schisme , and not fully acknowledged pope ; died at ninetie yeares ; of him , in respect of his short papacie , wee 〈◊〉 nothing , to make a judgement upon . paul the third , lived eightie yeares and one : a temperate man , and of a profound wisdome ; he was learned , an astrologer ; and one that tended his health carefully ; but after the example of old eli the priest , over-indulgent to his family . paul the fourth , attained to the age of eightie three yeares : a man of an harsh nature , and severe ; of an haughtie minde , and imperious ; prone to anger ; his speech was eloquent , and ready . gregorie the thirteenth , fulfilled the like age , of eightie three yeares : an absolute good man ; sound in minde , and body ; politick , temperate , full of good workes , and an almes-giver . 19 those that follow are to be more promiscuous in their order ; more doubtfull in their faith ; and more barren of observation . king arganthonius , who reigned at cadiz in spaine , lived an hundred and thirtie ; or , ( as some would have it , ) an hundred and forty yeares ; of which he reigned eightie . concerning his manners , institution of his life , and the time wherein hee reigned , there is a generall silence . cyniras , king of cyprus , living in the island , then termed the happie and pleasant island , is affirmed , to have attained to an hundred and fifty , or sixty yeares . two latine kings in italy , the father and the son , are reported to have lived , the one eight hundred , the other six hundred yeares : but this is delivered unto us by certain philologists ; who though otherwise credulous enough ; yet themselves have suspected the truth of this matter , or rather condemned it . others record some arcadian kings to have lived three hundred years : the country , no doubt , is a place apt for long life ; but the relation i suspect to be fabulous . they tell of one dando , in illyrium ; that lived , without the inconveniences of old age , to five hundred yeares . they tell also 〈◊〉 the epians , a part of aetolia that the whole nation 〈◊〉 them were exceeding long liv'd ; in so much , that many of them were two hundred yeares old : and that one principal man amongst them , named litorius , a man of 〈◊〉 giant-like stature , could have told three hundred yeares . it is recorded , that in the top of the mountaine 〈◊〉 anciently called tempsis , many of the inhabitants lived to 〈◊〉 hundred and fiftie yeares . we reade that the sect of the esseans , amongst the iewes , did usually extend their life to an hundred yeares : now that sect , used a single , or abstemious diet ; after the rule of pythagoras . apollonius 〈◊〉 exceeded an hundred yeares ; his face bewraying no such age ; hee was an admirable man ; of the heathens reputed to have something divine in him ; of the christians , held for a sorcerer : in his diet pythagoricall , a great traveller ; much renowmed ; and by some adored as a god : notwithstanding , towards the end of his life , he was subject to many complaints against him , and reproaches ; all which he made shift to escape . but lest his long life should be imputed to his pythagoricall diet , and not rather that it was hereditary , his grandfather before him , lived an hundred and thirty yeares . it is undoubted , that quintus metellus lived above an hundred yeares ; and that after severall consalships happily administred ; in his old age he was made pontifex maximus ; and exercised those holy duties , full two and twentie yeares ; in the performance of which rites , his voice never failed , nor his hand trembled . it is most certaine , that 〈◊〉 caesus was very old , but his yeares are not extant ; the most part whereof he passed , after he was blinde : yet this misfortune no whit softened him , but that hee was able to governe a numerous family , a great retinue and dependance , yea , even the common-wealth it selfe with great stoutnesse . in his extreme old age , he was brought in a litter into the senate-house ; and vehemently disswaded the peace with pyrrhus : the beginning of his oration was very memorable , shewing an invincible spirit , and strength of minde ; i have , with great griefe of minde , ( fathers consript , ) these many yeares , borne my blindnesse ; but now i could wish , that i were deafe also ; when i heare you speake to such dishonourable treaties . marcus perpenna lived ninety eight yeares ; surviving all those , whose suffrages he had gathered , in the senate house , being consul ; i meane , all the senators at that time . as also all those , whom a little after , being censour , hee chose into the senate ; seven only being excepted . hiero , king of sicely , in the time of the second punick warre , lived almost an hundred yeares ; a man moderate , both in his government , and in his life ; a worshipper of the gods , and a religions conserver 〈◊〉 friendship ; liberall , and constantly fortunate . statilia , descended of a noble family , in the dayes of 〈◊〉 lived ninety nine yeares . 〈◊〉 , the daughter of ofilius an hundred and fifteene . xenophilus , an ancient philosopher , of the sect of pythagoras . attained to an hundred and six yeares : remaining healthfull , and vigorous in his old age ; and famous amongst the vulgar , for his learning . the islanders of corcyra were ancienely accounted long liv'd ; but now they live after the rate of other men. hippocrates côus , the famous physician , lived an hundred and foure yeares ; and approved and credited his own art , by so long a life : a man , that coupled learning and wisdom together ; very conversant in experience and observation ; one that hunted not after words , or methods ; but severed the very nerves of science , and so propounded them . demonax , a philosopher , not only in profession , but practice , lived in the daies of adrian , almost to an hundred yeares : a man of an high minde , and a vanquisher of his owne mind ; and that , truly , and without affectation , a contemner of the world , and yet civill and courteous : when his friends spake to him , about his buriall , he said ; take no care for my buriall ; for stench will bury a carleaise : they replyed ; is it your minde then , to be cast out , to birds , and dogs ? he said againe , seeing , in my life time , i endevoured to my uttermost , to benefit men , what hurt is it , if , when i am dead , i benefit 〈◊〉 certain indian people , called pandorae , are exceedingly long liv'd ; even to no lesse than two hundred yeares . they adde a thing more marvellous ; that having , when they are boyes , an haire , somewhat whitish ; in their old age , before their gray haires , they grow coale blacke : though indeed this be every where to be seene ; that they which have white 〈◊〉 whilest they are boyes , in their mans estate , change their haires into a darker colour . the seres , another people of india , with their wine of palmes , are accounted long livers ; even to an hundred and thirtie yeares . euphranor , the grammarian , grew old in his schoole ; and taught schollers , when he was above an hundred yeares old . the elder ovid , father to the poet , lived ninety yeares : differing much from the disposition of his son ; for hee contemned the muses , and disswaded his son from poetry . asinius pollio , intimate with augustus , exceeded the age of an hundred years : a man of an unreasonable profusenesse , eloquent , a lover of learning ; but vehement , proud , cruell ; and one that made his private ends the center of his thoughts . there was an opinion , that seneca was an extreme old man ; no lesse than an hundred and fourteene yeares 〈◊〉 age : which could not 〈◊〉 be ; it being as 〈◊〉 that a decrepit old 〈◊〉 should bee set over 〈◊〉 youth ; as , on the contrary it was true , that he was able to manage , with great 〈◊〉 the affaires of state : besides , a little before , in the midst of claudius his reigne , hee was banished rome , 〈◊〉 adulteries committed with some noble ladies ; which was a crime , no wayes competible with so extreme old age. ioannes de temporibus , amongst all the men of our latter ages , out of a common fame , and vulgar opinion , was reputed long-liv'd , even to a miracle ; or rather , even to a fable ; his age hath been . counted , above three hundred yeares : he was by nation a french man ; and followed the warres , under charles the great . gartius aretine , great grand-father to petrarch , arrived at the age of an hundred and foure yeares . he had ever enjoyed the benefit of good health ; besides , at the last , he felt rather a decay of his strength , than any sicknesse or maladie ; which is the true resolution , by old age. amongst the venetians , there have been found , not a few long livers ; and those of the more eminent sort : franciscus donatus , duke ; thomas contarenus , procuratour of saint marke ; franciscus molinus , procuratour also of saint mark ; others . but most memorable is that of cornarus the venetian ; who being in his youth of a sickly body , began first to eat and drink by measure , to a certaine weight ; thereby to recover his health ; this cure , turned , by use , into a diet ; that diet to an extraordinary long life ; even of an hundred years and better , without any decay in his senses ; and with a constant enjoying of his health . in our age , william postell , a french-man , lived to an hundred , and well nigh twenty yeares ; the top of his beard , on the upper lip , being black , and not gray at all : a man crazed in his braine , and of a fancie not altogether sound ; a great traveller , mathematician , and somewhat stained with heresie . 20 i suppose there is scarce a village , with us in england , if it be any whit populous , but it affords some man or woman of fourescore yeares of age : nay , a few yeares since , there was in the countie of hereford , a maygame , or morris-dance , consisting of eight men , whose age computed together , made up eight hundred yeares ; in so much , that what some of them wanted of an hundred , others exceeded as much . 21 in the hospitall of bethleem , corruptly called bedlam , in the suburbs of london , there are found , from time to time , many mad persons , that live to a great age. 22 the ages of nymphs , fawns and satyres , whom they make to be , indeed , mortall , but yet exceedingly long-liv'd ; ( a thing , which ancient superstition , and the late credulitie of some , have admitted ; ) we account but for fables and dreames : especially , being that , which hath neither consent with philosophie , nor with divinity . and as touching the historie of long-life in man , by individuals , or next unto individuals , thus much : now we will passe on to observations , by certaine heads . 23 the running on of ages , and succession of generations , 〈◊〉 to have no whit abated from the length of life ; for wee see , that from the time of moses , unto these our dayes , the terme of mans life hath stood about fourescore years of age ; neither hath it declined , ( as a man would have thought ) by little and little . no doubt , there are times , in every country , wherein men are longer , or shorter liv'd . longer , for the most part , when the times are barbarous , and men fare lesse deliciously , and are more given to bodily exercises : shorter , when the times are more civill , and men abandon themselves to luxury and ease . but these things passe on by their turnes ; the succession of generations alters it not . the same , no doubt , is in other living creatures ; for neither oxen , nor horses , nor sheep , nor any the like , are abridged of their wonted ages at this day . and therefore , the great abridger of age was the floud : and perhaps , some such notable accidents ; ( as particular inundations , long droughts , earth-quakes , or the like , ) may doe the same again and the like reason is , in the dimension and stature of bodies ; for neither are they lessened , by succession of generations ; howsoever virgil , ( following the vulgar opinion , ) divined , that after-ages would bring forth lesser bodies , than the then present ; whereupon speaking of plowing up the emathian and emonensian fields , he saith ; grandiaque effossis mirabitur ofsa sepulchris ; that after 〈◊〉 shall admire the great bones digged up in ancient sepulchers . for wheras it is manifest , that there were , heretofore , men of gigantine statures , ( such as , for certaine , have beene found in sicely , and elsewhere , in ancient sepulchres , 〈◊〉 caves , ) yet within these 〈◊〉 three thousand yeares ; a time , whereof we have sure memory ; those very places 〈◊〉 produced none such : although this thing also hath 〈◊〉 turns and changes , 〈◊〉 the civillizing of a 〈◊〉 no lesse than the former . and this is the rather to be 〈◊〉 , because men are 〈◊〉 carried away with an 〈◊〉 ; that there is a 〈◊〉 decay by succession of ages , as well in the terme of mans life , as in the stature and strength of his body ; and that all things decline , and change to the worse . 24 in cold , and northerne 〈◊〉 , men live longer , 〈◊〉 , than in hot : which must needs be , in respect ; the skin is more compact 〈◊〉 close ; and the juyees of the body lesse dissipable ; and the spirits themselves lesse eage to consume , and in better 〈◊〉 position to repaire ; and the aire , ( as being little 〈◊〉 by the sun-beames , ) 〈◊〉 predatory . and yet , under the aequinoctiall line , 〈◊〉 the sunne passeth to and 〈◊〉 and causeth a double summer , and double winter and where the dayes and nights are more equall ; 〈◊〉 other things be concurring they live also very long : 〈◊〉 pern , and taprobane . 25 islanders are , for the 〈◊〉 part , longer liv'd , than 〈◊〉 that dwell in continents : 〈◊〉 theylive not so long in russia as in the orcades ; nor so long in africa , though under the same parallel , as in the 〈◊〉 and tercera's ; and the 〈◊〉 , are longer liv'd , 〈◊〉 the chineses ; though 〈◊〉 chineses are madde upon long life . and this thing is 〈◊〉 marvell ; seeing the aire 〈◊〉 the sea doth heat and 〈◊〉 in cooler regions , and 〈◊〉 in hotter . 26 high situations , doe rather 〈◊〉 long livers , than low ; especially , if they bee not tops of mountaines , but 〈◊〉 grounds , as to their 〈◊〉 situations : such as was 〈◊〉 in greece ; and that part of aetolia , where we 〈◊〉 them , to have lived so 〈◊〉 . now there would be the same reason , for 〈◊〉 themselves , because of the purenesse and clearenesse of the aire , but that they are corrupted by accident ; namely , by the vapours , 〈◊〉 thither out of the vallies , and resting there . and therefore in snowy mountaines , there 〈◊〉 not found any notable long life ; not in the alps , not 〈◊〉 the pyrenean mountaines , 〈◊〉 in the apennine : yet in the tops of the mountaines , running along towards 〈◊〉 and the abyssines ; where by reason of the sands beneath little or no vapour riseth to the mountains , they live long even at this very day ; attaining , many times , to an hundred and fifty yeares . 27 marshes , and fens , are propitious to the natives , 〈◊〉 malignant to strangers , 〈◊〉 touching the lengthning and shortning of their lives : and that which may seeme more marvellous , salt marshes , where the sea ebs and flowes , 〈◊〉 lesse wholesome , than 〈◊〉 of fresh water . 28 the countries , which have beene observed , to produce long livers , are these ; 〈◊〉 , aetolia , india on this side 〈◊〉 , brasil , taprobane , 〈◊〉 , ireland , with the islands of the orcades , and hebrides : 〈◊〉 as for aethiopia , which by one of the ancients , is 〈◊〉 to bring forth long 〈◊〉 ; it is but a toy . 29 it is a secret ; the 〈◊〉 of aire , especially in 〈◊〉 perfection , is better found by experiment , than by 〈◊〉 or coniecture . you may make a triall by a locke of wooll , exposed , for a few dayes , in the open aire ; if the weight be not much increased : another by a peece flesh , exposed likewise , 〈◊〉 corrupt not over-soone : other by a wether-glasse the water interchange 〈◊〉 suddenly . of these and like , enquire further . 30 not only the goodnesse , purenesse of the aire , but 〈◊〉 the equality of the aire , materiall to long life . 〈◊〉 mixture of hils and dales , pleasant to the fight , but spected for long life . plaine , moderately dry ; 〈◊〉 yet not over-barren , or 〈◊〉 nor altogether without 〈◊〉 and shade ; is very 〈◊〉 for length of life . 31 inequality of aire , ( as 〈◊〉 even now said ; ) in the 〈◊〉 of our dwelling , is 〈◊〉 but change of aire by traveling , after one be used unto good : and therefore great travellers have beene long liv'd . also those that have 〈◊〉 perpetually in a little cortage , in the same place , 〈◊〉 been long livers : for aire accustomed , consumeth esse ; but aire changed , 〈◊〉 , and repaireth more . 32 as the continuation , and number of successions , ( which we said before , ) makes nothing to the length or shortnesse of life ; so the immediate condition of the parents , as well the father , as the mother , without doubt , availeth much . for some are begotten of old men , some of young men , some of men of middle age ; againe , some are begotten of fathers healthfull , and well disposed , others of diseased and languishing : againe , some of fathers , immediately after repletion , 〈◊〉 when they are drunke ; others , after sleeping , or in the morning : againe , some after a long intermission of 〈◊〉 others upon the act 〈◊〉 : againe , some in the 〈◊〉 of the fathers love ( as it is commonly in 〈◊〉 ; ) others after the cooling of it , as in long married couples . the same things may bee considered on the part of the mother : unto which must bee added , the condition of the mother whilest shee is with child ; 〈◊〉 touching her health ; as tou ching her diet : the time 〈◊〉 her bearing in the wombe to the tenth moneth , or earlier . to reduce these things to a rule , how farre they may concerne long life , 〈◊〉 hard : and so much the harder , for that those things , which a man would conceive to be the best , will fall out to the contrary : for that alacrity in the generation , which begets lusty and lively children , will bee lesse profitable to long life , because of the acrimony , and inflaming of the spirits . we said before ; that to partake more of the mothers bloud , conduceth to long life . also , we suppose all things in moderation , to bee best ; rather conjugall love , than meretricious ; the houre for generation to be the morning ; a state of bodie , not too lusty , or full ; and such like . it ought also to be well observed ; that a strong constitution in the parents , is rather good for them , than for the childe ; especially in the mother . and therefore plato thought ignorantly enongh ; 〈◊〉 the vertue of generation halted , because the women used not the same exercises , both of minde are body , with the men : the contrarie is rather true . for the difference of 〈◊〉 betwixt the male , and the 〈◊〉 male , is most profitable for the childe ; and the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 women , yeeld more to wards the nourishment 〈◊〉 the childe ; which also hold in nurses . neither did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 women , which 〈◊〉 not before twentie two , 〈◊〉 as some say , twenty five ( and therefore were 〈◊〉 man-like women ; ) bring forth a more generous , or long-liv'd progenie ; than the roman , or athenian , or theban women did , which were ripe for marriage , at twelve , or fourteene yeares . and if there were any thing eminent in the spartans ; that was rather to bee imputed , to the parcimony of their diet , than to the late marriages of their women . but this we are taught by experience ; that there are some races , which are long liv'd , for a few descents ; so that long life , is like some diseases , a thing hereditarie , within certaine bounds . 33 faire in face , or skin , or hoire , are shorter livers ; black , or red , or freckled , longer . also too fresh a colour in youth , doth lesse promise long life , than palenesse . a hard skin , is a signe of long life , rather than a soft : but wee understand not this of a rugged skin , such as they call a goose skin , which is , as it were , spongie , but of that which is hard , and close . a forehead with deep furrowes and wrinkles , is a better signe , than a smooth and plaine forehead . 34 the haires of the head hard , and like bristles , doe betoken longer life , than those that are soft , and delicate . curled haires betoken the same thing , if they bee hard withall ; but the contrarie , if they bee soft and shining . the like , it the curling bee rather thick , than in large bunches . 35 early , or late , baldnesse , is an indifferent thing ; seeing many which have beene bold betimes , have lived long . also early gray haires , ( howsoever they may seeme forerunners of old age approching , ) are no sure signes ; for many that have growne gray betimes , have lived to great yeares . nay , hasty gray haires , without baldnesse , is a token of long life ; contrarily , if they bee accompanied with baldnesse . 36 hairinesse of the upper parts , is a signe of short life ; and they that have extraord narie much haire on their breasts , live not long : but hairinesse of the lower parts , as of the thighes , and legs , is a signe of long life . 37 talnesse of stature , ( if it be not immoderate , ) with a convenient making , and not too slender ; especially if the body bee active withall ; is a signe of long life . also on the contrarie , men of low stature live long , if they be not too active , and stirring . 38 in the proportion of the body ; they which are short to the wastes , with long legs , are longer liv'd than 〈◊〉 , which are long to the wastes , and have short legs : also they which are large in the neather parts , and streight in the upper ; ( the making of their body , rising , as it were into a sharp figure ; ) are longer liv'd than they , that have broad shoulders , and are slender down-wards . 39 leannesse , where the affections are setled , calme , and peaceable ; also a more fat habit of body , joyned with choler , and a disposition stirring , and peremptorie , signifie long life . but corpulencie in youth , fore-shewes short life ; in age , it is a thing more indifferent . 40 to bee long , and slow , in growing , is a signe of long life ; if to a greater stature , the greater signe ; if to a lesser stature , yet a signe though : contrarily , to grow quickly , to a great stature , is an evill signe ; if to a small stature , the lesse evill . 41 firme flesh ; a raw-boned body ; and veines lying higher than the flesh ; betoken long life : the contrarie to these , short life . 42 a head some what 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an to the proportion of the body ; a moderate neck , nor long , nor slender , nor fat , nor too short , wide nostrils , what soever the forme of the nose be , a large mouth , an 〈◊〉 gristly , not fleshy ; 〈◊〉 strong , and contiguous , not small , or thin-set ; foretoken long life : and much more , if some new teeth put 〈◊〉 our elder yeares . 43 a broad brest , yet not bearing out , but rather bending inwards ; shoulders somewhat crooked , and ( as they call such persons ) round-back'd ; a 〈◊〉 belly ; a hand large , and with few lines in the palme : a short , and round foot ; thighes not fleshy ; and calves of the leg not hanging over , but neat ; are signes of long life . 44 eyes somewhat large , and the circle of them inclined to greennesse ; senses not too quick ; the pulse in youth slower , towards old age quicker ; facilitie of holding the breath , and longer than usuall ; the body in youth inclined to bee bound , in the decline of yeares more laxative ; are also signes of long life . 45 concerning the times of nativitie , as they referre to long life , nothing hath beene observed worthy the setting downe ; save onely astrologicall observations , which wee rejected in our topicks . a birth at the eighth moneth , is not only not long-lived , but not likely to live . alos winterbirths are accounted the longer liv'd . 46 a pythagoricall , or monast call diet , according to 〈◊〉 rules , and alwayes 〈◊〉 equall , ( as that of 〈◊〉 was ) seemeth to be very effectuall for long life . yet 〈◊〉 the contrarie , amongst those that live freely , and after the common sort , such as have good stomacks , and feed more plentifully , are often the longest liv'd . the middle diet which wee account the temperate , is commended , and conduceth to good health , but not to long life ; for the spare diet , begets few spirits , and dull ; and so wasteth the body lesse : and the liberall diet , yeeldeth more ample nourishment ; and so repaireth more : but the middle diet doth neither of both : for where the extremes are hurtfull , there the meane is best ; but where the extremes are helpfull , there the meane is nothing worth . now to that spare diet , there are requisite , watching , lest the spirits being few , should bee oppressed with much sleep ; little exercise , lest they should exhale ; abstinence from venerie , lest they should bee exhausted : but to the liberall diet , on the other side , are requisite , much sleepe , frequent exercises , and a seasonable use of venerie . baths , and annointings , ( such as were anciently in use , ) did rather tend to deliciousnesse , than to prolonging of life . but of all these things , wee shall speak more exactly , when we come to the inquisition , according to intentions . meane while , that of celsus , who was not only a learned physician , but a wise man , is not to be omitted . who adviseth interchanging , and alternation of the diet , but still with an inclination to the more benigne : as that a man should sometimes accustome himselfe to watching , sometimes to sleepe ; but to sleepe 〈◊〉 againe , that hee should sometimes give himselfe to fasting , sometimes to feasting ; but to feasting oftenest : that hee should sometimes inure himselfe to great labours of the minde , sometimes to relaxations of the same , but to relaxations oftnest . certainly , this is without all question ; that diet well ordred beares the greatest part in the prolongation of life ; neither did i ever meet , an extreme long-lived man ; but being asked of his course , hee observed something peculiar ; some one thing , some another . i remember an old man , above an hundred yeares of age , who was produced as a witnesse , touching an ancient prescription ; when hee had finished his testimonie , the iudge familiarly asked him , how he came to live so long ; he answered , beside expectation , and not without the laughter of the hearers ; by eating before i was hungrie , and drinking before i was drie . but of these things , wee shall speak hereafter . 47 a life led in religion , and in holy exercises , seemeth to conduce to long life . there are in this kinde of life , these things ; leisure ; admiration and contemplation of heavenly things ; joyes not sensuall ; noble hopes ; wholesome feares ; sweet sorrowes ; lastly , continuall renovations , by observances , pennances , expiations ; all which are very powerfull to the prolongation of life . unto which if you adde that austere diet , which 〈◊〉 the masse of the body , and humbleth the spirits , no marvel , if an extraordinary length of life doe follow ; such as was that of paul the 〈◊〉 , simeon stilita the 〈◊〉 anchorite ; and of many other hermites , and ancherites . 48 next unto this , is the life led in good letters ; such as was that of philosophers , rhetoricians , grammarians . this life is led also in feisure ; and in those thoughts , which , seeing they are severed from the affaires of the world , bite not ; but rather delight through their varietie , and impertinencie . they live also at their pleasure ; spending their time in such things , as like them best ; and for the most part in the company of young men ; which is ever the most cheerefull . but in philosophies , there is great difference betwixt the sects , as touching long life . for those philosophies , which have in them a touch of superstition , and are conversant in high contemplations , are the best ; as the pythagoricall , and platonick : also those , which did institute a perambulation of the world ; and considered the varietit of naturall things ; and had retchlesse , and high , and magnanimous thoughts : ( as of infinitum , of the stars , of the heroicall vertues , and such like ; ) were good for lengthening of life ; such were those of 〈◊〉 , philolaus , xenophanes , the astrologians , and stoicks : also those , which had no profound speculation in them ; but discoursed calmly on both sides , out of common sense , and the received opinions , without any shapr inquisition ; were likewise good ; such were those of carneades , and the academicks ; also of the rhetoricians , and grammarians . but contrarily , philosophies conversant in perplexing subtilties ; and which pronounced peremptorily ; and which examined and 〈◊〉 all things , to the scale of principles ; lastly , which were thornie , and narrow ; were evill ; such were those commonly of the peripateticks , and of the schoolemen . 49 the countrie life also , is well fitted for long life : it is much abroad , and in the open aire ; it is not slothfull , but ever in employment : it feedeth upon fresh cates , and unbought ; it is without cares , and envie . 50 for the militar life , wee have a good opinion of that whilest a man is young : certainly , many excellent 〈◊〉 riers have beene long liv'd corvinus , camillus , 〈◊〉 agesilaus ; with others , 〈◊〉 ancient , and moderne : no doubt , it furthereth long life . to have all things from our youth , to our elder age , mend and grow to the better ; that a youth full of crosses may minister sweetnesse to our old age. wee conceive also , that 〈◊〉 affections , inflamed with a desire of fighting , and hope of victorie , doe infuse such a heat into the spirits , as may be profitable for long life . medicines for long life . the art of physick , which we now have , lookes no further , commonly , than to conservation of health , and cure of diseases ; as for these things , which tend properly to long life , there is but slight mention , and by the way onely . notwithstanding , we will propound those medicines , which are notable in this kinde ; i 〈◊〉 those , which are called cordials . for it is consonant to reason , that those things , which being taken in cures , doe defend and fortifie the heart ; or , more truly , the spirits ; against poysons , and diseases ; being transferred with judgement and choice , 〈◊〉 diet , should have a good effect in some sort towards the prolonging of life . this wee will doe , not heaping them promiscuously together , ( as the manner is , ) but selecting the best . 1 gold is given in three formes ; either in that , which they call aurum potabile ; or in wine wherein cold hath beene quenched ; or in gold , in the substance ; such as are leafe gold , and the filings 〈◊〉 gold. as for aurum 〈◊〉 . it is used to bee given in desperate or dangerous diseases ; and that not without good successe . but wee suppose , that the spirits of the salt , by which the gold is dissolved , doe rather minister that vertue , which is found in it than the gold it selfe : though this secret be wholly suppressed . now if the body of gold could be opened , without these corrosive waters ; or by these corrosive waters , ( so the venemous qualitie were wanting , ) well washed , wee conceive , it would bee no unprofitable medicine . 2 pearles are taken , either in a fine powder , or in a certaine masse , or dissolution , by the juyce of sowre and new limons : and they are given sometimes in aromaticall confections , sometimes in liquour . the pearle , no doubt , hath some affinitie , with the shell , in which it groweth ; and may be of the same qualitie , with the shels , of crey-fishes . 3 amongst the transparent precious stones , two onely are accounted cordiall ; the emeraud , and the 〈◊〉 which are given under the same formes , that the pearles are ; save only , that the dissolutions of them , as farre as wee know , are not in use . but wee suspect these glassy iewels , left they should be cutting . of these which we have mentioned , how farre , and in what manner , they are helpfull , shall be spoken 〈◊〉 . 4 bezear stone is of approved vertue ; for refreshing the spirits , and procuring a gentle sweat . as for 〈◊〉 horne , it hath lost the credit with us , yet so , as it may keep rank with harts horne ; and the bone in the heart of a hart ; and ivorie ; and such like . 5 amber grise , is one of the best , to appease , and comfort , the spirits . hereafter follow the names onely , of the simple cordials , seeing their vertues are sufficiently knowne . hot. cold. saffron . nitre . folium indum . roses .   violets . lignum aloes . straw-berrie leaves . citron-pill , or rinde . straw-berries . balme . iuyce of sweet limons . basill .   clove gilly-flowers . iuyce of sweet orenges . orenge flowers . iuyce of permaines . rosemarie . borrage . mint . buglosse . betony . burnet . carduus benedictus . sanders .   camphire . seeing our speech now is of those things , which may be transferred into diet ; all hot waters ; and chymicall oyles ; ( which 〈◊〉 a certaine trifler saith , are under the planet mars ; and have a furious , and destructive force ; ) as also all hot , and biting spices ; are to be rejected : and a consideration to bee had , how waters and liquours may bee made of the former simples ; not those phlegmatick distilled waters ; nor againe those burning waters , of spirit of wine ; but such as may be more temperate , and yet lively , and sending forth a benigne vapour . 6 wee make some question , touching the frequent letting of bloud , whether it conduceth to long life or no ; and wee are rather in the opinion , that it doth , if it be turned into an habit , and other things be well disposed : for it letteth out the old juyce of the body , and bringeth in new . 7 we suppose also , that some emaciating diseases , well cured , doe profit to long life ; for they yeeld new juyce the old being consumed ; and , ( as he saith , ) to recover a sicknesse , is to renew youth : therefore it were good to make some artificiall diseases ; which is done by strict , and emaciating diets ; of which wee shall speak hereafter . the intentions . having finished the inqusition , according to the subjects ; as namely , of inanimate bodies , vegetables . living creatures , man ; wee will now come nearer to the matter , and order our inquisition by certaine intentions ; such as are true , and proper , ( as wee are wholly perswaded ; ) and which are the very paths to mortall life . for in this part , nothing that is of worth , hath 〈◊〉 beene inquired ; but the contemplations of men have beene , but simple , and non-proficients . for when we heare meren the one side , speak of comforting naturail heat , and the radicall moisture ; and of meats , which breed good bloud ; such as may neither be burnt , nor phlegmatick ; and of the cheering and recreating of the spirits ; wee sappose them , to be no bad men , which speak these things : but none of these 〈◊〉 effectually towards the end . but when , on the other side , wee heare severall discourses ; touching medicines made of gold , because gold is not subject to corruption ; and touching precious stones , to refresh the spirits by their hidden properties , and lustre : and that , if they could be taken , and retained in vessels , the balsames , and quint-essences of living creatures , would make men conceive a proud hope of immortalitie : and that the flesh , of serpents , and harts , by a certaine consent , are powerfull to the renovation of life ; because the one casteth his skin , the other by hornes ; they should also have added the flesh of eagles , because the eagle changeth 〈◊〉 bill : and that a certaine man. when he had found an ointment hidden under the ground ; and had annointed himselfe there with from head to foot ; ( excepting only the soles of his feet ) did , by this annointing , live three hundred yeares , without any disease , save onely some tumours , in the soles of his fect : and of artefius , who when bee found his spirit , ready to depart , drew into his body the spirit of a certaine young man ; and thereby made him breathlesse , but himselfe lived many yeares by another mans spirit : and of fortunate houres , according to the figures of heaven , in which medicines , are to bee gathered , and compounded , for the prolongation of life : and of the seales of planets , by which vertues may be drawne , and fetched downe from heaven , to prolong life : and such like fabulous , and superstitious vanities ; wee wonder exceedingly , that men should so much dote , as to suffer themselves to bee deluded with these things . and againe , wee doe pittie mankinde ; that they should have the hard fortune , to bee besieged with such frivolous , and senselesse apprehensions . but our intentions , doe both come home to the matter ; and are far from vaine and credulous imaginations : being also such , as wee conceive , posteritie , may adde much to the matters , which satisfie those intentions ; but to the intentions themselves but a little . notwithstanding there are a few things , and those of very great moment , of which we would have men to bee fore-warned . first , wee are of that opinion , that wee esteeme the offices of life , to bee more worthy than life it selfe . therefore , if there be any thing of that kinde , that may indeed exactly answer our intentions , yet so , that the offices , and duties of life , bee thereby hindred ; whatsoever it be of this kind ; wee reject it . perhaps , wee may make some light mention , of such things , but wee 〈◊〉 not upon them . for wee make no serieus , nor diligent discourse ; either of hading the life in caves , where the sunne-beames , and severall changes of the aire , pierce not ; like 〈◊〉 his cave ; or of perpe tuall baths , made of liquour , prepared ; or of shirts , and seare-cloathes , so applied , that the body should bee alwayes , as it were , in a box ; or of thick paintings of the body , after the manner of some barbarous nations ; or of an exact ordering , of our life , and diet , which aimeth onlyat this , and mindeth nothing else , but that a man live ; ( as was that of herodicus , amongst the ancients ; and of cornarus the venetian ; in our dayes , but with greater moderation ; ) or of any such prodigie , tediousnesse , or inconvenience : but wee propound such remedies , and 〈◊〉 , by which the offices of life may neither be deserted , nor receive any great interruptions , or mo'estations . secondly , on the other side , wee denounce unto men , that they would give over 〈◊〉 ; and not imagine , that so great a works as the stopping , and turning back , the powerfull course of nature , can bee brought to passe by some morning draught , or the taking of some precious drug ; but that they would bee assured , that it must needs be , that this is a work of labour ; and consisteth of many remedies , and a fit connexion of them amongst themselves ; for no man can bee so stupid , as to imagine , that what was never yet done , can bee done , but by such wayes , as were never yet attempted . thirdly , we ingenuously professe ; that some of those things , which we shall propound , have not been tried by us , by way of experiment ; ( for our course of life doth not permit that ; ) but are derived , ( as wee suppose ) upon good reason , out of our principles and grounds ; ( of which , some we set downe , others we reserve in our minde ; ) and are , as it were , cut , and digged out of the rocke , and mine of nature her selfe . neverthelesse , wee have been carefull , and that with all providence and circumspection ; ( seeing the scripture saith of the body of man ; that it is more worth than raiment ; ) to propound such remedies ; as may at least be safe , if peradventure they be not fruitfull . fourthly , we would have men rightly to observe , and distinguish ; that those things which are good for an healthful life , are not alwayes good for a long life . for there are some things which doe further the alacrity of the spirits , and the strength and vigour of the functions , which , notwithstanding , do cut off from the summe of life . and 〈◊〉 other things , which are 〈◊〉 ble to prolongation of life ; 〈◊〉 are not without some perill 〈◊〉 health , unlesse this matter 〈◊〉 salved by fit remedies : of 〈◊〉 not withstanding , as occasien shal bee offered , wee will not omit , 〈◊〉 give some cautions , and 〈◊〉 . lastly , we have thought good to propound sundry 〈◊〉 according to the severall intentions ; but the choice of those remedies , and the order of them to leave to discretion . for to so downe exactly , which of them agreeth best , with which constitution of body , which with the severall courses of life ; which with each mans particular age and how they are to be taken , out after another ; and how the whole practicque of these things be administred and governed ; would both be too long ; neither it fit to be published . in the topicks , we 〈◊〉 three intentions . the 〈◊〉 of consumption ; the perfecting of reparation ; and the renewing of oldnesse . but , seeing those things , which 〈◊〉 be said , are nothing lesse 〈◊〉 words ; wee will deduce 〈◊〉 three intentions , to ten operations . 1 the first is , the operation upon the spirits , that they may 〈◊〉 their vigour . 2 the second operation is , upon be exclusion of aire . 3 the third operation is , upon the bloud , and the sanguifying heat . 4 the fourth operation is , upon the juyces of the body . 5 the fifth operation is , 〈◊〉 the bowels , for their 〈◊〉 on of aliment . 6 the sixth operation is , upon the outward parts , for 〈◊〉 attraction of aliment . 7 the seventh operation upon the aliment it selfe , 〈◊〉 the insinuation thereof . 8 the eighth operation is , 〈◊〉 on the last act of assimilatioc 9 the ninth operation is , up on the inteneration of the part after they begin to be dried . 10 the tenth operation is , on the purging away of 〈◊〉 juyce , and supplying of 〈◊〉 juyce . of these operations , the 〈◊〉 first belong to the first intention ; the foure next to the 〈◊〉 intention ; and the two last , the third intention . but because this part , touching the intentions , doth tend to practice ; under the name of historie , we will not onely comprise experiments and observations ; but also councels , remedies , explications of causes , assumptions , and whatsoever hath reference hereunto . the operation upon the spirits , that they may remaine youthfull , and renue their vigour . the historie . 1 the spirits are the master-workmen of all effects in the bodie . this is manifest by consent and by infinite instances . 2 if any man could procure that a young mans spirit : could be conveyed into 〈◊〉 mans body ; it is not unlikely , but this great wheele of the spirits , might turne 〈◊〉 the lesser wheele of the 〈◊〉 and so the course of 〈◊〉 become retrograde . 3 in every consumption whether it be by fire , or by age , the more the spirit of the body , or the heat , preyeth upon the moisture , 〈◊〉 lesser is the duration of the thing . this occurres every where , and is manifest . 4 the spirits are to be 〈◊〉 such a temperament , and degree of activitie ; 〈◊〉 they should not , ( as he 〈◊〉 drinke or guzzle the 〈◊〉 of the body ; but sippe them onely . 5 there are two kinds of flames ; the one eager and weak , which consumes slight substances , but hath little power over the harder ; as the flame of straw , or small sticks ; the other strong , and constant , which converts hard and obstinate substances ; as the flame of hard wood , and such like . 6 the eager flames , and yet lesse robust , doe drie bodies , and render them exhaust and baplesse ; but the stronger flames , doe 〈◊〉 and melt them . 7 also in 〈◊〉 mediines , some vapour forth the 〈◊〉 part of the tumours , or swellings ; and these 〈◊〉 the tumour ; others potently discusse , and these soften it . 8 also in purging and absterging medicines ; some carry away the fluide humours violently ; others draw the more obstinate and viscous . 9 the spirits ought to be invested , and armed with such a heat ; that they may choose rather to stirre and 〈◊〉 hard and obstinate matters ; than to discharge , and carry away the thin and prepared : for by that meanes , the body becomes greene and solide . 10 the spirits are so to be wrought and tempered ; that they may be ; in substance , dense , 〈◊〉 rare ; in heat , strong , 〈◊〉 eager in quantity , sufficient for the offices of life , 〈◊〉 redundant , or turgidein motion , appeased ; 〈◊〉 dancing , or unequall . 11 that vapours worke powerfully upon the spirits , it is manifest ; by sleepe ; by drunkennesse ; by melancholy passions ; by laetificant medicines ; by odours calling the spirits back againe , in swounings , and faintings . 12 the spirits are condensed foure wayes ; either by putting them to flight ; or by refrigerating and cooling them ; or by stroaking them ; or by quieting them . and first of their condensation , by putting them to flight . 13 whatsoever putteth to flight on all parts , driveth the body into his center ; and so condenseth . 14 to the condenfution of the spirits by flight , the most powerfull and effectuall , is opium ; and next , opiates ; and generally , all 〈◊〉 things . 15 the force of opium , to the condensation of the spirits , 〈◊〉 exceeding strong ; when as perhaps , three graines thereof will , in a short time , so coagulate the spirits , that they returne no more , but are extinguished , and become im moveable . 16 opium , and the like , put not the spirits to flight , by their coldnesse ; for they have parts manifestly hot ; but , 〈◊〉 the contrary , coole , by their putting the spirits to flight . 17 the flight of the spirits , by opium , and opiate medicines , 〈◊〉 best seene , by applying 〈◊〉 same outwardly ; for the 〈◊〉 straight withdraw themselves ; and will returne 〈◊〉 more ; but the part is mortified ; and turnes to a gangrene . 18 opiates , in grievous pains , as in the stone , or the cutting off , of a lunme , mitigate paines ; most of all , by putting the spirits to flight . 19 opiates obtaine a good effect , from a bad cause ; for the flight of the spirits is evill ; but the condensation of them , through their flight , is good. 20 the grecians attributed much , both for health , and for prolongation of life , to opiates ; but the arabians , much more . in so much , that their grand medicines , ( which they called , the gods hands ; ) had opium , for their basis , & principall ingredient , other things being mixed , to abate and correct the noxious qualities thereof : such were treacle , mithridate , and the rest . 21 whatsoever is given , with good successe , in the curing of pestilentiall and malignant diseases ; to stop and bridle the spirits , lest they grow turbulent , and tumultuate , may , very happily , be transferred to prolongation of life : for one thing is effectuall unto both ; namely , the condensation of the spirits : now there is nothing better for that , than opiates . 22 the turkes finde opium , even in a reasonable good quantitie , harmelesse , and comfortable ; in so much , that they take it , before their battell , to excite courage ; but to us , unlesse it be in a very small quantity , and with good correctives , it is mortall . 23 opium , and opiates , are maaifestly found to excite venus ; which shewes them to have force , to corroborate the spirits . 24 distilled mater of wilde poppie , is given with good successe , in sursets , agues , and divers diseases . which , no doubt , is a temperate kinde of opiate : neither let any man wonder at the various use of it ; for that is familiar to opiates ; in regard that the spirits , corroborated and condensed , will rise up against any disease . 25 the turkes use a kinde of herb , which they call caphe ; which they dry , and powder ; and then drinke it in warme water ; which they say , doth not a little sharpen them , both in their courage , and in their wits ; notwithstanding , if it be taken in a large quantity , it affects , and disturbs the minde ; whereby it is manifost , that it is of the same nature with opiates . 26 there is a root , much renowmed in al the easternparts , which they call betel ; which the indians , and others , use to carry in their mouths , and to champ it : and by that champing , they are wonderfully enabled , both to endure labours , and to overcome sicknesses , and to the act of carnall copulation : it seemes to be a kinde of stupefactive , because it exceedingly blacks the teeth . 27 tobacco , in our age , is immoderately growne into use ; and it affects men with a secret kinde of delight ; in so much , that they who have once inured themselves to it , can hardly afterwards leave it : and , no doubt , it hath power to lighten the body , and to shake off wearinesse : now the vertue of it , is commonly thought to be , because it opens the passages , and void . humours : but it may more rightly bee referred to the condensation of the spirits ; for it is a kinde of henbane ; and manifestly troubles the head , as opiates doe . 28 there are sometimes humours engendred in the bodie , which are , as it were , opiate themselves ; as it is in some kinde of melancholies ; with which if a man be affected , it is a signe of very long life . 29 the simple opiates , ( which are also called stupefactives , ) are these ; opium it self , which is the juyce of poppy ; both the poppies , as well in the herb , as in the seed ; henbane ; mandrake ; hemlock ; tobacco ; night-shade . 30 the compound 〈◊〉 are , treacle ; mitbridate ; trifera ; ladanum paracelsi ; diacodium ; diascordium ; philonium ; pills of hounds-tongue . 31 from this which hath been said , certaine designations , or councels , may be deduced , for the prolongation of life , according to the present intention ; namely , of 〈◊〉 the spirits by opiates . 32 let there be therfore , every yeare , from adult yeares of youth , an opiate diet ; let it bee taken about the end of may ; because the spirits in summer , are more loose , and attenuated ; and there is lesse danger from cold humours : let it bee some magistrall opiate , weaker than those that are commonly in use , both in rtspect of a smaller quantity of opium , and of a more sparing mixture of extreme hot things : let it be taken in the morning betwixt sleeps . the fare for that time would bee more simple , and sparing , than or linary , without wine , or spices , or vaporous things : this medicine to be taken onely each other day ; and to bee continued for a fortnight . this designation , in our judgement , comes home to the intention . 33 opiates also may bee taken , not onely by the mouth , but also by fumes ; but the fumes must bee such , as may not move the expulsive facultie too strongly , nor force downe humours ; but only taken in a weft , may worke upon the spirits , within the braine : and therefore , a suffumigation of tobacco , lignum alce ; rose-mary leaves dr ed , and a little myrrhe , snuffed up in the morning , at the mouth and nosthrils , would bee very good . 34 in grand opiaces ; such as are treacle , mithridate , and the rest ; it would not bee amisse ( especially in youth , ) to take rather the distilled waters of them , than themselves , in their bodies : for the vapour , in distilling , doth rise ; but the heat of the medicine , commonly , 〈◊〉 : now distilled waters , are good , in those vertues , which are conveyed by vapours , in other things , but weake . 35 there are medicines , which have a certaine weak , and hidden degree ; and therefore safe ; toan opiate vertue . these send froth a slow , 〈◊〉 copious vapour , but not 〈◊〉 , as opiates doe : therefore they put not the spirits to 〈◊〉 ; notwithstanding they congregate them , and somewhat thicken them . 36 medicines in order to opiates , ate : principally saffron ; next folium indum ; amber-grise ; coriander-seed prepared ; amomum , and 〈◊〉 ; lignum-rhodium ; orenge-flower water ; and much more , the infusion of the same flowers , new gathered , in oyle of almonds ; nutmegs pricked full of holes , and macerated in rose water . 37 as opiates are to be taken very sparingly , and at certaine times , as was said ; so these secundaries may be taken familiarly , and in our daily diet ; and they will be very effectuall to prolongation of life . certainly , an apothecarie of calecute , by the use of amber , is said to have lived , 〈◊〉 hundred and sixtie yeares ; and the noble men of barbarie , through the use thereof , are certified to be very long liv'd ; whereas the meane people are but of short life : and our ancestours , who were longer liv'd than wee , did use saffron much ; in their cakes , broathes , and the like . and touching the first way , of condensing the spirits , by opiates , and the subordinates thereto . thus much . 38 now we will inquire of the second way , of condensing the spirits , by cold. for the proper worke of cold is condensation ; and it is done , without my malignitie , or adverse qualitie ; and therefore it is a fafer operation , than by opiates ; though somewhat lesse powerfull , if it bee done by turnes only , as opiates are : but then againe , because it may bee used familiarly , and in our daily diet with moderation ; it is much more powerfull for the prolongation of life , than by opiates . 39 the refrigeration of the spirits , is effected three wayes ; either by respiration ; or by 〈◊〉 ; or by aliment . the first is the best , but , in a sort , out of our power ; the second is potent , but yet ready , and at hand ; the third is weake , and somewhat about . 40 aire cleare and pure ; and which hath no fogginesse in it , before it bee received into the lungs ; and which is least exposed to the sun-beames ; condenseth the spirits best ; such is found , either on 〈◊〉 tops of drie mountaines , or in 〈◊〉 , open to the windes , and yet not without some shade . 41 as 〈◊〉 refrigeration , and 〈◊〉 of the spirits , by vapours ; the root of this operation wee place in nitre ; as a creature purposely made , and chosen , for this end ; being thereunto lead , and perswaded , by these arguments . 42 nitre is a kinde of coole spice : this is apparent to the sense it selfe ; for it bites the tongue , and palate , with cold , as spices doe with heat : and it is the onely thing , as 〈◊〉 as wee know , that hath this propertie . 43 almost all cold things , ( which are cold properly , and not by accident , as opium is , ) are poore , and jejune , of spirit ; contrarily , things full of spirit , are almost all hot : only nitre is found amongst vegetables , which 〈◊〉 with spirit , and yet is cold. as for camphire , which is full of spirit , and yet performeth the actions of cold , it cooleth by accident onely ; as namely , for that by the thinnesse thereof , without acrimonie , it helpeth perspiration , in in flammations . 44 in congealing , and freezing . of liquours ; ( which is latel growne into use ; ) by laying snow , and ice , on the outside of the vessell ; nitre is also added ; and , no doubt , it exciteth , and 〈◊〉 , the congelation . it is 〈◊〉 , that they use also , for this worke , ordnarie bay-salt ; which doth rather give activitie , to the coldnesse of the snow , than coo'e by it selfe : but , as i have 〈◊〉 in the hotter regions , where snow fals not the congealing is wrought by nitre alone ; but this i can not certainly affirme . 45 it is affirmed , that 〈◊〉 , which consisteth principally of nitre , being taken in drink , doth conduce to valour ; and that it is used oftentimes , by mariners , and souldiers , before they begin their battels , as the turks doe opium . 46 nitre is given , with good successe , in burning agues , and pestilentiall fevers , to mitigate , and bridle , their per. nicious heats . 47 it is most manifest , that 〈◊〉 , in gunpowder , doth mightily abhorre flame ; from whence is caused , that horrible crack , and puffing . 48 nitre is found to bee , as it were , the spirit of the earth ; for this is most certaine ; that any earth , though pure , and unmixt with nitrous matter , if it bee so laid up , and covered , that it be free from the sun-beames , and putteth forth no vegetable , will gather nitre , even in good abundance . by which it is clear , that the spirit of nitre , is not only inferiour to the spirit of living creatures , but also to the spirit of vegetables . 49 cattell , which drink of nitrous water , doe manifestly grow fat ; which is a signe , of the cold , in nitre . 50 the manuring of the soile , is chiefly , by nitrous substances ; for all dung is nitrous : and this is a signe , of the spirit , in nitre . 51 from hence it appeares , that the spirits of man , may be cooled , and condensed , by the spirit of nitre ; and bee made more crude , and lesseeager : and therefore , as strong wines , and spices , and the like , doe burne the spirits , and shorten life ; so , on the contrary side , nitre doth compose , and represse them , and furthereth to long life . 52 nitre may be used ; in meat , mixed with our salt , to the tenth part of the salt ; in broaths , taken in the morning , from three graines to ten ; also in beere ; but howsoever it be used , with moderation , it is of prime force , to long life . 53 as opium holds the preheminence , in condensing the spirits , by putting them to flight ; and hath withall his subordinates ; lesse potent , but more safe ; which may bee taken , both in greater quantitie , and in more frequent use ; of which wee have formerly spoken ; so also nitre , which condenseth the spirits by cold and by a kinde of frescour . ( as we now adayes speak ) 〈◊〉 also his subordinates . 54 subordinates to nitre are all those things , which yeeld an odour , some what earthy ; like the smell of earth , pure , and good , newly digged or turned up : of this sort , the chiefe are ; boragi buglesse , langue de boe uf , butnet ; strawberrie leaves , and strawberries , frambois , or raspis ; raw cucumbers ; ram permaines ; vine-leaves , and buds ; also violets . 55 the next , in order , are those , which have a certaine freshnesse of smell , but somewhat more inclined to heat ; yet not altogether void , of that vertue , of refreshing by coolenesse : such as are balme ; greene citrons ; greene orenges ; rose-water distilled ; roasted wardens ; also , the dimask , red , and musk rose . 56 this is to bee noted ; that subordinates to nitre , doe , commonly , conferre more , to this intention , raw , than having passed the fire ; because that spirit of cooling , is dissipated by the fire : therefore , they are best taken , either infused in some liquour , or raw. 57 as the condensation of the spirits , by subordinates to opium , is , in some sort , performed by odours ; so also that , which is by subordinates to nitre : therefore , the smell , of new , and pure earth , taken , either by following the plough , or by digging , or by weeding , excellently 〈◊〉 sheth the spirits : also , the leaves of trees , in woods or hedges , falling towa 〈◊〉 the middle of autumne , 〈◊〉 a good refreshing to the 〈◊〉 ; but none so good , 〈◊〉 strawberrie leaves dying likewise , the smell of 〈◊〉 or wall-flowers , or 〈◊〉 , or sweet briar , or 〈◊〉 , suckles , taken , as they grow , 〈◊〉 passing by them only , is of the like nature . 58 nay , and we knew a certain great lord , who lived long that had , every morning , inmediately after sleepe , a 〈◊〉 of fresh earth , laid in a 〈◊〉 napkin , under his nose , 〈◊〉 he might take the smell them of . 59 there is no doubt , but 〈◊〉 cooling , and tempering , 〈◊〉 the bloud , by coole thing such as are , endive , succourie , liver-wort ; purslaine , and the like ; doth also , by consequent , coole the spirits : but this is about , whereas vapours coole immediately . and as touching the condensing of the spirits , by cold , thus much : the third way , of condensing the spirits , wee 〈◊〉 to be , by that which wee call , stroaking the spirits : the fourth , by quieting the alacritie , and vnrulinesse of them . 60 such things , stroake the spirits , as are pleasing , and friendly to them , yet they allure them not , to goe abroad but rather prevaile , that the spirits , contented , as it were , in their owne societie , doe enjoy themselves ; and berake themselves into their proper center . 61 for these , if you 〈◊〉 those things , which were formerly set down , as subordinates , to opium , and nitre , there will need no other inquisition . 62 as for the quieting , of the vnrulines , of the spirits , we 〈◊〉 presently speak of that , when we inquire , touching their motion . now then , seeing we have spoken , of that condensation of the spirits , which pertaineth to their substance , we will come to the temper of heat , in them . 63 the heat of the spirits , as wee said , ought to bee of that kinde , that it may be 〈◊〉 not eager , and may delight rather , to master the 〈◊〉 and obstinate , than to carrie away , the thin , and light humours . 64 we must beware of spices , wine , and strong drinks ; that our use of them be very temperate , and sometimes discontinued : also of savorie , wilde-marjoram , pennie-royall ; and all such , as bite , and heat the tongue . for they yeeld unto the spirits , an heat , not operative , but 〈◊〉 . 65 these yeeld a robust heat , especially elecampane , garlick , 〈◊〉 benedictus , water-cresses , while they are young ; cermander , angelica , 〈◊〉 , vervin , valerian , myrrhe , pepper-mort , 〈◊〉 , garden-chervile ; the 〈◊〉 of these things with 〈◊〉 , and judgement , sometimes in sallets , sometimes in medicines , will satisfie this operation . 66 it fals out well , that the grand opiates , will also serve excellently for this operation , in respect , that they yeeld such an heat by composition , which is wished , but not to be found in simples . for the 〈◊〉 of those excessive 〈◊〉 things ; ( such as are ; euphorbium , pellitory of spain stavis-acre , dragon-mort , 〈◊〉 castoreum , aristolochian opoponax , ammoniacum , 〈◊〉 , and the like ; which of themselves , cannot bee taken inwardly , ) to 〈◊〉 and abate the 〈◊〉 vertue of the opium ; the doe make such a constitutia of a med , cament , as we 〈◊〉 require , which is excellent seene in this ; that 〈◊〉 and mithridate , and the rest , are not sharp , nor bite the tongue ; but are onely somewhat bitter , and of strong seat ; and at last manifest their heat , when they come into the stomack ; and in their subsequent operations . 67 there conduce also , to the 〈◊〉 heat of the spirits , 〈◊〉 , often excited , rarely performed ; and , no lesse , some of the affections , of which shall be spoken hereafter . so touching the heat , of the 〈◊〉 , analogicall to the proongation of life , thus much . 68 touching the quantitie of he spirits , that they bee not 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 ; but other sparing , and within a meane , ( seeing a small flame , 〈◊〉 not devoure so much , as a great flame , ) the 〈◊〉 will be short . 69 it seemes to bee approved by experience ; that a 〈◊〉 diet , and almost a 〈◊〉 ; such as is either prescri bed by the strict rules of monasticall life , or practised by hermites , which have ne cessitie , and povertie , for their rule ; rendreth a man long liv'd . 70 hitherto appertaine ; 〈◊〉 king of water ; a hard bed abstinence from fire ; a 〈◊〉 diet ; ( as namely , 〈◊〉 herbs ; fruits ; flesh , and 〈◊〉 rather powdred , and 〈◊〉 , that fresh , and hot ; ) an 〈◊〉 shirt ; frequent fastings ; frequent watching ; few 〈◊〉 pleasures ; and such like : 〈◊〉 all these diminish the spirit and reduce them to such quantitie , as may be sufficient only for the functions of life ; whereby the depredation is the lesse . 71 but if the diet shall not bee 〈◊〉 so rigorous , and 〈◊〉 ; yet notwithstaning , shall bee alwayes equall , 〈◊〉 constant to it selfe , it 〈◊〉 the same effect . we see in flames ; that a flame somewhat bigger , ( so it bee alwayes alike , and quiet , ) 〈◊〉 lesse of the fewell , 〈◊〉 a lesser flame , blowne with bellowes ; and by gusts 〈◊〉 , or weaker : that which the regiment , and diet , 〈◊〉 cornarus the venetian 〈◊〉 plainly ; who did eat , and 〈◊〉 , so many yeares 〈◊〉 , by a just weight , 〈◊〉 hee exceeded an hundred yeares of age , strong in lims , and entire in his senses . 72 care also must bee taken that a body , plentifully nourished , and not emaciated by any of these aforesaid diet omitteth not a seasonable use of venus ; lest the spirits increase too fast , and soften , and destroy the body : so then touching a moderate 〈◊〉 of spirits , and ( as we may say ) frugall , thus much . 73 the inquisition , touching brideling the motion of the spirits , followeth next . 〈◊〉 motion , doth manifestly 〈◊〉 , and inflame them . 〈◊〉 brideling is done , by 〈◊〉 meanes : by sleepe ; by avoiding of vchement 〈◊〉 immoderate exercise , and , a word , all lassitude ; and by refraining irksome 〈◊〉 and first , touching sleep . 74 the fable tels us , that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 many yeares together , in a cave ; and all that 〈◊〉 needed no meat ; 〈◊〉 the spirits waste not much in sleep . 75 experience teacheth us , 〈◊〉 certaine creatures , as 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 , sleepe , in 〈◊〉 close places , an whole winter together ; such is the force of sleepe , to restraine all 〈◊〉 consumption . that which bees , and drones , are also thought to doe ; though sometimes destitute of 〈◊〉 : and likewise butterflies , and other flies . 76 sleepe after dinner , ( the stomack sending up no unpleasing vapours to the head , as being the first dewes of our meat , ) is good for the spirits , but derogatorie and hurtfull , to all other points of health . notwithstanding it extreme old age , there is the same reason , of meat , and sleepe ; for both , our meales , and our sleeps , should be then frequent , but short , and little : nay , and towards the last period of old age , a meere rest , and , as it were , a perpetuall repasing , doth best ; especially in winter time . 77 but as moderate sleepe , conferreth to long life ; so much more , if it be quiet , and not disturbed . 78 these procure quiet sleep violets , lettuce , especially boiled ; syrupe of dried roses : saffron ; balme ; apples at out going to bed ; a sop of 〈◊〉 in malmesey , especially wherein musk roses have beene first 〈◊〉 ; therefore , it would 〈◊〉 be amisse , to make some 〈◊〉 , or a small draught , of 〈◊〉 things , and to use it 〈◊〉 . also those things , 〈◊〉 shut the mouth of the 〈◊〉 close ; as coriander 〈◊〉 prepared ; quinces ; and 〈◊〉 , roasted ; doe induce 〈◊〉 sleepe : but above all things , in youth , and for those that have sufficient strong stomacks , it will bee best , to take a good draught , of cleare , cold , water , when they goe to bed. touching voluntarie , and procured traunces ; as also fixed , and profound thoughts , so as they be without irksomenesse ; i have nothing certaine : no doubt , they make to this intention ; and condense the spirits ; and that more potently , than sleepe ; seeing , they lay asleepe , and 〈◊〉 the senses , as much , or more . touching them , let further inquiry be made . so farre touching sleepe . 79 as for motion , and exercises ; lasfitude hurteth ; and so doth all motion , and exercise , which is too nimble , and swife ; as running ; tennis ; fencing ; and the like : and againe , when our strength is extended , and strained , to the uttermost ; as dancing ; wrestling ; and such like : for it is certaine , that the spirits , being driven into streights , either by the swiftnesse of the motion , or by the straining of the forces ; doe afterward become more eager , and predatorie . on the other side , exercises , which stirre up a good strong motion ; but not over swift , or to our utmost strength , ( such is are leaping , shooting , riding , bowling , and the like , ) doe not hurt , but rather benefit . we must come now to the affections , and passions of the minde ; and see , which of them are hurtfull to long life ; which profitable . 80 great joyes attenuate and diffuse the spirits , and shorten life : familiar cheerfulnesse strengthens the spirits , by calling them forth , and yet not resolving them . 81 impressions of joy in the sense , are naught ; ruminations of joy in the memory ; or apprehensions of them , in hope , or fancie , are good . 82 ioy suppressed , or communicated sparingly , doth more comfort the spirits , than joy powred forth and published . 83 griefe and sadnesse , if it be void of feare , and 〈◊〉 not too much , doth rather prolong life ; for it contracteth the spirits , and is a kind of condensation . 84 great feares shorten the life ; for though griefe and feare doe both streighten the spirit , yet in griefe there is a simple contraction ; but in feare , by reason of the cares taken for the remedy , and hope , intermixed , there is a turmoile and vexing of the spirits . 85 anger soporessed , is also a kinde of vexation , and causeth the spirit to feed upon the juyces of the body ; but let loose , and breaking forth , it helpeth ; as those 〈◊〉 doe , which induce a robust heat . 86 envie is the worst of all 〈◊〉 ; and feedeth upon the spirits ; and they againe upon the body ; and so much the more , because it is perpetuall , and as is said , keepeth no holy-dayes . 87 pity of another mans misfortune , which is not likely to befall our selves , is good ; but pity , which may reflect , with some similitude , upon the party pitying , is naught , because it exciteth feare . 88 light shame hurteth not , seeing it contracteth the spirits a little , and then straight diffuseth them ; in so much , that shamefast persons commonly live long : but 〈◊〉 for some great ignominie , and which afflicteth the minde long , contracteth the 〈◊〉 , even to suffocation ; and is pernicious . 89 love , if it be not unfortunate , and too deeply wounding , is a kinde of ioy ; and 〈◊〉 subject to the same lawes , which wee have set downe touching ioy. 90 hope is the most beneficial of all the affections ; and doth much to the prolongation of life , if it bee not too often frustrated ; but entertaineth the fancie , with an expectation of good : therefore they which fix , and propound to themselves , some end , a the marke and scope of their life ; and continually , and by degrees , goe forward 〈◊〉 the same ; are , for the most 〈◊〉 , long liv'd : in so much , that when they are come to the top of their hope ; and 〈◊〉 goe no higher therein ; they commonly droope , and live not long after : so that hope is as a leafe-ioy ; which may be beaten out , to a great extension , like gold. 91 admiration , and light contemplation , are very powerfull , to the prolonging of life ; for they hold the spirits , in 〈◊〉 things as delight them ; and suffer them not to tumultuate or to carry themselves unquietly , and waywardly . and therefore , all the contemplatours of naturall things , which had so many , and so eminent objects to admire ; ( as democritus , plato , parmenides , apollonius , ) were long liv'd : also 〈◊〉 , which tasted but lightly of things ; and studied rather exornation of speech , than profundity of matters , were also long liv'd ; as gorgias , protagoras , i socraetes , seneca : and certainly , as old men are , for the most part , talkative ; so talkative men , doe often grow very old : for it shewes a light contemplation ; and such as doth not much straine the spirits , 〈◊〉 them . but subtill , and acute , and eager inquisition . shortens life ; for it tireth the spirit , and wasteth it . and as touching the motion of the spirits , by the affections of the minde , thus much now we will adde certaine other generall observations touching the spirits , beside the former ; which fall not 〈◊〉 the precedent distribution . 92 especiall care must be taken , that the spirits bee not too often resolved ; for 〈◊〉 goeth before resolution ; and the spirit once 〈◊〉 , doth not very easily retire , or is condensed : now resolution is caused , by over-great labours ; over-vehement affections of the mind ; over-great sweats ; over-great evacuations ; hot baths , and an untemperate , and unseasonable use of venus : also by over-great cares , and carpings , and anxious expectations : lastly , by malignane diseases , and intolerable paines and torments of the body ; all which , as much as may bee , ( which our vulga phyficians also advise , ) must be avoided . 93 the spirits are delighted , both with wonted things , and with new : now it makert wonderfully to the conservation of the spirits , in 〈◊〉 that wee neither use 〈◊〉 things , to a satiety , and 〈◊〉 nor new things , before a quick , and strong appetite : and therefore , both customes are to be broken off with judgement , and care , before they breed a fulnesse , and the appetite , aster new things , to be restrained for a time , untill it grow more sharp and jocund : and , moreover , the life , as much as may be , so to be ordered ; that it may have many renovations ; and the spirits , by perpetuall conversing in the same actions , may not wax dull . for though it were no ill 〈◊〉 of seneca's ; the fools doth 〈◊〉 begin to live ; yet this folly , and many more such , are good for long life . 94 it is to bee observed , 〈◊〉 the spirits ; ( though the contrary useth to be done ; ) that when men perceive their spirits to be in a good , 〈◊〉 and healthfull state ; ( that which will be seene , by the tranquillitie of their 〈◊〉 and cheerefull 〈◊〉 ) that they cherish them , and not change them : but when , in a turbulent , and untoward state ; ( which will also appeare by their sadnesse , lumpishnesse , and other indisposition of their minde ; ) that then they straight overwhelme them and alter them . now the spirits are contained in the same state ; by a restraining of the affections ; temperatenes of diet ; abstinence from 〈◊〉 ; moderation in labour ; indifferent rest and repose : and the contrary to these , do alter and over-whelme the spirits ; as namely , vehe ment affections ; profuse feastings ; immoderate venus ; difficult labours ; earnest studies , and prosecutions of businesse . yet men are wont when they are merriest , and best disposed , then to apply themselves to feastings , 〈◊〉 labours , endevours , businesses ; whereas , if they have a regard to long life ; ( which may seeme strange , ) they should rather practise the contrary . for wee ought to 〈◊〉 and preserve good spirits ; and for the evill disposed spirits , to discharge and alter them . 95 〈◊〉 saith not unwisely ; that old men , for the comforting of their spirits , ought often to remember , and 〈◊〉 upon the acts of their childhood and youth . certainly , such a remembrance , is a 〈◊〉 of peculiar 〈◊〉 , to every old man : and therefore it is a delight to men , to enjoy the societie of them , which have beene brought up together with them ; and to visit the places of their education . vespasian did attribute so much to this matter ; that when hee was 〈◊〉 , hee would , by no meanes , bee perswaded to leave his fathers house , though but meane ; lest bee should lose the wonted object of his eyes , and the memory of his child-hood : 〈◊〉 besides , he would drinke , 〈◊〉 woodden cup , tipped with 〈◊〉 which was his grandmothers , upon festivall dayes . 96 one thing , above all , gratefull to the spirits ; 〈◊〉 there be a continuall progresse to the more benigne . therefore , wee should lead , such youth , and manhood , the our old age should find 〈◊〉 solaces ; whereof the 〈◊〉 is , moderate ease . and there fore , old men , in honourable places , lay violent hands up on themselves , who retire 〈◊〉 to their ease : whereof 〈◊〉 be found an eminent example in cassiodorus ; who was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 reputation amongst the 〈◊〉 kings of italy , that he 〈◊〉 as the soule of their 〈◊〉 : afterwards , being neare 〈◊〉 yeares of age , he 〈◊〉 himselfe to a 〈◊〉 ; where he ended not his 〈◊〉 , before he was an 〈◊〉 years old . but this thing 〈◊〉 require two cautions ; 〈◊〉 , that they drive not off , 〈◊〉 their bodies bee utterly 〈◊〉 out , and diseased ; for 〈◊〉 such bodie , all mutation , 〈◊〉 to the more benigne , 〈◊〉 death : the other , 〈◊〉 they surrender not themselves to a sluggish ease ; but 〈◊〉 they embrace something , which may entertaine their thoughts , and minde , with contentation : in which 〈◊〉 , the chiefe delights , are reading and contemplation ; and then , the desires of 〈◊〉 ding , and planting . 97 lastly ; the same 〈◊〉 endevour , and labour , under taken cheerefully , and with good will , doth refresh 〈◊〉 spirits ; but , with an 〈◊〉 tion and vnwillingnesse , 〈◊〉 fret , and deject them . 〈◊〉 therefore , it conferreth 〈◊〉 long life ; either that a 〈◊〉 hath the art , to institute 〈◊〉 life so , as it may be free , 〈◊〉 sutable to his owne 〈◊〉 or else to lay such a command upon his minde , that whatsoever is imposed by fortune , it may rather lead him than drag him . 98 neither is that to be 〈◊〉 ted , towards the government of the affections , that espe ciall care bee taken , of 〈◊〉 mouth of the stomach ; espe cially , that it be not too much 〈◊〉 ; for that part hath a greater dominion over the affections ; especially the daily affections ; than either the heart , or braine : only those things excepted , which are wrought by potent vapours ; as in drunkennesse , and melancholy . 99 touching the operation upon the spirits , that they may remaine youthfull , and renew their vigour , thus much . which wee have done the more accurately , for that there 〈◊〉 , for the most part , amongst physicians , and other authors , 〈◊〉 these operations , a deepe silence : but especially , because the operation upon the spirits , and their waxing 〈◊〉 againe , is the most realy , and compendious way , to long life : and that , for a two-fold compendiousnesse ; one , because the spirits work compendiously , upon the body ; the other , because vpours , and the affections , 〈◊〉 compendiously upon the spirits : so as these attaine the end , as it were , in a right line : other things , rather in lines circular . the operation upon the exclusion of the aire . 2. the historie . 1 the exclusion of the aire , ambient , tendeth to length of life , two wayes ; first , for 〈◊〉 the externall aire , next 〈◊〉 the native spirit , ( 〈◊〉 the aire may be said to 〈◊〉 the spirit of man ; 〈◊〉 conferreth not a little to 〈◊〉 ; ) doth most of all 〈◊〉 upon the juyces of the 〈◊〉 ; and hasten the desiction thereof ; and 〈◊〉 , the exclusion of it , is effectuall to length of life . 2 another effect , which followeth the exclusion of aire is much more subtill and profound ; namely , that the bedie closed up , and not perspring by the pores , detaineth the spirit within , and turneth it upon the harder parts of the body ; whereby the spirit mollifies , and intenerate them . 3 of this thing , the 〈◊〉 is explained in the 〈◊〉 of inanimate bodies , and it 〈◊〉 an axiome almost infallible that the spirit discharged and issuing forth , dryeth bodies , detained , melteth , 〈◊〉 intenerateth them : and it further to bee assumed ; 〈◊〉 all heat doth properly 〈◊〉 nuate and moisten ; and cotracteth , and drieth only accident . 4 leading the life in dens and 〈◊〉 , where the aire receives not the sun-beams , may be effectuall to long life : for the aire , of it selfe , doth not much towards the depredation of the body , unlesse it be stirred up by heat . certainly , if a man shall recall things past to his memory , it will appeare , that the statures of men , have beene anciently much greater , than those that succeeded ; as in sicely , and some other places . but this kind of men led their lives , for the most part , in caves . now length of life , and largenesse of lims , have some affinity . the cave also , of epimenides , walkes amongst the fables . i suppose like wise , that the life of 〈◊〉 anchorites , was a thing resembling the life in caves ; in respect , the sun-beams could not much pierce thither ; nor the aire receive any great changes , or inequalitles . this is certaine ; both the simeon stylita's , as well daniel , as saba ; and other columnar anchorites , have been exceedingly long liv'd . likewise , the anchorites in our dayes , closed up , and immured , either within walls , or pillars , are often found to be long liv'd . 5 next unto the life in 〈◊〉 is the life on mountaines : for as the beames of the sun , doe not penetrate into caves ; so on the tops of mountaines , being destitute of reflexion , they are of small force . but this is to be understood 〈◊〉 mountaines , where the 〈◊〉 is cleare , and pure ; namely whether , by reason of the drinasse of the valleyes , clouds , and vapours , doe not ascend : as it is in the mountaines , which encompasse barbary ; where , even at this day , they live , many times , to an hundred and fifty yeares ; as hath been noted before . 6 and this kinde of aire ; of caves , and mountaines , of his owne proper nature , is little or nothing predatory : but 〈◊〉 such as ours is , which is predatory through the heat of the sunne , ought , as much 〈◊〉 is possible , to be excluded from the body . 7 but the aire , is prohibited , 〈◊〉 excluded two waies ; first , 〈◊〉 closing the pores ; 〈◊〉 , by filling them up . 8 to the closing of the pores , 〈◊〉 coldnesse of the aire ; going naked , whereby the skin is made hard ; washing in cold water ; astringents applyed to the skin ; such as are , mastick , myrrhe , myrtle . 9 but much more may we satisfie this operation , by 〈◊〉 yet those rarely used , ( especially in summer ; ) which are made of astringent mineral waters , such as may safely be used ; as waters participating of steele and coppera ; for these do potently contract the skinne . 10 as for filling up the pores ; paintings , and such like 〈◊〉 ous dawbings ; and , ( which may most commodiously be used ) oyle , and fat things ; do nolesse conserve the substance of the body , than 〈◊〉 colours and vernish doe preserve wood. 11 the ancient britons painted their bodies with woad , and were exceeding long liv'd : the picts also used paintings ; and are thought , by some , to have derived their name from thence . 12 the brasilians , and virginians , paint themselves , at this day ; who are , ( especially the former , ) very long liv'd . in so much , that sive yeares agoe , the french iesuites had speech with some , who remembred the building of 〈◊〉 ; which was done an hundred and twenty years since : and they were then at mans estate . 13 ioannes de temporibus , who is reported to have extended his life to three hundred yeares ; being asked , how he preserved himselfe so long ; is said to have answered ; by oyle without , and by honey within . 14 the irish , especially the wilde-irish , even at this day , live very long . certainly , they report , that within these few yeares , the countesse of desmond lived to an hundred and forty yeares of age , and bred teeth three times . now the irish have a fashion , to chafe , and , as it were , to baste themselves with old salt-butter , against the fire . 15 the same irish , use to weare saffroned linnen , and shirts ; which though it were , at first , devised to prevent vermine , yet , howsoever , i take it , to be very usefull for lengthening of life : for saffron , 〈◊〉 all things that i know , is the best thing for the skin , and the comforting of the flesh ; seeing it is both notably astringent ; and hath besides , an oseosity , and subtile heat , without any acrimony . i remember a certaine english-man , who , when he went to sea , carried a bagge of saffron next his stomach , that he might conceale it , and so escape custome ; and whereas he was wont to be alwayes exceeding sea-sick ; at that time he continued very well , and felt no provocation to vomit . 16 hippocrates adviseth , in winter to weare cleane linnen ; and in summer , fonle linnen , and besmeared with oyle : the reason may seeme to be , because in summer , the spirits exhale most ; therefore , the pores of the skinne would bee filled up . 17 hereupon wee are of opinion , that the use of oyle , either of olives , or sweet almonds , to annoint the skin therewith , would principally conduce , to long life : the annointing would bee done every morning , when we rise out of bed , with 〈◊〉 , in which a little bay-salt , and saffron , is mixed . but this annointing must bee lightly done , 〈◊〉 wooll , or some soft sponge , not laying it on thick , but gently touching , and wetting the skin . 18 it is certaine , that 〈◊〉 , even the oyly themselves , in great quantities , draw some what from the body ; but contrarily , in small quantities , are drunk in by the body ; therefore the annointing would bee but light , as we said ; or rather the 〈◊〉 it selfe , would be besmeared with oyle . 19 it may haply bee objected , that this annointing with oyle , which wee commend ; ( though it were never in use with us ; and amongst the italians is cast off againe ; ) was anciently very familiar , amongst the grecians , and romans ; and a part of their diet ; and yet men were not longer-liv'd , in those dayes than now . but it may rightly be answered ; oyle was in use , only , after baths ; unlesse it were , perhaps , amongst champions . now hot baths , are as much contrarie to our operation , as annointings are congruous , seeing the one opens the passages , the other stops them up . therefore the bath , without the annointing following , is utterly bad ; the annointing without the bath , is best of all . besides the annointing amongst them , was used onely for delicacie ; or , ( if you take it at the best ) for health ; but , by no meanes , in order , to long life . and therefore they used then withall precious ointments ; which were good for deliciousnesse , but hurtfull to our intention , in regard of their heat ; so that 〈◊〉 seemeth , not to have said amisse ; nec casiâ liquidi corrumpitur usus olivi . that odoriferous casia , 〈◊〉 not supplanted the use of 〈◊〉 oyle-olive . 20 annointing with oyle , 〈◊〉 to health ; both in winter , by the exclusion of the cold airc ; and in summer , by detaining the spirits within ; and prohibiting the resolution of them ; and keeping off the force of the aire , which is then most predatorie . 21 seeing the annointing with oyle , is one of the most potent operations to long life ; wee have thought good , to adde some cautions , lest the health should bee endangered . they are foure , according to the foure inconvience , which may follow thereupon . 22 the first inconvenience is ; that by repressing sweats , it may engender diseases , from those excrementitious humours . to this a remeby must be given , by purges , and clysters ; that evacuation may bee duely performed . this is certaine , that evacuation by sweats , commonly advanceth health , and derogateth from long life : but gentle purgers , work upon the humours , not upon the spirits , as sweat doth . 23 the second 〈◊〉 is ; that it may heat the 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 , in time , inflame it : for the spirits shut in , and not breathing forth , acquire heat . this inconvenience may 〈◊〉 prevented ; if the 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 nsually , 〈◊〉 to the colder part ; and that at times some proper cooling 〈◊〉 bee taken , of which , wee shall straight speak , in the opertion upon the bloud . 24 the third is , that it may 〈◊〉 the head : for all 〈◊〉 from without , strikes back the vapours , and sends them up unto the head : this inconvenience is remedied , by purgers ; especially , clysters ; and by shutting the mouth of the stomach , strongly , with stipticks ; and by combing , and rubbing the head , and washing it with convenient lyes , that something may exhale ; and by not omitting , competent , and good exercises , that something also may perspire , by the skin . 25 the fourth inconvenience , is a more subtile evill ; namely , that the spirit , being detained by the closing up of the pores , is likely to multiply it selfe too much : for when little issueth forth , and new spirit is continually engendred , the spirit increaseth too fast , and so preyeth upon the body more plentifully . but this is not altogether so ; for all spirit , closed up , is dull ; ( for it is blowne , and excited , with motion , as flame is ; ) and therefore , it is lesse active , and lesse generative of it selfe : indeed , it is thereby increased in heat , ( as flame is , ) but slow in motion : and therefore the remedy to this inconvenience , must be by cold things ; being sometimes mixed with oyle ; such as are , reses , and myrtle : for wee must altogether disclaime hot things ; as was said of csia . 26 neither will it bee unprofitable , to weare next the body , garments , that have in them , some vnctuosity , or oleositie , not aquositie ; for they will exhaust the body lesse : 〈◊〉 are those of woollen ; rather than those of linnen ; 〈◊〉 it is manifest in the spirits of odours ; that if you lay sweet-powders amongst linnen , they will much sooner lose their smell , than amongst wollen . and therefore , linnen is to be preferred , for delicacie , and neatnesse ; but to bee 〈◊〉 for our operation . 27 the wilde irish , as soone as they fall sick ; the first thing they doe , is to take the sheets off their beds ; and to wrap themselves in the woollen cloathes . 28 some report , that they have found great benefit in the conservation of their health , by weating scarlet wast-coats , next their skin , and under their shirts ; as well downe to the nether parts , as on the upper . 29 it is also to be observed ; that aire , accustomed to the body , doth lesse prey upon it , than new aire , and often changed . and therefore poore people , in small cottages , who live alwayes within the smell of the same chimney ; and change not their seats ; are commonly longest-liv'd : notwithstanding , to other operations , ( especially for them whose spirits are not altogether dull , ) wee judge change of aire to bee very profitable . but a mean must be used , which may satisfie on both sides ; this may bee done by removing our habitation , foure times a yeare , at constant and set times , unto convenient seats ; that so the body may neither be in too much peregrination , nor in too much station . and touching the operation , upon the exclusion of aire , and avoiding the predatorie force thereof , thus much . the operation upon the bloud , and the sanguifying heat . 3. the historie . 1 the two following operations , answer to the two precedent ; and are in the relation of passives to actives : for the two precedent , intend this ; that the spirits , and aire , in their actions , may bee the lesse depredatorie ; and the two latter , that the bloud , and iuyce of the body , may be the lesse depredable . but because the bloud is an irrigation , or watering , of the juyces , and members ; and a 〈◊〉 to them ; therefore 〈◊〉 will put the operation upon the bloud , in the first place . concerning this operation , we will propound certain counsels ; few in number , but very powerfull in vertue . they are three . 2 first , there is no doubt , but that if the bloud be brought to a cold temper , it will bee so much the lesse dissipable . but because the cold things , which are taken by the mouth , agree but ill , with many other intentions ; therefore it will be best , to finde out some such things , as may be free from these inconveniences . they are two . 3 the first is this . let there be brought into use , especially in youth , clysters ; not purging at all , or absterging ; but onely cooling , and some what opening : those are approved , which are made of the juyces of lettuce , purstaine , liverwort , houseleek , and the 〈◊〉 of the seed of flea-wort , with some temperate opening decoction ; and a little canphire : but in the declining age , let the 〈◊〉 , and purslaine , beo left out ; and the juyces of borrage , and 〈◊〉 , and the like , bee put in their roomes : and let these clysters be retained , if it may be , for an houre , or more . 4 the other is this . let there be in use , especially in summer , baths of fresh water , and out luke-warme ; altogether without emollients ; as mallowes , mercurie , milk , and the like ; rather take new whey , in some good quantitie ; and 〈◊〉 . 5 but , ( that which is the principall in this intention , and new , ) wee advise ; that 〈◊〉 the bathing , the body be 〈◊〉 with oyle , with some thickeners ; whereby the qualitie of the cooling may bee received , and the water excluded : yet let not the pores of the body , bee shut too close ; for when the outward cold , closeth up the body too strongly ; it is so farre from furthering coolenesse ; that it rather forbids it , and stirs up heat . 6 like unto this , is the use of blodders , with some decoctions , and cooling iuyces ; applied to the inferiour region of the body ; namely , from the ribs , to the privie parts : for this also is a kinde of bathing where the body of the liquour is for the most part excluded ; and the cooling qualitie admitted . 7 the third counsell remaineth ; which belongeth not to the qualitie of the bloud , but to the substance thereof ; that it may be made more firme , and lesse dissipable ; and such , as the heat of the spirit , may have the lesse power over it . 8 and as for the use , of the filings of gold , leafe-gold , powder of pearle , precious stones , corall , and the like ; wee have no opinion of them , at this day ; unlesse it be only , as they may satisfie this present operation . certainly , seeing the arabians , grecians , and 〈◊〉 physicians , have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 such vertues to these things ; it cannot be altogether nothing , which so great men have observed of them . and therefore omitting all 〈◊〉 opinions about them , we doe verily beleeve ; that if there could bee some such thing conveighed into the whole masse of the bloud , in minute , and fine portions ; over which the spirits , and heat , should have little , or no power ; absolutely , it would not onely resist putrefaction , but arefaction also , and be a most effectuall meanes , to the prolongation of life . neverthelesse , in this thing , severall cautions are to bee 〈◊〉 . first , that there be a most 〈◊〉 comminution . secondly , that such hard and solide things , be void of all malignant qualitie ; lest while they be dispersed , and lurk in the veines , they breed some inconvenience : thirdly , that they be never taken together with meats , nor in any such manner , as they may stick long ; lest they beget dangerous obstructions , about the mesentery : lastly , that they be taken very rarely , that they may not congregate , and 〈◊〉 together , in the veines . 9 therefore let the manner of taking them , be fasting ; in white wine ; a little oyle of almonds mingled therewith ; excrcise used immediately upon the taking of them . 10 the simples , which may satisfie this operation , are ; in stead of all , gold , pearles , and corall : for all metals , except gold , are not without some malignant qualitie , in the dissolutions of them ; neither will they bee beaten , to that exquisite finenesse , that leafe-gold hath : as for all glassie , and transparent 〈◊〉 wee like them not , ( as wee said before , ) for feare of corrosion . 11 but in our judgement , the 〈◊〉 , and more effectuall way , would be , by the use of woods , 〈◊〉 infusions , and decoctions ; for there is in them sufficient , to cause firmnesse of 〈◊〉 ; and not the like danger , for breeding obstructions : but especially , because they may bee taken , in meat , and drink ; whereby they will finde the more easie entrance into the veines ; and not be voided in excrements . 12 the woods , fit for this purpose , are ; sanders , the oake , and vine : as for all hot woods , or something rosennie , wee reject them : notwithstanding , you may adde the wooddy stalks of rose-marie dried ; for rose-marie is a shrub , and exceedeth , in age , many trees : also , the wooddy stalks of ivie ; but in such quantitie , as they may not yeeld an unpleasing taste . 13 let the woods be taken , either boiled in broathes ; or infused , in must , or ale , before they leave working : but in broathes , ( as the custome is , for guaiacum , and the like , ) they would be infused a good while , before the boyling ; that the firmer part of the wood , and not that only which lieth loosely , may bee drawne forth . as for ash , though it be 〈◊〉 for cups , yet wee like it 〈◊〉 . and touching the 〈◊〉 upon the bloud , thus much . the operation upon the juyces of the body . 4. the historie . 1 there are two kindes of bodies , ( as was said before in the 〈◊〉 , touching inanimates ) which are hardly consumed ; hard things ; and fat things ; as is seene , in metals , and stones ; and in oyle , and wax . 2 it must be ordered therefore , that the iuyce of the body , be somewhat hard ; and that it bee fattie , or sub-roscide 3 as for hardnesse ; it is caused three wayes ; by aliment of a firme nature ; by cold condensing the skin , and flesh ; and by exercise binding , and compacting , the juyces of the body , that they bee not soft , and frothy . 4 as for the nature of the aliment , it ought to be such , as is not easily dissipable : such as are , beefe , swines-flesh , deere , goat , kid , swan , goose , ring-dove ; especially , if they bee a little powdered ; fish likewise salted , and dried ; old cheese ; and the like . 5 as for the bread ; oaten bread ; or bread with some mixture of pease in it ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or barley bread ; are more solide , than wheat 〈◊〉 and in wheat bread , the course cheat bread , is more solide , than the pure 〈◊〉 6 the inhabitants of the or cades which live upon salted fish ; and generally , all fish-eaters , are long-liv'd . 7 the monks , and her mites , which fed sparingly , and upon dry aliment , attained commonly to a great age. 8 also pure water , usually drunk , makes the juyces of the body lesse frothy ; unto which , if for the dulnesse of the spirit , ( which , no doubt , in water , is but little penetrative ; ) you shall adde , a little nitre , wee conceive it woold be very good . and touching the firmnesse of the alimens thus much . 9 as for the condensation , of the skin , and flesh , by cold : they are longer liv'd , for the most part , that live abroad in the open aire , than they that live in houses ; and the inhabitants of the cold countries , than the inhabitants of the hot. 10 great store of cloathes , either upon the bed , or back , doe resolve the body . 11 washing the body in cold water , is good for length of life ; use of hot baths , is naught . touching baths , of astringent minerall waters , we have spoken before . 12 as for exercise ; an idle life , doth manifestly make the flesh soft , and dissipable : 〈◊〉 exercise , ( so it be , without overmuch sweating , or wearinesse , ) maketh it hard , and compact : also exercise , within cold water , as swimming , is very good : and generally , exercise abroad , is better than that within houses . 13 touching frications , ( which are a kinde of exercise . ) because they doe rather call forth the aliment , than harden the flesh ; wee will inquire hereafter , in the due place . 14 having now spoken , of hardning the luyees , of the body ; we are to come next to the oleositie , or fattinesse of them : which is a more perfect , and potent intention , than induration ; because it hath no inconvenience , nor evill annexed : for all those things , which pertaine to the hardning of the iuyces , are of that nature , that while they prohibite the absumption of the aliment , they also hinder the reparation of the same : whereby it happens , that the same things , are both propitious , and adverse , to length of life : but those things , which pertaine to making the iuyces oyly , and roscid , help on both sides ; for they render the aliment , both lesse dissipable , and more reparable . 15 but whereas we say , that the iuyce of thē body , ought to be roscide , and fat ; it is to bee noted , that we meane it not , of a visible fat , but of a deminesse dispersed , or ( if you will call it ) radicall , in the very substance of the body . 16 neither , again , let any man thinke , that oyle , or the fat of meats , or marrow , doe engender the like , and satisfie our intention ; for those things , which are once perfect , are not brought backe againe ; but the aliments ought to be such , which after disgestion and maturation , doe then in the end , engender , oleosity in the iuyces . 17 neither , again , let any man thinke ; that oyle , or fat by it selfe , and simple , is hard of dissipation ; but , in mixture , it doth not retaine the same nature ; for as oyle , by it s lfe , is much longer in consuming than water ; so in 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 , it sticketh longer , and is later dried ; as we noted before . 18 to the irroration of the body , roasted meats , or baked meats , are more effectuall than boiled meats : and all preparation of meat , with water , is inconvenient ; besides , oyle , is more plentifully extracted out of dry bodies , than out of moist bodies . 19 generally to the irroration of the body , much use of sweet things is prositable ; as of sugar , honey , sweet almonds , pine-apples , pistaccio's , dates , raisins of the sunne , corrans , figs , and the like . contrarily , all soure , and very salt , and very biting things , are opposite to the generation of roscide iuyce . 20 neither would wee bee thought to favour the manichees , or their diet ; though wee commend the frequent use of all kindes of seeds , and 〈◊〉 and roots , in meats , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; considering all bread , ( and bread is that , which maketh the meat firme ) is made either of seeds , or of roots . 21 but there is nothing makes so much to the irroration of the body , as the quality of the drinke ; which is the convoy of the meat : therefore , let there be in use such drinks , as without all acrimony , or sourenesse , are notwithstanding subtill ; such are those wines , which are , ( as the old woman said in plautus : ) vetustate edentula ; toothlesse with age ; and ale of the same kinde . 22 mead , ( as wee suppose , ) would not bee ill , if it were strong and old : but because , all hony hath in it some sharp parts ; ( as appeares by that sharp water , which the chymists extract out of it , which will dissolve metals ; ) it were better to make the same potion of sugar ; not lightly infused in it , but so incorporated , as honey useth to be in mead ; and to keepe it , to the age of a yeare , or at least , six moneths , whereby the water may lose the crudity , and the sugar acquire subtiltie . 23 now ancientnesse in wine or beere , hath this in it ; that it engenders subtilty in the parts of the liquour , and acrimony in the spirits ; whereof , the first is profitable , and the second hurtfull : now to rectifie this evill commixture ; let there be put into the vessell , before the wine be separated from the 〈◊〉 , swines-flesh , or 〈◊〉 , well boyled ; that the 〈◊〉 of the wine may have whereupon to ruminate , and seed ; and so lay aside their mordacity . 24 in like manner , if ale should be made , not onely with the graines of wheat , barly , oats , pease , and the like ; but also , should admit a part , ( suppose a third part , to these graines , ) of some fat roots ; ( such as are potado roots , pith of 〈◊〉 , burre-roots , or some other sweet and esculent roots ; ) we suppose it would be a more usefull drinke , for long life , than ale made of graines only . 25 also , such things as have very thin parts ; yet not withstanding , are without all acrimony , or mordacity , are very good in sallets : which vertue , we finde to be , in some few of the flowers ; namely , flowers of ivy , which infused in vineger , are pleasant even to the taste ; marigold leaves , which are used in broaths ; and flowers of betony . and touching the operation , upon the iuyces of the body , thus much . the operation upon the bowels , for their extrusion of aliment . 5. the historie . 1 what those things are , which comfort the principall bowels ; which are the fountaines of 〈◊〉 ; namely , the 〈◊〉 , liver , heart and brain ; to performe their functions well ; ( whereby aliment is distributed in to the parts , 〈◊〉 are dispersed , and the 〈◊〉 of the whole body is accomplished ; ) may be derived from physisians ; and from their prescripts and advices . 2 touching the spleene , 〈◊〉 kidneyes , mesentery , guts , and lungs , we speake not ; for these are members , ministring to the principall : and where as speech is made touching health , they require sometimes a most especiall consideration ; because each of these have their diseases , which unlesse they be cured , will have influence upon the principall members ; but as touching the prolongation of life ; and reparation by aliments ; and retardation of the inconcoction of old 3 and as for those things , which according to the different state of every mans body , may bee transferred into his diet , and the regiment of his life ; he may collect them out of the bookes of 〈◊〉 which have written of the comforting and preserving the foure principall 〈◊〉 for conservation of health , hath commonly need of no more , than some short courses of physicke ; but length of life cannot be hoped , without an orderly diet , and a constant race of 〈◊〉 medicines : but we will propound some few ; and the house ; and whose strength and goodnesse , 〈◊〉 fundamentall to the other concoctions ; ) ought so to be guarded and confirmed ; that it may be without 〈◊〉 hot ; next astricted or bound , not loose : furthermore , cleane , not surcharged with foule humours ; and yet , ( in regard , it is nourished from it selfe , not from the veines , ) not altogether emptie , or hungry : lastly , it is to be kept , ever , in 〈◊〉 because appetite ; sharpens disgestion . 5 i wonder much , how that same 〈◊〉 bibere . to drink 〈◊〉 drinke ; ( which was in use amongst the ancients , ) is laid downe againe . i knew a physician , that was very famous , who , in the beginning 〈◊〉 dinner and supper , would 〈◊〉 eat a few spoonfuls of very warm broath , with much 〈◊〉 and then would presently wish , that it were out againe ; saying , he had no 〈◊〉 of the broath , but onely of the warmth . 6 we doe verily conceive it good , that the first draught , 〈◊〉 of wine , or ale , or any other drink , ( to which a man 〈◊〉 most accustomed ) be taken at supper , warme . 7 wine , in which gold hath been quenched , we conceive , would be very good , once in a meale : 〈◊〉 that we 〈◊〉 the gold conferreth an vertue thereunto ; but that we know , that the 〈◊〉 of all mettals , in any kinde of liquour , doth leave a most potent astriction : now we chuse gold , because besides that astriction , which we desire , it leaveth nothing else behinde it , of a metalline impression . 8 wee are of opinion , that sops of bread dipped in wine , taken at the midst of the meale , are better than wine it selfe ; especially , if there were infused into the wine , in which the sops were dipped , rose-mary , and citron-pill ; and that with sugar , that it may not slip too fast . 9 it is certaine , that the use of quinces is good to strengthen the stomach : but we take them to be better , if they be used , in that , which they call quiddeny of quinces , than in the bodies of the quinces themselves ; because they lie heavie in the stomach . but those quiddenies are best taken after meales , alone ; 〈◊〉 meales , dipped in 〈◊〉 10 such things as are good for the stomach , above other simples , are these ; rose-mary , 〈◊〉 , maslicke , 〈◊〉 , sage , mint . 11 wee allow pills of aloes , mastick , and saffron , in winter-time , taken before dinner ; but so as the aloes be not only oftentimes washed in rose-water , but also in vineger , in which tragacanth hath been infused ; and after that , be 〈◊〉 for a few houres , in oyle of sweet almonds , new drawne , before it be made into pills . 12 wine or ale , wherein 〈◊〉 hath been infused , with a 〈◊〉 elecampane , and yellow 〈◊〉 , will doe well , taken at times ; and that especially in winter . 13 but in summer , a draught of white-wine , allayed with strawberry-water ; in which wine , powder of pearles , and of the shells of crey-fishes , exquisitely beaten ; and ( which may perhaps seeme strange ; ) a little chalke have been infused ; doth excellently refresh and strengthen the stomach . 14 but generally , all draughts in the morning , ( which are but too frequently used , ) of cooling things ; ( as of juyces , decoctions , whey , barley-waters , and the like ; ) are to be avoided ; and nothing is to be put into the stomach , fasting , which is purely cold : these things are better given , ( if need require , ) either at five in the afternone : of else , an houre , after a light breakfast . 15 often fastings are bad for long life ; besides , all thirst 〈◊〉 to be avoyded ; and the 〈◊〉 is to be kept cleane , 〈◊〉 alwayes moist . 16 oyle of olives , new , and good ; in which a little mithridate hath been dissolved , 〈◊〉 upon the backbone , just against the mouth of the 〈◊〉 , doth wonderfully 〈◊〉 the stomach . 17 a small bagge filled with locks of scarlet wooll , steeped in red-wine ; in which myrtle , and citron-pill , and a little 〈◊〉 , have been infused , may be alwayes worne upon the stomach , and , touching those things which comfort the stomach , thus much ; seeing many of those things also , which serve for other operations , are helpfull to this . 18 the liver , if it bee preserved from torrefaction , or 〈◊〉 ; and from obstruction ; it needeth no more : for that loosenesse of it , which begers aquosities , is plainly a disease ; but the other two , old age approaching induceth . 19 hereunto appertaine , most especially , those things which are set downe in the operation , upon the bloud : wee will adde a very few things more , but those selected . 20 principally , let there be in use , the wine of sweet 〈◊〉 ; or if that cannot be had , the iuyce of them , newly expressed ; let it be taken in the morning , with a little sugar : and into the glasse , into which the expression is made , put a small peece of citron-pill , greene ; and three or foure whole cloves : let this be taken from february , till the end of april . 21 bring also into use , above all other herbs , water-cresses ; but young , not old : they may be used , either raw in sallets , or in broaths , or in drinkes ; and after that , take 〈◊〉 wort . 22 aloes , howsoever washed , or corrected , is hurtfull for the liver ; and therefore it is never to bee taken ordinarily : contrariwise , rhubarbe is soveraigne for the liver ; so that these three cautions be interposed . first , that it bee taken before meat , lest it dry the body too much , or leave some impressions of the stipticitie thereof . secondly , that it be macerated an houre or two in oyle of sweet almonds , new drawne , with rose-water , before it bee infused in liquour , or given in the proper substance . thirdly , that it be taken by turnes , one while simple , another while with tartar , or a little bay-salt ; that it carry not away the lighter parts onely , and make the masse of the humour more obstinate . 23 i allow wine , or some decoction , with steele , to be taken three or foure times in the yeare , to open the more strong obstructions ; yet so , that a draught , of two or three spoonfuls of oyle of sweet almonds , new drawne , ever goe before ; and the 〈◊〉 , of the body , especially ; of the armes and sides , constantly follow . 24 sweetned liquours , and that with some fatnesse , are principally , and not a little effectuall to prevent the 〈◊〉 , and saltnesse , and torrefaction , and in a word , the oldnesse of the liver ; especially , if they be well incorporated with age : they are made of sweet fruits and roots ; as namely , the wines , and julips , of raisins of the sun , new ; iujuba's , dried figges , dates , parsnips , potado's , and the like ; with the mixture of licorish , sometimes : also a julip , of the indian grain , ( which they call maiz , ) with the mixture of some sweet things , doth much to the same end . but it is to be noted , that the intention of preserving the liver , in a kinde of softnesse and fatnes , is much more powerfull , than that other , which pertaines to the opening of the liver ; which rather tendeth to health , than to length of life ; saving , that that obstruction , which induceth torrefaction , is as opposite to long life , as those other arefactions . 25 i commend the roots of snecory , spinage , and beets , cleared of their piths , and boiled , till they be tender , in water , with a third part of white-wine , for ordinary sallets , to be eaten with oyle and vinegar : also asparagus , pith of artichoakes , and burre-roots , boiled , and served in , after the same manner ; also broaths , in the spring-time , of vine 〈◊〉 , and the greene blades of 〈◊〉 . and touching the preserving of the liver , thus much . 26 the heart receiveth benefit , or harme , most , from the aire , which we breath ; from vapours ; and from the affections . now many of those things , which have been formerly spoken , touching the spirits , may be transferred hither : but that indigested masse of cordials , collected by physicians , availes little to our intention : notwithstanding , those things , which are found to be good against poysons , may , with good judgment be given to strengthen and fortifie the heart ; especially , if they be of that kinde , that they doe not so much resist the particular poisons , as arme the heart and spirits against poison in generall . and touching the severall cordials , you may repaire to the table , alreadie set downe . 27 the goodnesse of the aire , is better knowne by experience , than by signes . we hold that aire to be the best , where the countrey is levell and plaine ; and that layeth open on all sides : so that the soile be dry , and yet not barren , or sandy : which puts forth wild thime , and eye-bright , and a kinde of marioram , and here and there stalks of calamint : which is not altogether void of wood but 〈◊〉 set with some trees , for shade : where the sweet-brier-rose , smelleth something muskie , and aromatically ; if there be rivers , we suppose them rather 〈◊〉 than good , unlesse they bee very small , and cleare , and gravelly . 28 it is certain , that the morning aire , is more lively and refreshing , than the evening aire ; though the latter bee preferred out of delicacie . 29 we conceive also , that the aire , 〈◊〉 with a gentle wind , is more wholesome than the aire of a serene and 〈◊〉 skie : but the best is , the wind blowing from the west in the morning and from the north in the afternoone . 30 odours , are especially profitable for the comforting of the heart ; yet not so , as though a good odour , were the prerogative of a good aire : for it is certaine , that as there are some pestilentiall aires , which smell not so ill , as others that are lesse hurtful ; so , on the contrary , there are some aires , most wholesome , and friendly to the spirits , which either smell not at all , or are lesse pleasing , and fragrant to the sense . and generally , where the aire is good , odours should be taken but now and then : for a continuall odour , though never so good , is burthensome to the spirits . 31 we commend above all others , ( as wee have touched before ) odour of plants growing , and not plucked , taken in the open aire ; the principall of that kinde are violets ; gilly-flowers , finkes , bean-flowers , lime-tree-blossomes , vine-buds , hony-suckles , yellow 〈◊〉 , musk-roses ; ( for other roses growing , are fast of theirsmels ; ) strawberry-leaves , especially dying ; sweet briar , principally in the early spring ; wilde-mint , lavender flowred : and in the hotter countries , orenge-tree , citron-tree , myrtle , laurell : therefore to walk , or sit , neare the breath of these plants , would not bee neglected . 32 for the comforting of the heart , we preferre coole smels , before hot smels : therefore the best perfume is , either in the morning , or about the heat of the day , to take an equall portion , of vineger , rose-water , and claret wine ; and to poure them upon a fire-pan , somewhat heated . 33 neither let us be thought ; to sacrifice to our mother , the earth ; though wee advise , that in digging , or plowing the earth , for health , a good quantitie of claret wine , be powred thereon . 34 orenge-flower water , pure and good , with a small portion of rose-water , and brist wine , snuffed up into the 〈◊〉 ; or put up into the nosthrils , with a syringe , after the manner of an errhine ; ( but not too frequently , ) is very good . 35 but champing , ( though wee have no betel ; ) or holding in the mouth only , of such things as cheere the spirits , ( even daily done , ) is exceeding comfortable . therefore , for that purpose , make grains , or little cakes , of ambre-grise , marke , lignum aloes , lignum 〈◊〉 , orris powder , and 〈◊〉 ; and let those grains , or 〈◊〉 , be made up , with rose-water , which hath passed through a little indian balsame . 36 the vapours , which arising from things inwardly taken , doe fortifie , and cherish the hart , ought to have these three properties ; that they be friendly , cleare , and cooling . for 〈◊〉 vapours are nought ; and wine it selfe , which is thought to have only an heating vapour , is not altogether void , of an opiate qualitie . now we call those vapours : cleare ; which have more of the vapour , than of the exhalation ; and which are not smoakie , or fu liginous , or unctuous ; but moist , and equall . 37 out of that unprofitable rabble of cordials , a few ought to bee taken into daily diet : in stead of all , ambre . grise , saffron , and the graine of kermes , of the hotter sort ; roots of buglosse , and borrage ; citrons , sweet limons , and permaines , of the colder sort . also that way , which we said , both gold , and pearles , work a good effect , not onely within the veines , but in their passage , and about the parts neare the heart ; namely , by cooling , without any malignant qualitie . 38 of bezoar stone , we beleeve well , because of many trials : but then , the manner of taking it , ought to bee such , as the vertue thereof , may more easily be communicated to the spirits . therefore we approve not the taking of it , in 〈◊〉 , or syrrupes , or in rose-water , or any such like ; but only in wine , cynnamon 〈◊〉 or the like distilled water ; but that , weak , or small , not burning , or strong . 39 of the affections we have spoken before , we only adde this ; that every noble , and resolute , and , ( as they call it , ) heroicall desire , strengtheneth , and enlargeth , the powers of the heart ; and , touching the heart , thus much . 40 as for the braine ; where the seat , and court of the animall spirits , is kept ; those things , which were inquired before , touching opium , and niter , and the subordinates to them both ; also touching the procuring of placide sleepe , may likewise be referred hither . this also is most certaine ; that the braine is in some sort , in the custody of the stomach ; and therefore those things , which comfort , and strengthen the stomach , doe help the braine , by consent ; and may , no lesse , bee transferred hither . we will adde a few observations ; three outward , one inward . 41 we would have bathing of the feet , to be often used ; at least , once in the week ; and the bath to be made , of lye , with bay-salt ; and a little sage , camomile , fennell , sweet . marioram , and pepper-wort ; with the leaves of angelica , green . 42 we commend also , a fume , or suffumigation , every morning of dried rose-mary , 〈◊〉 dried , and lignum 〈◊〉 : for all sweet gums , oppresse the head. 43 especially care must bee taken , that no hot things , bee applied to the head , outwardly ; such are kindes of spices , the very nutmeg not excepted : for those hot things , wee debase them , to the soales of the feet , and would have them applied there onely : but a light annointing of the head , with oyle , mixed with roses , 〈◊〉 and a little salt , and saffron , we much commend . 44 not forgetting those things , which wee have before delivered , touching opiates , nitre , and the like ; which so much condense the spirits ; wee think it not impertinent to that effect ; that once in fourteen dayes , broath be taken in the morning , with three , or foure , graines of castoreum , and a little 〈◊〉 seed , and calamus ; which both fortifie the braine ; and in that aforesaid density , of the substance , of the spirits ; ( so necessarie to long life ; ) adde also a vivacitis of 〈◊〉 and vigour , to them . 45 in handling , the 〈◊〉 , of the foure principall bowels , wee have propounded those things , which are both proper , and choice , and may safely , and conveniently , be transferred into diet , and regiment of life : for varietie of medicines , is the daughter of ignorance ; and it is not more true ; that many dishes have caused many diseases ; as the proverb is ; then this is 〈◊〉 , that many medicines have caused few cures . and 〈◊〉 the operation , upon the principall bowels , for their 〈◊〉 , of aliment , thus much . the operation upon the outward parts , for their attraction of aliment . 6. the historie . 1 although a good concoction , performed by the inward parts , bee the principall , towards a perfect alimentation ; yet the actions , of the outward parts , ought also to concurre ; that like as the inward facultie , sendeth forth , and extrudeth the aliment ; so the facultie of the outward parts , may call forth , and attract the same : and the more weake the facultie of concoction , shall be ; the more need is there , of a concurring helpe , of the attractive facultie . 2 a strong attraction , of the outward parts , is chiefly caused , by the motion , of the body ; by which , the parts being heated , and comforted ; doe more cheerfully , call forth , and attract , the aliment , unto themselves . 3 but this is most of all , to be foreseen , and avoided ; that the same motion , and 〈◊〉 , which cals the new juyce to the members ; doth not againe despoile the member of that juyce , wherewith it had beene before refreshed . 4 frications , used in the morning , serve especially , to this intention ; but this must evermore accompany them ; that after the frication , the part be lightly annointed with oyle ; left the attrition , of the outward parts , make them by perspiration , dry , and juycelesse . 5 the next is exercise , ( by which the parts confricate , and chafe themselves ; ) so it bee moderate ; and which , ( as was noted before , ) be not swift , nor to the utmost strength , nor unto wearinesse . but in exercise , and in frication , there is the same reason , and caution ; that the body , may not perspire , or 〈◊〉 , too much : therefore , exercise is better in the oper aire , than in the house ; and better in winter , than in summer : and againe , exercise is not onely to be concluded with vnction , as frication is ; but in vehement exercises , vnction is to bee used , both in the beginning , and in the end ; as it was anciently to champions . 6 that exercise , may resolve , either the spirits , or the juyces , as little as may be , it is necessarie , that it be used , when the stomach is not altogether emptie . and therefore , that it may not bee used , upon full stomach , ( which doth much concerne health ; ) nor yet upon an emptie stomach , ( which doth no lesse concerne long life ; ) it is best , to take a breakfast in the morning ; not of any physicall drugs , or of any liquours , or of raisins , or of figs , or the like ; but of plaine meat , and drink ; yet that very light , and in moderate quantitie . 7 exercise , used for the irrigation of the members , ought to be equall , to all the members : not , ( as socrates said , ) that the legs should move , and the armes should rest ; or , on the contrarie ; but that all the parts may participate of the motion . and it is altogether requisite to long life , that the body should never abide long in one posture , but that every halfe houre , at least , it change the posture ; saving only in sleepe . 8 those things , which are used to mortification , may bee transferred to vivification : for both haire shirts , aud 〈◊〉 , and all vexations of the outward parts , doe fortifie the attractive force of them . 9 cardan commends netling : even to let out 〈◊〉 ; but of this we have no experience ; and besides , we have no good opinion of it , lest through the venemous qualitie of the nettle , it may with often use , breed itches , and other diseases of the skin . and touching the operation , upon the outward parts , for their attraction of aliment , thus much . the operation upon the aliment it selfe ; for the insinuation thereof . 7. the historie . 1 the vulgar reproofe , touching many dishes , doth rather become a severe reformer , than a physician ; or howsoever it may be good , for preservation of health , yet it is hurtfull to length of life : by reason , that a various mixture of aliments , and somewhat heterogeneous , findes a passage into the veines , and juyces of the body , more lively and cheerfully , than a simple , and homogeneous diet doth : besides , it is more forcible , to stirre up appetite ; which is the spur of disgestion . therefore we allow , both a full table , and a continuall changing of dishes , according to the seasons of the yeare , or upon other occasions . 2 also that opinion , of the simplicitie of meats , without sawces , is but a simplicity of judgement : for good , and well chosen , sawces , are the most wholesome preparations of meats ; and conduce , both to health , and to long life . 3 it must bee ordered that with meats , hard of disgestion , be conjoyned , strong liquours ; and sawces , that may penetrate , and make way ; but with meats more easie of disgestion , smaller liquours , and fat sawces . 4 whereas wee advised before , that the first draught at supper , should bee taken warne ; now wee adde , that for the preparation of the stomach , a good draught of that liquour , ( to which every man is most accustomed , ) be taken warme , halfe an houre before meat also ; but a little spiced , to please the taste . 5 the preparation , of meats , and bread , and drinks ; that they bee rightly handled , and in order to this intention ; is of exceeding great moment ; howsoever it may seeme a mechanicall thing , and savouring of the kitchin , and buttrie : yet it is of more consequence , than those fables , of gold , and precious stones , and the like . 6 the moistning , of the iuyces , of the body , by a moist preparation of the aliments , is a childish thing : it may be somewhat availeable against the fervours of diseases ; but it is altogether adverse , to a roscide alimentation . therefore , boyling of meats , as concerning our intention , is farre inferiour , to roasting , and baking , and the like . 7 roasting ought to bee with a quick fire , and soone dispatched ; not with a dull fire , and in long time . 8 all solide fleshes , ought to be served in , not altogether fresh , but somewhat powdered , or corned : the lesse salt may bee spent at the table , with them , or none at all : for salt , incorporated with the meat before , is better distributed in the body , than eaten with it at the table . 9 there would bee brought into use severall and good 〈◊〉 , and infusions of meats , in convenient liquours , before the roasting of them ; the like whereof are sometimes in use , before they bake them ; and in the pickles of some fishes . 10 but beatings , and as it were scourgings , of flesh meats , before they bee boiled , would work no small matter . wee see , it is confessed , that pertridges , and pheasants , killed with an hawke ; also bucks , and stags , killed in hunting ; ( if they stand not out too long , ) eat better , even to the tast. and some fishes , scourged , and beaten , become more tender , and wholesome . also hard , and sowre peares , and some other fruits , grow sweet with rowling them . it were good to practise some such beating , and bruising , of the harder kindes of fleshes , before they bee brought to the fire . and this would bee one of the best preparations of all . 11 bread , a little leavened , and very little salted , is best : and which is baked in an oven , thorowly heated , and not with a faint heat . 12 the preparation of drinks in order to long life , shall not exceed one precept . and as touching water drinkers , wee have nothing to say ; such a diet , ( as wee said before , ) may prolong life to an indifferent terme , but to no eminent length : but in other drinks , that are full of spirit ; ( such as are , wine , ale , mead , and the like , ) this one thing is to bee observed , and pursued , as the summe of all ; that the parts of the liquour , may bee exceeding thin , and subtile ; and the spirit , exceeding mild : this is hard to be done , by age alone ; for that makes the parts a little more subtile ; but the spirits much more sharp , and eager : therefore of the infusion in the vessels , of some fat substance , which may restraine the acrimonie of the spirits , counsell hath beene given before : there is also another way , without infusion , or mixture : this is , that the liquour might bee continually agitated ; either by carriage upon the water ; or by carriage by land ; or by hanging the vessels upon lines , and daily stirring them ; or some such other way : for it is certaine ; that this 〈◊〉 motion , doth both subtilize the parts ; and doth so incorporate , and compact the spirits , with the parts ; that they have no leisure to turne to sowrenesse , which is a kind of putrefaction . 13 but in extreme old age , such a preparation of meats , is to be made , as may be almost in the middle-way to chylus and touching the distillations of meats , they are meere toyes ; for the nutritive part , at least the best of it doth not ascend in vapours . 14 the incorporating of 〈◊〉 and drink , before they meet in the stomach , is a degree to chylus ; therefore let chickens , or pertridges , or 〈◊〉 , or the like , bee taken ; and boiled in water , with a little salt ; then let them be cleansed , and dried ; afterward , let them be infused in must , or ale before it hath done working , with a little sugar . 15 also , gravies of meat , and mincings of them small , well seasoned ; are good for old persons ; and the rather , for that they are destituted of the office of their teeth , in chewing ; which is a principall kinde of preparation . 16 and as for the helps of that defect , ( namely , of the strength of teeth , to grinde the meat , ) there are three things , which may conduce thereunto . first , that new teeth may put forth ; that which seemes al together difficult , and cannot bee accomplished , without an inward , and powerfull restauration of the body . secondly , that the iawes be so confirmed by due astringents , that they may in some sort supply the office of the teeth ; which may possibly bee effected . thirdly , that the meat bee so prepared that there shall be no need of chewing ; which remedy 〈◊〉 ready , and at hand . 17 we have some thought also , touching the quantitie of the meat , and drinke ; that the same taken in larger quantitie , at some times , is good for the irrigation of the body . therefore both greas feastings , and free drinkings , are not altogether to be inhibited . and touching the operation upon the aliments , and the preparation of them , thus much . the operation upon the last act of assimilation . 8. touching the last act of assimilation , ( unto which the three operations , immediately preceding , chiefly tend ) our advice shall be briefe , and single . and the thing it selfe , rather needs explication , than any various rules . 1 it is certaine , that all bodies are endued with some desire of assimilating those things which are next them : tuis the rare , and pneumaticall bodies ; as flame , spirit , airt performe generously , and with alacritie ; on the contrary , those that carrie a grosse , and tangible bulke about them ; doe but weakly : in regard , that the desire , of assimilating other thing , is bound in , by a stronger desire of rest , and containing themselves from motion . 2 againe , it is certaine , that that desire of assimilating , being bound , as wee said , in a grosse body , and made 〈◊〉 ; is somewhat freed , and stirred up , by the heat , and neighbouring spirit ; so that it is then actuated : which is the onely cause , why inanimates assimilate not , and animates 〈◊〉 . 3 this also is certaine , that the harder the consistence of the body is , the more doth that body stand in need , of a greater heat , to prick forward the assimilation : which fals out ill for old men ; because in them the parts are more obstinate , and the heat weaker : and therefore , either the obstinacie of their parts , is to be softned , or their heat increased . and as touching the malacissation , or mollifying of the members , we shall speak afterward ; having also formerly propounded many things , which pertaine to the prohibiting , and preventing , of this kinde of hardnesse . for the other , touching the increasing of the heat , wee will now deliver a single precept ; after wee have first assumed this axiome . 4 the act of assimilation , ( which , as we said , is excited , by the heat circumfused , ) in a motion exceeding accurate , subtile , and in little. now all such motions doe then come to their vigour , when the locall motion wholly ceaseth , which disturbeth it . for the motion of separation , into homogeneall parts , which is in milke ; that the creame should swim above , and the whey sink to the bottome , will never work , if the milk bee never so little agitated : neither will any puterfaction proceed in water , or mixt bodies , if the same be in continuall local motion . so then , from this assumption , we will conclude this , for the present inquisition . 5 the act it selfe , of assimilation , is chiefly accomplished in sleepe , and rest ; especially , towards the morning , the distribution being finished : therefore , we have nothing else to advise , but that men keep themselves hot , in their sleepe : and further , that towards the morning , there be used some annointing , or shirt 〈◊〉 with oyle , such as may gently stir up heat ; and after that , to fall asleep again . and touching the last act of assimilation , thus much . the operation upon the inteneration of that , which begins to be arified ; or the malacissation of the body . 9. wee have inquired formerly , touching the inteneration from within ; 〈◊〉 is done by many windings , 〈◊〉 circuits , as well of 〈◊〉 , as of detaining the spirit from issuing forth ; 〈◊〉 therefore is accomplished slowly . now we are to inquire , touching that inteneration , which is 〈◊〉 without ; and is effected , as 〈◊〉 were , suddenly ; or , touching the malacissation , and 〈◊〉 of the body . the historie . 1 in the fable , of restoring pelias to youth againe ; medea , when the faigned to doe it , 〈◊〉 this way , of 〈◊〉 the same , that the 〈◊〉 mans body should be cut into severall peeces ; and 〈◊〉 boyled in a cauldron , with certaine medicaments . there may , perhaps , some 〈◊〉 bee required to this matter ; but the cutting into 〈◊〉 , is not needfull . 2 notwithstanding , this cuting into peeces , seemes , in some sort , to be usefull ; not 〈◊〉 a knife , but with judgement . for whereas the consistence of the bowels , and 〈◊〉 is very divers ; it is needfull that the inteneration of them both , be not effected the same way ; but that there be a cure designed of each in particular , besides those things , which pertaine to the inteneration , of the whole masse of the bodie ; of which , notwithstanding , in the first place . 3 this operation , ( if perhaps it bee within our power , ) is most likely to bee done , by baths , vnctions , and the like : concerning which , these things that follow , are to be observed . 4 we must not be too forward in hoping to accomplish this matter from the examples of those things which we see done , in the imbibitions , and macerations of inanimates : by which they are intenerated : whereof we introduced some instances before : for this kinde of operation , is more easie upon inanimates , because they attract , and suck in the liquour . but upon the bodies of living creatures it is harder ; because , in them , the motion rather tendeth outward , and to the circumference . 5 therefore , the emollient baths , which are in use , doe little good , but on the contrary , hurt ; because they rather draw forth , than make entrance ; and resolve the structure of the body , rather than consolidate it . 6 the baths , and vnctions , which may serve to the present operation ; ( namely , of intenerating the body , truly and really , ) ought to have three properties . 7 the first and principall , is ; that they consist of those things , which in their whole substance , are like unto the body , and flesh of man ; and which have a feeding , and nursing vertue , from without . 8 the second , is ; that they be mixed with such things , as through the subtilty of their parts , may make entrance ; and so insinuate , and conveigh their nourishing vertue , into the body . 9 the third , is ; that they receive some mixture ( though much inferiour to the rest , ) of such things as are astringent ; i meane , not sowre or tart things ; but unctuous , and comforting ; that while the other two do operate , the 〈◊〉 out of the body , which destroyeth the vertue of the things intenerating , may ( as much as is possible , ) be prohibited ; and the motion to the inward parts , by the astriction of the skin , and closing of the passages , may be promoted and furthered . 10 that which is most consubstantiall , to the body of man , is warme bloud , either of man , or of some other living creature : but the device of ficinus ; touching the sucking of bloud out of the arme of a wholesome young man ; for the restauration of strength in old men ; is very frivolous ; for that , which nourisheth from within , ought no way to be equall , or homogeneall to the body nourished ; but in some sort , inferiour , and subordinate , that it may be converted : but in things applyed outwardly , by how much the substance is liker , by so much the consent is better . 11 it hath been anciently received ; that a bath made of the bloud of infants will cure the leprosie , and heale the flesh already putrified : insomuch , that this thing hath begot envie towards some kings , from the common people . 12 it is reported , that heraditus , for cure of the dropsie , was put into the warme belly of an oxe , newly slaine . 13 they use the bloud of kitlins , warme ; to cure the disease called saint anthonies fire ; and to restore the flesh and skin . 14 an arme , or other member , newly cut off ; or that , upon some other occasion , will not leave bleeding ; is , with good successe , put into the belly of some creature , newly ripped up ; for it worketh potently , to stanch the bloud ; the bloud of the member cut off , by consent sucking in , and vehemently drawing to it selfe , the warme bloud of the creature slaine ; whereby it selfe is stopped , and retireth . 15 it is much used in extreme and desperate diseases , to cut in two young pigeons , yet living , and to apply them to the soles of the feet , and to shift them one after another ; whereby , sometime 〈◊〉 followeth a wonderful case . this is imputed vulgarly , as if they should draw downe the malignitie of the disease ; but howsoever , this application goeth to the head , and comforteth the animal spirits . 16 but these bloudy baths and vnctions , seeme to us sluttish and odious ; let us search out some others , which perhaps have lesse loathsomenesse in them , and yet not lesse benefit . 17 next unto warme-bloud , things alike in substance , to the body of man , are , nutritives ; fat fleshes ; of oxen , swine , deere : oisters amongst fishes ; milke , butter , yolkes 〈◊〉 egs : floure of wheat , sweet wine : either sugred , or 〈◊〉 it be fined . 18 such things as wee would 〈◊〉 mixed , to make 〈◊〉 , are ; in stead of all , 〈◊〉 especially , bay-salt ; also wine , ( when it is full of spirit , ) maketh entrance ; and is an excellent convoy . 19 astringents of that kinde , which we described ; namely , vnctuous , and comfortable things , are ; saffron , mastick , myrrhe , and myrtle-berries . 20 of these parts , in our judgement , may very well be made such a bath , as wee designe : physicians , and posteritie , will finde out better things hereafter . 21 but the operation will bee much better & more powerfull ; if such a bath , as we have propounded , ( which we hold to be the principall matter , ) beattended with a foure-fold course and crder . 22 first , that there goe before the bath , a frication of the bodie ; and an annointing with oyle , with some thickning substance : that the vertue , and moistning heat of the bath , may pierce the body , and not the watry part of the liquour . then let the 〈◊〉 follow , for the space of some two houres : after the bath , let the body bee emplaistrea with mastick , myrrhe , tragacanth , diapalma , and saffron ; that the perspiration of the body , may ( as much as is possible , ) be inhibited ; till the supple matter be by degrees turned into solide : this to be continued , for the space of twenty foure houres , or more lastly , the emplaistring being removed , let there be an annointing with oyle , 〈◊〉 with salt , and saffron . 〈◊〉 let this bath , together 〈◊〉 the emplaistring and vnction , ( as before , ) be renewed every fifth day : this malacissation , or suppling of the body , to be continued for one whole moneth . 23 also during the time of this malacissation , we hold it usefull , and proper , and according to our intention ; that men nourish their bodies well , and keep out of the cold aire ; and drink nothing , but warme drinke . 24 now this is one of those things , ( as wee warned , in generall , in the beginning , ) whereof wee have made no triall by experiment ; but only set it downe , out of our aiming and levelling at the end. for having set up the marke , we deliver the light to others . 25 neither ought the warmths and cherishings of living bodies , to bee neglected . ficinus saith , and that seriously enough ; that the laying of the young maid in davids bosome , was wholesome for him , but it came too late . he should also have added ; that the young maid , after the manner of the persian virgins , ought to have been annointed with myrrhe , and such like ; not for deliciousnesse , but to increase the vertue of this cherishing by a living body . 26 barbarossa , in his extreme old age , by the advice of a physician , a iew , did continually apply young boyes , to his stomach and belly , for warmth and cherishing : also some old men , lay wholps , ( creatures of the hottest kind , ) close to their stomachs , every night . there hath gone a report , almost undoubted ; and that under several names ; of certaine men that had great noses ; who being weary of the derision of people , have cut off the bunches , or hillocks of their noses ; and then making a wide gash in their armes , have bold their noses in the place , for a certain time ; and so brought forth faire and comely noses : which if it be true , it shewes plainly , the consent of flesh unto flesh , especially in live fleshes . 28 touching the particular inteneration , of the principall bowels ; the stomach , lungs , liver , heart , braine , marrow of the backbone , guts , reines , gall , veines , arteries , nerves , cartilages , bones ; the inquisition and direction , would bee too long ; seeing we now set not forth a practique ; but certain indications to the practique . the operation upon the purging away of old iuyce , and supplying of new iuyce ; or of renovation by turnes . 10. the historie . although those things , which wee shall here set downe , have been , for the most part , spoken of before ; yet because this operation , is one of the principall , wee will handle them over againe , more at large . 1 it is certaine , that draught oxen , which have been worne out with working , being put into fresh and rich pastures , will gather tender and young flesh againe ; and this will appeare , even to the taste and palate ; so that the inteneration of flesh , is no hard matter . now it is likely , that this inteneration of the flesh , being often repeated , will in time , reach to the inteneration of the bones and membranes , and like parts of the body . 2 it is certaine , that diets which are now much in 〈◊〉 principally of 〈◊〉 and of 〈◊〉 , china and 〈◊〉 if they be continued for any time , and according to strict rules ; doe first attenuate the whole iuyce of the body ; and after consume it , and drinke it up . which is most manifest , because that by these diets , the french pox , when it is growne even to an hardnesse ; and hath eaten up , and corrupted , the very marrow of the body ; may be assuredly cured . and further , because it is as manifest , that men , who by these diets , are brought to be extreme leane , pale , and as it were , ghosts ; will soone after become fat , well-coloured , and apparantly young againe . wherefore , we are absolutely of opinion , 〈◊〉 such kind of diets , in the 〈◊〉 of age , being used every 〈◊〉 yeare , would bee very useful to our intention ; like the old skin , or spoile of sarpents . 3 wee doe confidently affirme ; ( neither let any man reckon us amongst those heretikes , which were called cathari ; ) that often purges , and made even familiar to the body , are more availeable to long life , than exercises and sweats . and this must needs be so , if that be held , which is already laid for a ground ; that vnctions of the body ; and oppletion of the passages from without ; and exclusion of aire ; and detaining of the spirit , within the masse of the body ; doe much conduce to long life . for it is most certaine , that by sweats , and outward perspirations ; not onely the humours , and excrementitious vapours are exhaled and consumed ; but together with them , the juices also , and good spirits , which are not so easily repaired ; but in 〈◊〉 , ( unlesse they be very immoderate , ) it is not so ; seeing they worke 〈◊〉 upon the humours . but the best purges for this intention , are those , which are taken immediately before 〈◊〉 ; because they dry the body lesse ; and therefore , they must be of those purgers , which doe least trouble the belly . these intentions , of the operations , which wee have propounded , ( as we conceive , ) are most true ; the remedies faithfull to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is it credible to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( although not a few of these remedies may seeme but 〈◊〉 with what care , and choice , they have beene examined by us ; that they might be ( the intention not at all empeached ) both safe , and effectuall . experience , no doubt , will both verifie , and promote , these matters . and such , in all things , are the works of every prudent counsell ; that they are admirable in their effects , excellent also in their order , but seeming vulgar in the way and meanes . the proches of death . we are now to inquire touching the porches of death ; that is , touching those things , which happen unto men , at the point of death ; both a little before , and after . that seeing there are many paths , which lead to death , it may be under stood , in what common-way , they all end ; especially , in those deaths , which are caused by indigence of nature , rather than by violence ; although something of this latter also , must be inserted , because of the connexion of things . the historie . 1 the living spirit , stands in need of three things , that it may subsist : convenient motion ; temperate refrigeration ; and fit aliment . plame seemes to stand in need , but of two of these ; namely , motion , and aliment : because flame is a simple substance , the spirit a compounded : insomuch , that if it approach somewhat too neare to a flamie nature , it overthroweth it selfe . 2 also flame , by a greater , and stronger flame , is extinguished , and slaine ; as aristotle well noted ; much more the spirit . 3 flame , if it be much compressed , and straitned , is extinguished ; as wee may see in a candle , having a glasse cast over it ; for the aire being dilated by the heat , doth contrude , and thrust together the flame ; and so lesseneth it , and in the end extinguisheth it : and fires on hearths will not flame , if the fewell bee thrust close together , without any space for the flame to break forth . 4 also things fircd , are extinguished with compression ; as if you presse a burning coale hard with the tongs , or the foot , it is straight extinguished . 5 but to come to the spirit ; if bloud , or flegme , get into the 〈◊〉 of the braine , it causeth sudden death ; because the spirit hath no roome to move it selfe . 6 also a great blow on the head , induceth sudden death ; the spirits being straightened within the ventrides of the braine . 7 opium , and other strong 〈◊〉 , doe coagulate the spirit ; and deprive it of the motion . 8 a venemous vapour , totally abhorred by the spirit , causeth sudden death : as in deadly poisons , which worke ( as they call it , ) by a specificall malignity : for they strike a loathing into the spirit , that the spirit will no more move it selfe , nor rise against a thing so much detested . 9 also extreme drunkennesse , or extreme feeding , sometime cause sudden death : seeing the spirit is not only oppressed with overmuch condensing , or the malignity of the vapour ; ( as in opium , and malignant poysons ; ) but also with the abundance of the vapours . 10 extreme griefe , or feare , especially , if they be sudden ; ( as it is in a sad and unexpected 〈◊〉 ) cause sudden death . 11 not only over-much compression , but also over-much dilatation of the spirit , is deadly . 12 ioyes excessive , and sudden , have berest many of their lives . 13 in great evacuations ; as when they cut men for the dropsie , the waters flow forth abundantly ; much more in great and sudden fluxes of bloud oftentimes , present death followeth : and this happens by the meere flight of vacuum , within the body ; all the parts moving , to fill the emptie places ; and amongst the rest , the spirits themselves . for as for slow fluxes of bloud , this matter pertaines to the indigence of nourishment , not to the diffusion of the spirits . and touching the motion of the spirit , so farre , either compressed , of diffused , that it bringeth death , thus much . 14 we must come next to the want of refrigeration . stopping of the breath , causeth sudden death ; as in all suffocation , or strangling . now it seemes this matter is not so much to be referred to the impediment of motion , as to the impediment of refrigeration : for aire over-hot , though attracted freely , doth no lesse suffocate , than if breathing were hindred : as it is in them , who have beene sometime suffocated , with burning coales ; or with char-coale , or with wals newly plaistered , in close chambers , where a fire is made : which kind of death , is reported , to have beene the end of the emperour iovinian : the like happeneth from dry baths , over-heated , which was practised in the killing of fausta , wife to constantine the great . 15 it is a very small time , which nature taketh , to repeat the breathing ; and in which she desireth , to expell the foggie aire , drawne into the lungs , and to take in new ; scarce , the third part , of a minute . 16 againe , the beating of the pulse ; and the motion , of the systole , and diastole , of the heart ; are three times quicker , than that of breathing ; insomuch , that if it were possible , that that motion of the heart could be stopped , without stopping the breath ; death would follow more speedily thereupon , than by strangling . 17 notwithstanding , vse and custome prevaile much in this naturall action of breathing ; as it is in the delian divers , and fishers for pearle ; who by long use can hold their breaths , at least ten times longer , than other men can doe . 18 amongst living creatures even of those , that have lungs , there are some that are able to hold their breaths a long time , and others that cannot hold them so long ; according as they need , more , or lesse , refrigeration . 19 fishes need lesse refrigeration , than terrestriall creatures ; yet some they need , and take it by their gils : and as terrestriall creatures , cannot beare the aire , that is too hot , or too close ; so fishes are suffocated in waters , if they be totally , and long frozen . 20 if the spirit be assaulted by another heat , greater than it selfe , it is dissipated , and destroyed . for if it cannot beare the proper heat without refrigeration , much lesse can it beare another heat , which is farre stronger . this is to bee seene in burning fevers , where the heat of the putrified humours , doth exceed the native heat ; even to extinction , or dissipation . 21 the want also , and use of sleepe , is referred to refrigeration . for motion doth attenuate , and 〈◊〉 the spirit ; and doth sharpen , and increase the heat thereof ; contrarily , sleepe settleth , and restraineth the motion , and gadding of the same . 〈◊〉 though sleepe doth strengthen and advance , the actions 〈◊〉 the parts , and of the livelesse spirits ; and all that motion , which is to the circumference of the body ; yet it doth in great part , quiet , and still the proper motion of the living spirit . now sleepe , regularly , is due unto humane nature , once within foure and twentie houres ; and that for six , or five houres , at the least : though there are , even in this kinde , sometimes miracles of nature ; as it is recorded of mecaenas , that he slept not , for a long time , before his death . and as touching the want of refrigeration , for conserving of the spirit , thus much . 22 as concerning the third indigence ; namely , of aliment ; it seemes to pertaine rather to the parts , than to the living spirit . for a man may easily beleeve , that the living spirit 〈◊〉 in identitie not by succestion , or renovation . and as for the 〈◊〉 soule in man , it is above all question ; that it is no engendred of the soule of the parents ; nor is repaired ; nor can dye . they speake of the naturall spirit of living creatutes ; and also of vegetables , which differs from that other soule , essentially , and formally . for out of the confusion of these , that same transmigration of soules , and innumerable other devices , of heathens and hereticks , have proceeded . 23 the body of man , doth regularly require ; renovation by aliment , every day . and body in health , can scarce endure fasting , three dayes together ; notwithstanding , use , and custome , will doe much , even in this case ; but in sicknesse , fasting is lesse grievous to the body . also sleepe doth supply somewhat to nourishment ; and , on the other side , exercise doth require it more abundantly . likewise there have some beene found , who have susteined themselves , ( almost to a miracle in nature , ) a very long time , without meat or drink . 24 dead bodies , if they bee not intercepted by putrefaction , will subsist a long time , without any notable absumption ; but living bodies , not above three dayes , ( as wee said , ) unlesse they be repaired by nourishment : rishment : which sheweth , that quick absumption , to bee the work of the living spirit ; which either repaires it selfe ; or puts the parts into a necessitie , of being repaired ; or both . this is testified , by that also , which was noted a little before ; namely , that living creatures may subsist somewhat the longer , without aliment , if they sleepe . now sleepe is nothing else , but a reception , and retirement , of the living spirit , into it selfe . 25 an abundant , and continuall , effluxion of bloud ; which sometimes happeneth in the hemorrhoides ; sometimes in vomiting of bloud , the inward veines being unlocked , broken , sometimes by wounds ; causeth sudden death ; in regard , that the bloud of the veines ministreth to the arteries ; and the bloud of the arteries , to the spirit . 26 the quantitie of meat and drink , which a man , eating two meales a day , receiveth into his body , is not small ; much more , than he voideth againe , either by stoole , or by urine , or by sweating : you will say ; no marvell ; seeing the remainder goeth into the juyces , and substance , of the body : it is true ; but consider then , that this addition is made twice a day , and yet the body aboundeth not much : in like manner , though the spirit be repaired , yet it growes not , excessively , in the quantitie . 27 it doth no good , to have the aliment ready , in a degree removed ; but to have it of that kinde ; and so prepared , and supplied , that the spirit may work upon it : for the staff of a torch alone , will not maintaine the flame , unlesse it be fed with wax : neither can men live upon herbs alone . and from thence comes the inconcoction of old age ; that though there bee flesh , and bloud ; yet the spirit is become so penurious , and thin ; and the juyces , and bloud , so heartlesse , and obstinate , that they hold no proportion , to alimentation . 28 let us now cast up the accounts , of the needs , and indigences , according to the ordinarie , and usuall course of nature : the spirit hath need , of opening , and moving it selfe , in the ventricles of the braine , and nerves , even continually ; of the motion of the heart , every third part , of a moment ; of breathing , every moment ; of sleepe , and nourishment , once within three dayes ; of the power of nourishing , commonly till eighty yeares bee past . and if any of these indigences bee neglected , death ensueth . so there are plainly three porches of death ; destitution of the spirit ; in the motion ; in the refrigeration ; in the aliment . it is an errour , to think , that the living spirit , is perpetually generated , and extinguished , as flame is ; and abideth not any notable time . for even flame it selfe is not thus , out of his owne proper nature ; but because it liveth amongst enemies . for flame , within flame , endureth . now the living spirit , liveth amongst friends , and all due obsequiousnesse . so then , as flame is a momentany substance ; aire a fixed substance ; the living spirit is betwixt both . touching the extinguishing of the spirit , by the destruction of the organs , ( which is caused by diseases , and violence , ) 〈◊〉 inquire not now ; as wee foretold in the beginning ; although that also endeth in the same three porches . and touching the forme of death it selfe , thus much . 29 there are two great forerunners of death ; the one sent from the head , the other from the heart ; 〈◊〉 , and the extreme labour of the pulse . for as for the deadly hiccough , it is a kinde of 〈◊〉 . but the deadly labour of the pulse , hath that unusuall swiftnesse ; because the heart , at the point of death , doth so tremble , that the systole , and diastole , thereof , are almost consounded . there is also conjoyned in the pulse , aweaknesse , and lownesse , and oftentimes a great intermission ; because the motion of the heart faileth ; and is not able to rise against the assault , stoutly , or constantly . 30 the immediate preceding signes of death , are ; great vnquietnesse , and tossing in the bed ; fumbling with the hands ; catching , and grasping hard ; gnashing with the teeth ; speaking hollow ; trembling of the neather lip ; palenesse of the face ; the memory confused ; speechlesnesse ; cold sweats ; the body shooting in length ; lifting up the white of the eye ; changing of the whole visage ; ( as , the nose sharp , eyes hollow , cheekes fallen ; ) contraction , and doubling of the tongue , coldnesse in the extreme parts of the body ; in some , shedding of bloud , or sperme ; shriking ; breathing thick , and short ; falling of the neather chap ; and such like . 31 there follow death ; a privation , of all sense , and motion ; as well of the heart , and arteries ; as of the nerves , and joynts ; an inability of the body , to support it selfe uprigh ; stifnesse of the nerves , and parts ; extreme coldnesse of the whole body ; after a little while , patrefaction , and stinking . 32 eeles , serpents , and the insecta , will move a long time , in every part , after they are cut asunder ; insomuch , that countrey people think , that the parts strive to joyne together againe . also birds will flutter a great while , after their heads are pulled off : and the hearts of living creatures will pant a long time , after they are plucked out . i remember , i have seene the heart of one that was bowelled ; as suffering for high treason ; that being cast into the fire , leaped , at the first , at least , a foot and halfe in heighth ; and after , by degrees , lower and lower ; for the space , as we rememher ber , of seven , or eight minutes . there is also an ancient , and credible tradition , of an oxe lowing , after the 〈◊〉 were plucked out . but there is a more certaine tradition , of a man ; who being under the executioners hand , for high treason ; after his heart was plucked out , and in the executioners hand ; was heard to utter , three or foure words of prayer : which therefore , we said to be more credible , than that of the oxe in sacrifice ; because the friends of the partie suffering , do usually give a reward to the executioner ; to dispatch his office with the more speed ; that they may the sooner bee rid of their paine ; but in sacrifices , wee see no cause , why the priest should bee so speedy in his office. 33 for reviving those againe , which fall into sudden swownings , and catalepses , or astonishments : ( in which fits , many , without present help , would utterly expire ; ) these things are used ; putting into their mouths , water , distilled of wine , which they call hot waters , and cordiall waters ; bending the body forwards ; stopping the mouth , and nosthrils , hard ; bending , or wringing the fingers ; pulling the haires , of the beard , or head ; rubbing of the parts , especially , the face , and legs ; sudden casting of cold water upon the face ; shreeking out aloud , and suddenly ; putting rose-water , to the nosthrils , with vinegar , in faintings ; burning of feathers , or cloth , in the suffocation of the mother ; but especially , a frying pan , heated red hot , is good in apoplexies ; also a close embracing of the body , hath helped some . there have beene many examples of men , in shew , dead ; either laid out upon the cold floare ; or carried sorth to 〈◊〉 ; nay , of some buried in the earth ; which notwithstanding have lived againe ; which hath beene found , in those that were buried ; ( the earth being afterwards opened , ) by the bruising , and wounding of their head , through the strugling of the body , within the coffin : whereof the most recent , and memorable example , was that of ioannes scotus , called the subtile , and a schooleman , who being digged up againe by his servant , unfortunately absent at his buriall ; ( and who knew his masters manner in such fits ; ) was found in that state. and the like happended in our dayes , in the person of a player , buried at cambridge . i remember to have heard of a certaine gentleman ; that would needs make triall , in curiositie , what men did feele that were hanged ; so hee fastened the cord about his necke , raising himselfe upon a stoole , and then letting himselfe fall ; thinking it should bee in his power , to recover the stoole at his pleasure ; which he failed in ; but was helped by a friend , then present . he was asked afterward , what he felt ? he said ; hee felt no paine ; but first , he thought , he saw before his eyes , a great fire , and burning ; then hee thought , he saw all black , and darke : lastly , it turned to a pale blew , or sea-water-greene ; which colour is also often seene by them which fall into snownings . i have heard also , of a physician , yet living ; who recovered a man to life , which had hanged himselfe ; and had hanged halfe an houre ; by frications , and hot baths : and the same physician did professe , that he made no doubt , to recover any man , that had hanged so long , so his neck were not broken with the first swing . the differences of youth , and old age. 1 the ladder of mans bodie , is this . to be conceived ; to be quickned in the wombe ; to bee borne ; to sucke ; to be weaned ; to feed upon pap ; to put forth teeth , the first time about the second yeare of age ; to begin to goe ; to begin to speake ; to put forth teeth , the second time , about seven years of age ; to come to pubertie , about twelve , or fourteene yeares of age ; to be able for generation , and the flowing of the menstrua ; to have haires about the legges , and arme-holes ; to put forth a beard ; and thus long , and sometimes later , to grow in stature ; to come to full years of strength and agility ; to grow gray , and bild ; the ceasing of the menstrua , and ability to generation ; to grow decrepit , and a monster with three legs ; to die. meane while , the mind also , hath certaine periods ; but they cannot be described by yeares ; as to decay in the memory , and the like ; of which hereafter . 2 the differences of youth and old age , are these . as young mans skin is smooth , and plaine ; an old mans , dry and wrinkled ; especially about the forchead and eyes : a young mans flesh is tender and soft ; an old mans , hard : a young man hath strength , and agilitie ; an old man , feeles decay , in his strength , and is slow of motion : a young man hath good disgestion ; an old man , bad : a young mans bowells , are soft , and succulent : an old mans , sale , and parched : a young mans body is erect , and straight ; an old mans , bowing , and crooked ; a young mans limbs are steady ; an old mans , weake , and trembling : the humors in a young man , are cholerick , and his bloud inclined to heat ; in an old man , phlegmatick and melancholick , and his bloud inclined to cold nesse : a young man readie for the act of venus ; an old man slow unto it : in a young man , the iuyces of his bodie are more roscide ; in an old man , more crude , and watrish : the spirit , in a young man , plentifull and boyling ; in an old man , scarce and iejune : a young mans spirit is dense , and vigorous ; an old mans eager and rare ; a young man hath his sens's , quicke , and entire ; an old man , dull and decayed : a young mans teeth , are strong , and entire ; an old mans weak , worne , and falling out : a young mans haire is coloured ; an old mans , of what colour soever it were , gray : a young man hath haire ; an old man baldnesse : a young mans pulse , is stronger and quicker ; an old mans , more confused , and slower : the diseases of young men are more acute , and curable ; of old men , longer , and hard to cure : a young mans wounds soone close ; an old mans , later : a young mans checkes , are of a fresh colour ; an old mans , pale , or with a black bloud : a young man is lesse troubled with rbeumes ; an old man , more : neither do we know in what things old men do improve , as touching their body , save only sometimes in fatnesse : whereof the reason is soone given ; because old mens bodies doe neither perspire well , nor assimilate well ; now fatnesse is nothing else , but an exuberance of nourishment , above that which is voyded by excrement ; or which is perfectly assimilated . also , some old men improve in the appetite of feeding , by reason of the acide humours ; though old men disgest worse . and all these things , which we have said , physicians , negligently enough , will referre to the diminution of the naturall heat , and ridicall moisture ; which are things of no worth for use . this is certaine , drinesse in the comming on of yeares , doth foregoe coldnesse : and bodies , when they come to the top , and strength of heat , doe decline to 〈◊〉 ; and after that followes coldnesse . 3 now we are to consider the affections of the mind . i remember , when i was a young man , at poictiers , in france , i conversed familiarly , with a certaine french-man ; a witty young man , but something talkative ; who afterwards grew to bee a very eminent man : hee was wont to inveigh against the manners of old men ; and would say , that if their mindes could be seene , as their bodies are , they would appeare no lesse deformed . besides , being in love with his owne wit , he would maintaine ; that the vices of old mens minds , had some correspondence , and were paralell , to the imperfections of their bodies : for the drinesse of their skin , hee would bring in impudence ; for the hardnesse of their bowels , vnmercifulnesse ; for the lippitude of their eyes , an evill eye , and envie ; for the casting downe of their eyes , and bowing their body towards the earth , atheisme ; ( for , saith he , they looke no more up to heaven , as they were wont ; ) for the trembling of their members , irresolution of their decrees , and light inconstancie ; for the bending of their fingers , as it were , to catch , rapacitie , and covetousnesse ; for the backling of their knees , fearfulnesse ; for their wrinkles , craftinesse , and obliquity ; and other things , which i have forgotten . but to be serious . a young man , is modest , and shamefast ; an old mans forehead is hardned : a young man is full of bounty and mercie ; an old mans heart is brawnie : a young man is affected with a laudable emuletion ; an old man , with a malignant envie : a young man is inclined to religion , and devotion , by reason of his fervencie , and inexperience of evill ; an old man coolerb in piety , through the coldnesse of his charity , and long conversation in evill ; and likewise , through the difficultie of his beleefe : a young mans desires are vehement ; an old mans , moderate : a young man is light , and moveable ; an old man , more grave and constant : a young man is 〈◊〉 to liberality , and beneficence , and humanitie ; an old man to covetousnesse , wisdome for his owne selfe , and seeking his owne 〈◊〉 : a young man is confident , and full of hope ; an old man diffident , and given to suspect most things : a young man is gentle , and obsequious ; an old man froward and disdainfull : a young man is sincere and open-hearted ; an old man cautelous , and close : a young man is given to desire great things ; an old man , to regard things necessary : a young man thinkes well of the present times ; an old man , preferreth times-past before them : a young man reverenceth his superiours ; an old man is more forward to tax them : and many other things , which pertaine rather to manners , than to the present inquisition . notwithstanding , old men , as in some things , they improve in their bodies , so also in their mindes ; unlesse they be altogether out of date . namely ; that as they are lesse apt for invention , so they excell in iudgement ; and prefer safe things , and sound things , before specious ; also they improve in garrulity , and ostentation ; for they seeke the fruit of speech , while they are lesse able for action ; so as it was not absurd , that the poets fained , old tithon , to be turned into a grashopper . moveable canons , of the duration of life , and forme of death . canon 1. consumption is not caused , unlesse that , which bet departed with by one body , passeth into another . the explication . there is , in nature , no annihilation , or reducing to nothing : therefore that which is consumed ; is either resolved into aire , or turned into some body adjacent . so wee see a spider , or fly , or ant , in amber , ( entombed in a more stately monument than kings are , ) to be laid up for eternitie ; although they bee but tender things , and soone dissipated . but the mattter is this ; that there is no aire by , into which they should be resolved ; and the substance of the amber is so heterogeneous , that it receives nothing of them . the like we conceive would be , if a stick , or root , or some such thing , were buried in quicksilver . also wax , and honey , and 〈◊〉 , have the same operation , but in part only . canon ii. there is in every tangible body a spirit , covered and encompassed with the grosser parts of the body ; and from it , all consumption , and dissolution , hath the beginning . the explication . no body known unto us , here in the vpper part of the earth , is without a spirit ; either by attenuation , and 〈◊〉 , from the heat of the heavenly bodies ; or by some other way . for the concavities of tangible things , receive not vaccum , but either aire , or the proper spirit of the thing . and this spirit . where of we speak , is not some vertue , or energie , or act , or trifle ; but plainly a body , rare and invisible ; notwithstanding , circumscribed by place , quantitative , reall : neither againe , is that spirit aire , ( no more than wine is water ; ) but a body rarified , of kin to aire , though much different from it . now the grosser parts of bodies , ( being dull things , and not apt for motion , ) would last a long time ; but the spirit is that , which troubleth , and plucketh , and undermineth them ; and converteth the moisture of the body , and whatsoever it is able to disgest , into new spirit : and then , as well the prae-existing spirit of the bodie , as that newly made , flye away together by degrees . this is best seene by the dimination of the weight , in bodies dryed , through perspiration . for neither , all that , which is issued forth , was spirit , when the body was ponderous ; neither was it not spirit , when it issued forth . canon iii. the spirit issuing forth , dryeth ; detained , and working within , either melteth , or putrifieth , or vivifieth . the explication . there are foure processes of the spirit ; to arefaction ; to colliquation ; to putrefaction ; to generation of bodies . arefaction , is not the proper worke of the spirit , but of the grosser parts , after the spirit issued forth : for then they contract themselves , partly by their flight of vacuum , partly , by the vnion of homogeneals ; as appeares in all things , which are arified by age ; and in the drier sort of bodies , which have passed the fire ; as 〈◊〉 , charocoales , bread. colliquation , is the meere work of the spirits ; neither is it done , but when they are excited by heat : for then , the spirits , dilating themselves , yet not getting forth ; do insinuate , and disperse themselves , amongst the grosser parts ; and so make them soft , and apt to run , as it is , in metals , and wax : for metals , and all tenacious things , are apt to inhibite the spirit , that , being excited , it iffueth not forth . 〈◊〉 is a mixed work of the spirits , and of the grosser parts : for the spirit , ( which before restrained . and bridled the parts of the thing , ) being partly issued forth , and partly enfeebled ; all things in the body doe dissolve , andreturne to their homogeneities ; or , ( if you will , ) to their elements : that which was spirit in it , is congregated to it selfe ; whereby things patrified , begin to have an ill savour : the oyly parts to themselves ; whereby things putrified , have that slipperinesse , and vnctuositie : the wairyparts also to themselves : the dregs to themselves : whence followeth that confusion , in bodies putrified . but generation , or vivification , is a worke also mixed , of the spirit , and grosser parts , but in a far different manner : for the spirit is totally detained , but it swelleth , and moveth locally ; and the grosser parts are not dissolved ; but follow the motion of the spirit , and are , as it were , blowne out by it , and extruded into divers figures ; from whence commeth that generation , and organization : and therefore , vivification is alwayes done in a matter tenacious , and clammie : and againe , yeelding and soft ; that there may bee both a detention of the spirit ; and also a gentle cession of the parts , according as the spirit formes them . and this is seene in the matter , as well of all vegetables , as of living creatures ; whether they be engendred of putrefaction , or of sperme : for in all these things , there is manifestly seene a matter , hard to breake thorow , easie to yeeld . canon . iv. in all living creatures , there are two kindes of spirits ; livelesse spirits , such as are in bodies inanimate ; and a vitall spirit superadded . the explication . it was said before ; that to procure long life , the body of man must be considered ; first , as inanimate , and not repaired by nourishment : secondly , as animate , and repaired by nourishment : for the former consideration , gives lawes touching consumption ; the latter , touching reparation . therefore we must know ; that there are in humane flesh , bones , membranes , organs ; finally , in all the parts , such spirits diffused in the substance of them , while they are alive ; as there are in the same things ; ( flesh , bones , membranes , and the rest ; ) separated , and dead ; such as also remaine in a carkase : but the vitall spirit , although it tuleth them , and hath some consent with them , yet it is farre differing from them ; being integrall , and subsisting by it selfe . now there are two especiall differences , betwixt the livelesse spirits , and the vitall spirits : the one , that the livelesse spirits , are not continued to themselves ; but are , as it were , cut off ; and encompassed with a grosse body , which intercepts them ; as aire is mixt in snow , or froth : but the vitall spirit is all continued to it selfe , by certaine conduit pipes , through which it passeth , and is not totally intercepted . and this spirit is twofold also ; the one branched onely , passing through small pipes , and , as it were , strings : the other hath a cell also ; so as it is not onely continued to it selfe , but also congregared in an hollow space , in reasonable good quantity , according to the analogie of the body ; and in that cell is the fountaine of the rivulers , which branch from thence . that cell is , chiefly , in the ventricles of the braine ; which , in the ignobler sort of creatures , are but narrow ; insomuch , that the spirits in them , seeme scattered over their whole body , rather than celled : as may be seene in serpents , eels , and flies ; whereof , every of their parts move long after they are cut asunder . birds also leape a good while after their heads are pulled off ; because they have little heads , and little cels : but the nobler sort of creatures , have those ventricles larger : and man the largest of all . the other difference betwixt the spirits , is ; that the vitall spirit , hath a kinde of enkindling ; and is like a winde or breath , compouuded of flame and aire , as the juyces of living creatures , have both oyle and water . and this enkindling ministreth peculiar motions and faculties : for the smoke , which is inflammable , even before the flame conceived , is hot , thin , and moveable ; and yet it is quite another thing , after it is become flame : but the enkindling of the vitall spirits , is , by many degrees , gentler than the softest flame ; as of spirit of wine , or otherwise : and besides , it is in great part mixed with an aeriall substance ; that it should be a mystery or miracle , both of a flammcous , and aereous nature . canon v. the naturall actions , are proper to the severall parts ; but it is the vitall spirit , that excites , and sharpens them . the explication . the actions , or functions , which are in the severall members , follow the nature of the members themselves , ( attraction , retention , disgestion , assimilation , separation , excretion , perspiration . even sense it selfe ; ) according to the proprietie of the severall organs ; ( the stomach , liver , heart , spleene , gall , braine , eye , eare , and the rest . ) yet none of these actions would ever have beene actuated , but by the vigour , and presence , ofthe of the vitall spirit , and 〈◊〉 thereof : as one iron would not have drawne another iron , unlesse it had beene excited by the load-stone ; nor an egge would ever have brought forth a bird ; unlesse the substance of the hen had beene actuated by the treading of the cock. canon vi. the livelesse spirits are next consubstantiall to aire ; the vitall spirits , approach more to the subsiance of flame . the explication . the explication of the precedent fourth canon , is also a declaration of this present canon : but yet further , from hence it is ; that all fat , and oyly things , continue long in their being ; for neither doth the 〈◊〉 much pluck them ; neither doe they much desire to 〈◊〉 themselves with aire . as for that conceit , it is altogether vaine ; that flame should bee aire set on fire . seeing flame , and aire , are no lesse heterogeneall , than 〈◊〉 and water . but whereas , it is said , in the canon , that the vitall spirits , approach more to the substance of flame , it must bee understood , that they doe this more , than the livelesse spirits ; not that they are more flamy , than airy . canon vii . the spirit hath two defires : one , of multiplying it selfe ; the other , of flying forth , and congregating it selfe with the connaturals . the explication . the canon is understood of the livelesse spirits : for as for the second desire , the vitall spirit , doth most of all abhorre , flying forth of the body ; for it findes no connaturals , here below , to joyne withall . perhaps , it may sometimes flye to the outward parts of the body , to meet that which it loveth ; but the flying forth , as i said , it abhorreth . but in the livelesse spirits , each of these two desires holdeth . for to the i ormer this belongeth ; every spirit , seated amongst the grosser parts , dwelleth unhappily ; and therefore , when it findes not a like unto it selfe , it doth so much the more labour , to create , and make a like : as being in agreat solitude ; and endevours earnestly ; to multiply it selfe ; and to prey upon the volatile of the grosser parts ; that it may be increased in quantitie . as for the second 〈◊〉 of flying forth , and betaking it selfe to the aire ; it is certain , that all light things , ( which are ever moveable , ) doe willingly goe unto their likes , neare unto them : as a drop of water is carried to a drop ; flame to flame : but much more is this done , in the flying forth of spirit , into the aire ambient ; because , it is not carried to a particle , like unto it selfe , but also as unto the globe , of the connaturals . meane while , this is to be noted ; that the going forth , and flight , of the spirit into aire , is a redoubled action ; partly , out of the appetite of the spirit ; partly , out of the appetite of the aire : for the common aire is a needy thing ; and receiveth all things greedily ; as spirits , odours , beams , sounds , and the like . canon viii . spirit detained , if it have no possibilitie of begetting new spirit , intenerateth the grosser parts . the explication . generation of new spirit , is not accomplished , but upon those things , which are , in some degree , neare to spirit : such as are humide bodies . and therefore if the grosser parts , ( amongst which the spirit converseth , ) be in a remote degree , although the spirit cannot convert them , yet , ( as much as it can , ) it weakeneth , and softeneth , and subdueth them ; that seeing it cannot increase in quantitie , yet it will dwell more at large , and live amongst good neighbours , and friends . now this aphorisme is most usefull to our end ; because , it tendeth to the inteneration of the obstinate parts , by the detention of the spirit . canon ix . the inteneration , of the harder parts , commeth to good effect , when the spirit neither flyeth forth , nor begetteth new spirit . the explication . this canon , solveth the knot , and difficultie , in the operation of intenerating , by the detention of the spirit . for if the spirit , not flying forth , wasteth all within , there is nothing gotten , to the inteneration of the parts , in their subsistence ; but rather they are dissolved , and corrupted . therefore together with the detention , the spirits ought to bee cooled , and restrained , that they may not be too active . canon x. the heat of the spirit , to keepe the body , fresh , and green , ought to be robust , 〈◊〉 eager . the explication . also this canon pertaineth , to the solving of the knot 〈◊〉 ; but it is of a much larger extent . for it fetteth downe , of what temporament , the heat in the body , ought to be , for the 〈◊〉 of long life : now this is usefull , whether the spirits bee 〈◊〉 , or whether they be not . for howsoever , the heat of the spirits must bee such , as it may rather turne it selfe , upon the hard parts , than waste the soft ; for the one desiccateth , the other intenerateth . besides , the same thing is available , to the well perfecting of assimilation ; for such an heat , doth excellently excite the facultie of 〈◊〉 ; and withall , doth excellently prepare the matter , to be assimilated . now the properties of this kinde of heat , ought to be these . first , that it bee slow , and heat not suddenly : secondly , that it be not very intense , but moderate : thirdly , that it be equall ; not incomposed ; namely , intending , and remitting it selfe : fourthly , that if this heat , meet any thing to resist it , it bee not easily suffocated , or languish . this operation is exceeding subtile , but seeing it is one , of the most usefull , it is not to be deserted . now , in those remedies , ( which we propounded , to invest the spirits , with a robust heat ; or , that which we call , operative , not predatory ; ) wee have , in some sort , satisfied this matter . canon xi . the condensing , of the spirits , in their substance , is available to long life . the explication . this canon is subordinate to the next precedent : for the spirit condensed , receiveth all those foure properties of heat , whereof wee spake : but the wayes of condensing them , are set downe , in the first , of the ten operations . canon xii . the spirit , in great quantity hasteneth more to flying forth , and preyeth upon the body more , than it small quantitie . the explication . this canon is cleare , of it selfe , seeing meer quantitie , doth regularly increase vertue . and it is to be seene in flames ; that the bigger they are , the stronger they breake forth , and the more speedily they consume . and therefore , over great 〈◊〉 , or exuberance of the spirits , is altogether hurtfull to long life : neither need one wish a greater store of spirits , than what is sufficient , for the function of life , and the office of a good reparation . canon xiii . the spirit equally dispersed , maketh lesse haste to flye forth , and preyeth lesse upon the body , than unequally placed . the explication . not onely abundance of spirits , in respect of the whole , is hurtfull to the duration of things ; but also the same abundance , unevenly placed , is , in like manner , hurtfull : and therefore , the more the spirit is shred , and inserted by small portions , the lesse it preyeth : for dissolution ever beginneth at that part , where the spirit is looser . and therefore , both exercise , and frications , conduce much to long life ; for agitation , doth fineliest diffuse , and commix things by small portions . canon xiiii . the inordinate , and subsultorie , motion of the spirits , doth more hasten to going forth , and doth prey upon the body more , than the constant , and equall . the explication . in inanimates this canon holds for certaine ; for inequality is the mother of dissolution ; but in animates , ( because , not only the consumption is considered , but the reparation ; and reparation proceedeth by the appetites of things ; and appetite is sharpened by varietie ; ) it holdeth not rigorously ; but it is so farre forth to be received ; that this varietie , bee rather an alternation , or enterchange , than a confusion ; and , as it were , constant in inconstancie . canon xv. the spirit , in a body , of a solide composure , is detained , though 〈◊〉 . the explication . all things doe abhorre a solution of their continuitie , but yet in proportion , to their density , or rarity : for the more rare the bodies be , the more doe they suffer themselves , to be thrust into small , and narrow passages ; for water will goe into a passage , which dust will not goe into ; and aire , which water will not goe into ; nay flame , and spirit , which aire will not goe into . notwithstanding , of this thing , there are some bounds : for the spirit is not so much transported , with the desire of going forth , that it will suffer it selfe to be too much discontinued ; or be driven into over-strait pores and passages : and therefore if the spirit bee encompassed with an hard body ; or else with an vnctuous , and tenacious , ( which is not easily divided ; ) it is plainly bound , and , as i may say , imprisoned ; and layeth downe the appetite of going out : wherefore wee see , that metals , and stones , require a long time , for their spirit to goe forth ; unlesse either the spirit bee excited by the fire ; or the grosser parts bee dissevered with corroding , and strong waters . the like reason is there , of tenacious bodies ; such as are gums ; save only that they are melted by a more gentle hear . and therefore , the 〈◊〉 of the body hard , a close and compact skin , and the like ; ( which are procured , by the drynesse of the aliment , and by exercise , and by the coldnesse of the aire ; ) are good for long life ; because they detaine the spirit in close prison , that it goeth not forth . canon xvi . in oyly , and fat , things , the spirit is detained willingly , though they be not tenacious . the explication . the spirit , if it be not irritated , by the antipathy , of the body enclosing it ; nor fed by the over-much likenesse of that body ; nor sollicited , or invited , by the externall body ; it makes no great stir , to get out : all which are wanting to oyly bodies : for they are neither so pressing upon the spirits , as hard bodies ; nor so neare as watry bodies ; neither have they any good agreement with the aire ambient . canon xvii . the speedy flying forth of the watry humour , conserves the oyly , the longer in his being . the explication . we said before , that the watry humours , as being consubstantiall to the aire , flye forth soonest ; the oyly , later , as having small agreement , with the aire : now whereas these two humours are in most bodies , it comes to passe , that the watry , doth , in a sort , betray the oyly ; for that issuing forth insensibly , carrieth this together with it . therefore , there is nothing , that more furthereth the conservation of bodies , than a gentle drying of them ; which causeth the watry humour to expire , and inviteth not the oyly ; for then the oyly enjoyeth the proper nature . and this tendeth not only to the inhibiting of putrefaction , ( though that also followeth , ) but to the conservation of greennesse . hence it is , that gentle frications , and moderate exercises , causing rather perspiration , than sweating , conduce much to long life . canon xviii . aire excluded , conftrreth to long life , if 〈◊〉 inconveniences be avoyded . the explication . wee said a little before ; that the flying forth of the spirit , is a redoubled action ; from the appetite , of the spirit , and of the aire : and therefore , if either of these bee taken out of the way , there is not a little galned . notwithstanding , divers inconveniences follow hereupon ; which , how they may bee prevented , wee have shewed , in the second , of our ten operations . canon xix . youthfull spirits iuserted into an old body , might soone 〈◊〉 natures course back againe . the explication . the nature of the spirits , is as the uppermost wheele , which turneth about the other wheeles , in the body of man. and therefore , in the intention of long life , that ought to be first placed . hereunto may bee added ; that there is an easier , and more expedite way , to alter the spirits , than to other operations . for the operation upon the spirits , is twofold ; the one , by aliments , which is slow , and , as it were , about ; the other , ( and that twofold , ) which is sudden , and goeth directly to the spirits ; namely , by vapours , or by the affections . canon xx. juyces of the body , hard , and roscide , are good for long life . the explication . the reason is plaine ; seeing wee shewed before ; that hard things , and oyly or roscide , are hardly dissipated . notwithstanding , there is this difference , ( as wee also noted in the tenth operation , ) that iuyce somewhat hard is indeed lesse dissipable , but then it is withall lesse reparable . therefore a convenience is interlaced with an inconvenience ; and for this cause , no wonderfull matter will be atchieved by this . but roscide iuyce , will admit both operations . therefore this would be principally 〈◊〉 . canon xxi . whatsoever is of thin parts , to penetrate ; and yet hath no acrimonie , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; begetteth roscide juyces . the explication . this 〈◊〉 is more hard to practise , than to understand . for it is 〈◊〉 ; whatsoever 〈◊〉 well , but yet with a sting , or 〈◊〉 ; ( as doe all sharp , and soure , things , ) it leaveth behinde 〈◊〉 wheresoever it goeth , some mark , or print , of drynesse , 〈◊〉 cleaving ; so that it 〈◊〉 the iuyces , and 〈◊〉 the parts . contrarily , whatsoever things penetrate through their thinnesse meerly , as it were by stealth , and by way of insinuation , without violence ; they bedew , and water , in their passage : of which sort , wee have recounted many , in the fourth , and seventh operations . canon xxii . assimilation 〈◊〉 best 〈◊〉 when all locall motion , is suspended . the explication . this canon , we have sufficiently explained in our discourse , 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 canon xxiii . alimentation from without , at least some other way than by the stomach , is most profitable for long life , if it can be done . the explication . we see , that all things , which are done by nutrition , aske a long time ; but those , which are done by embracing of the like , ( as it is in infusions , ) require no long time . and therefore , alimentation from without , would be of principall use ; and so much the more , because the 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 , decay in old age ; so that , if there could be some ; auxiliary natritions ; by bathings , vnctions , or else by clysters ; these things , in conjunction , might doe much , which single , are lesse available . canon xxiiii . where the concoction is weake , to thrust forth the aliment ; there the outward parts should be strengthened , to call forth the aliment . the explication . that which is propounded in this canon , is not the same thing with the former ; for it is one thing , for the outward aliment , to bee attracted inward ; another for the inward aliment , to bee attracted outward : yet herein they concur , that they both help the weaknesse of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 though by divers wayes . canon xxv . all sudden renovation of the body , is wrought ; either by the spirits ; or by malacissations . the explication . there are two things , in the body ; spirits , and parts ; to both these , the way by nutrition , is long , and about ; but it is a short way , to the spirits , by vapours , and by the affections ; and to the parts , by malacissations : but this is dillgently to be noted ; that by no meanes , wee 〈◊〉 alimentation from 〈◊〉 , with malacissation : for the intention of malacissation , is not to nourish the parts ; but onely to make them more fit to bee nourished . canon xxvi . malacissation is wrought , by consubstantials ; by imprinters ; 3 and by closers up . the explication . the reason is manifest ; for that consubstantials doe properly supple the body ; 〈◊〉 doe carry in ; closers up doe retaine , and bridle the perspiration , which is a motion opposite to malacissation . and therefore , ( as we described in the ninth operation , ) malacissation cannot well be done at once ; but in a course or order . first , by excluding the liquour , by thickners ; for an outward , and grosse infusion , doth not well compact the body ; that which entreth , must be subtile , and a kinde of vapour . secondly , by intenerating , by the consent of cousubstantials : for bodies , upon the touch of those things , which have good agreement with them , open themselves , and relax their pores . thirdly , imprinters are convoyes , and insi nuate into the parts , the consubstantials ; and the mixture of gentle astringents , doth somewhat restraine the perspiration . but then , in the 〈◊〉 place , followes that 〈◊〉 astriction , and closure up of the body , by 〈◊〉 ; and then afterward , by 〈◊〉 ; untill the supple be 〈◊〉 into solide ; as wee said in the proper place . canon xxvii . frequent renovation of the parts reparable , watereth and reneweth the lesse reparable also . the explication . we said in the preface to this history ; that the way of death , was this ; that the parts reparable , died in the fellowship of the parts lesse reparable ; so that in the reparation of these same lesse reparable parts , all our forces would bee employed . and therefore , being admonished by aristotles observation , touching plants ; namely ; that the putting forth of new shoots and branches , refresheth the body of the tree , in the passage ; wee conceive , the like reason might be ; if the flesh and bloud , in the body of man , were often renewed ; that thereby , the bones themselves , and membranes , and other parts , which in their owne nature , are lesse reparable ; partly by the cheerefull passage of the iuyees ; partly by that new clouthing of the young flesh and bloud ; might be watred and renewed . canon xxviii . refrigeration , or cooling of the body , which passeth some other wayes , then by the stomach , is usefull for long life . the explication . the reason is at hand ; for seeing a refrigeration , not temperate , but powerfull , ( especially of the bloud , ) is above all things , necessary to long life ; this can , by no means , be effected from within , as much as is requisite , without the destruction of the stomach and bowels . canon xxix . that intermixing , or entangling ; that as well consumption , as reparation , are the workes of heat , is the greatest obstacle to long life . the explication . almost all great workes are destroyed , by the natures of things , intermixed ; when as that , which helpeth in one respect , hurteth in another : therefore men must proceed herein , by a sound judgement , and a discreet practice : for our part , wee have done so , as farre as the matter will beare , and our memory serveth us ; by separating , benigne heats , from hurtfull ; and the remedies , which tend to both . canon xxx . curing of diseases is effected by temporary medicines ; but lengthening of life requireth observation of diets . the explication . those things , which come by accident , as soone as the causes are removed , cease againe ; but the continued course of nature , like a running river , requires a continuall rowing , and sayling against the streame . therefore , we must worke regularly , by diets . now diets are of two kindes ; set diets , which are to be observed at certaine times ; and familiar diet , which is to be admitted into our daily repast : but the set diets are the more potent : that is ; a course of medicines , for a time : for those things , which are of so great vertue , that they are able to turne nature backe againe ; are , for the most part , more strong , and more speedily altering , than those , which may , without danger , be received into a continual use . now in the remedies , set downe in our intentions ; you shall find only three set diets : the opiate diet ; the diet malacissant , or suppling ; and the diet emaciant , and renewing . but amongst those , which wee prescribed for familiar diet , and to be used daily , the most efficacious are these that follow : which also come not farre short of the vertue of set diets . nitre , and the subordinates to nitre ; the regiment of the affections , and course of our life ; 〈◊〉 which passe not by the stomach ; drinkes roscidating , or eng ndring oyly iuyces ; besprinkling of the bloud with some firmer matter , as pearles ; certaine woods ; competent vnctions , to keepe out the aire , and to keepe in the spirit ; heaters from without , during the assimilation after sleepe ; avoiding of those things , which enflame the spirit , and put it into an eager heat , as wine , and spices : lastly , a moderate and seasonable use of those things , which endue the spirits with a robust heat ; as saffron , cresses , garlick , elecampane , and compound opiates . canon xxxi . the living spirit is instantly extinguished , if it be deprived either of motion ; or of refrigeration ; or of aliment . the explication . namely , these are those three , which before we called the porches of death ; and they are the proper and immediate passiōs of the spirit . for all the organs of the principall parts , serve hereunto ; that these three offices be performed ; and againe , all destruction of the organs , which is deadly , brings the matter to this point , that one or more of these three faile . therefore , all other things are the divers wayes to death , but they end in these three . now the whole fabricke of the parts , is the organ of the spirit ; as the spirit is the 〈◊〉 of the reasonable soule ; which is incorporeous and divine . canon xxxii . flame is a momentany substance ; aire a fixed ; the living spirit , in creatures , is of a middle nature . the explication . this matter stands in need both of an higher indagation , and of a longer explication , than is pertinent to the present inquisition . meane while , we must know this ; that flame is almost every moment generated and extinguished ; so that it is continued onely by succession : 〈◊〉 aire is a fixed body , and is not dissolved ; for though aire begets new aire , out of watry moisture , yet notwithstanding the old aire still remaines ; whence commeth that super-oneration of the aire , where of we have spoken , in the title , de vent is : but spirit is participant of both natures ; both of flame and aire ; even as the nourishments thereof are ; aswell oyle , which is homogeneous to flame ; as water , which is homogeneous to aire : for the spirit is not 〈◊〉 , either of oyly alone , or of watry alone , but of both together ; and though aire doth not agree well with flame , nor oyle with water ; yet in a mixt body they agree well enough . also , the spirit hath from the aire , his easie and delicate impressions , and yeeldings ; and from the flame , his noble and potent motions and activities . in like manner , the duration of spirit , is a mixed thing ; being neither so momentany , as that of flame ; nor so fixed , as that of aire . and so much the rather it followeth not the condition of flame ; for that flame it selfe is extinguished by accident ; namely , by contraries , and enemies environing it ; but spirit is not subject to the like conditions and necessities . now the spirit is repaired , from the lively and floride bloud of the small arteries , which are inserted into the braine ; but this reparation is done by a peculiar manner , of which we speake not now . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a01454-e3470 to the i artic. notes for div a01454-e5830 to the 2 artic. notes for div a01454-e10390 to the 1. article . notes for div a01454-e13720 to the 4. artile . notes for div a01454-e14490 to the 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , and 11. article . notes for div a01454-e20790 to the 10. article . to the 12 , 13 , and 14. artic. notes for div a01454-e44020 to the 15. article . notes for div a01454-e48070 to the 16. article . the natural and experimental history of winds &c. written in latine by the right honourable francis lord verulam, viscount st. alban ; translated into english by r.g., gent. bacon, francis, 1561-1626. 1671 approx. 395 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 71 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2006-02 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a28284 wing b306 estc r31268 11870345 ocm 11870345 50115 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a28284) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 50115) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 996:24) the natural and experimental history of winds &c. written in latine by the right honourable francis lord verulam, viscount st. alban ; translated into english by r.g., gent. bacon, francis, 1561-1626. dugdale, william, sir, 1605-1686. brief discourse touching the office of lord chancellor of england. gentili, robert, 1590-1654? [10], 92, [12], 26 p. printed for anne moseley and tho. basset ..., london : 1671. "a brief discourse touching the office of lord chancellor of england ... by william dvgdale" has special t.p. and separate paging. includes index. imperfect: pages tightly bound. reproduction of original in the bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng winds -early works to 1800. great britain -officials and employees. 2005-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-09 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-11 andrew kuster sampled and proofread 2005-11 andrew kuster text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the natural and experimental history of winds , &c. written in latine by the right honourable francis lord verulam , viscount st alban . translated into english by r. g. gent. london , printed for anne moseley , and tho. basset at the george in fleet-street , 1671. to the most illustrious , and excellent prince , charles , son and heir to the high and mighty king james . i humbly present unto your highness the first fruits of our natural history ; a thing exceeding little in quantity , like a grain of mustard-seed , but yet a pledg of those things which god willing shall ensue . for we have bound our selves , as by a vow , every month that god shall of his goodness please ( whose glory it sets forth as it were in a new canticle or song ) to prolong our life , to set out one or more parts of it , according as their length and difficulty shall prove more or less . others may per adventure ( moved by our example ) be moved to the like industry ; especially when they shall clearly perceive what is in hand . for in a natural history which is good and well set out , are the keys both of sciences and works . god preserve your highness long in safety , your highness humble and devoted servant fran. st alban . the natural and experimental history for the making up of philosophy : or experiments of the universe : which is the third part of the instauratio magna . men are to be intreated , advised and adjured even by their fortunes , to submit their minds , and seek for knowledg in the greater world ; and likewise to cast away so much as the thought of philosophy , or at least to hope but for slender and small fruits thereof , until a diligent and approved natural and experimental history be acquired and made up : for what would these shallow brains of men , and these potent trifles have ? there were among the ancient numerous opinions of philosophers , as of pythagoras , philolaus , xenophanes , heraclitus , empedocles , parmenides , anaxagoras , leucippus , democritus , plato , aristotle , theophrastus , zeno , and others . all these made up arguments of worlds , as of fables , according to their own fancies , and recited and published those fables ; whereof some indeed were more handsome and probable , and some again most harsh . but in our ages , by means of colledges and schools disciplines , wits are somewhat more restrained ; yet have they not quite ceased : : patricius , telesius , brunus , severine the dane , gilbertus an englishman , and campanella did set foot upon the stage , and acted new fables , neither much applauded , nor of any elegant argument or subject . but do we wonder at these things ? as though such sects and opinions , might not in an infinite number arise in all ages ? for neither is there , nor ever will be any end or limit for these things . one snatches at one thing , another is pleased with another ; there is no dry nor clear sight of any thing , every one plays the philosopher out of the small treasures of his own fancy , as it were out of platos cave ; the more sublime wits more acutely , and with better success : the duller with less success but equal obstinacy : and not long since by the discipline of some learned ( and as things go now excellent ) men , sciences are bounded within the limits of some certain authors which they have set down , imposing them upon old men , and instilling them into young . so that now ( as tullie cavilled upon caesars consulship ) the star lyra or harpe riseth by an edict , and authority is taken for truth , not truth for authority . which kind of order , and discipline is very convenient for our present use ; but banisheth those which are better . for we both suffer for , and emulate our first parents sin . they desired to be like unto god , and their posterity much more : for we create new worlds , go before nature and command it . we must have all things to be so as may agree with our folly , not to divine wisdome , nor as they are found to be in themselves : neither can i say which we rest most , our wits , or the things themselves : but certainly we set the stamps and seals of our own images upon gods creatures , and works , and never carefully look upon and acknowledg the creators stamps . therefore we do not without cause again strive for the domination over the creatures . for whereas even after the fall of man , he had some kind of domination left him over reluctant creatures , that he might tame and subdue them by true and solid arts ; we have for the most part lost that also through our own insolencie , because we will be like unto god , and follow the dictates of our own reason . wherefore if there be any humility towards the creator , any reverence , and magnifying of his works , any charity in men , or care to release them out of their necessities and miseries , if there be any love of truth in natural things , hatred of darkness , and a desire of purifying the understanding , men are to be again and again desired , that casting off , or at least laying aside for a while , these flying and preposterous philosophies , which have set the theses before the hypopheses , or suppositions before solid grounds , have captivated experience , and triumphed over the works of god , they would humbly and with a certain reverence draw near and turn over the great volume of the creatures , stop and meditate upon it : and being cleansed and free from opinions , handle them choicely and entirely . this is the speech and language that went out into all the ends of the world , and suffered not in the confusion of babel . let men learn this , and becomming children again and infants , not scorn to take a. b. c. thereof in hand , and in finding and searching out the interpretation of it , let them spare no labour , but let them persist and go on , and even die in the quest of it . seeing therefore that in our instauration we have placed the natural history ( such as it is in order to our ends ) in the third part of the work : we have thought fit to prevent this thing , and fall upon it immediately . for although in our organon , there are many things of especial consequence to be finished , yet we think it fitting rather to promote or set forward the general work of instauration in many things , then to perfect it in a few , always desiring with extream fervency ( such as we are confident god puts in the minds of men ) to have that which was never yet attempted , not to be now attempted in vain . likewise there came this thought into my mind , namely , that there are questionless in europe many capable , free , sublimed , subtile , solid , constant wits ; and what if any one endued with such a wit , do betake himself to the use and manner of our organon , and approve of it ? yet hath he nothing to do nor knows not how to address himself to , or fit himself for philosophy . if it were a thing which might be effected by reading of philosophy books , disputation , or meditation ; that man ( whosoever it be ) might sufficiently , and abundantly perform it : but if we remit him ( as indeed we do ) to natural history , and experiments of arts , he is gravelled or sticks in the mire ; it is not his intention , he hath no time , nor will not be at the charge : yet we must not desire to have men cast off old things , before they have gotten new . but after a copious , and faithful history of nature and arts is gathered and digested , and as it were set , and laid open before mens eyes , there is no small hope that such great wits as we have before spoken of ( such as have been in ancient philosophers , and are at this day frequent enough ) having been heretofore of such efficacy , that they could out of corke or a little shell ( namely by thin and frivilous experience ) build certain little boats for philosophy , gallant enough for art and structure ; how much more gallant and solid structures will they make , when they have found a whole wood , and stuff enough : and that , though they had rather go on in the old way , then make use of our organons way which ( in our opinion ) is either the only , or the best way . so that the case stands thus : our organon ( though perfect ) could not profit much without the natural history ; but our natural history without the organon might much advance instauration , or renewing of sciences . wherefore we have thought it best and most advisedly to fall upon this before any thing else . god the maker , preserver , and renewer of the universe , guide and protect this work , both in its ascent to his own glory , and in its descent to the good of man , through his good-will towards man , by his only begotten son god with us . the rule of this present history . though we have set down towards the end of that part of our organon , which is come forth , precepts concerning the natural and experimental history : yet we have thought good to set down more exactly and brithly , the form and rule of this history which we now take in hand . to the titles comprehended in the catalogue , which belong to the concretes , we have added the titles of the abstract natures ; of which , as of a reserved history , we made mention in the same place . these are the various figurations of the matter , or forms of the first classis , simple motions , sums of motions , measures of motions , and some other things : of these we have made a new alphabet , and placed it at the end of this volume . we have taken titles ( being no way able to take them all ) not according to order , but by choice : those namely , the inquisition of which either for use was most of weight , or for abundance of experiments most convenient , or for the obscurity of the thing most difficult and noble , or by reason of the discrepancy of titles among themselves , most open to examples . in each title , after a kind of an entrance or preface , we presently propound certain particular topicks or articles of inquisition , as well to give light to the present inquisition , as to encourage a future . for we are masters of questions , but not of things ; yet we do not in the history precisely observe the order of questions , least that which is for an aid and assistance should prove a hinderance . the histories and experiments always hold the first place ; and if they set forth any enumeration , and series of particular things , they are made up in tables , or if other wise , they are taken up severally . seeing that histories and experiments do oftentimes fail us , especially those which give light , and instances of the cross , by which the understanding may be informed of the true causes of things , we give precepts of new experiments , as far as we can see them fitting in our mind , for that as is to be enquired : and these precepts are designed like histories . for what other means is left to us , who are the first that come into this way ? we unfold and make plain the manner of some experiments that are more quaint and subtile , that there may be no error , and that we may stir up others to find out better and more exact ways . we enterweave monitions and cautions of the fallacies of things , and of such errors , and scruples , as may be found in the inquiry , that all fancies , and as it were apparitions may be frighted away , as by an exorcisme or spell . we joyn thereunto our observations upon history and experiments , that the interpretation of the nature may be the readier . we interpose some comments , or as it were rudiments of the interpretations of causes , sparingly , and rather supposing what may be , than positively defining what is . we prescribe and set down rules , but moveable ones , and as it were inchoated axiomes which offer themselves unto us as we enquire , not as we decisorily pronounce , for they are profitable , though not altogether true . never forgetting the profit of man-kind ( though the light be more worthy than those things which be shewen by it ) we offer to mans attention and practise certain essays of practice , knowing that mens stupidity is such , and so unhappy , that sometimes they see not , and pass over things which lye just in their way . we set down works and things impossible , or at least which are not yet found out , as they fall under each title : and withal those vvhich are already found out , and are in mens povvers ; and vve added to those impossible , and not yet found out things , such as are next to them , and have most affinity vvith them , that vve may stir up , and vvithall incourage humane industry . it appears by the foresaid things , that this present history doth not only supply the place of the third part of the instauration , but also is not despicable preparation to the fourth , by reason of the titles out of the alphabet and topicks , and to the sixth , by reason of the larger observations , commentations , and rules . the titles of the histories and inquisitions destined for the first six months . the history of winds . the history of density , and rarity ; as likewise of coition and expansion of matter by spaces . the history of heavy and light. the history of the sympathy , and antipathy of things . the history of sulphur , mercury , and salt. the history of life and death . in this book are contained ; the natural and experimental history of winds . the natural and experimental history of the form of heat . of the several kinds of motion , or of the active vertue . the way to find out the causes of the ebbing and flowing of the sea. the entry into the history of winds . the winds gave wings to men ; for by their assistance men are carried up through the air and flye ; not through the air indeed , but upon the sea ; and a wide door is laid open to commerce , and the world is made previous . they are the besomes which sweep and make clean the earth , which is the seat and habitation of mankind , and they cleanse both it and the air : but they make the sea huriful , which otherwise is harmless , neither are they some other ways also , free from doing hurt : they are without help of man able to stir up great and zehement motions , and like hirelings serve both to sail and grind , and would be useful for many other things , if humane care were not wanting , their natures are reckoned amongst secret and bidden things . neither is that to be wondred at , seeing the nature and power of the air is unknown , whom the winds do serve and flatter , as eolus doth juno in the poets . they are not primary creatures , nor any of the six days works , no more than the rest of the meteors actually , but after born , by the order of the creation . particular topicks : or , articles of inquisition concerning the winds . the names of winds . describe or set down the winds according to the sea-mans industry ; and give them names either new or old , so that you keep your self constant to them . winds are either general or precise , either peculiar , or free . i call them general which always blow ; precise , those which blow at certain times : attendants or peculiar , those which blow most commonly : free winds , those which blow indifferently , or at any time . general winds . 2. whether there be any general winds , which are the very self motion of the air ; and if there be any such , in order to what motion , and in what places they blow ? precise , or fixed winds . 3. what winds are aniversary or yearly winds , returning by turns ; and in what countrys ? whether there be any wind so precisely fixed , that it returns regularly at certain days and hours , like unto the flowing of the sea ? attending or peculiar winds . 4. what winds are peculiar , and ordinary in countrys , which observe a certain time in the same countrys ; which are spring winds , and which are summer winds ; which autumnal , which brumal , which equinoctial , which solstitial ; which are belonging to the morning , which to noon , which to the evening , and which to the night . 5. what winds are sea winds , and what winds blow from the continent ? and mark and set down the differences of the sea and land winds carefully , as well of those which blow at land and sea , as of those which blow from land and sea. free winds . 6. whether winds do not blow from all parts of heaven ? winds do not vary much more in the parts of heaven from which they blow , than in their own qualities . some are vehement , some mild , some constant , some mutable ; some hot , some cold ; some moistning and dissolving ; some drying and astringent ; some gather clouds and are rainy , and peradventure stormy : some disperse the clouds , and are clear . divers qualities of winds . 7. enquire and give accompt , which are the winds of all the forenamed sorts or kinds , and how they vary according to the regions and places . there are three local beginnings of winds , either they are thrown and cast down from above , or they spring out of the earth , or they are made up of the very body of the air. local beginnings of winds . 8. according to these three beginnings enquire concerning winds : namely , which are thrown down , out of that which they call the middle region of the air ; which breath out of the concavities of the earth , whether they break out together ; or whether they breath out of the earth imperceiveably , and scattering , and afterwards gather together , like rivolets into a river . finally , which are scatteringly engendred from the swellings and dilatations of the neighbouring air ? neither are the generations of the winds , original only , for some there are also accidental , namely by the compressions or restraints of the air , and by the percussions and repercussions of it . accidental generations , and production of winds . 9. enquire concerning these accidental generations of winds : they are not properly generations of winds ; for they rather increase and strengthen winds , than produce and excite them . hitherto of the community of winds . there are also certain rare and prodigious winds , such as are called tempests , whirle-winds , and storms : these are above ground . there are likewise some that are subterraneal and under ground , whereof some vaporous and mercurial , they are perceiveable in mines : some are sulphurous , they are sent out , geting an issue by earthquakes , or do flame out of fiery mountains . extraordinary winds , and sudden blasts . 10. enquire concerning such rare and prodigious winds , and of all miraculous and wonderful things done by winds . from the several sorts of winds let the inquisition pass to those things which contribute towards the winds , ( for we will so express it , because the word efficient signifies more , and the word concomitant less than we mean ) and to those things which seem to raise , or to appease the winds . things contributing , or making for the winds , and raising , and appeasing them . 11. enquire sparingly concerning astrological considerations of winds , neither care thou for the over-curious schemes of the heaven , only do not neglect the more manifest observations of winds rising , about the rising of some stars , or about the eclipses of the luminaries , or conjunctions of planets ; nor much less on those which depend on the courses of the sun and moon . 12. what meteors of several sorts do contribute or make for winds , what the earth-quakes , what rain , what the skirmishing of winds one with another ? for these things are linked together , and one draws on the other . 13. what the diversity of vapours and exhalations contributes towards the winds ? and which of them do most engender winds ; and how far the nature of winds doth follow these its materials . 14. what those things which are here upon the earth , or are there done do contribute towards the winds ; what the hills and the dissolutions of snow upon them ; what those masses of ice which swim upon the sea , and are carried to some place ; what the differences of soil and land ( so it be of some large extent ; ) what ponds , sands , woods , and champion ground ; what those things which we men do here , as burning of heath , and the like , doth contribute to the manuring of land , the firing of towns in time of war , the drying up of ponds and lakes ; the continual shooting off of guns , the ringing of many bells together in great cities , and the like ? these things and acts of ours are but as small straws , yet something they may do . 15. enquire concerning all manner of raisings , or allayings of winds , but be sparing in fabulous and superstitious causes . from those things which make for the winds , let the inquisition proceed to enquire of the bounds of the winds , of their height , extention , and continuance . the bounds of winds . 16. enquire carefully of the height , or elevation of winds , and whether there be any tops of mountains to which the winds do not reach ; or whether clouds may be seen sometimes to stand still , and not move , when the winds at the same time blow strongly upon the earth . 17. enquire diligently of the spaces or rooms which the winds take up at once , and within what bounds they blew ? as for example , if the south wind blew in such a place , whether it be known certainly , that at the same time the north wind blew ten miles off ? and contrariwise into how narrow and straight bounds the winds may be reduced , so that winds may pass as it were through channels ; which seems to be done in some whirlwinds . 18. enquire for how long time , very much , ordinary , or little time winds use to continue , and then slack , and as it were expire and die . likewise how the rising and beginning of winds useth to be ; what their languishing or cessation is , whether suddenly , or by degrees , or how ? from the bounds of the winds let your inquisition pass over to the successions of winds , either amongst themselves , or in respect of rain and showrs ; for when they lead their rings it were pretty to know the order of their dancing . successions of winds . 19. whether there be any more certain rule or observation concerning the successions of winds one to another , or whether it have any relation to the motion of the sun , or otherwise : if it have any , what manner of one it is ? 20. enquire concerning the succession and the alteration , or taking turns of the winds , and rain , seeing it is ordinarily , and often seen , that rain lays the wind , and the wind doth disperse the rain . 21. whether after a certain term and period of years , the succession of winds begin anew ; and if it be so , what that period is , and how long ? from the succession of the winds , let the inquisition pass to their motions : and the motions of winds are comprehended in seven inquisitions ; whereof three are contained in the former articles , four remain as yet untouched . for we have enquired of the motion of winds divided into the several regions of the heaven ; also of the motion upon three lines , upward , downward , and laterally : likewise of the accidental motion of compressions or restraints . there remain the fourth of progressions or going forward : the fifth of undulation , or waving : the sixth of conflict or skirmish : the seventh in humane instruments and engines . divers motions of the winds . 22. seeing progression is always from some certain place or bound ; enquire diligently , or as well as thou canst concerning the place of the first beginning , and as it were the spring of any wind . for winds seem to be like unto fame , for though they make a noise and run up and down , yet they hide their heads amongst the clouds : so is their progress ; as for example , if the vehement northern wind which blew at york such a day , do blow at london two days after . 23. omit not the inquisition of undulation of winds . we call undulation of winds that motion by which the wind in or for a little space of time rises and abates , as the waves of the water ; which turns may easily be apprehended by the hearing of them in houses : and you must so much the rather mark the differences of undulation , or of furrowing between the water and the air , because in the air and winds , there wants the motion of gravity or weight , which is a great part of the cause of the waves rising in the water . 24. enquire carefully concerning the conflict , and meeting of winds , which blow at one and the same time : first , whether at the same time there blow several original winds ? ( for we do not speak of reverberated winds ) which if it comes to pass , what windings they engender and bring forth in their motion , and also what condensations , and alterations they produce in the body of the air ? 25. whether one wind blow above at the same time , as another blows here below with us ? for it hath been observed by some , that sometimes the clouds are carried one way , when the weather-cock upon a steeple stands another . also that the clouds have been driven by a strong gale , when we here below have had a great calm . 26. make an exact particular description of the motion of the winds , in driving on ships with their sails . 27. let there be a description made of the motion of the winds in the sails of ships , and the sails of wind-mills , in the flight of hawks and birds ; also in things that are ordinary , and for sport , as of displayed colours , flying dragons , duels with winds , &c. from the motions of winds , let the inquisition pass to the force and power of them . of the power of winds . 28. what winds do , or can do concerning currents or tides of waters , in their keepings back , puttings forth , or inlets and overflowings . 29. what they do concerning plants and insects , bringing in of locusts , blastings , and mill-dews . 30. what they effect concerning purging or clearing , and infecting of the air , in plagues , sicknesses , and diseases of beasts . 31. what they effect concerning the conveying to us things ( which we call ) spiritual , as sounds , rayes , and the like . from the powers of winds let the inquisition pass to the prognosticks of winds , not only for the use of predictions , but because they lead us on to the causes : for prognosticks do either shew us the preparations of things , before they be brought into action ; or the beginnings before they appear to the sense . prognosticks of winds . 32. let all manner of good prognosticks of winds be carefully gathered together ( besides astrological ones , of which we set down formerly , how far they are to be enquired after ) and let them either be taken out of meteors , or waters , or instincts of beasts , or any other way . lastly , close up the inquisition , with enquiring after the imitations of winds , either in natural or artificial things . imitations of winds . 33. enquire of the imitations of winds in natural things ; such as breaths inclosed within the bodies of living creatures , and breaths within the receptacles of distilling vessels . enquire concerning made gales , and artificial winds , as bellows , refrigeratories , or coolers in parlours , or dining rooms , &c. let the heads or articles be such : neither is it unknown to me that it will be impossible to answer to some of these according to the small quantity of experience that we have : but as in civil causes , a good lawyer knows what interrogatories the cause requires to have witnesses examined upon ; but what the witnesses can answer he knows not . the same thing is incident to us in natural history . let those who come after us endeavour for the rest . the history . the names of winds . to the first article . we give names to winds , rather as they are numbred in their order and degrees , than by their own antiquity , this we do for memories and perspicuities sake . but we adde the old words also , because of the assenting voices or opinions of old authors , of which having taken ( though with somewhat a doubtful judgment ) many things , they will hardly be known , but under such names as themselves have used . let the general division be this : let cardinal winds be those which blow from corners or angles of the world : semicardinal , those which blow in the half-wards of those ; and median winds those which blow between these half-wards : likewise of those which blow betwixt these half-wards , let those be called major medians , which blow in a quadrant or fourth part of these divisions : the lesser medians are all the rest . now the particular division is that which follows . cardinal . north. north and by east . med. maj. north , north-east , or aquilo . north east and by north , or meses . semi-card . north east . north east and by east . med. maj. east north east , or caecias . east and by north. cardinal . east , or subsolanus . east by south . med. maj. east south east , or vulturnus . south east & by east . semi-card . south east . south east and by south . med. maj. south south east , or phaenicias . south and by east . cardinal . south . south & by west . med. maj. south south west , or libonotus . south west and by south . semi card. south west , or libs . south west and by west . med. maj. west south west , or africus . west and by south . cardinal . west , or favonius . west and by north. med. maj. west north west , or corus . north west and by west . semi card. north west . north west and by north , or thrascias . med. maj. north north west , or circius . north and by west . there are also other names of winds . apeliotes the east wind , argestes , the south west , olympias , the north west , scyron , the south east , hellespontius , the east north east , for these we care not . let it suffice , that we have given constant and fixed names of winds , according to the order and disposition of the regions of the heavens : we do not set much by the comments of authors ; since the authors themselves have little in them . free winds . to the sixth article . 1 there is not a region of the heaven from whence the wind doth not blow . yea , if you divide the heaven into as many regions as there be degrees in the horizon , you shall find winds sometimes blowing from every one of them . 2. there are some whole countries , where it never rains , or at least very seldom ; but there is no country where the wind doth not blow , and that frequently . general winds . to the second article . 1. concerning general winds experiments are plain , and it is no marvel , seeing that ( especially within the tropicks ) we may find places condemned among the ancients . it is certain , that to those who sail between the tropicks , in a free and open sea , there blows a constant and setled wind ( which the seamen call a breeze ) from east to west . this wind is not of so little force , but that partly by its own blowing , and partly by its guiding the current of the sea , it hindreth sea-men from coming back again the same way they went to peru. 2. in our seas in europe , when it is fair dry weather , and no particular winds stirring , there blows a soft kind of gale from the east , which followeth the sun. 3. our common observations do admit that the higher clouds are for the most part carried from east to west ; and that it 's so likewise when here below upon the earth either there is a great calm , or a contrary wind ; and if they do not so always , it is because sometimes particular winds blow aloft , which overwhelm this general wind . a caution . if there be any such general wind , in order to the motion of the heaven , it is not so firm nor strong , but that it gives way to particular winds . but it appears most plainly amongst the tropicks , by reason of the larger circles which it makes : and likewise it is so when it blows on high , for the same cause , and by reason of its free course . wherefore if you will take it without the tropicks , and near the earth , ( where it blows most gently and slowly ) make trial of it in an open and free air , in an extream calm , and in high places , and in a body which is very moveable , and in the after-noon ; for at that time the particular eastern wind blows more sparingly . injunction . observe diligently the vains and weather-cocks upon the tops and towers of churches , whether in extream calms they stand continually towards the west or not . an indirect experiment . 4. it is certain , that here with us in europe , the eastern wind is drying and sharp : the west wind contrariwise moist and nourishing . may not this be by reason that ( it being granted , that the air moves from east to west ) it must of necessity be that the east wind , whose blast goeth the same way , must needs disperse and attenuate the air , whereby the air is made biting and dry ; but the western wind which blows the contrary way , turns the airs back upon it self , and thickens it , whereby it becomes more dull , and at length moist . an indirect experiment . 5. consider the inquisition of the motion , and flowing of waters , whether they move from east to west ; for if the two extreams heaven and waters delight in this motion , the air which is in the midst will go near to participate of the same . caution . we call the two last experiments indirect , because they do directly shew the thing which we aim at , but by consequence , which we also gladly admit of when we want direct experiments . injunction . that the breeze blows plentifully between the tropicks , is most certain ; the cause is very ambiguous . the cause may be , because the air moves according to the heaven : but without the tropicks almost unperceiveably , by reason of the smaller circles which it makes within the tropicks manifestly , because it makes bigger circles . another cause may be , because all kind of heat dilates and extends the air , and doth not suffer it to be contained in its former place ; and by the dilation of the air , there must needs be an impulsion of the contiguous air , which produceth this breeze , as the sun goes forward : and that is more evident within the tropicks , where the sun is more scorching , without it is hardly perceived . and this seems to be an instance of the cross , or a decisory instance . to clear this doubt you may enquire , whether the breeze blow in the night or no ; for the wheeling of the air continues also in the night , but the heat of the sun does not . 6. but it is most certain that the breeze doth not blow in the night , but in the morning , and when the morning is pretty well spent ; yet that instance doth not determine the question : whether the nightly condensation of the air , ( especially in those countrys where the days and nights are not more equal in their length than they are differing in their heat and cold ) may dull and confound that natural motion of the air , which is but weak . if the air participates of the motion of the heaven , it does not only follow , that the east wind concurs with the motion of the air , and the west wind strives against it ; but also that the north wind blows as it were from above , and the south wind as from below here in our hemisphere , where the antartick pole is under ground , and the artick pole is elevated ; which hath likewise been observed by the ancients , though staggeringly and obscurely : but it agrees very well with our modern experience ; because the breeze ( which may be a motion of the air ) is not a full east , but a north-east wind . stayed or certain winds . to the third article . connexion . as in the inquisition of general winds , men have suffered and been in darkness , so they have been troubled with a vertigo or giddiness concerning staid and certain winds . of the former they say nothing , of the latter , they talk up and down and at random . this is the more pardonable , the thing being various : for these stayed winds do change and alter according to the places where they be : the same do not blow in egypt , greece , and italy . 1. that there are stayed winds in some places , the very name that is given them doth declare it , as the other name of etesiaes means anniversary or yearly winds . 2. the ancients attributed the cause of the over-flowing of nilus to the blowing of the etesian ( that is to say northern ) winds at that time of the year which did hinder the river's running into the sea , and turned the stream of it back . 3. there are currents in the sea , which can neither be attributed to the natural motion of the ocean , nor to the running down from higher places , nor the straightness of the opposite shoars , or to promontories running out into the sea , but are meerly guided and governed by these stayed winds . 4. those who will not have columbus to have conceived such a strong opinion concerning the west-indies by the relation of a spanish pilot , and much less believe that he might gather it out of some obscure foot-steps of the ancients have this refuge ; that he might conjecture there was some continent in the west by the certain and stayed winds which blew from them towards the shoars of lusitania , or portugal . a doubtful , and not very probable thing ; seeing that the voyage of winds will hardly reach so large a distance . in the mean time there is great honour due to this inquisition , if the finding of this new world be due to one of those axioms or observations , whereof it comprehends many . 5. wheresoever are high and snowy mountains , from thence blow stayed winds , until that time as the snow be melted away . 6. i believe also that from great pools which are full of water in the winter , there blows stayed winds in those seasons , when as they begin to dry up with the heat of the sun. but of this i have no certainty . 7. wheresoever vapours are engendred in abundance , and that at certain times , be sure that stayed winds will blow there at the same times . 8. if stayed and certain winds blow any where , and the cause cannot be found near at hand , assure your self that those certain winds are strangers , and come from far . 9. it hath been observed , that stayed winds do not blow in the night time , but do rise about three hours after sun-rising . surely such winds are tired as it were with a long journy , that they can scarcely break through the thickness of the night air , but being stirred up again by the rising of the sun , they go forward by little and little . 10. all stayed winds ( unless they blow from some neighbouring places ) are weak , and yield unto sudden winds . 11. there are many stayed winds which are not perceivable , and which we do not observe , by reason of their weakness , whereby they are overthrown by the freewinds . wherefore in the winter they are hardly taken notice of , when the free winds wander most : but are more observeable in the summer , when those wandring winds grow weak . 12. in europe these are the chief stayed winds , northwinds from the solstice , and they are both fore-runners and followers of the dog-star . west-winds from the equinoctial in autumn , eastwinds from the spring equinoctial ; as for the winter solstice , there is little heed to be taken of it , by reason of the varieties . 13. the winds called ornithii or bird winds , had that name given them , because they bring birds out of cold regions beyond the sea , into warm climates ; and they belong not to stayed winds , because they for the most part keep no punctual time : and the birds they for the convenience of them , whether they come sooner or later : and many times when they have begun to blow a little , and turn , the birds being forsaken by it , are drowned in the sea , and sometimes fall into ships . 14. the returns of these certain or stayed winds are not so precise at a day or an hour , as the flowing of the sea is . some authors do set down a day , but it is rather by conjecture than any constant observation . customary or attending winds . of the fourth and fifth articles . connexion . the word of attending winds is ours , and we thought good to give it , that the observation concerning them be not lost , nor confounded . the meaning is this , divide the year if you please ( in what country soever you be ) into three , four , or five parts , and if any one certain wind blow , then two , three , or four of those parts , and a contrary wind but one ; we call that wind which blows most frequently , the customary , or attending wind of that country , and likewise of the times . 1. the south and northwinds are attendants of the world , for they with those which are within their sections or divisions , blow oftner over all the world , than either the east or the west . 2. all free winds ( not the customary ) are more attendant in the winter than in the summer ; but most of all in the autumn and spring . 3. all free winds are attendants rather in the countries without the tropicks , and about the polar circles , than within : for in frozen and in torrid countrys , for the most part they blow more sparingly , in the middle regions they are more frequent . 4. also all free winds , especially the strongest and most forcible of them , do blow oftner and more strongly , morning and evening , than at noon and night . 5. free winds blow frequently in hollow places , and where there be caves , than in solid and firm ground . injunction . humane diligence hath almost ceased and stood still in the observation of attending winds in particular places , which notwithstanding should not have been , that observation being profitable for many things . i remember i asked a certain merchant , ( a wise and discreet man ) who had made a plantation in greenland , and had wintred there , why that country was so extream cold , seeing it stood in a reasonable temperate climate . he said , it was not so great as it was reported ; but that the cause was twofold : one was , that the masses and heaps of ice , which came out of the scithian sea were carried thither . the other , ( which he also thought to be the better reason ) was , because the west wind there blows many parts of the year , more than the east wind ; as also , ( said he ) it doth with us ; but there it blows from the continent , and cold , but with us from the sea and warmish . and ( said he ) if the east wind should blow here in england so often & constantly as the westwind does there , we should have far colder weather , even equal to that as is there . 6. the west-winds are attendants of the pomeridian or afternoon hours : for towards the declining of the sun , the winds blow oftner from the east , then from the west . 7. the south-wind is attendant on the night ; for it rises and blows more strongly in the night , and the north-wind in the day time . 8. but there are many and great differences between winds which are attendant on the sea , and those which are attendant upon the land . that is one of the chief which gave columbus occasion to find out the new world ; namely , that sea-winds are not stayed , but land winds are : for the sea abounding in vapors , which are indifferently every where winds are also engendred indifferently every where , and with great inconstancy are carryed here and there , having no certain beginnings nor sources . but the earth is much unlike for the the begetting of winds : some places are more efficacious to engender and increase winds , some less : wherefore they stand most from that part where they have their nourishment , and take their rise from thence . 9. acosta is unconstant in his own position . he saith that at peru , and the sea coasts of the south sea , south winds do blow almost the whole year : and he saith in another place , that upon those coasts sea winds do blow chiefliest . but the south wind to them is a land wind , as likewise the north and east wind also , and the west-wind is their only sea wind : we must take that which he sets down more certainly ; namely , that the south-wind is an attending and familiar wind of those countries : unless peradventure in the name of the south sea he hath corrupted his meaning , or his speech , meaning the west by the south , which blows from the south-sea . but the sea which they call the south-sea , is not properly the south-sea ; but as a second western ocean , being-stretched out in the like situation as the atlantick sea is . 10. sea winds are questionless more moist than land winds , but yet they are more pure , and will easilier , and with more equality be incorporated with the pure air. for terrestrial winds are ill composed , and smoaky . neither let any one object , that they ought to be grosser by reason of the saltness of the sea. for the nature of terrestrial salt doth not rise in vapours . sea winds are luke-warm or cold , by reason of the two foresaid qualities , humidity and pureness . for by humidity they mitigate the colds ( for driness increaseth both heat and cold ) and with their pureness they cool . therefore without the tropicks they are luke-warm , within the tropicks they are cold . 12. i believe that sea winds are every where attendant upon particular countries , especially such as stand upon the sea coasts : that is to say , winds blow more frequently from that side where the sea is , by reason of the greater plenty of matter which winds have in the sea , than in the land ; unless there be some firm wind blowing from the land , for some peculiar reason . but let no man confound firm or stayed winds , with attendant winds : the attendants being always more frequent ; but the staid ones for the most part blowing more seldom : but that is common to them both , namely , to blow from that place from which they receive their nourishment . 13. sea winds are commonly more vehement than land winds : yet when they cease , the sea is calmer from the shoars than near unto them ; insomuch , that mariners to avoid calms , will sometimes coast along the shoar , rather than lanch into the deep . 14. winds which are called tropei , that is to say , retorted , namely , such as when they have blown a little way , suddenly turn again , such winds i say blow from the sea towards the shoar : but retorted winds , and whirlwinds are most commonly in gulfs of seas . 15. some small gales blow for the most part about all great waters , and they are most felt in a morning ; but more about rivers than at sea , because of the difference which is between a land-gale , and a watergale . 16. in places which are near the sea trees bow and bend , as shunning the sea air : but that comes not through any averseness in them : but sea winds by reason of their humidity and thickness , are as it were more heavy and ponderous . the qualities and powers of winds . to the 7 , 28 , 29 , 30 , 31 articles . connexion : concerning the qualities and powers of winds men have made careless and various observations : we will cull out the most certain , and the rest , as too light , we will leave to the winds themselves . 1. with us the south wind is rainy , and the northern wind clear and fair , the one gathers together and nourishes the clouds ; the other scatters and casts them off . wherefore the poets when they speak of the deluge , feign the northern wind at that time to be shut up in prison , and the south wind to be sent out with very large commission . 2. the west wind hath with us been held to be the wind which blew in the golden age , the companion of a perpetual spring , and a cherisher of flowers . 3. paracelsus his schollars , when they sought for a place for their three principles in juno's temple also , which is the air , placed three , but found no place for the east-wind . they mercury ascribe to the south-winds , to the rich western blasts the sulphure mines , and rugged boreas blasts the sad salt finds . 4. but with us in england the east wind is thought to be mischievous , so that it goes for a proverb , that when the wind is in the east , 't is neither good for man nor beast . 5. the south wind blows from the presence of the sun , the north from the absence in our hemispere . the east wind in order to the motion of the air : the west wind from the sea , the east wind from the continent most commonly in europe and the western parts of asia . these are the most radical and essential differences of winds ; from which truly and really depend most of the qualities and powers of the winds . 6. the south wind is not so anniversary , or yearly , nor so stayed as the northern wind is , but more wandring and free : and when it is stayed , it is so soft and mild that it can scarcely be perceived . 7. the south wind is lower , and more lateral and blowing of one side ; the northern wind is higher and blows from above : we do not mean the polar elevation and depression of which we have spoken formerly ; but because the north wind for the most part hath its beginnings higher , and the south wind for the most part nearer to us . 8. the south wind to us is rain ( as we said before ) but in africk it causes clear weather , but bringing great heat along with it , and not cold , as some have affirmed . in africk it is pretty healthful , but to us , if the south wind last long with fair weather , and without rain , it is very pestilent . 9. the south winds and west winds do not engender vapours , but they blow from those coasts where there is great store of them , by reason of the encrease of the suns heat , which draws forth the vapours , and therefore they are rainy . but if they blow from dry places , which have no vapours in them , they are fair . but notwithstanding sometimes they are pure , and sometimes turbulent . 10. the south and west wind here with us , seem to be confederate , and are warm and moist , and on the other side the north and east winds , have some affinity between them , being cold and dry . 11. the north and south winds ( whereof we have also spoken before ) do blow oftner than the east and west winds , because there is a great inequality of vapours in those parts , by reason of the absence and presence of the sun , but to the east and to the west the sun is as it were indifferent . 12. the south wind is very healthful , when it comes from the sea , but when it blows from the continent it is more unhealthful ; and so contrariwise the north wind is suspicious , blowing from the sea , from the continent it is healthful . likewise the south sea wind is very agreeable with plants and fruits , killing their cankers , or rusts and other hurtful annoiances . 13. a gentle south wind doth assemble and gather together clouds much , especially if it continue but a short while : but if it blow too boisterously , or long , it clouds the skie , and brings in rain . but especially when it ceases or grows remiss , more than in its beginning , and when it is in its chiefest vigor . 14. when the south wind either begins to blow , or ceases for the most there are changes of weather , from fair to cloudy , and from hot to cold , and contrariwise . the north wind many times rises and ceases , the former weather remaining and continuing . 15. after hoary frosts and long continued snow , there scarcely blows any other wind than a south wind , there being as it were a concoction , or digestion made of cold , which then at last dissolves : neither doth rain also follow ; but this likewise happens in changes , or intervals of fair weather . 16. the south wind rises oftner , and blows stronger in the night than in the day , especially in winter nights . but the north wind if it rise in the night ( which is contrary to its custom ) it doth usually last above three days . 17. when the south wind blows the waves swell higher than when the north wind blows , though it blow with an equal or lesser force . 18. the south wind blowing , the sea becomes blew , and more bright than when the north wind blows , which causes it to look darker and blacker . 19. when the air becomes warmer on a sudden , it sometimes betokens rain : and again at other times , when on a sudden it grows , colder it likewise betokens rain . but this happens according to the nature of the winds : for if the air grow warm , whilst the south or east wind blows , there is rain at hand ; and likewise when it grows cold during the northern or western blasts . 20. the south wind blows for the most part entire , and alone . but the north wind blowing , especially the east north-east , or the north-west often times contrary and various , or divers winds blow together , whereby they are broken and disturbed . 21. beware a northern wind when you sow seed , neither would i wish any one to inoculate or graft in a southern wind . 22. leaves fall from trees soonest on the south side , but vine sprouts or stalks bud forth , and grow most that way . 23. in large pasture shepherds must take care ( as pliny saith ) to bring their flocks to the north side , that they may feed against the south . for if they feed towards the north , they grow lame and bleereyed , and distempered in their bellies . the northern wind also doth so weaken their coupling , that if they couple looking that way , they will for the most part bring forth ewe-lambs . but pliny doth not stand very stifly to this opinion , having as it were but taken it up upon trust , and borrowed it . 24. winds are hurtful to wheat and all manner of grain at three times : namely , at the opening and at the falling of the flower , and when the grain it self is ripe , for then they blow the corn out of the ear , and at the other two times either they blast the flower , or blow it off . 25. while the south wind blows mens breath grow ranker , all creatures appetites decay , pestilent diseases reign , men wax more slow and dull . but when the wind is northwardly , men are more lively , healthful , and greedy after food . yet the northern wind is hurtful for them that are troubled with the phthisick , cough , gout , or any other sharp defluxions . 26. an east wind is dry , piercing , and mortifying . the west wind moist , meek and nourishing . 27. if the east wind blow when the spring is any thing forward , it is hurtful to fruits , bringing in of worms and caterpillars , so that the leaves are hardly spared : neither is it very good to grain . contrariwise , the west wind is very propitious and friendly to herbs , flowers , and all manner of vegitables . and so is the east wind too about the autumnal equinoctial . 28. western winds are more vehement than eastern winds , and bow and bend trees more . 29. rainy weather which begins when the east wind blows , doth last longer than that which begins when a west wind blows , and may peradventure hold out for a whole day . 30. the east and north wind , when they once begin to blow , blow more constantly ; the south and west wind are more mutable . 31. in an eastern wind all visible things do appear bigger ; but in a western wind all audible things are heard further , as sounds of bells , and the like . 32. the east , north-east wind draws clouds to it . it is a proverb amongst the greeks to compare it to usurers , who by laying out mony do swallow it up : it is a vehement and large wind , which cannot remove clouds so fast , as they will turn back and press upon it . which is likewise seen in great fires , which grow stronger against the wind . 33. cardinal or semi-cardinal winds are not so stormy as the median . 34. median winds from north to north-east are more fair , from north-east to east more stormy . likewise from east to south-east more fair , from south-east to south more stormy . likewise from south to south-west more fair , from south-west to west more stormy . likewise from west to north-west more fair ; from north-west to north more stormy . so that proceeding according to the order of the heavens , the median winds of the first half-ward are always disposed to fair weather ; those of the latter half-ward to storms and tempests . 35. thunders and lightnings , and storms , with falling of broken clouds are , when cold winds as participate of the north do blow , as the north-west , north , north-west , north north-east , north-east , and east north-east . wherefore those thunders likely are accompanied with hail . 36. likewise snowy winds come from the north , but it is from those median winds which are not stormy , as the north-west , and north-east and by north. 37. winds gain their natures and properties five wayes onely : either by the absence or presence of the sun ; or by agreeing or disagreeing with the natural motion of the air ; or by the diversity of the matter which feedeth them , by which they are engendred ; as sea , snow , marishes , or the like : or by the tincture of the countrys through which they pass : or by their original local beginnings : on high , under ground , in the middle ; all which things the ensuing articles will better declare and explain . 38. all winds have a power to dry , yea more than the sun it self , because the sun draws out the vapours ; but if it be not very fervent , it doth not disperse them : but the wind both draws them out , and carries them away . but the south wind doth this least of any ; and both timber and stones sweat more when the south wind blows a little , than when it is calm and lies still . 39. march winds are far more drying than summer winds : insomuch that such as make musical instruments will stay for march winds to dry their stuff they make their instruments of , to make it more porous , and better sounding . 40. all manner of winds purge the air , and cleanse it from all putrifaction , so that such years as are most windy , are most healthful . 41. the sun is like to princes , who sometimes having appointed deputies in some remote countries , the subjects there are more obsequious to those deputies , and yield them more respect than to the prince himself . and so the winds which have their power and origine from the sun , do govern the temperatures of the countries , and the disposition of the air as much or more than the sun it self . insomuch that peru ( which by reason of the nearness of the ocean , the vastness of rivers , and exceeding great and high hills , hath abundance of winds and blasts blowing there ) may contend with europe for a temperate and sweet air . 42. it is no wonder if the force and power of winds be so great , as it is found to be ; vehement winds being as inundations , torrents , and flowings of the spacious air , neither ( if we attentively heed it ) is their power any great matter . they can throw down trees , which with their tops , like unto spread sails , give them advantage to do it , and are a burden to themselves : likewise they can blow down weak buildings ; strong and firm ones they cannot without earthquakes join with them . sometimes they will blow all the snow off the tops of hills , buryng the valley that is below them with it ; as it befel soliman in the sultanian fields . they will also sometimes drive in waters , and cause great inundations . 43. sometimes winds will dry up rivers , and leave the channels bare . for if after a great drought a strong wind blows with the current for many days , so that it as it were sweeps away the water of the river into the sea , and keeps the sea water from coming in , the river will dry up in many places where it doth uot use to be so . monition . turn the poles , and withal turn the observations as concerning the north and south . for the presence and absence of the sun being the cause , it must vary according to the poles . but this may be a constant thing , that there is more sea towards the south , and more land towards the north , which doth not a little help the winds . monition . winds are made , or engendred a thousand ways , as by the subsequent inquisition it will appear ; so to fix that observations in a thing so various is not very easie . yet those things which we have set down , are for the most part , most certain . local beginnings of winds . to the eighth article . connexion . to know the local beginnings of winds , is a thing which requires a deep search and inquisition , seeing that the whence and whither of winds , are things noted even in scripture to be abstruse and hidden . neither do we now speak of the fountains or beginnings of particular winds , ( of which more shall be said hereafter ) but of the matrixes of winds in general . some fetch them from above , some search for them in the deep : but in the middle ( where they are for the most part engendred ) no body hardly looks for them : such is the custom of men to enquire after things which are obscure , and omit those things which lie , as it were , in their way . this is certain that winds are either in-bred , or strangers . for winds are as it were merchants of vapors , which being by them gathered into clouds , they carry out , and bring in again into countreys , from whence winds are again returned as it were by exchange . but let us now enquire concerning native winds , for those which coming from another place are strangers , are in another place natives . there are three local beginnings of them ; they either breath or spring out of the ground , or are cast down from above , or are here made up in the body of the air. those which are cast down from above , are of a double generation : for they are either cast down before they be formed into clouds , or afterwards composed of rarified and dispersed clouds . let us now see what is the history of these things . 1. the poets feigned eolus his kingdom to be placed under ground in dens and caves , where the winds prison was , out of which they were at times let forth . 2. some philosophical divines moved by those words of scripture , he brings forth the winds out of his treasures , think that the winds come out of some treasuries ; namely , places under ground amongst the mines of minerals . but this is nothing : for the scripture speaketh likewise of the treasures of snow and hail , which doubtless are engendred above . 3. questionless in subterraneal places there is great store of air , which it is very likely sometimes breaths out by little and little , and sometimes again upon urgent causes , must needs come rushing forth together . an indirect experiment . in great droughts , and in the middle of summer , when the ground is cleft and chopped , there breaks out water many times in dry and sandy places . which if waters ( being a gross body ) do , though it be but seldom , it is probable that the air ( which is a subtile and tenuous body ) may often do it . 4. if the air breaths out of the earth by little and little , and scatteringly , it is little perceived at the first ; but when many of those small emanations or comings out are come together , there is a wind produced , as a river out of several springs . and this seems to be so , because it hath been observed by the ancients , that many winds in those places where they begin , do at first blow but softly , which afterward grow stronger and increase in their progress like unto rivers . 5. there are some places in the sea , and some lakes also which swell extreamly when there is no wind stirring ; which apparently proceeds from some subterraneal wind . 6. there is great quantity of subterraneal spirit required to shake or cleave the earth ; less will serve turn for the raising of water . wherefore earthquakes come but seldom , risings and swellings of waters are more frequent . 7. likewise it is every where taken notice of that waters do somewhat swell and rise before tempests . 8. the weak subterraneal spirit which is breathed out scatteringly , is not perceived upon the earth , until it be gathered into wind , by reason the earth is full of pores ; but when it issues from under the water , it is presently perceived ( by reason of the waters continuity ) by some manner swelling . 9. we resolved before that in cavernous and denny places there were attendant winds ; insomuch that those winds seem to have their local beginnings out of the earth . 10. in great and rocky hills winds are found to breath sooner , ( namely before they be perceived in the valleys ) and more frequently , ( namely when it is calm weather in the valleys , ) but all mountains and rocks are cavernous and hollow . 11. in wales , in the county of denbigh , a mountainous and rocky country , out of certain caves ( as gilbertus relateth ) are such vehement eruptions of wind , that cloaths or linnen laid out there upon any occasion , are blown up , and carried a great way up into the air . 12. in aber barry near severn in wales in a rocky cliff , are certain holes , to which if you lay your ear , you shall hear divers sounds and murmurs of winds under ground . an indirect experiment . acosta hath observed that the towns of plata and potosa , in peru are not far distant one from the other , and both situated upon a high and hilly ground , so that they differ not in that . and yet potosa hath a cold and winter-like air ; and plata hath a mild and spring-like témperature ; which difference it seems may be attributed to the silver mines which are near potosa : which sheweth that there are breathing places of the earth , as in relation to hot and cold . 13. if the earth be the first cold thing , according to parmenides , ( whose opinion is not contemptible , seeing cold and density are knit together by a strict knot ) it is no less probable that there are hotter breaths sent out from the central cold of the earth , than are cast down from the cold of the higher air . 14. there are certain wells in dalmatia , and the country of cyrene ( as some of the ancients record ) into which if you cast a stone , there will presently arise tempests , as if the stone had broken some covering of a place , in which the force of the winds was inclosed . an indirect experiment . aetna , and divers other mountains cast out fire : therefore it is likely that air may likewise break forth , especially being dilatated and set into motion , by heat in subterraneal places . 15. it hath been noted , that both before and after earth-quakes , there hath blown certain noxious and forraign winds : as there are certain little smothers usually before and after great firings and burnings . monition . the air shut up in the earth is forced to break out for several causes , sometimes a mass of earth , ill joined together , falls into a hollow place of the earth ; sometimes waters do ingulf themselves ; sometimes the air is extended by subterraneal heats , and seeks for more room : sometimes the earth which before was solid and vaulted , being by fires turned into ashes , no longer able to bear it self up , falls . and many such like causes . and so these inquisitions have been made concerning the first local beginning of winds . now followeth the second origine , or beginning from above , namely from that which they call the middle region of the air . monition . but let no man understand what hath been spoken , so far amiss ; as if we should deny the rest of the winds also are brought forth of the earth by vapours . but this first kind was of winds which come forth of the earth , being already perfectly framed winds . 16. it hath been observed , that there is a murmuring of woods before we do plainly perceive the winds , whereby it is conjectured , that the wind descends from a higher place : which is likewise observed in hills , ( as we said before ) but the cause is more ambiguous , by reason of the concavity and hollowness of the hills . 17. wind follows darted , or ( as we call them ) shooting stars , and it come that way as the star hath shot ; whereby it appears , that the air hath been moved above , before the motion comes to us . 18. the opening of the firmament , and dispersion of clouds , are prognosticks of winds , before they blow here on earth , which also shews that the winds begin above . 19. small stars are not seen before the rising of winds , though the night be clear and fair . because ( it should seem ) the air grows thick , and is less transparent , by reason of that matter which afterward is turned into wind . 20. there appears circles about the body of the moon , the sun looks sometimes blood red at its setting , the moon rises red at her fourth rising ; and there are many more prognosticks of winds on high ( whereof we will speak in its proper place ) which shews that the matter of the winds is there begun and prepared . 21. in these experiments you must note , that difference we spake of ; namely of the two-fold generation of winds on high : that is to say , before the gathering together of vapours into a cloud , and after . for the prognosticks of circles about , and colours of the sun and moon , have something of the cloud : but that darting , and occultation of the lesser stars , is in fair and clear weather . 22. when the wind comes out of a cloud ready formed , either the cloud is totally dispersed , and turned into wind ; or it is torn and rent in sunder , and the wind breaks out , as in a storm . 23. there are many indirect experiments in the world , concerning the repercussion by cold . so that it being certain , that there are most extream colds in the middle region of the air : it is likewise plain , that vapours for the most part cannot break through that place without being joined and gathered together , or darted according to the opinion of the ancients , which in this particular is true and sound . the third local beginning of winds , is of those which are ingendred here in the lower part of the air , which we also call swellings or overburthenings of the air. a thing very familiar and frequent , yet passed over with silence . a commentation . the generation of those winds which are made up in this lower part of the air , is a thing no more obscure than this : namely , that the air newly composed and made up of water , and attenuated and resolved vapours , joined with the first air , cannot be contained within the same bounds as it was before , but groweth out and is turned , and takes up further room . yet there are in this two things to be granted . first , that one drop of water turned into air ( whatsoever they fabulously speak of the tenth proportion of the elements ) requires , at least a hundred times more room than it had before . secondly , that a little new air , and moved , added to the old air , shaketh the whole , and sets it into motion : as we may perceive by a little wind that comes forth of a pair of bellows , or in at a little crevise of a window or wall ; that will set all the air which is in a room in motion , as appears by the blazing of the lights which are in the same room . 24. as dews and mists are ingendred here in the lower air , never coming to be clouds , nor penetrating to the middle region of the air : in the like manner are also many winds . 25. a continual gale blows about the sea , and other waters , which is nothing but a small wind newly made up . 26. the rain-bow , which is as it were the lowest of meteors , and nearest to us , when it doth not appear whole , but curtailed , and as it were only some pieces of the horns of it , is dissolved into winds , as often , or rather oftner than into rain . 27. it hath been observed , that there are some winds in countrys which are divided and separated by hills ; which ordinarily blow on the one side of the hills , and do not reach to the other . whereby it manifestly appears that they are engendred below the height of the said hills . 28. there are an infinite sort of winds that blow in fair and clear days ; and also in countrys where it never rains ; which are ingendred where they blow , and never were clouds , nor did ever ascend into the middle region of the air . indirect experiments . whosoever shall know how easily a vapour is dissolved into air , and how great a quantity of vapours there are ; and how much room a drop of water turned into air takes up more than it did before ( as we said already ) and how little the air will endure to be thrust up together , will questionless affirm , that of necessity winds must be every where ingendred , from the very superficies of the earth , even to the highest parts of the air . for it cannot be , that a great abundance of vapours , when they begin to be dilatated and expanded , can be lifted up to the middle region of the air , without an over-burthening of the air , and making a noise by the way . accidental generations of winds . to the ninth article . connexion . we call those accidental generations of winds , which do not make or beget the impulsive motion of winds , but with compression do sharpen it , by repercussion turn it , by sinuation or winding do agitate and tumble it : which is done by extrinsecal causes , and the posture of the adjoining bodies . 1. in places where there are hills which are not very high , bordering upon valleys , and beyond them again higher hills , there is a greater agitation of the air , and sense of winds , than there is in mountainous , or plain places . 2. in cities , if there be any place somewhat broader than ordinary and narrow goings out , as portals , or porches , and cross streets , winds and fresh gales are there to be perceived . 3. in houses cool rooms are made by winds , or happen to be so , where the air bloweth thorow , and comes in on the one side , and goeth out at the other : but much more if the air comes in several ways and meets in the corners , and hath one common passage from thence : the vaulting likewise and roundness doth contribute much to coolness , because the air being moved , is beaten back in every line , also the winding of porches is better than if they were built straight out . for a direct blast , though it be not shut up , but hath a free egress , doth not make the air so unequal , and voluminous , and waving , as the meeting at angles , and hollow places , and windings round , and the like . 4. after great tempests at sea , an accidental wind continues for a time , after the original is laid ; which wind is made by the collision and percussion of the air , through the curling of the waves . 5. in gardens commonly there is a repercussion of wind , from the walls , and banks , so that one would imagine the wind to come the contrary way from that whence it really comes . 6. if hills enclose a country on the one side , and the wind blows for some space of time from the plain against the hill , by the very repercussion of the hill , either the wind is turned into rain , if it be a moist wind , or into a contrary wind , which will last but a little while . 7. in the turnings of promontory , mariners do often find changes and alterations of winds . extraordinary winds , and sudden blasts . to the tenth article . connexion . some men discourse of extraordinary winds , and derive the causes of them ; of clouds breaking , or storms , vortice , typhone , prestere ; or in english , whirl-winds . but they do not relate the thing it self , which must be taken out of chronicles and several histories . 1. sudden blasts never come in clear weather , but always when the sky is cloudy , and the weather rainy . that it may justly be thought that there is a certain eruption made ; the blast driven out , and the waters shaken . 2. storms which come with a mist and a fog , and are called belluae , and bear up themselves like a column , are very vehement , and dreadful to those who are at sea . 3. the greater typhones , who will take up at some large distance , and sup them , as it were upward , do happen but seldom , but small whirl-winds come often . 4. all storms and typhones , and great whirlwinds , have a manifest precipitous motion , or darting downwards , more than other winds ; so as they seem to fall like torrents , and run as it were in channels , and be afterward reverberated by the earth . 5. in meadows , haycocks , are sometimes carryed on high , and spread abroad there like canopies : likewise in fields , cocks of pease , reaped wheat , and cloaths laid out to drying , are carried up by whirl-winds as high as tops of trees and houses , and these things are done without any extraordinary force , or great vehemency of wind . 6. also sometimes there are very small whirl-winds , and within a narrow compass , which happen also in fair clear weather ; so that one that rides may see the dust , or straws taken up , and turned close by him , yet he himself not feel the wind much ; which things are done questionless near unto us , by contrary blasts driving one another back , and causing a circulation of the air by concussion . 7. it is certain , that some winds do leave manifest signs of burning and scortching in plants . but presterem , which is a kind of dark lightning , and hot air without any flame , we will put off to the inquisition of lightning . helps to winds ; namely , to original winds : for of accidental ones we have enquired before . to the 11 , 12 , 13 , 14 , 15 articles . connexion . those things which have been spoken by the ancients , concerning winds and their causes , are meerly confused and uncertain , and for the most part untrue : and it is no marvel , if they see not clear that look not near . they speak as if wind were somewhat else , or a thing several from moved air ; and as if exhalations did generate and make up the whole body of the winds ; and as if the matter of winds were only a dry and hot exhalation ; and as if the beginning of the motion of winds were but only a casting down and percussion by the cold of the middle region , all fantastical and arbitrary opinions : yet out of such threds they weave long pieces , namely , cobwebs . but all impulsion of the air is wind ; and exhalations mixed with the air contribute more to the motion than to the matter : and moist vapours , by a proportionate heat , are easilier dissolved into wind than dry exhalations , and many winds are engendred in the lowest region of the air , and breath out of the earth , besides those which are thrown down and beaten back . 1. the natural wheeling of the air ( as we said in the article of general winds ) without any other external cause bringeth forth winds preceptible within the tropicks , where the conversion is ingreater circles . 2. next to the natural motion of the air , before we enquire of the sun ( who is the chief begetter of winds ) let us see whether any thing ought to be attributed to the moon , and other asters by clear experience . 3. there arise many great and strong winds some hours before the eclipse of the moon ; so that if the moon be eclipsed in the middle of the night , the winds blow the precedent evening : if the moon be eclipsed towards the morning , then the winds blow in the middle of the precedent night . 4. in peru , which is a very windy country , acosta observes that winds blow most when the moon is at the full . injunction . it were certainly a thing worthy to be observed , what power the ages and motions of the moon have upon the winds , seeing they have some power over the waters . as for example , whether the winds be not in a greater commotion in full and new moons , than in her first and last quarters , as we find it to be in the flowings of waters : for though some do conveniently feign the command of the moon to be over the waters , as the sun and planets over the air , yet it is certain , that the water and the air are very homogeneal bodies , and that the moon next to the sun hath most power over all things here below . 5. it hath been observed by men , that about the conjunctions of planets greater winds do blow . 6. at the rising of orion there rise commonly divers winds and storms . but we must advise whether this be not because orion rises in such a season of the year as is most effectual for the generation of winds ; so that it is rather a concomitant than causing thing . which may also very well be questioned concerning rain at the rising of the hyades and the pleiades , and concerning storms at the rising of arcturus . and so much concerning the moon and stars . 7. the sun is questionless the primary efficient of many winds , working by its heat on a twofold matter , namely , the body of the air , and likewise vapours and exhalations . 8. when the sun is most powerful , dilatates and extends the air , though it be pure and without any commixion one third part , which is no small matter ; so that by meer dilatation there must needs arise some small wind in the suns ways ; and that rather two or three hours after its rising , than at his first rise . 9. in europe the nights are hotter , in peru three hours in the morning , and all for one cause , namely , by reason of winds and gales ceasing and lying still at those hours . 10. in a vitro calendari , dilatated or extended air beats down the water as it were with a breath : but in a vitro pileato , which is filled only with air , the dilatated air swells the bladder , as a manifest and apparent wind . 11. we have made trial of such a kind of wind in a round tower , every way closed up . for we have placed a hearth or fire-place in the middest of it , laying a fire of charcoal throughly kindled upon it , that there might be the less smoak , and on the side of the hearth , at a small distance , hath been a thread hung up with a cross of feathers , to the end that it might easily be moved . so after a little stay the heat increasing , and the air dilatating , the thread and the feather cross which hung upon it waved up and down in a various motion : and having made a hole in the window of the tower , there came out a hot breath , which was not continual , but with intermission and waving . 12. also the reception of air by cold , after dilatation begets such a wind , but weaker , by reason of the lesser force of cold . so that in peru under every little shadow we find not only more coolness than here with us ( by antiperistasis ) but a manifest kind of gale through the reception of air when it comes into the shade . and so much concerning wind occasioned by meer dilatation or reception of air. 13. winds proceeding from the meer motion of the air without any commixion of vapours , are but gentle and soft . let us see what may be said concerning vaporary winds , ( we mean such as are engendred by vapours ) which may be so much more vehement than the other , as a dilatation of a drop of water turned into air , exceeds any dilatation of air already made : which it doth by many degrees , as we shewed before . 14. the efficient cause of vapourary winds , ( which are they that commonly blow ) is the sun , and its proportionate heat : the matter is vapors and exhalations which are turned and resolved into air. i say air ( and not any thing but air ) yet at the first not very pure . 15. a small heat of the sun doth not raise vapours , and consequently causes no wind . 16. a mean , or middle heat of the sun raiseth and excites vapours , but doth not presently dissipate them . therefore if there be any great store of them , they gather together into rain , either simply of it self , or joined with wind : if there be but small store of them , they turn only to wind . 17. the suns heat in its increase , inclines more to the generation of winds , in its decrease of rains . 18. the great and continued heat of the sun , attenuates and disperses vapours and sublimes them , and withal equally mixes and incorporates them with the air , wherby the air becomes calm and serene . 19. the more equal and continuate heat of the sun is less apt for the generation of winds : that which is more unequal and intermitted , is more apt . wherefore in sailing into russia they are less troubled with winds than in the brittish sea , because of the length of the days : but in peru under the equinoctial are frequent winds , by reason of the great inequality of heat , taking turns night and day . 20. in vapours is to be considered both the quantity and quality . a small quantity engenders weak winds , a mean or middle store stronger ; great store engenders rain , either calm , or accompanied with wind . 21. vapours out of the sea and rivers , and over-flown marishes , engender far greater quantity of winds than the exhalations of the earth . but those winds which are engendred on the land , and dry places are more obstinate and last longer , and are for the most part such as are cast down from above . so that the opinion of the ancients in this is not altogether unprofitable : but only that it pleased them , as in a manner dividing the inheritance , to assign rain to vapours , and to winds , exhalations only , which things sound handsomly , but are vain in effect and substance . 22. winds brought forth out of the resolutions of snow lying upon hills , are of a mean condition between water and land winds ; but they incline more to water ; yet they are more sharp and moveable . 23. the dissolution of snow on snowy hills , ( as we observed before ) always brings constant winds from that part . 24. also yearly northern winds about the rising of the dog-star , are held to come from the frozen ocean , and those parts about the artick circle , where the dissolutions of snow and ice come late when the summer is far spent . 25. those masses or mountains of ice which are carried towards canada and greenland , do rather breed cold gales , than moveable winds . 26. winds which arise from chalky and sandy grounds are few and dry , and in hotter countrys they are soultry , smoaky , and scorching . 27. winds made of sea vapours , do easilier turn back into rain , the water re-demanding and claiming its right : and if this be not granted them , they presently mix with air , and so are quiet . but terrestrial , smoaky and unctuous vapours , are both hardlier dissolved , and ascend higher , and are more provoked in their motion , and oftentimes penetrate the middle region of the air , and some of them are matter of fiery meteors . 28. it is reported here in england , that in those days that gascoine was under our jurisdiction , there was a petition offered to the king by his subjects of burdeaux , and the confines thereof , desiring him to forbid the burning of heath in the counties of sussex and southampton , which bred a wind towards the end of april which killed their vines . 29. the meeting of winds , if they be strong , bring forth vehement and whirling winds : if they be soft and moist , they produce rain , and lay the wind . 30. winds are allayed and restrained five ways . when the air over-burthened , and troubled , is freed by the vapours contracting themselves into rain : or when vapours are dispersed , and subtilized , whereby they are mixed with the air , and agree fairly with it , and they live quietly : or when vapours or fogs are exalted and carried upon high , so that they cause no disturbance , until they be thrown down from the middle region of the air , or do penetrate it . or when vapours gathered into clouds , are carried away into other countrys , by other winds blowing on high ; so that for them there is peace in those countrys which they flie beyond : or lastly , when the winds blowing from their nurseries , languish through a long voyage , finding no new matter to feed on , and so their vehemency forsakes them , and they do as it were expire and dye . 31. rain for the most part allayeth winds , especially those which are stormy : as winds contrariwise oftentimes keep off rain . 32. winds do contract themselves into rain , ( which is the first of the five , and the chiefest means of allaying them ) either being burthened by the burthen it self , when the vapours are copious , or by the contrary motions of winds , so they be calm and mild ; or by the opposition of mountains and promontories which stop the violence of the winds , and by little and little turn them against themselves ; or by extream colds , whereby they are condensed and thickned . 33. smaller and lighter winds do commonly rise in the morning , and go down with the sun , the condensation of the night air being sufficient to receive them : for air will endure some kind of compression without stirring or tumult . 34. it is thought that the sound of bells will disperse lightning and thunder : in winds it hath not been observed . monition . take advice from the place in prognosticks of winds ; for there is some connexion of causes and signs . 35. pliny relates , that the vehemence of a whirl-wind may be allayed by sprinkling of vinegar in the encounter of it . the bounds of vvinds. to the 16 , 17 , 18. articles . 1. it is reported of mount athos , & likewise of olimpus , that the priests would write in the ashes of the sacrifices which lay upon the altars , built on the tops of those hills , and when they returned the year following , ( for the offerings were annual ) they found the same letters undisturbed , and uncancelled ; though those altars stood not in any temple , but in the open air. whereby it was manifest , that in such a height there had neither fallen rain , nor wind blown . 2. they say that on the top of the peak of teneriff , and on the audes , betwixt peru , and chile , snow lyeth upon the borders , and sides of the hills ; but that on the tops of them there is nothing but a quiet and still air , hardly breathable by reason of its tenuity , which also with a kind of acrimony pricks the eyes and orifice of the stomack , begetting in some a desire to vomit , and in others a flushing and redness . 3. vaporary winds seem not in any great height , though it be probable that some of them ascend higher than most clouds . hitherto of the height , now we must consider of the latitude . 4. it is certain , that those spaces which winds take up , are very various , sometimes they are very large , sometimes little and narrow : winds have been known to have taken up an hundred miles space with a few hours difference . 5. spacious winds ( if they be of the free kind ) are for the most part vehement and not soft , and more lasting ; for they will last almost four and twenty hours . they are likewise not so much inclined to rain . straight or narrow winds contrariwise , are either soft or stormy , and always short . 6. fixed and stayed winds are itinerary or travelling , and take up very large spaces . 7. stormy winds do not extend themselves into any large spaces , though they always go beyond the bounds of the storm it self . 8. sea winds always blow within narrower spaces than earth winds , as may sometimes be seen at sea , namely , a pretty fresh gale in some part of the water ( which may be easily perceived by the crisping of it ) when there is a calm , as smooth as glass , every where else . 9. small whirlwinds ( as we said before ) will sometimes play before men as they are riding , almost like wind out of a pair of bellows . so much of the latitude ; now we must see concerning the lastingness . 10. the vehement winds will last longer at sea , by reason of the sufficient quantity of vapours : at land they will hardly last above a day and an half . 11. very soft winds will not blow constantly , neither at sea , nor upon the land above three days . 12. the south wind is not only more lasting than the west , ( which we set down in another place ) but likewise what wind soever it be that begins to blow in the morning , useth to be more durable and lasting than that which begins to blow at night . 13. it is certain that winds do rise , and increase by degrees , ( unless they be meer storms ) but they allay sooner , sometimes as it were in an instant . successions of winds . to the 19 , 20 , 21 articles . 1. if the wind doth change according to the motion of the sun , that is from east to south , from south to west , from west to north , from the north to the east , it doth not return often , or if it doth , it doth it but for a short time . but if it go contrary to the motion of the sun , that is from the east to the north , from the north to the west , from the west to the south , and from the south to the east , for the most part it is restored to its first quarter , at least before it hath gone round its whole compass and circuit . 2. if rain begin first , and the wind begins to blow afterwards , that wind will outlast the rain : but if the wind blow first , and then is allayed by the rain , the wind for the most part will not rise again ; and if it does , there ensues a new rain . 3. if winds do blow variously for a few hours , and as it were to make a trial , and afterward begin to blow constantly , that wind shall continue for many days . 4. if the south wind begin to blow two or three days ; sometimes the north wind will blow presently after it . but if the north wind blows as many days , the south wind will not blow , until the wind have blown a little from the east . 5. when the year is declining , and winter begins after autumn is past , if the southwind blows in the beginning of winter , and after it comes the north-wind , it will be a frosty winter : but if the north-wind blow in the beginning of winter , and the south-wind come after , it will be a mild and warm winter . 6. pliny quotes eudoxus , to shew that the order of winds returns after every four years , which seems not to be true , for revolutions are not so quick . this indeed hath been by some mens diligence observed , that greatest and most notable seasons ( for heat , snow frost , warm winters , and old summers ) for the most part return after the revolution of five and thirty years . the motion of the winds . to the 22 , 23 , 24 , 25 , 26 , 27 articles . connexion . men talk as if the wind were some body of it self , and by its own force did drive and agitate the air . also when the wind changes its place , they talk as if it did transport it self into another place . this is the vulgars opinion ; yet the philosophers themselves apply no remedy thereunto , but they likewise stammer at it , and do not any way contradict and oppose these errors . 1. we must therefore enquire concerning the raising of the motion of the winds , and of the direction of it , having already enquired of the local beginnings . and of those winds which have their beginning of motion in their first impulsion , as in those which are cast down from above , or blow out of the earth , the raising of their motion is manifest : others descend below their own beginnings ; others ascend , and being resisted by the air , become voluminous , especially near the angles of their violence . but of those which are engendred every where in this inferiour air , ( which are the frequentest of all the winds ) the inquisition seems to be somewhat obscure , although it be a vulgar thing , as we have set down in the commentation under the eighth article . 2. we found likewise an image or representation of this in that close tower which we spake of before . for we varied that trial three ways . the first was that which we spake of before ; namely , a fire of clear burning coals . the second was a kettle of seething water , the fire being set away , and then the motion of the cross of feathers was more slow and dull . the third was with both fire and kettle ; and then the agitation of the cross of feathers was very vehement , so that sometimes it would whirle up and down , as if it had been in a petty whirlwind , the water yielding store of vapours , and the fire which stood by it dissipating and dispersing them . 3. so that the chief cause of exciting motion in the winds is the overcharging of the air , by a new addition of air engendred by vapours . now we must see concerning the direction of the motion , and of the whirling , which is a chang of the direction . 4. the nurseries and food of the winds doth govern their progressive motion : which nurseries and feedings are like unto the springs of rivers ; namely , the places where there are great store of vapours , for there is the native country of the winds . then when they have found a current , where the air makes no resistance , ( as water when it finds a falling way ) then whatsoever semblable matter they find by the way , they take into their fellowship , and mix it with their currents even as rivers do . so that the winds blow always from that side where their nurseries are which feed them . 5. where there are no notable nurseries in any certain place , the winds stray very much , and do easily change their current , as in the middle of the sea , and large spacious fields . 6. where there are great nurseries of the winds in one place , but in the way of its progress it hath but small additions , there the winds blow strongly in their beginnings , and by little and little they allay . and contrariwise , where they find good store of matter to feed on by the way , they are weak in the beginning , but gather strength by the way . 7. there are moveable nurseries for the winds , namely , in the clouds , which many times are carried far away from the nurseries of vapours , of which those clouds were made , by winds blowing high : then the nursery of the wind begins to be in that place where the clouds do begin to be dissolved into wind . 8. but the whirling of winds does not happen , because the wind which blows at first transports it self ; but because either that is allayed and spent , or brought into order by another wind : and all this business depends on the various placings of the nurseries of winds , and variety of times , when vapours issuing out of these nurseries are dissolved . 9. if there be nurseries of winds on contrary parts , as one nursery on the south , another on the north-side , the strongest wind will prevail ; neither will there be contrary winds , but the stronger wind will blow continually , though it be somewhat dulled and tamed by the weaker wind : as it is in rivers , when the flowing of the sea comes in ; for the sea's motion prevails , and is the only one , but it is somewhat curbed by the motion of the river . and if it so happen , that one of those contrary winds , namely , that which was the strongest be allayed , then presently the contrary will blow , from that side where it blew before , but lay hidden under the force and power of the greater . 10. as for example , if the nursery be at the north-east , the north-east wind will blow . but if there be two nurseries of winds , namely , another in the north , those winds for some tract of way will blow severally ; but after the angle of confluence where they come together , they will blow to the north-east , or with some inclination , according as the other nursery shall prove stronger . 11. if there be a nursery of wind on the north-side , which may be distant from some country twenty miles , and is the stronger ; another on the east-side , which is distant some ten miles , and is weaker : yet the east-wind shall blow for some hours , and a while after ( namely , when its journy is ended ) the north wind . 12. if the northern wind blow , and some hill stands in the way of it on the west side , a little while after the north-east wind will blow , compounded by the original , and that which is beaten back again . 13. if there be a nursery of winds in the earth on the northern side , and the breath thereof be carried directly upward , and it find a cold cloud on the west side which turns it off the contrary way , there will blow a north-east wind . 14. monition . nurseries of winds in sea and land are constant , so that the spring and beginning of them may be the better perceived : but the nurseries of winds in the clouds are moveable , so that in one place there is matter furnished for the winds , and they are formed in another : which makes the direction of motion in winds , to be more confused and uncertain . those things we have produced for examples sake , the like are after the like manner : and hitherto of the direction of the motion of winds : now we must see concerning the longitude , and as it were the itinerary or journy of the winds , though it may seem we have already enquired of this under the notion of the latitude of winds : for latitude may by unlearned men also be taken for longitude , if winds take up more space laterally than they go forward in longitude . 14. if it be true that columbus could upon the coasts of portugal , judge of the continent of america by the constant winds from the west , truly the winds can travel a long journy . 15. if it be true that the dissolution of snows about the frozen seas and scandia , do excite and raise northerly winds in italy , and greece , &c. in the dog days ; surely these are long journeys . 16. it hath not yet been observed how much sooner a storm does arrive , according to the way it comes , ( as for example , if it be an eastern wind ) how much sooner it comes from the east , and how much later from the west . and so much concerning the motion of winds in their progression or going forward : now we must see concerning the undulation or swelling of winds . 17. the undulation or swelling of winds is done in a few moments : so that a wind will ( though it be strong ) rise and fall by turns , at the least a hundred times in an hour . whereby it appears that the violence of winds is unequal ; for neither rivers , though swift , nor currents in the sea , though strong , do rise in waves , unless the blowing of wind be joined thereunto : neither hath the swelling of winds any equality in it self . for like unto the pulse of ones hand , sometimes it beats , and sometimes it intermits . the undulation or swelling of the air , differs from the swelling of waters into waves in this , that in waters after the waves are risen on high , they of themselves , and their own accord , do again fall to the place of them ; whence it comes that ( whatsoever poets say when they aggravate tempests , namely , that the waves are raised up to heaven , and again sink down to hell ) the descent of the waves do not precipitate much below the plane and superficies of the water . but in the swelling of the air , where the motion of gravity or weight is wanting , the air is thrust down and raised almost in an equal manner . and thus much of undulation ; now we must enquire of the motion of conflict or striving . 19. the conflicts of winds , and compounded conflicts we have partly enquired already . it is plain that winds are ubiquitary , especially the mildest of them . which is likewise manifest by this , that there are few days and hours wherein some gales do not blow in free places , and that inconstantly and variously enough . for winds which do not proceed from greater nurseries are vagabond and voluble , as it were playing one with the other ; sometimes driving forward , and sometimes flying back . 20. it hath been seen sometimes at sea , that winds have come from contrary parts together , which was plainly to be perceived by the perturbation of the water on both sides , and the calmness in the middle between them : but after those contrary winds have met , either there hath followed a general calm of the water every where , namely , when the winds have broken and quelled one another equally ; or the perturbation of the water hath continued , namely , when the stronger wind hath prevailed . 21. it is certain , that in the mountains of peru it hath often chanced that the winds at one time have blown on the tops of the hills one way and in the valleys the clean contrary way . 22. it is likewise certain here with us , that the clouds are carried one way , when the wind near us hath blown the contrary way . 23. that is likewise certain , that sometimes the higher clouds will out-flie the lower clouds , so that they will go diverse , yea , and contrary ways , as it were in contrary currents . 24. it is likewise certain , that sometimes in the higher part of the air winds have been neither distracted , nor moved forward ; when here below they have been driven forward with a mad kind of violence , for the space of half a mile . 25. and it is likewise certain , that contrariwise , that here below the air hath been very still , when above the clouds have been carried with a fresh and merry gale : but that happens more seldom . an indirect experiment . likewise in waves sometimes the upper water is swifter , sometimes the lower ; and sometimes there are ( but that is seldom ) several currents of water , of that which is uppermost , and that which lyeth beneath . 26. nor are virgils testimonies altogether to be rejected , he being not utterly unskilful in natural philosophy . together rush the east and south-east wind , nor doth wave calling south-west stay behind . and again , i all the winds have seen their battels join . we have considered of the motions of winds , in the nature of things : we must now consider their motions in humane engines ; and first of all in the sails of ships . the motion of winds in the sails of ships . 1. in our greatest brittain ships ( for we have chosen those for our pattern ) there are four masts , and sometimes five , set up one behind the other , in a direct line drawn through the middle of the ship . which masts we will name thus ; 2. the main mast , which stands in the middle of the ship : the fore-mast , the mizon-mast , ( which is sometimes double ) and the sprit mast . 3. each mast consists of several pieces , which may be lifted up , and fashioned with several knots and joints , or taken away ; some have three of them , some only two . 4. the sprit-sail mast from the lower joint lies bending over the sea , from that it stands upright ; all the other masts stand upright . 5. upon these masts hang ten sails , and when there be two mizon-masts twelve : the main-mast and fore-mast have three tires of sails , which we will call the main-sail , the top sail , and the main top sail : the rest have but two , wanting the main top sail . 6. the sails are stretched out a cross , near the top of every joint of the mast , by certain beams which we call yards , to which the upper parts of the sails are fastened , the lower parts are fastened with ropes at each corner ; the main sails to the sides of the ship , top and main top sails to the yards which are next below them . 7. the yard of every mast hangs a cross , only the yards of the mizon-masts hang sloping , one end up and the other down , in the rest they hang straight a-cross the masts like unto the letter t. 8. the main sails of the main-mast , fore-mast , and boar-sprit , are of a quadrangular parallelogram form ; the top , and main top sails somewhat sharp , and growing narrow at the top ; but the top mizon sails are sharp , the lower or main sails triangular . 9. in a ship of eleven hundred tun , and was one hundred and twelve foot long in the keel , and forty in breadth in the hold : the main sail of the main mast wast two and forty foot deep , and eighty seven foot broad . 10. the top sail of the same mast was fifty foot deep , and eighty four foot broad at the bottome , and forty two at the top . 11. the main top sail was seven and twenty foot deep , and two and forty broad at the bottome , and one and twenty at the top . 12. the fore-mast main sail was forty foot and a half deep , and seventy two foot broad . 13. the top sail was six and forty foot and a half deep , and sixty nine foot broad at the bottom , and six and thirty at the top . 14. the main top sail was four and twenty foot deep , six and thirty foot broad at the bottom , and eighteen foot at the top . 15. the mizon main sail was on the upper part of the yard one and fifty foot broad , in that part which was joined to the yard seventy two foot , the rest ending in a sharp point . 16. the top sail was thirty foot deep , fifty seven foot broad at the bottom , and thirty foot at the top . 17. if there be two mizon-masts , the hindermost sails are less than the formost about the fifth part . 18. the main sail of the boar-spirit was eight and twenty foot deep and a half , and sixty foot broad . 19. the top sail five and twenty foot and a half deep , and sixty foot broad at the bottom , and thirty at the top . 20. the proportions of masts and sails do vary , not only according to the bigness of ships , but also according to the several uses for which they are built : some for fighting , some for merchandize , some for swiftness , &c. but the proportion of the dimension of sails is no way proportioned to the number of tuns whereof the ships consist , seeing a ship of five hundred tuns or thereabout , may bear almost as large a sail as the other we spake of , which was almost as big again . whence it proceeds that lesser ships are far swifter and speedier than great ones , not onely by reason of their lightness , but also by reason of the largeness of their sails , in respect of the body of the ship : for to continue that proportion in bigger ships would be too vast , and impossible a thing . 21. each sail being stretched out at the top , and only tyed by the corners at the bottom , the wind must needs cause it to swell , especially about the bottome where it is slacker . 22. the swelling if far greater in the lower sails than in the upper , because they are not only parrallelograms , and the other more pointed at the top , but also because the extent of the yard doth so far exceed the breadth of the ship sides to which they are fastned , that of necessity , because of the loosness , there must be a great receipt for the wind ; so that in the great which we proposed for an example , the swelling of the sail in a direct wind may be nine or ten foot inward . 23. by the same reason it also happens , that all sails which are swelled by the wind , do gather themselves into a kind of arch or bow , so that of necessity much wind must slip thorow : insomuch , that in such a ship as we made mention of , that arch may be as high as a man. 24. but in the triangular sail of the mizon mast , there must of necessity be a lesser swelling than in the quadrangular ; as well because that figure is less capable , as also because that in the quadrangular three sides are slack and loose , but in the triangular only two , so that the wind is more sparingly received . 25. the motion of the wind in sails , the nearer it comes to the beak of the ship , the stronger it is , and sets the ship more forward ; partly because it is in a place , where because of the sharpness of the beak head the waves are easilier cut in sunder ; but chiefely , because the motion at the beak draws on the ship , the motion from the stern and back part of the ship doth but drive it . 26. the motion of the winds in the sails of the upper tire , advances more than that in the lower tire , because a violent motion is most violent when it is farthest removed from resistance , as in the wings and sails of windmills ; but there is danger of drowning or over-turning the ship : wherefore those sails are made narrower at the top , that they should not take in too much wind , and are chiefly made use of when there is not much wind . 27. sails being placed in a direct line , one behind the other , of necessity those sails which stand behind must steal the wind from the foremost , when the wind blows fore-right ; wherefore if they be all spread out at once , the force of the wind hath scarce any power but in the main mast sails , with little help of the lower sails of the boar sprit . 28. the best and most convenient ordering of sails in a direct wind , is , to have the two lower sails of the fore-mast hoised up : for there ( as we said before ) the motion is most effectual , let also the top sail of the main mast be hoised up : for there will be so much room left under it , that there may be wind sufficient for the fore sails , without any notable stealing of the wind from them . 29. by reason of the hinder sails stealing of the wind away from the fore sails , we sail swifter with a side wind than with a fore wind . for with a side wind all the sails may be made use of , for they turn their sides to one another , and so hinder nor rob not one another . 30. likewise when a side wind blows , the sails are stiflier stretched out against the wind , which somewhat restrains the wind , and sends it that way as it should blow , whereby it gains some strength . but that wind is most advantagious which blows cornerly between a fore wind , and a side wind . 31. the lower boar sprit sail can hardly ever be unuseful , for it cannot be robbed from gathering the wind which way soever it doth blow , either about the ship sides , or under the rest of the sails . 32. there is considerable in the motion of winds in ships , both the impulsion and direction of them : for that direction which is made by the helm doth not much belong to the present inquisition but only as it hath a connexion , with the motion of the winds in the sails . connexion . as the motion of impulsion or driving forward is in force at the beak , so is the motion of direction in the poop ; therefore for that the lower mizon-mast sail is of greatest concernment , for it is as it were an assistant to the helm . 33. seeing the compass is divided into two and thirty points , so that the semicircles of it are sixteen points , there may be be a progressive sailing ( without any casting aboard , which is used when the wind is clean contrary ) though of the sixteen parts there be but six favourable , and the other ten contrary . but that kind of sailing depends much upon the lower sail , of the mizon-mast . for whilst the advese parts of the wind being more powerful and not to be opposed by the helm alone , would turn the other sails , and the ship it self against its intended course , that sail being stiflly stretched , favouring the helm , and strengthening its motion , turns the beak into the way of its course . 34. all manner of wind in the sails doth somewhat burden and depress the ship , and so much the more , when it blows most from above . so that in greatest storms , first they lower their yards , and take away the upper sails , and if need be all the rest , cut down the masts , cast their goods into the sea , and their ordinance , &c. to lighten the ship and make it swim , and give way to the waves . 35. by this motion of the winds in the sails of ships , ( if it be a merry and prosperous gale ) a merchants ship may sail sixscore italian miles in four and twenty hours ; for there are certain packet boats which are built a purpose for swiftness , ( that are called caravels ) which will go further . but when the wind is clean contrary , they flie to this last refuge , and a very weak one , to go on their course ; namely to proceed side-way , as the wind will suffer them , out of their course , then turn their way again towards their course , and so proceed in an angular way . by which progression ( which is less than creeping , for serpents creep on by crooked turnings , but they make angles ) they may in four and twenty hours go fifteen miles journy . greater observations . 1. this motion of winds in sails of ships hath three chief heads and fountains of its impulsion or driving forward , from whence it flows and derives ; whence also precepts may be taken to increase and strengthen it . 2. the first spring comes from the quantity of the wind which is received : for questionless more wind helps more than less : wherefore the quantity of wind must be carefully procured ; which will be done , if like wise house-holders , we be good husbands , and take care nothing be stoln from us . wherefore we must be very careful that no wind may be lost . 3. the wind blows either above the ships , or below them , to the very superficies and surface of the sea : and as provident men use to look most after the least-things , ( for the greater no man can chuse but look after ) so we will first look after these lower winds , which questionless cannot perform so much as the higher . 4. as concerning the winds which blow chiefly about the sides of the ships , and under their sails , it is the office of the main boar sprit sail , which lies low and sloping , to gather them into it , that there may be no waste nor loss of wind : and this of it self does good , and hinders not the wind which fills the other sails : and about this i do not see what can be done more by the industry of man , unless they should perchance fix such low sails out of the middle of the ship , like wings , or feathers , two on each side when the wind blows right . 5. but concerning the bewaring of being robbed , which happens when the hinder sails ( in a fore-right wind ) steal the wind away from the fore-sails , ( for in a side-wind all the sails are set a work ) i know not what can be added to the care man hath already taken to prevent it , unless wher there is a fore-wind , there may be made a kind of stairs or scale of sails that the hindermost sails of the mizon-mast may be the lowest , the middle ones at the main-mast a little higher , the fore-mast , at the fore-mast , highest of all , that one sail may not hinder , but rather help the other , delivering and passing over the wind from one to another . and let so much be observed of the first fountain of impulsion . 6. the second fountain of impulsion consists in the manner of striking the sail with the wind , which if through the contraction of the wind it be acute and swift , will move more , if obtuse and languishing , less . 7. as concerning this , it is of great moment , and much to the purpose , to let the sails have a reasonable extension and swelling : for if they be stretched out stiff , they will like a wall beat back the wind ; if they be too loose , there will be a weak impulsion . 8. touching this , humane industry hath behaved it self well in some things , though it was more by chance than out of any good judgment . for in a side wind , they gather up that part of the sail as much as they can which is opposite against the wind : and by that means they set in the wind into that part where it should blow . and this they do and intend . but in the mean season this follows , ( which peradventure they do not perceive ) that the wind is more contracted , and strikes more sharply . 9. what may be added to humane industry in this , i cannot perceive , unless the figure of the sails be changed , and some sails be made which shall not swell round ; but like a spur or a triangle , with a mast or piece of timber in that corner of the top , that they may contract the wind more sharply , and cut the outward air more powerfully . and that angle ( as we suppose ) must not be altogether sharp , but like a short obtuse triangle , that it may have some breadth . neither do we know what good it would do , if there were as it were a sail made in a sail ; if there were in the middle of a greater sail , there were a kind of a purse , not altogether loose , of canvas , but with ribs of wood , which should take up the wind in the middle of the sail , and bring it into a sharpness . 10. the third fountain or original of impulsion , is in the place where the wind hits ; and that is two-fold : for from the fore-side of the ship , the impulsion is easier and stronger than on the hinder part ; and from the upper part of the mast , and sail , than from the lower part . 11. neither seems the industry of man to have been ignorant of this , when in a fore-wind their greatest hopes have been in their fore-masts , and in calms , they have not been careless in hoysing up of their top sails . neither for the present do we find what may be added to humane industry in this point ; unless concerning the first , we should set up two or three fore-masts ( the first upright , and the rest sloping ) whose sails shall hang downward : and as for the second , that the fore-sails should be enlarged at the top , and made less sharp than they usually are : but in both we must take heed of the inconvenience of danger , in sinking the ship too much . the motion of winds in other engines of mans invention . 1. the motion of wind-mills hath no subtilty at all in it : and yet usually it is not well explained nor demonstrated . the sails are set right and direct opposite against the wind which bloweth . one side of the sail lies to the wind , the other side by little and little bends it self , and gets it self away from the wind . but the turning and continuance of the motion is always caused by the lower part , namely , that which is farthest from the wind . but the wind over-casting it self against the engine , is contracted and restrained by the four sails , and is constrained to take its way in four spaces . the wind doth not well endure that compression ; wherefore of necessity it must as it were with its elbow hit the sides of the sails , and so turn them , even as little whirligigs that children play withal are turned with the fingers . 2. if the sails were extended even and equally , it would be doubtful which way the inclination would be , as in the fall of a staff ; but when the nearer side which meets with the wind , casts the violence of it upon the lower side , and from thence into distances , so that when the lower side receives the wind , like the palm of the hand , or the sail of a ships boat , presently there is a turning on that side . but this is to be observed , that the beginning of the motion proceeds not from the first impulsion , which is direct , and a breast ; but from the lateral impulsion , which is after the compression or straightning of the wind . 3. we made some proofs and trials about this , for the increasing of this motion , as well to be assured we had found the cause , as also for use ; feigning an imitation of this motion , with paper sails , and the wind of a pair of bellows . we therefore added to the side of the lower sail , a fold turned in from the wind , that the wind being become a side wind , might have somewhat more to beat upon ; which did no good , that fold not so much assisting the percussion of the wind , as in consequence hindring the cutting of the air . we placed behind the sails at some distance , certain obstacles , as broad as the diameter of all the sails , that the wind being more compressed , might hit the stronger : but this did rather hurt than good , the repercussion dulling the primary motion . then we made the sails of a double breadth , that the wind might be the more restrained , and there might be a stronger lateral percussion ; which at last proved very well : so that the conversion was caused by a far milder gale , and did turn a great deal more swiftly . mandate . peradventure this increase of motion might more conveniently be made by eight sails , than by four , doubling the breadth , unless too much weight did over-burthen the motion : which must have trial made of it . mandate . likewise the length of sails doth much conduce to the motion . for in wheelings , a slight violence about the circumference , is equivalent to a far greater about the center . but then this inconvenience follows , that the longer the sails are , the more distant they are at the top , and the wind is so much the less straightned . peradventure the business would go well , if the sails were a little longer and broader towards the top , like the outermost end of an oar. but this we are not sure of . monition . if these experiments be made trial of in wind-mills ; care must be taken of the wind-mill posts , and the foundations of it : for the more the wind is restrained , the more it shakes ( though it swiftens the motion of the sails ) the whole frame of the mill. 4. it is reported , that in some countreys there are coaches and waggons which move with the wind ; but this must be more diligently looked after . mandate . chariots moving by vertue of the wind , can be of no use , unless it be in open places and plains : besides , what will be done if the wind allays . it had been better to have thought of easing the motion of waggons and coaches by sails , which might be set up and taken down , to ease the oxen or horses which draw them , rather than to make a motion by wind alone . prognosticks of winds . to the two and thirtieth article . connexion . the more divination useth to be polluted by vanity and superstition , so much more is the purer part of it to be received and honoured . but natural divination is sometimes more certain , sometimes more slippery and deceitful , according to the subject with which it hath to do ; for if it be of a constant and regular nature , it causeth a certain prediction . if it be of a variable and irregular nature , it may make a casual and deceitful one : yet in a various subject the prediction will hold true if it be diligently regulated , peradventure it may not hint upon the very moments , but in the thing it self it will not erre much . likewise for the times of the event and complement , some predictions will hit right enough , namely , those which are not gathered from the causes , but from the thing it self already inchoated , but sooner appearing , in an apt and fitly disposed matter than in another , as we said before in the topicks concerning this two and thirtieth article . we will now therefore set forth the prognosticks of winds , of necessity intermixing some of rain , and fair weather , which could not conveniently be separated , remitting the full enquiry of them to their proper titles . 1. if the sun appears hollow at its rising , it will the very same day yield wind or rain ; if it appears as it were a little hollow , it signifies wind ; if deeply hollow , rain . 2. if the sun rises pale , or ( as we call it ) waterish , it betokens rain , if it set so , it betokens wind . 3. if the body of the sun it self appears at its setting of the colour of bloud , it foretokens great winds , for many days . 4. if at sun rising its beams appear rather red than yellow , it sign fies wind rather than rain , and the like if they appear so at its setting . 5. if at sun rising or setting , its rays appear contracted or shortned , and do not shine out bright , though the weather be not cloudy , it signifies rain rather than wind . 6. if before sun rising there appear some rays as fore-runners , it signifies both wind and rain . 7. if the sun at its rising diffuses its rays through the clouds , the middle of the sun remaining still under clouds , it shall signifie rain , especially if those beams break out downwards , that the sun appears as it were with a beard . but if the raies break forth out of the middle , or dispersed , and its exterior body , or the out-parts of it be covered with clouds , it fore-shewes great tempests both of wind and rain . 8. if the sun , when it rises , be encompassed with a circle , let wind be expected from that side on which the circle opens . but if the circle fall off all at one time , it will be fair weather . 9. if at the setting of the sun there appears a white circle about it , it signifies some small storm the same night : if black or darkness , much wind the day following . 10. if the clouds look red at sun-rising , they are prognosticks of wind : if at sun-setting , of a fair ensuing day . 11. if about the rising of the sun , clouds do gather themselves about it , they foreshew rough storms that day ; but if they be driven back from the rising towards the setting of the sun , they signifie fair weather . 12. if at sun-rising the clouds be dispersed from the sides of the sun , some south-ward , and some north-ward , though the sky be clear about the sun , it fore-shews wind . 13. if the sun goes down in a cloud , it fore-shewes rain the next day : but if it rains at sun-setting , it is a token of wind rather . but if the clouds seem to be as it were drawn towards the sun , it signifies both wind and storms . 14. if clouds at the rising of the sun seem not to encompass it , but to lie over it , as if they were about to eclipse it , they fore-shew the rising of winds , on that side as the clouds incline . and if they do this about noon , they signifie both wind and rain . 15. if the clouds have encompassed the sun , the less light they leave it , and the lesser the orb of the sun appears , so much the more raging shall the tempest be ; but if there appear a double or treble orb , as though there were two or three suns , the tempest will be so much the more violent for many days . 16. new moons presage the dispositions of the air : but especially the fourth rising of it , as if it were a confirmed new moon . the full moons likewise do presage more than the days which come after . 17. by long observation , the fifth day of the moon , is feared by mariners for stormy . 18. if the new moon do not appear before the fourth day , it fore-shews a troubled air for the whole month. 19. if the new moon at her first appearance , or within a few days after , have its lower horn obscure , or dusky , or any way blemished , it signifies stormy and tempestuous days before the full moon ; if it be ill coloured in the middle , tempests will come about the full of the moon : if it be so about the upper part of the horn , they will be about the decreasing of the moon . 20. if at the fourth rising the moon appear bright , with sharp horns , not lying flat , nor standing upright , but in a middle kind of posture between both , it promises fair weather for the most part , until the next new moon . 21. if at the same rising it be red , it portends winds ; if dusky or black , rain ; but howsoever it signifies nothing beyond the full moon . 22. an upright moon is almost always threatning , and hurtful , but it chiefly portends winds : but if it have blunt horns , and as it were cut off short , it rather signifies rain . 23. if one horn of the moon be sharp , and the other blunt , it signifies wind ; if both be blunt , rain . 24. if a circle , or halo appear about the moon , it signifies rain rather than wind , unless the moon stands directly within that circle , for then it signifies both . 25. circles about the moon always foreshew winds on that side where they break ; also a notable shining in some part of the circle , signifies winds from that part where the shining is . 26. if the circles about the moon be double or treble , they fore-shew horrible and rough tempests , and especially if those circles be not whole , but spotted and divided . 27. full moons , as concerning the colours and circles , do in a manner foreshew the same things , as the fourth rising , but more present , and not so long delayed . 28. full moons use to be more clear than the other ages of the moon , and in winter use to be far colder . 29. the moon appearing larger at the going down of the sun , if it be splendent and not dusky , betokens fair weather for many days . 30. winds almost continually follow the eclipses of the moon ; and fair weather the eclipses of the sun ; rain comes after neither . 31. from the conjunctions of any of the planets , but only the sun , you may expect winds both before and after , from their conjunctions with the sun , fair weather . 32. at the rising of the pleiades , and hyades , come showres of rain , but calm ones ; after the rising of arcturus and orion , tempests . 33. returning and shooting stars ( as we call them ) signifie winds to come from that place whence they run , or are shot ; but if they flye from several , or contrary parts , it is a sign of great approaching storms of wind and rain . 34. when such little stars as those which are called aselli , are not seen generally all over the sky , it foreshews great tempests and rain within some few days . but if they be seen in some places , and not in other some , it foreshews winds only , and that suddenly . 35. the sky when it is all over bright , in a new-moon , or at the fourth rising of it , portends fair weather for many days ; if it be all over dark , it foreshews rain , if partly dark , and partly fair , it portends wind of that side where the darkness is seen . but if it grow dark on a sudden , without either cloud or mist to dimn the brightness of the stars , there are great and rough tempests a breeding . 36. if an entire circle incloseth a planet , or any of the greater stars , it foreshews wind ; if it be a broken circle , wind from those parts where the circle is deficient . 37. when the thunder is more than the lightnings , there will be great winds ; but if the lightnings be thick amidst the thundering , it fore-shews thick showres , with great drops . 38. morning thunders signifie wind , mid-day thunders rain . 39. bellowing thunders which do as it were pass along , presage winds , and those which make a sharp and unequal noise , presage storms both of wind and rain . 40. when it lightens in a clear sky , winds are at hand , and rain from that part where it lightens : but if it lightens in diverse parts , there will follow cruel and horrid tempests . 41. if it lightens in the cold quarters of the heavens , namely , the east and north , hail will follow ; if in the warmer ; namely , south and west , we shall have rain and a warm sky . 42. great heats after the summer soistice , and commonly with thunder and lightning , and if those come not , there will be wind and rain for many days . 43. the globe of flame , which the ancient called castor , which is seen by mariners , and seafaring men at sea , if there be but one , presages a cruel tempest , ( castor is the dead brother ) and much more if it stick not close to the mast , but dances up and down . but if they be twins , ( and pollux the living brother be present ) and that when the tempest is high , it is a good presage : but if there be three ( namely , if helen , the plague of all things come in ) it will be a more cruel tempest : so that one seems to shew the indigested matter of the storm , two a digested and ripe matter ; three or more an abundance that will hardly be dispersed . 44. if we see the clouds drive very fast when it is a clear sky , we must look for winds from that way from which the clouds are driven : but if they wheel and tumble up together , when the sun drawes near to that part in which they are tumbled up together , they will begin to scatter and sever ; and if they part most towards the north , it betokens wind , if towards the south , rain . 45. if at sun-setting there arise black and dark clouds , they presage rain : if against the sun , namely , in the east , the same night , if near the sun in the west the next day , with winds . 46. the clearing of a cloudy sky , if it begins against the wind which then blows , signifies clear fair weather ; with the wind it betokens nothing , but the thing remains uncertain . 47. there are sometimes seen several as it were chambers or joined stories of clouds one above the other , ( so as gilbertus affirms , he hath seen five of them together ) and always the blackest are lowermost , though sometimes it appears otherwise , because the whitest do more allure the sight . a double conjunction of stories , if it be thick shews approaching rain ( especially if the lower cloud seem as it were big with child ) more conjunctions presage continuance of rain . 48. if clouds spread abroad like fleeces of wool here and there , they foreshew tempests : but if they lie one a top of another , like skales or tiles , they presage drought and clear weather . 49. feathered clouds , like to the boughs of a palm tree , or the flowers of a rainbow , are prognosticks of present rain , or immediately to follow . 50. when hills and hillocks looks as though they wore caps by reason of the clouds lying upon them , and encompassing them , it presages imminent tempests . 51. amber , or gold colour clouds before sun-setting , that have as it were gilded helms or borders , after the sun begins to be quite down , foreshew fair clear weather . 52. grayish , and as it were clay-coloured clouds , shew that rain with wind are drawing on . 53. some petty cloud shewing it self suddenly , having not been seen before , and all the skie clear about it , especially if it be in the west , and about noon , shews there is a storm a comming . 54. clouds and mists ascending , and going upward , presage rain , and that this be done suddenly , so that they be as it were sucked up , they presage rain : but if they fall and reside in the valleys , they presage fair weather . 55. a big cloud growing white , which the ancients called a white tempest , in summer is a fore-runner of small hail , like comfits , in winter snow . 56. a fair and clear autumn presages a windy winter ; a windy winter , a rainy spring : a rainy spring a clear summer ; a clear summer a windy autumn . so that the year ( as the proverb goes ) is seldom its own debtor , and the same order of seasons will scarce happen two years together . fires upon the hearth when they look paler than they are accustomed , and make a murmuring noise within themselves , do presage tempests . and if the flame rises bending and turning , it signifies wind chiefly : and when the snuffs of lamps and candles grow like mushromes with broad heads , it is a sign of rainy weather . 58. coals shining bright , and sparkling over-much , signifie wind 59. when the superficies of the sea is calm and smooth in the harbour , and yet murmures within it self , though it doth not swell , signifies wind . 60. the shoars resounding in a calm , and the sound of the sea it self , with a clear noise , and a certain eccho , heard plainer and further than ordinary , presages winds . 61. if in a calm and smooth sea , we espie froth here and there , or white circles or bubbles of water , they are prognosticks of winds ; and if these presages be very apparent , they foreshew rough tempests . 62. if in a rough sea there appear a shining froth ( which they call sealungs ) it foreshews a lasting tempest for many days . 63. if the sea swell silently , and rises higher than ordinary within the harbour , or the tide come in sooner than it uses to do , it foretels wind . 64. sound from the hils , and the murmure of woods growing lowder , and a noise in open champion fields , portends wind . also a prodigiius murmuring of the element , without thunder ; for the most part presages winds . 65. leaves and straws playing on the ground , without any breath of wind that can be felt , and the down of plants flying about , feathers swimming and playing upon the water , signifie that wind is near at hand . 66. water fowls flying at one another , and flying together in flocks , especially sea-mews and gulls , flying from the sea and lakes , and hastning to the banks and shoars , especially if they make a noise and play upon dry land , they are prognosticks of winds , especially if they do so in the morning . 67. but contrariwise , sea fowls going to the water , and beating with their wings , chattering and bathing themselves , especially the crow , are all presages of storms . 68. duckers and ducks cleanse their feathers with their bills against wind : but geese with their importunate crying call for rain . 69. a hern flying high , so that it sometimes flies over a low cloud , signifies wind : but kites when they flye high , foreshew fairweather . 70. crows as it were barking after a sobbing manner , if they continue in it , do presage winds , but if they catchingly swallow up their voice again , or croak a long time together , it signifies that we shall have some showrs . 71. a chattering owl was thought by the ancients to fore-tel change of weather ; if it were fair , rain ; if cloudy , fair weather : but with us the owl making a clear and free noise , for the most part signifies fair weather , especial in winter . 72. birds pearching in trees , if they flie to their nests , and give over feeding betimes , it presages tempest : but the hearn standing as it were sad and melancholy upon the sand ; or a crow walking up and down , do presage wind onely . 73. dolphins playing in a calm sea , are thought to presage wind from that way they come : and if they play and throw up water when the sea is rough , they presage fair weather . and most kinds of fishes swimming on the top of the water , and sometimes leaping , do prognosticate wind . 74. upon the approach of wind , swine will be so terrified and disturbed , and use such strange actions , that country people say that creature onely can see the wind , and perceive the horridness of it . 75. a little before the wind spiders work and spin carefully , as if they prudently forestall'd the time , knowing that in windy weather they cannot work . 76. before rain , the sound of bels is heard further off ; but before wind it is heard more unequally , drawing near and going further off , as it doth when the wind blows really . 77. pliny affirms for a certain , that three leaved grass creeps together , and raises its leaves against a storm . 78. he sayes likewise , that vessels which food is put into , will leave a kind of sweat in cupboards , which presage cruel storms . monition . seeing rain and wind , have almost a common matter , and seeing alwayes before rain , there is a certain condensation of the air , caused by the new air received into the old , as it appears by the sounding of the shoars , and the high flight of hearns , and other things ; and seeing the wind likewise thickens , ( but afterward in rain the air is more drawn together , and in winds contrariwise it is enlarged ) of necessity winds must have many prognosticks common with the rain . whereof advise with the prognosticks of rain , under their own title . imitations of winds . to the three and thirtieth article . connexion . if men could be perswaded not to fix their contemplations over-much upon a propounded subject , and reject others as it it were by the bye ; and that they would not subtilize about that subject in infinitum , and for the most part unprofitably , they would not be seized with such a stupor as they are ; but transferring their thoughts , and discoursing , would find many things at a distance , which near at hand are hidden . so that as in the civil law , so we must likewise in the law of nature , we must carefully proceed to semblable things , and such as have a conformity between them . 1. bellows with men are aeolus his bags , out of which one may take as much as he needeth . and likewise spaces between , and openings of hills , and crooks of buildings , are but as it were large bellows . bellows are most useful either to kindle fire , or for musical organs : the manner of the working of bellows is by sucking in of the air , to shun vacuity , ( as they say ) and to send it out by compression . 2. we also use hand fans to make a wind , and to cool , only by driving forward of the air softly . 3. the cooling of summer rooms , we spake of in answer to the ninth article . there may other more curious means be found , especially if the air be drawn in somewhere after the manner of bellows , and let out at another place ; but those which are now in use have relation only to meer compression . 4. the breath in mans microcosmos , and in other animals , do very well agree with the winds in the greater world : for they are engendred by humours , and alter with moisture as wind and rain doth , and are dispersed and blow freer by a greater heat . and from them that observation is to be transferred to the winds , namely , that breaths are engendred of matter that yields a tenacious vapour , not easie to be dissolved ; as beans , pulse , and fruits ; which is so likewise in greater winds . 5. in the distilling of vitriol and other minerals which are most windy , they must have great and large receptacles , otherwise they will break . 6. wind composed of niter and gun-powder , breaking out and swelling , the flame doth not only imitate , but also exceed winds , which blow abroad in the world , unless they be such as are made by thunder . 7. but the forces of it are pressed in , as in humane engines , as guns , mines , and powder-houses set on fire . but it hath not yet been tried whether in open air , a great heap of gun-powder set on fire would raise a wind for certain hours , by the commotion of the air . 8. there lies hidden a flatuous and expansive spirit in quick-silver , so that it doth , ( in some mens opinions ) imitate gun-powder , and a little of it mixed with gun-powder , will make the powder stronger . likewise the chymists speak the same of gold that being prepared some way , it will break out dangerously , like to thunder ; but these things i never tried . a greater observation . the motion of winds is for most things , seen as it were in a looking-glass , in the motion of waters . great winds are inundations of the air , as we see inundations of waters , both through the augmentation of the quantity . as waters either descend from above , or spring out of the earth , so some winds are cast down , and some rise up . as sometimes in rivers there are contrary motions , one of the flowing of the sea , the other of the current of the river , yet both become one motion , by the prevailing of the flood ; so when contrary winds blow , the greater subdues the lesser . as in the currents of the sea , and of some rivers , it sometimes falls out , that the waves above go contrary to the waves below : so in the air , when contrary winds blow together , one flyes over the other . as there are cataracts of rain within a narrow space , so there are whirlwinds . as waters , however they go forward , yet if they be troubled , swell up into waves , sometimes ascending , grow up into heaps , sometimes descending , are as it were furrowed : so the winds do the same , but only want the motion of gravity . there are also other similitudes which may be observed and gathered out of those things which have already been enquired about . moveable rules concerning winds . connexion . rules are either particular or general , both with us are moveable ; for as yet we have not affirmed any thing positively . particular rules may be taken and gathered almost out of every article . we will cull out some general ones , and those but a few , and adde thereunto . 1. wind is no other thing but moved air ; but the air it self moved either by a simple impulsion , or by commixion of vapors . 2. winds by a simple impulsion are caused four ways , either by the natural motion of the air , or by expansion of the air , in the suns ways ; or by reception of air thorow a sudden cold ; or by the compression of the air by external bodies . there may be also a fifth way , by the agitation and concussion of the air by stars . but let these things be a while silent , or be given ear unto with a sparing belief . 3. of winds which are made by immixion of vapours , the chief cause is the over-burthening of the air , by air newly made out of vapours , whereby the mass of the air grows bigger , and seeks new room . 4. a small quantity of air added , causeth a great tumor of the air round about it : so that new air out of the resolution of vapours doth confer more to motion than to matter . but the great body of wind consists in the former air , neither doth the new air drive the old air before it , as if they were several bodies ; but being both commixt , they desire larger room . 5. when any other beginning of motion concurs , besides the over-burthening of the air , it is an accessory which strengthneth and encreaseth that principal , which is the reason that great and violent winds do seldom rise , by the simple over-burthening of the air . 6. four things are accessory to the over-burthening of the air : the breathing out of subterraneal places ; the casting down out of ( as it is called ) the middle region of the air , dissipation made out of a cloud , and the mobility and acrimony of the exhalation it self . 7. the motion of the wind is for the most part lateral : but that which is made by meer over-burthening , is so from the beginning , that which is made by the expiration of the earth , or repercussion from above , a little while after , unless the eruption , or precipitation , or reverberation be exceeding violent . 8. air will endure some compression , before it be over-burthened , and begins to thrust away the adjoyning air , by reason whereof all winds are a little thicker than quiet and calm air . 9. winds are allayed five ways , either by the conjunction of vapours , or by their sublimation , or by transporting them , or by their being spent . 10. vapors are conjoyned , and so the air it self becomes water , four ways , either by abundance aggravating , or by colds condensing , or by contrary winds compelling , or by obstacles reverberating . 11. both vapours and exhalations , but wind very frequently from vapours . but there is this difference , that winds which are made of vapours , do more easily incorporate them selves into pure air , are sooner allayed , and are not so obstinate as those winds which are engendred of exhalations . 12. the manner and several conditions of heat have no less power in the generation of winds , than the abundance or conditions of the matter . 13. the heat of the sun ought to be so proportioned in the generation of winds , that it may raise them , but not in such abundance as that they gather into rain , nor in so small a quantity , that they may be quite shaken off and dispersed . 14. winds blow from their nurseries , and the nurseries being disposed several ways , divers winds for the most part blow together , but the strongest either quite overthrows , or turns into its current the weakest . 15. winds are engendred every where , from the very superficies of the earth , up into the middle region of the air , the more frequent below , but the stronger above . 16. the countries which have retaining or trade-winds , if they be warm , have them warmer that according to the measure of their climate : if they be cold , they have them colder . a humane map , or optatives , with such things as are next to them concerning winds . optatives . 1. to frame and dispose sails of ships in such a manner , that with less wind they might go a greater journey ; a thing very useful to shorten journeys by sea , and save charges . next . the next invention precisely in practice i have not as yet found ; yet concerning that , look upon our greater observations upon the six and twentieth article . 2. optative . that we could make wind-mills , and their sails in such manner that they may grind more with less wind . a thing very useful for gain . next . look concerning this upon our experiments in the answer to the seven and twentieth article , where the thing seems to be as it were done . optative . to foreknow when winds will rise and allay : a thing useful for navigation and for husbandy , especially for the chusing of times for sea-fights . next . to this belong many of those things which are observed in the inquisition , and especially in the answer to the two and thirtieth article . but a more careful observation hereafter ( if any shall apply their mind to it ) will give far more exact prognosticks , the cause of the winds being already laid open . 4. optative . to give judgment , and make prognosticks by winds , of other things , as first , whether they be continents or islands in the sea in any place : or rather a free open sea ; a thing very useful for new and unknown voyages . next . the next is the observation concerning constant and trade-winds : that which columbus seemed to make use of . 5. optative . likewise of the plenty or scarcity of corn every year . a thing useful for gain , and buying before-hand , and fore-stalling , as it is reported of thales , concerning a monopoly of olives . next . to this belong some things specified in the inquisition of winds , gither hurtful , or shaking winds , and the times when they do hurt ; to the nine and twentieth article . 6. optative . likewise concerning diseases and plagues every year . a thing useful for the credit of physicians , if they can fore-tel them also for the causes and cures of diseases , and some other civil considerations . next . to this likewise belong some things set down in the inquisition to the thirtieth article . monition . of predictions by wind concerning corn , fruits , and diseases , look upon histories of husbandry and physick . optative . 7. how to raise winds and to allay them . next . concerning these things there are some superstitious opinions , which do not seem worthy to be inserted into a serious and severe natural history : nor can i think of any thing that is near in this kind . the design may be this , to look throughly into , and enquire about the nature of the air ; whether any thing may be found , whereof a small quantity put into air , may raise and multiply the motion to dilatation , or contraction in the body of the air . for out of this ( if it might be done ) would follow the raisings and allayings of winds . such as that experiment of pliny is concerning vinegar thrown against the whirlwinds , if it were true . another design might be , by letting forth of winds out of subterraneal places ; if so be they should gather together any where in great abundance , as it is a common and approved opinion of the well in dalmatia : but to know such places of prisons , is very hard and difficult . 8. optative . to work many fine , pleasant , and wonderful conceits by the motion of winds . next . we have not leisure to enter into consideration touching these things : next to it is that common report of the duels of winds . questionless many such pleasant things might very well be found out , both for motions and sounds of winds . an entrance to the titles appointed for the next five months . the history of density and rarity . the entrance . it is no marvail if nature be indebted to philosophy and the sciences , seeing it was never yet called upon to give an account , for there never was any diligent and dispensatory inquisition made of the quantity of the matter , and how that had been distributed into bodies ( in some copiously , in others sparingly ) according to the true , or at least truest accounts that hath been truely received and approved of , that nothing is taken away and lost , or added unto the universal summe . likewise that place hath been treated upon by some , namely how it can be loosened or contracted without intermixion or vacuity , according to more or less : but the natures of density and rarity , some have referred to the abundance or scarcity of the matter , another hath laughed at the same ; the greatest part following their author , do discuss and compose the whole matter by that cold and weak distinction of act , and power . those also who attribute them to the reasons of matter ( which is the true opinion ) do neither quite deprive the materia prima , or primary matter of its quantum , or quantity , though for other forms they will have it equal , but here do terminate and end the matter , and seek no further , nor do not perceive what followeth thereby ; and either do not touch at all , or at least do not urge home that which hath a regard to infinites , and is as it were the basis and ground of natural philosophy . first therefore that which is rightly set down must not be moved nor altered ; namely , that there is no transaction made in any transmutation of bodies , either from nothing , or to nothing : but that they are works of the same omnipotence , to create out of nothing , and to reduce unto nothing , and that by course of nature this can never be done . therefore the summe of the total matter stands still whole , nothing is added , nothing is diminished : yet that this sum is divided by portions amongst the bodies , is unquestionable , for there can no man be so much beside himself through any subtile abstractions as to think that there is as much matter in one vessel of water as in ten vessels of water , nor likewise in one vessel of air , as much as in ten vessels of air . but in the same body there is no question but that the abundance of matter is multiplied according to the measure of the body , in divers bodies it is questionable . and if it be demonstrated that one vessel of water turned into air , will yield ten vessels of air , ( for we take this computation for a received opinion , though that of a hundred fold be the truer ) it is well ; for now they are no more divers bodies , water and air , but the same body of air in ten vessels : but one vessel of air ( as it was but now granted ) is but onely the tenth part often vessels . therefore it cannot be contradicted , but that in one vessel of water , there is ten times more matter than in one vessel of air : therefore if one should affirm , that one whole vessel of water could be converted into one vessel of air , it were as much as if one should assirme that something could be reduced to nothing : for as much as one tenth part of water would suffice to do it , and the other nine parts must of necessity be reduced to nothing : and contrariwise , if one should affirm that one vessel of air could be turned into a vessel of water , it would be as much as if he should say , that something could be created our of nothing : for one vessel of air can attain and reach but unto the tenth part of a vessel of water , and the other nine parts must needs proceed from nothing . in the mean time we will plainly acknowledg and confess , that to understand the true means of the reasons and calculations , of the how much part of the quantum , or how much of the matter which is in divers bodies , and by what industry and sagacity one may be truly informed thereof , is a high matter to be enquired ; but such as the great and largely extended profit which will accrue thereby will largely recompence . for to know the densities and rarities of the body , and much more how to procure , and effect the condensations and rarefactions , is of great importance and moment both to contemplative , and to the practick . seeing then it is a thing ( if any there be at all ) meerly fundamental and universal ; we must go carefully , and prepared about it , seeing that all philosophy without it is loose and disjointed . the history of heavy and light. the entrance . the motion of gravity and lightness , the ancients did illustrate with the name of natural motion : for they saw no external efficient , nor no apparent resistance ; yea the motion seemed swifter in its progress . this contemplation , or rather speech , they seasoned with that mathematical phantasie of the staying or stopping of heavy things at the center of the earth ( although the earth should be bored quite thorow ) and that scholastical invention of the motion of bodies to their several places . having laid or set down these things , supposing they had done their parts , they looked no further , but onely that which some of them more carefully enquired after , namely , of the center of gravity in divers figures , and of such things as are carried by water . neither did any of the modern authors do any thing worth speaking of concerning this , onely by adding some few mechanical things which they had also wrested with their demonstrations : but laying many words aside , it is most certain , that a body cannot suffer but by a body : neither can there be any local motion made , unless it be solicited or set forward , either by the parts of the body it self which is moved , or by the adjacent bodies , which either touch it , or are near unto it , or are at least within the orb of its activity . so that gilbertus did not unknowingly introduce magnecick powers , he also becomming a loadstone , namely , drawing more things by those powers than he should have done , and building a ship as it were of a round piece of wood . the history of the sympathy and antipathy of things . the entrance . strife and amity in nature are the eggers on of motions , and the keys of works . hence proceeds the union and dissention of bodies ; hence the mixion and separation of bodies ; hence the high and intimate impressions of vertues , and that which they call joyning of actives with passives : finally they are the great and wonderful works of nature . but this part of philosophy , namely of the sympathy and antipathy of things is most impure , which also they call natural magick : and ( which always likely comes to pass ) where diligence and care hath wanted , there hath hope remained : but the operation thereof in men is meerly like unto certain soporiferous medicines which cast one asleep , and do moreover send and infuse into him merry and pleasant dreams . for first it casts mans understanding into a sleep , representing unto him specifical properties , and hidden vertues , whereby men awake no more , nor look after the finding and searching out of true causes ; but acquiesce and lie still in these idle ways . then it insinuates an innumerable company of fictions like unto dreams ; and vain men hope to know the nature by the outward shape and shew , and by extrinsecal similitudes to discover inward properties . their practise also is very like unto their enquiry : for the precepts of natural magick are such , as if men should be confident that they could subdue the earth , and eat their bread without the sweat of their brow , and to have power over things by idle and easie applications of bodies ; and still they have in their mouths , and like undertakers or sureties , they call upon the loadstone , and the consent which is between gold and quicksilver ; and some few things of this kind they alledge , for to prove other things , which are not bound by any such like contract . but god hath appointed the best of things to be enquired out and be wrought by labours and endeavours . we will be a little more carefull in searching out the law of nature , and the mutual contracts of things , neither favouring miracles , nor making too lowly and straightned an inquisition . the history of sulphur , mercury , and salt. the entrance . this triple of principles hath been introduced by the chymists , and as concerning speculatives is of them which they bring the best invention . the most subtile and acute of these , and those who are most philosophical , will have the elements to be earth , water , air , and the skie . and those they will not have to be the matter of things , but the matrixes in which the specifical seeds of things do engender in the nature of a matrix . but for the materia prima , or primary matter , ( which scholars do lay down as it were naked , and indifferent ) they substitute those three , sulphur mercury and salt ; out of whith all bodies are gathered together and mixed . we do accept of their words , but their opinions are not very sound . yet that doth not ill agree with their opinion , namely , that we hold two of them , to wit , sulphur and mercury ( taken according to our sence ) to be very first and prime natures , and most inward figurations of matter , and almost chief amongst the forms of the first classis . but we may vary the words of sulphur and mercury , and name them otherwise oyly , waterish , fat , crude , inflamable , not inflamable , or the like . for these seem to be two very great things of the three , and which possess and penetrate the universe , for amongst subterraneal things , they are sulphur and mercury , as they are called ; in the vegetable and animal kind , they are oyl and water ; in the inferior spiritual things , they are air and flame ; in the heavenly , the body of a star , and the pure skie ; but of this last duality we yet say nothing , though it seem to be a probable decyphering : for if they mean by salt , the fixed part of the body , which is not resolved either into flame or smoak , this belongeth to the inquisition of fluid , and determinate things . but if we take salt according to the letter without any parabolical meaning , salt is no third thing from sulphur and mercury , but mixed of both , connexed into one , by an acrimonious and sharp spirit . for all manner of salt hath inflamable parts ; and other parts also , which not only will not take fire , but do also abhor it and flie from it : yet the inquisition of salt , being somewhat allyed to the inquisition of the other two , and exceeding useful , as being a tye and band of both natures , sulphurous and salt , and the very rudiment of life it self , we have thought fitting to comprehend it also within this history and inquisition . but in the mean time we give you notice , that those spiritual things , air , water , stars , and skie , we do ( as they very well deserve it ) reserve them for proper and peculiar inquisitions , and here in this place to set down the history only , of tangible , that is to say , mineral or vegetable sulphur and mercury . the history of life and death . the entrance . there is an old complaint of the shortness of life , and tediousness of art. therefore it seems very fitting to us , who strive to the uttermost of our powers to make arts perfect , to take care also of prolonging the life of man , the author of life and truth assisting us therein . for although mens lives be nothing else , but an increase and accumulation of sins and miseries ; and that life is but of small advantage to those who aspire to eternity : yet we who are christians should not contemn or despise a continuation of works of charity . and the beloved disciple lived longer than any of the rest ; and many of the fathers , especially the holy monks , and hermites , were long lived . and there was less taken away from this blessing , ( so often made mention of in the old law ) than from any other earthly blessing , after the coming of our savior . but it is plain & manifest enough , that this is held for a great good : but how to attain thereunto , is a high and mysterious question ; and so much the more , because it hath been abused both by false opinions and false praeconiums . for those things which are commonly spoken of by the rabble of physicians , concerning the radical humour , and natural heat , are deceitful . and the immoderate praises of chymical medicines , first swell men up with hopes , and then forsake them , and leave them in the mire . neither is our inquisition now of that death which proceeds from suffocation , putrifaction , and divers other diseases ; for that belongs to a physical or medicinal historie ; but of that death only which comes by the resolution and consumption of old age . yet to enquire of the last passage or step to death , and the very extinction or putting out of life , which may be done by many , both internal and external ways ( which notwithstanding have as it were one and the self same place of habitation , before we come unto the very pangs of death . ) i believe hath some affinity with our present inquisition , but we will set that in the last place . that which may be repaired by degrees and without destruction , the primary entire thing , that in potentia is eternal as the vestal fire . wherefore when the philosophers and physicians saw , that creatures were nourished , and that their bodies were repaired and made up again ; yet that it could not last long , but that a while after they grew old , and dyed , they sought for death in some thing , which properly could not be repaired , thinking that some radical and first engendred humor is not totally repaired , but that there is even from the infancy some degenerate addition , and not a precise , solid and just reparation , which by degrees is depraved with age , and at last brings that which is depraved to nothing . these unskilful and erroneous opinions they hold . for all things in youth and young age are fully and wholly repaired , and for a time increase in quantity , and are bettered in quality : so that the matter of reparation might in a manner be eternal , if the means of reparation did not fall away . but indeed in a declining age , there is but a very unequal reparation made . in some parts reparation proceeds happily , and other parts grow worse and worse ; and from that time men begin to endure that torment which mezentius did use to inflict , namely to kill living men with the embraces of dead ones ; and those things , which might easily be repaired do fail by being joyned to those things which can hardly be repaired . for even after that men do begin to decline through age , their spirit , bloud , flesh and fat may easily be repaired ; but those parts which are more porous , all membranes and tunicles , nerves , arteries , veins , bones , cartilages , most part of the inwards , and finally almost all the organical parts , are difficultly , and with great losse repaired . and those parts being to assist the reparation of those reparable parts which are actually to be repaired , losing their activity and strength , can no longer performe their function . and from thence a while after proceeds the falling to ruin of all together ; and those very same parts , which in their own nature are very reparable , the organs of reparations failing , cannot be well repaired , but decrease , and at last totally fail . and the cause of the period , is because the spirit preying alwayes like a still and gentle flame , the external air ( which also sucks and dries up the bodies ) conspiring with it , at the last ruins the frame of the body , and its organs , and makes them unable to performe the act of reparation : and these are the true ways of natural death , which are carefully to be revolved in mans mind . for he that knows not the ways of nature , how can he obviate and turn them ? therefore there ought to be a double inquisition : one of the consumption , or depredation of the body of man ; and the other of the reparation or refection of the same . and with this proviso or caveat that the one may be inhibited and restrained , and the other promoted and comforted as much as may be : and the first of these belongs chiefly to the spirits and external air , by which the depredation and waste is made ; the second to the whole process of alimentation , which causeth the restitution . and as for the first part of the inquisition , which is of the consumption , that is for a great part common to inanimate bodies : for those things which the inbred spirit ( which is in all tangible things be they living or dead ) and the encompassing air do operate upon inanimate things , the same they do also attempt upon those things which are animate : though the vital which is added unto them , partly breaks and quels those operations , and partly doth most powerfully increase and augment them . for it is most manifest , that many inanimate things can last a long time without any reparation ; whereas animate things do presently fall and are extinguished without aliment or reparation , as the fire also . therefore there ought to be a double inquisition : first , contemplating mans body , as inanimate , and without aliment : then as it is animate and alimented . and having spoken thus much by way of preface , let us now proceed to the topicks of the inquisition ; concerning which you must read the history of life and death . finis . the natural and experimental history of the form of hot things . the inquisition of forms proceeds thus . the first aphorism . upon the proposed nature , first there must be an apparance made before the understanding of all the known instances which agree in the same nature , though the matters be very unlike : and this collection is to be made historically , without any over-hasty contemplation , or any transcendent subtilty : as for example in the form of hot things . convenient instances in the nature of hot things . 1. the beams of the sun , especially in summer , and at noon time . 2. the sum beams reflected , and kept up close and drawn together , as among hills , or by wals , and especially in burning-glasses . 3. fiery meteors . 4. burning lightnings . 5. the breaking out of fire , out of the hollow parts of hils , &c. 6. all manner of flame . 7. solid things set on fire : 8. natural hot baths . 9. liquid things boyling or heated . 10. hot smoaks and vapours , and the air it self , which takes a strong and fierce heat if it be shut in , especially in reverberatories . 11. certain soultry hot times by the meer constitution of the air , without any regard of the season , or time of the year . 12. a subterraneal air , enclosed in certain caves , especially in winter time . 13. all woolly or hairy things , as beasts skins , or hides , and feathers , have a kind of warmness in them . 14. all manner of bodies , as well solid as liquid , as well thick as thin ( such as the air it self is ) being for a time brought near the fire . 15. sparkles out of a flint-stone , or out of iron or steel , caused by hand-striking . 16. any kind of body strongly rubbed together , as stone , wood , cloth , &c. so that sometimes axel-trees , and naves of wheels are set on fire : and the way of kindling of fire amongst the west indians is by attrition . 17. green and moist herbs packt and thrust up together , as roses , and peasecods , and hay being laid up moist will many times take fire . 18. unslackt quick lime having water thrown upon it . 19. fire when it is first dissolved by strong waters , or aqua fortis in a glass , without setting any fire to it ; and so likewise pewter , &c. but not in such a high degree . 20. living creatures , especially ( and that continually ) their entrails ; though in the insects the heat be not so palpably perceived by the sense of feeling , by reason of the smalness of their bodies . 21. horse-dung , and the like excrements of beasts being newly made . 22. strong oyl of sulphur and vitriol , shew the effects of heat in burning of linnen . 23. oyl of origanum and the like , shew their effects of heat also in burning of the teeth . 24. a strong spirit of wine rightly made up , will shew the effects of its heat in such manner , that if you put the white of an egge into it , it will grow together and be white , almost like that of a boiled egge , and a piece of bread being thrown into it , will heat and be like unto a piece of toasted bread . 25. spices and hot herbs , as dragon , and old cresses , &c. though they be not hot in the handling ( neither whole nor yet the powder of them ) yet being a little chewed , they are hot , and in a manner burning upon the tongue and the palate of the mouth . 26. strong vinegar , and all sharp sour things laid upon any part where there is no upper skin , as in the eye , or upon the tongue , or any other part when it is wounded or galled , do cause a kind of smart , like unto that which is produced by heat . 27. also sharp and violent cold produceth a kind of tingling , like unto burning . the northern winds sharp penetrating cold burneth , &c. 28. other things also which i omit for brevity . this we use to call the table of essence and presence . the second aphorism . secondly , there is manifestation to be made to the understanding of instances which are deprived of their nature which was first given them . for the forme ( as we said before ) ought as well to be absent where the primary nature is absent , as be present where it is present : but this would be infinite in all things . wherefore negatives are to be added to the affirmatives , and privations are onely to be looked upon in those subjects , which are nearly allyed to those others in which the primary nature is , and appears . and this we use to call the table of declination or absence in proximo , or the next degree . the nearest instances which are deprived of the nature of heat . a negative , or subjunctive instance to the first affirmative instance . the moon and the stars and the comets beams are not found hot by the sence of feeling , yea one may observe extreame cold seasons at full moons . but the greater fixed stars when the sun comes under them , or nigh unto them , are thought to increase and exasperate the heat of the sun , as it is when the sun is in leo , and in the dog-days . six negatives to the second instance . 1. the sun-beams give not any heat in that which they call the middle region of the air ; for which is commonly given a tolerable reason . for that region or part of the air is neither near unto the body of the sun , from which issue the beams , nor yet unto the earth , by which the said beams are reflected . and this appears by the tops of those hills which are of a great height , where the snow lyeth continually . but on the contrary , it hath been noted by some , that on the top of the peak of tenariff , and also of some hills of peru , the tops of the hils have no snow upon them , the snow lying lower upon the ascent of the hill : and besides , the air is not cold upon the tops of those hils , but very piercing and sharp ; so that upon those hils of peru , it pricks and hurts the eyes with its too much acrimony , and pricks the orifice of the ventricle , and causeth vomiting . and it was noted by the ancients , that on the top of olympus there was such a tenuity of air , that they who ascended thither were fain to carry with them spunges steeped in water and vinegar , and hold them to their mouths and nostrils , lest the tenuity or subtilness of the air should hinder their breathing . upon the top of which montain it was also said the air was so clear and free from winds and rain , that if the priests had written upon the ashes which remained upon jupiters altar after the sacrifices had been there offered unto him , the letters would remain there and not be blown away or blotted out , until the next year . and to this hour those which ascend to the top of tenariff , which they do by night , and not by day , are called upon and hastned to descend presently after sun-rising . for fear ( as it should seem ) lest the tenuity of the air should dissolve their spirits , and suffocate them . 2. the reflexion of the sun-beams in those countries which are nigh unto the polar circles , is very weak and ineffectual in its heat : so that the dutch who wintred in nova zembla , when they expected their ship should be freed from the great heaps and mountains of ice which were grown about it in the beginning of the month of july , were frustrated of their hopes , and forced to come away in their ship boat : so that the beams of the sun seem to be of small strength when they are direct , even upon plain ground : nor yet when they are reflected , unless they be multiplyed and united , which happeneth when the sun grows to be more perpendicular ; for the incidence of the beams makes more acute angles , so that the lines of the beams are more near ; whereas contrariwise in great obliquities of the sun , the angles are very obtuse , and consequently , the lines of the beams more distant . but in the mean time we must note that there may be many operations of the sun-beams , and in the nature of heat , which are not proportioned to our touch , or feeling ; so that in respect of us they do not operate so far as calefaction or heating , but in respect of some other bodies , they may execute the operations and functions of heat . 3. let us try such an experiment as this . let there be a glass made and framed of a contrary quality to a burning-glass , and let this glass be held between the sun and our hand , and let us observe whether that will diminish the heat of the sun as a burning-glass doth increase it . for it is manifest in the optick beams , that as the glass is of an unequal thickness in the middle and on the sides , so the things which are seen thorow them , are either more diffused , or more contracted . so the same should be in the matter of heat . 4. let it be carefully tryed , whether the strongest and best made burning-glasses can gather up the beams of the moon in such sort as the least degree of warmness or tepidity may proceed from them . and if that degree of tepidity should be too weak and subtile to be perceived by the sense of feeling , let recourse be had to those kinds of weather-glasses that shew the constitution of the air , whether it be hot or cold , and let the moon-beams fall thorow a burning-glass into the orifice of this weather-glass , and observe whether the tepidity do cause any fall or abatement of the water that is in the said weather-glass . 5. let the burning-glass be used over some hot thing that is not radious , or luminous ; as a hot iron or stone , which is not red or fire hot , or boyling water , or the like : and let it be observed whether there be any increase or augmentation of heat , as there is in the sun-beams . 6. let a burning-glass also be tried with a common flame . one negative to the third affirmative instance . there is no manifest or constant effect found in comets , ( if so be they also may be reckoned amongst meteors ) for the increasing the heat of the weather according to the season of the year ; though drought have commonly been observed to follow . also bright beams and columns , openings of the element , and the like , are more commonly seen in winter than in summer , especially in extream cold weather , so it be joyned with drought . but thunders and flashes of lightning do seldome happen in winter , but onely in time of great heat . but those ( which we call ) falling or shooting stars , are commonly thought to consist rather of some bright visions or slimie matter , set on fire , than of any stronger fiery nature . but of this we will enquire further . to the fourth one . there are some coruscations which yield light , but do not burn : and those are always without thunder . to the fifth one . eructations , and breakings out of flames happen in cold countries as well as in hot , in island and greenland : as also trees growing in cold countries are sometimes more apt to take fire , and have more pitch and rozen in them than those which grow in hot countries , as fir and pinetrees , and the like . but in what situation and nature of soil such breakings out use to be , that we might adde a negative to the affirmative , is not yet sufficiently enquired . to the sixth one . all manner of flame is perpetually hot , either more or less , neither can there any negative be added . and yet it is reported , that which they call ignis fatuus , which also sometimes hits against a wall , hath not much heat in it ; peradventure like the flame of spirit of wine , or aqua-vitae , which is not fierce or scorching . yet that seems to be yet a milder flame which we read of in some grave and credible histories , that hath been seen to appear about the heads and hair of young boys , and maidens , which fire no way burned their hair , but softly seemed to flame and play about it . and it is certain , that in a night horses have been seen , when they swet with travail , to have a certain kind of lightning flashes upon them , without any manifest scorching heat . and not many years since was seen , and held for a kind of miracle , a childs apron , which being a little stirred and rubbed , flashed out with fire , and sparkles flew out of it , which might happen peradventure , by reason of the salt or allom wherewith the apron was dyed , which might stick upon the apron in scales , which with violent rubbing might be broken . and it is most certain that all manner of sugar , either candid or otherwise ( so it be hard ) broken or scraped in the dark will shine and sparkle . likewise sea-water violently stirred up with oars , will give a light , and seem to burn , which kind of burning or light the spaniards call the sea-lungs . but what kind of heat that fire or flame yields which sea-men in ancient times were wont to call castor and pollux , and now in our days is called st. anthonies fire , is not yet certainly found out . to the seventh one . whatsoever is fiery , and turned into red heat , though it be without flame , yet it is perpetually hot ; neither can there be any negative added to this affirmative . yet there are some things which seem to be somewhat near thereunto : as rotten wood which shines in the night , and yet doth not feel hot : and the scales of rotten fish , which also glister in the dark , yet seem not hot , if you feel them ; neither can there be any heat perceived in handling a glow-worm which shineth so bright in the dark . to the eighth one . it is not yet throughly enquired concerning hot baths , in what situation and kind of soil they spring out ; therefore there is no negative added . to the ninth one . to liquid boiling or hot things is added a negative of the liquid thing it self in its own nature . for there is not any tangible liquid thing , which in its own nature is , and constantly endures and remains hot : but heat is only caused in it , as an additional , and acquired nature ; and those things which in power and operation are very hot , as the spirits of wine , chymical aromatick oils , oils of vitriol and sulphur , and the like ; which after a little continuance will burn , yet at the first touching they are cold . the water of hot natural baths taken up in vessels and severed from its springs will grow cold as well as water heated at the fire . oily bodies indeed are not altogether so cold to be touched as watry bodies are , and silk is not so cold as linnen . but these things belong to the table of degrees of cold . to the tenth one . 1. to a hot or fervent vapour , is added the negative of the nature of the vapour it self , such as we find it . for exnalations out of oily things though they be easily inflamed , yet they are not found to be hot , unless they be newly exhaled from a hot body . 2. likewise to a hot fervent air is added a negative of the nature of the air it self . for we do not find any air to be hot , unless it be shut up , or chafed , or palpably heated by the sun , or by fire , or some other hot body . to the eleventh one . there is a negative added of weather , which is colder than it should be at that season of the year , which happeneth upon a south-east or north-east winds blowing ; as also contrary weathers happen , when a south or west south-west wind bloweth . there is likewise an inclination to rain ( especially in winter ) when it is mild weather , and to frost in sharp cold weather . to the twelfth one . there is a negative added concerning air inclosed in caves in the summer time ; but there must be a more diligent inquisition made of inclosed air. for first it is a question ( and that not without cause ) what the nature of the air is of it self , concerng in heat and cold . for the air doth manifestly receive heat from celestial impressions , and cold , peradventure , by the expiration of the earth ; and again , in that which is called the middle region of the air , from cold vapours and snow : so that no judgement can be given of the nature of the air , by that air which lies open and abroad ; but a truer judgment may be given by that which is inclosed and shut up . and again , that air should be inclosed and shut up in such a vessel or substance , which may not of it self qualifie the air , either with heat or cold ; nor easily admit the force of the air which is without it . let trial therefore be made with an earthen pitcher , covered all over with double leather to safegard it from the outward air ; keeping in the included air in such a vessel well closed for the space of three or four dayes ; and the trial thereof after the opening of the vessel may be made , either by the feeling it with the hand , or by a glass of degrees , called a weather glass , well and orderly applyed . to the thirteenth one . it is likewise a question , whether tepidity , or lukewarmness in wool , skins , feathers , and the like , be by reason of some small inherent heat , because they are taken off from living creatures ; or by reason of a certain fitness , and oiliness , which is of a nature agreeing with tepidity ; or meerly by reason of the conclusion and fraction of the air , as was spoken in the precedent article ; for all air which is cut off from the continuation of the outward air , seems to have some tepidity or luke-warm ness in it . let therefore trial of this be made in thready stuffs which are made of linnen , and not of feathers , wool or silk , which are taken from living creatures . it is also to be noted , that all manner of dusts , or pulverized things ( in which air is manifestly included ) are less cold than the bodies of them : as we also hold all manner of scum or froth , ( by reason that it contains air ) to be less cold than the liquor it self . to the fourteenth one . to this there is no negative added : for there is not any thing either tangible or spirital , but will heat if it be set to the fire : yet there is this difference , that some things will heat sooner , as air , oil , and water ; and some will be longer a heating , as stone and metals . but this belongs to the table of degrees . to the fifteenth one . to this instance there is no other negative added , but that it is carefully to be observed , that no sparkles can be drawn out of a flint , or out of steel , or any other hard substance ; but there are some parcels of the substance it self beaten off , either of the stone or mettall ; and that the attrition of the aire it self can never produce or engender any sparkles , as it is commonly believed . and those very sparkles , by reason of the weight of the fired body , do tend downward rather than upward , and at their going out do turn to a kind of bodily soot . to the sixteenth one . we hold there can be no negative added to this instance : for there is not any tangible body to be found that will not manifestly heat with attrition or violent rubbing . so that the ancients did dream that there was no other heating power or vertue in heavenly things , but by reason of the attrition or chasing of the air through a violent wheeling about . but concerning this , or in this kind , we must enquire further , whether such bodies or substances as are shot out of engines ( as bullets out of guns ) do not receive some degree of heat from the percussion or blow it self , so that we find them somewhat hot after they fall . but the air being mov'd rather cools than heats : as we find in winds , and in a pair of bellows , and the breath of a mans mouth drawn up together . but this motion is not so violent as to excite heat : and it must be done without intermission and not by parcels , so that it is no marvail , if it does not cause any heat . to the seventeenth one . there must be a more diligent inquiry made about this instance ; for green and moist herbs and vegetables seem to have some occult or hidden heat within them . but that heat is so small and weak , that it cannot be felt in each several one ; but being laid and shut up together , so that their spirit cannot breath out into air , but feedeth and nourisheth each others ; then there ariseth a manifest heat , and sometimes a flame , when the matter is fitting for it . to the eighteenth one . also concerning this instance there must be a more diligent enquiry made . for quick or unslackt lime seems to take heat by having water thrown upon it , either by the union of the heat which before was distracted , ( as we said before of herbs laid up close together ) or by the irritation and exasperation of the fiery spirit by the water , there being some conflict and antiperistasis between them . now which of those two things may be the cause will more easily appear , if there be oil thrown on instead of water : for the oil will serve as well for the uniting of the inclosed spirit , though not for the irritation or provoking of it . also there must be a larger experiment or trial made as well in ashes and lines of divers bodies , as by the putting in of divers sorts of liquors . to the nineteenth one . to this instance is added the negative of other metals , which are more soft and fluid : for thin leaves of gold dissolved into liquor with the royal water , yield no palpable heat in their dissolving ; nor lead in aqua-fortis ; nor yet quick-silver , ( as far as i can remember ) but silver doth excite a little heat , and copper , as i remember , but pewter doth it more manifestly , and most iron and steel , which in their dissolution cause not only a strong heat , but also a violent kind of boyling : so that the heat seems to be caused by the conflict when the strong waters do pierce and rent in sunder the parts of the body . but where there is less resistance in the bodies , and that they easilier yield , there is hardly any heat excited . to the twentieth one . there is no negative to be added to the heat of creatures , unless it be of insects , by reason of the smalness of their bodies : for in fishes compared with earthly creatures , there is rather to be noted a degree of heat , than a privation . in vegitables and plants there is no degree of heat to be perceived in the feeling of them , nor in their gums , nor in their very marrows being opened . but in animal creatures there is a great diversity of heat to be found , as well in their parts , ( for one is the heat about the heart , another in the brain , another about the external parts ) as in their accidents , as in their vehement exercitation , and feavers . to the one and twentieth one . to this instance there is scarce any negative to be added : for the excrements of beasts , even after they are old and long ejected , manifestly have some potential heat in them , as may be perceived by their fattening of the ground . to the two and twentieth one . all manner of liquors which have a great and strong acrimony in them ( be they either waters or oils ) do execute the operations of heat in the rending in sunder or divulsion of bodies , and the adustion or burning of them after some continuance ; yet at the first touching of them there can be no heat perceived . and they operate according to the analogie and pores of the body to which they are applyed . aqua regis dissolves gold , but not silver : and contrariwise aqua fortis dissolves silver , but not gold , and neither of both these waters will dissolve glass : and so of others . to the four and twentieth one . let there be a trial of the spirit of wine , made in wood , or butter , wax , or pitch , and see if it will any way melt any of them with its heat . for the four and twentieth instance sheweth an imitative power of heat in it in incrustations or hardnings . so let there trial be made also in liquefactions or meltings . let there also be a trial made , or experience tried by a glass of degrees , or a weather-glass , and let it have an outward hollow place at the top , and put spirit of wine well rectified into that outward hollow place , and let the hollow place be covered , that it may the better contain the heat ; and let it be observed whether by its heat it will cause the water to descend . to the five and twentieth one . drugs and herbs which are sharp and biting upon the palate , much more being taken inward , are perceived to be hot : let us therefore see upon what other materials they do execute the works and operations of heat . sea-men do report , that when heaps and great masses of drugs or spices which have been long shut and heaped up together , are opened on a suddain ; they who turn them or take them out first , are in great danger of feavers and inflamations of their spirits . likewise there may be trial made , whether the powders of such drugs or herbs will dry lard , or other flesh hanged over them , as the smoak of fire will. to the six and twentieth one . acrimony or penetration is as well in cold things , as vinegar , and oil of vitriol , as in hot things , as oil of origanum , or the like . and so likewise in animate things they cause pain and smart , and in inanimate things they pull in sunder the parts and consume them : neither is there any negative added to this instance : and in animate or living things , there is never any pain , but is accompanied with some kind of heat . to the seven and twentieth one . many are the actions and operations which are common both to heat and cold , though in a diverse way . for snow seems a while after the handling of it , to burn childrens hands : and cold keeps flesh from put refaction as well as fire ; and heat contracts bodies and makes them less , and so doth cold . but it is better to leave these and the like things till we come to enquire of cold . the third aphorism . thirdly , there is apparance to be made before understanding of instances , in which nature ( of which inquiry is made ) is according to more or less , either making comparison of the increase and decrease in the same subject , or making comparison the one with the other in divers subjects . for the form of a thing , being the very thing it self , and the thing not differing from the form otherwise than apparancy and existency , or outward , and inward do differ , as well in order to man , as to the universe ; it therefore necessarily followeth , that no nature must be taken for a true form , unless it continually decrease when nature it self decreaseth : and likewise continually increaseth when nature it self is increased . and this table we commonly call the table of degrees or table of comparative . the table of degrees or comparatives in heat . we will first speak of those things in which there is no degree at all of heat , but seem only to have a kind of a potential heat , or a disposition or preparation to heat . then we will descend to those things which are indeed actually and palpably hot to the touch , and of their strength and degrees . 1. in solid and tangible bodies there is not any thing that of its own nature is originally hot : for there is no stone , no metal , no sulphur , nothing that may be digged up ; no wood , no water , no carkass of a beast that is hot . and the hot waters of baths seem to gain their heat by some chance or accident , either by some fire or flame within the earth , such as we see is cast out of mount aetna , and other hills ; or by the conflict and strife of bodies , as we see a certain heat excited in the dissolving of iron , and pewter , so that there is no degree at all of heat in things inanimate which can be felt by man : yet they differ in degrees of coldness , for wood is not so cold as metal . but this belongs to the table of degrees in coldness . 2. yet many inanimate things are very much disposed to potential heats , and preparations to flame , as sulphur , marle , and salt peter . 3. those things which before were hot , as horse-dung or lime , or peradventure ashes , or soot , do retain certain hidden relicks of their first heat , so that certain distillations and separations may be caused in some things by burying them in horse-dung ; and heat is excited in lime by casting water upon it , as we said before . 4. amongst vegetables there is not any plant , or part thereof ( as the gum or marrow ) that seems hot being touched ; but ( as we said before ) green herbs laid up close together do heat . and so the inward feeling , as that of the palate , and stomack ; yea , and to the outward feeling also after they have been applyed for a while ( as in plaisters and ointments ) some vegetables are hot , and some cold . 5. there is no part of any beast after it is dead , or severed from the rest of the body , wherein man can feel any heat : for horse-dung it self retains no heat in it , unless it be close laid up or buried . yet all manner of dung seems to have a potential kind of heat , as appears by its fattening and enriching of soil . and likewise the carkasses of living things have such a kind of hidden and potential heat : so that in church-yards , where people are buried dayly , the earth gathers a kind of occulted and hidden heat , which will sooner consume a body that is laid in it , than another pure earth . and amongst the indians ( as it is reported ) they have a certain kind of thin and soft web made of birds feathers , which hath a kind of in-bred force , by which it will dissolve and melt butter that is wrapped up in it . 6. all things that are of force to fatten and enrich soil , as dung of all sorts , chalk , sea-sand , salt , and the like , have a kind of disposition to heat . 7. every putrefaction hath in it self the beginnings or grounds of some small heat , though it cannot be perceived by the sense of feeling : for even those things which putrified turn to maggots , as flesh and cheese , seem not hot when you touch them ; neither doth that rotten wood which shineth and glistereth in the dark , feel hot . but there is a kind of heat in putrified things , which some time betrays it self by the smell . 8. therefore the first degree of heat , which by the sence of feeling is perceived to be hot , seems to be the heat of living things , which hath a great extent of degrees : for the lowest degree which is in insects , is scarce to be felt , and the highest degree will hardly reach to that degree of heat which is in the sun-beams , in hottest countries and seasons : neither is it so sharp and vehement , but that you may endure your hand on it . and yet it is reported of constantius , and some others , who were of an exceeding dry constitution of body , that being taken with a burning feaver , they were so hot that you could not endure to hold your hand upon them . 9. living creatures have their heat increased in them , by motion and exercise , by wine and high food , venery , burning feavers , and pain . 10. living creatures in feavers which have intermission , in the beginning of their fits are taken with a chilliness and cold ; and a while after they grow extream hot , which they likewise do in burning agues and pestilent feavers . 11. let further enquiry be made of the comparative heat in divers creatures , as fishes , four-footed beasts , serpents , birds , and likewise according to their several and special kinds , as in a lion , a kite , a man. for according to the common opinion , the inwards of fishes are not very hot , but the entrails of birds are extream hot , as pigeons , hawks , and estridges . 12. let there also further enquiry be made of the comparative heat in the same creature , according to the diversity of its parts and members . for milk , bloud , seed , eggs , are found in a mean degree luke-warm , and less hot than the outward flesh of a creature , when it moves or is driven . but what degree of heat is in the brain , stomack , heart , and the rest , hath not likewise been enquired of . 13. all manner of creatures , in winter , and cold weather are outwardly cold , but their inward parts are thought to be the hotter thereby . 14. the heat of the heaven of element , in the hottest countries and seasons is not so in high a degree as to burn dry wood , or straw , or light tinder which is made of linnen , unlesse it be corroborated by the help of a burning-glass ; and yet it may draw up vapours out of moist things . 15. according to the relation of astronomers , there are some stars hotter than other some . and amongst the planets , next to sol , mars is the hottest , then jupiter , and then venus . luna is cold , and saturn coldest of all . amongst the fixed stars , the hottest is that called sirius , then the lions heart , or regulus , then the dog-star , &c. 16. the sun casts most heat when it groweth nearest its perpendicular or zenith ; which is likewise so in other planets , according to their portion of heat . as for example , jupiter heats us more when he is in cancer , or leo , than when he is in capricornius or aquarius . 17. the sun and the rest of the planets do heat more when they are in their perigaeons , by reason of their nearness to the earth , than in their apogaeons . and if it happen at any time the sun to be in his perigaeon , and withal near his perpendicularity , it must needs heat more than when it is in its perigaeon , but more in obliquity . so that the comparison of the exaltation of the planets ought to be noted whether it participate more of obliquity or perpendicularity ; according to the variety of regions . 18. sol , and likewise the rest of the planets , are thought to yield a greater heat when they are nearest to the greatest fixed stars : as when sol is in leo , it is nearer cor leonis , cauda leonis , and spica virginis , and and sirius , and canicula , than when it is in cancer , where notwithstanding it is nearest its perpendicularity . and it is credible that the parts of the heavens do infuse the greater heat , ( htough it be not perceptible to the feeling ) the more they are adorned with stars , especially of the biggest kind . 19. the heat of the heavens is therefore increased three ways . by the perpendicularity , the propinquity or perigaeon , and by the conjunction or consorting of stars . 20. howsoever there is a great difference between the heat of living creatures , of celestial beams ( as they come to us ) and flame , though it be never so weak , and all things heated with fire , and liquid things , or the air it self being much heated by fire . for the flame of spirit of wine , especially if it be rarified , and not thrust up together ; yet is of force to burn straw , or linnen , or paper , which the heat of a creature can never do , nor yet the heat of the sun , without the help of a burning-glass . 21. besides , in flames , and fired things there are many degrees in the violence or weakness of heat . but of these there hath been no diligent inquisition : so that we must of necessity lightly run them over . of flames therefore that of the spirit of wine seems to be the softest , unless that which they call ignis satuus , and those flashes which are caused by the sweat of beasts be softer . next is the flame of porous vegitables ; as straw , rushes , drie leaves , from which the flame of hair , or feathers doth not much differ . next unto this is the flame of wood , especially such wood as hath not much rozen or pitch in it , and the flame of small wood ( such as commonly is made up in faggots ) is softer than that of great logs , and timber , and roots of trees : a trial whereof may be made in iron furnaces , in which faggots made of boughs of trees , are no way useful : next to this ( as we conceive ) is the flame of oil , tallow and wax , and such oily and fat things which have not much acrimony in them ; but the strongest heat is in pitch and rozen ; and more fervent in sulphur and camphire , and marle , and salt-peter , and salts , ( after the crude or raw matter is broken out ) and in the compounds of these , as gun-powder and greek-fire , ( which is commonly called wild-fire ) and several kinds of it , which have such an obstinate heat , that water will hardly put it out . 22. we also hold the flame which proceeds out of some imperfect metals to be very strong and sharp : but of all these things we must enquire further . 23. but the flame of fierce and strong lightnings seems to exceed all these : for it hath sometimes melted perfect iron into drops , which none of those other flames could do . 24. in fired things also there are divers degrees of heat , of which also there hath been no diligent inquisition made . we hold a most weak heat to be in burned linnen , such as we use to kindle fire with , and likewise that of spungy wood , or dryed match , such as is used to fire guns withal . next unto these comes a burning wood-coal , or charcoal , and firy hot bricks , and the like . but of all fired things we hold firy metals to be the most vehement hot , as iron and copper , &c. but of these there must be further inquisition made . 25. there are some fired things far better than some flames . for fired or red hot iron is far hotter and more burning than the flame of the spirit of wine . 26. there are also some things which are not fired , but only heated with fire and air shut up in reverberatories . some do much exceed in heat doth flames and fired things . 27. motion increaseth heat , as we may find by experience in bellows and blowing : so that some of the hardest kind of metals will not dissolve or melt with a dead fire , without it be blown up . 28. let trial be made by burning glasses , with which , as i remember , this may be done . as for example , if the glass be set at the distance of a span from the combustible object , it will not light nor burn so well as if it be set ( as for example ) at the distance of half a span length , and so softly and by degrees be drawn to the distance of a whole span length : yet the angles and union of the beams is the same , but the motion it self increaseth the operation of the heat . 29. it is that those burnings which happen when it is a strong wind do proceed further when they are against the wind than with the wind , namely , because the flame beats back with a quicker motion when the wind sends it back , than when the wind drives it forward . 30. flame doth not break out , or engender , unless there be some concavity in which the flame may move and play , unless it be in flatuous and windy flames of gun-powder and the like , where the compression and imprisoning of the flame increaseth the fury of it . 31. an anvil is much heated by the hammer ; so that if the anvil were of a thin plate , we believe it might be heated by strong and continual blows of the hammer , so far as to be red hot , as if it had been put in the fire . but this may be made trial of . 32. but in such fired things which are porous , and give space and way for the exercising of the motion of the fire , if that motion be hindered by a strong compression , the fire is presently put out , as when tinder , or a burning snuff of a candle or lamp is pressed or trodden out , presently the operations of the fire do cease . 33. the approaching or setting near of a thing to a hot body , increaseth the heat , according to the degree of approaching ; and the same effect is in light . for the nearer the object is set to the light , the more visible it is . 34. the union of divers heats increaseth the heat . for a great fire and a little fire in the same place , do somewhat one with the other increase the heat : but lukewarm water put into boyling water cools it . 35. the remaining or long staying in a place of a hot body increaseth the heat . for the heat continually proceeding and issuing out , is mixed with the heat which was there before ; so that it multiplyeth the heat . for a fire will not heat a chamber so much in half an hour as it will do in a whole hour . but it is not so in light ; for a lamp or a candle set in a place , will give no more light after a long stay , than it did at the very first . 36. an irritation or exasperation by the coldness which is round about , increaseth the heat , as we find by fire in frosty weather : which we believe to be done , not only by the keeping in , and contracting of the heat , which is a kind of uniting it ; but also by exasperation : as when air , or a stick is violently drawn together , it doth not flie out again punctually into its proper place , but goes further the contrary way . so let there be a diligent trial made , by a stick , or some such thing thrust into the flame , whether it doth not burn sooner thrust on the one side of the flame , than if it be thrust into the middle of it . 37. the degrees of taking in , or receiving of heat are many . and first of all you must note how small and little a heat will alter , and in some measure heat even such things as are least sit to take heat . for a bullet of lead , or any other metal will be somewhat heated by holding it for some time in a mans hand ; so easily is heat excited , and transmitted into any thing , the body being no way apparently changed . 38. of all bodies air doth most easily take , and send back heat , which may be easiliest perceived in the weatherglasses . they are made in this kind : take a glass with a hollow belly , and a long and small neck ; let this glass be turned topsie turvie , the mouth downward , and the belly upward , and so let it be put into another glasse where there is water : touching the bottome of the receiving-glasse , with the mouth of the glass which is put in . and let the neck of the glass which is put , lean a little upon the mouth of the receiving-glass , which that it may the better do , let a little wax be laid about the mouth of the lower glass ; but the mouth must not be quite stopped , for fear lest for want of succeeding air , the motion which we shall presently speak , be hindred , which is very delicate and easie . but the glass which is put in must first have the top of it , which is the belly , warmed . then after the glass is placed , as we have said , the air will retreat and draw it self up together , ( which before was dilated , and spread abroad by heating ) after a sufficient pause , to quench that acquired heat to such an extent and dimension as the air at that time shall be when the glass is put in , and the water shall be drawn up to such a measure : and there must be a long and narrow paper hanged about it , and marked out with as many degrees as you shall think fitting . and you shall see as the time of the day grows hot or cold , that the air will contract it self into the lesse compass by reason of cold , and extend and dilate it self by reason of heat , which shall be perceived by the water ascending when the air closes up together , and descending when the air dilates or spreads it self abroad . and the sence of the air concerning heat and cold is so subtile and exquisite , that it goes far beyond the faculty of mans feeling : so that a sun beam , or the heat of ones breath , and much more the heat of ones hand , it being laid a top of the glass will manifestly cause the water to descend . but we believe that the spirit of beasts hath yet a more exquisite feeling of heat and cold , if it were not hindred and dulled by the mass of the body . 39. next to the air we believe those bodies to be most sensible of heat , which are most immediately changed and altered from cold , as snow and ice ; for they begin to melt and be dissolved with the least heat and luke-warmness . next to them peradventure is quick silver . next unto it are your fat bodies , or substances , as oil , butter , and the like ; then wood , then water , and last of all stons and metals , which do not easily grow hot , especially inwardly , but these being once hot , do retain their heat for a long time ; so that a brick or a stone , or a hot iron being put into a tub of water for a quarter of an hours space , more or less , will hold and keep their heat , so that you shall hardly be able to touch them . 40. the lesser the mass of the body is , the sooner it heats , a hot body being laid near to it ; which shewetht that all manner of heat with us , is in some manner adverse and contrary to any tangible body . 41. heat , as concerning the humane sense of feeling , is a various and respective thing : so that if we put our hand when it is cold into luke-warm water , the water will seem hot ; if our hand be hot , the same water will seem cold . the fourth aphorism . how poor we are in history every one may easily perceive , by that in the precedent tables : we have been forced not onely to insert traditions and relations instead of history , making some question and doubt of the truth and authority of them ; but we have also oftentimes been constrained to make use of these or the like words : let trial be made ; or , let it be further enquired . the fifth aphorism . and we use to call the work and office of these three tables , the appearance of the instances to the understanding : and the appearance being made , the induction it self is to be set a work . for upon the appearances of all and every instance , such a nature as may always be present or absent , may increase or decrease with the nature which is proposed ; and shall be , as we said before , a limitation of common nature . this if the mind do at first and from the beginning attempt to do affirmatively ( which being left to it self it always useth to do ) we shall find ill determined notionals , phantasms , and imaginary things , and axioms daily to be amended ; unless we will ( according to the custome of the schools ) fight for falsehoods . and yet they will questionless be either better or worse according to the faculty and strength of the understanding which operates . to god ( who is the giver and maker of forms ) or peradventure to angels , and understandings it may belong to know forms immediately by way of affirmation , and in the beginning of contemplation : but it is a thing indeed beyond mans capacity , who can at first proceed onely by negatives , and at the last end with affirmatives , after all manner of exclusion . the sixth aphorism . there must therefore a solution and separation of nature be made ; not by fire , but by the mind , as by a divine fire . therefore the first work of a true induction is ( as concerning finding out of forms ) a rejection or exclusion of all , and singular such natures which are not found in any instance where the supposed nature is present ; or that are found in any instance where the supposed nature is absent ; or that are found to increase in any instance when the supposed nature decreaseth , or to decrease when the supposed nature increaseth . and then after the rejection and exclusion is rightly and duly made , in the second place ( as in the bottom ) will remain ( all volatile opinions flying up into smoak ) the solid , true , and well terminated affirmative form. and this is brief and easie to be spoken ; but we must attain to it by many windings and circumstances : and peradventure we shall not omit any thing that shall make to this purpose . the seventh aphorism . but we must continually take heed and beware , lest while we seem to attribute so many parts to forms , the things we speak be wrested to those forms to which mens thoughts and contemplations have hitherto been accustomed . for in the first place we do not now speak of copulated forms , which are ( as we said before ) the marriages or conjunctions of simple natures by the common course of the universe , as of the lion , eagle , rose , gold , and the like . for it will be time to treat of them when we shall come to the hidden progressions , and hidden figurations , and the finding out of them , as they are to be found in substances ( as they call them ) or concrete natures . and again , those things which we speak must not be understood , ( also as concerning simple natures ) of abstracted forms and ideas , either not dermined or ill determined in the matter . for when we speak of forms , we mean nothing else but those laws and determinations of a pure act which do order and constitute some simple nature , as heat , light , weight in any susceptible matter and subject : so that the form of heat , or the form of light , is the same thing as the law of heat , or the law of light : neither do we ever withdraw our selves , or recede from the things themselves , and the operative part . therefore when we say ( as for example ) in the inquisition of the form of heat ; reject tenuity , or tenuity is not of the form of heat , it is as much as if we said , a man may bring in heat upon a condensed or solid body ; or contrariwise , a man may take , or put away heat from a thin and tenuous body . and if to any one it seems that our forms also have something of the abstract because they mix and joyn together heterogeneals ; ( for the heat of heavenly things and fire seem to be very heterogeneal , the redness which is fixed in the rose or the like , and that redness which is the rain-bow , or the luster of an opall , or a diamond ; death by drowning , burning , by a prick of a sword , by an apoplexy , and by consumption , and these do agree in the nature of heat , redness , death , ) let him know that he hath an understanding captivated and kept in by custome , integrality of things , and by opinions . for it is most certain , that these things , though they be heterogeneal and alien , yet they agree in the form , or law , which ordains heat , redness , or death . and that humane power cannot be emancipated and freed from the common course of nature , and be enlarged and exalted to new efficients , and new ways and means of operating , but onely by revealing and inventing of such forms . and yet after this union of nature , which is the most principal thing , we will afterward , in its proper place , speak of the divisions and veins of nature , as well ordinary , as those which are internal , and most true . the eighth aphorism . now we must propose an example of the exclusion or rejection of natures , which by the tables of appearance are found to be not of the form of heat ; giving you in the mean time to understand , that not onely each table is sufficient for the rejection of any nature , but also each several instance contained in them . for it appears plainly by what hath been said , that every contradictory instance doth destroy what may be thought of the form : yet notwithstanding , for perspicuities sake , and to demonstrate the use of the tables more plainly , we double or repeat the exclusive . an example of the exclusive , or rejection of natures from the form of heat . 1. by the beams of the sun , reject the elementary nature . 2. by common fire , especially fires under ground ( which are most remote and secluded from the celestial beams ) reject the celestial nature . 3. by all manner of calefactions of bodys , ( namely minerals , vegitables , exterior parts of animals , or living creatures , water , oil , air , and the like ) only by putting them near to the fire , or any other hot body , reject all manner of variety , or more subtile texture or composure of bodies . 4. by iron and other metals made red hot , which heat other bodys , and yet are no ways diminished in their weight or substance ; reject the infusion or mixture of the substance of another hot thing . 5. by hot water , and air , and also by metals and other solid things heated , but not to that degree to be firy , or red hot ; reject light. 6. by the rays of the moon and other stars , ( the sun only excepted , ) reject also light. 7. by the comparison of red hot iron , and the flame of the spirit of wine ( of which the red hot iron hath more heat , and less light , and the spirit of wine more light and less heat ) reject light also . 8. by gold and other red hot metals , which are generally of a most thick body ; reject tenuity or thinness . 9. by air , which for the most part is cold , and yet remains tenuous and thin . reject also thinness or tenuity . 10 by red hot iron , which doth not swell in the mass , but remains still within the same visible dimension ; reject local or expansive motion in general . 11. by the dilatation of air in weather-glasses , and the like , which moveth manifestly , locally , and expansively , and yet receives no manifest increase of heat ; reject also local and expansive motion in general . 12. by the easie tepefaction or making luke-warm of all manner of bodys without any destruction , or notable alteration ; reject the destructive nature , or violent infusion of any new nature . 13. by the consent and conformity of like operations done by heat and cold : reject both expansive , and contractive cold in general . 14. by the kindling of heat by attrition or violent rubbing together of bodies ; reject the principal nature . we call that principal nature which is found positive in nature , and is not caused by precedent nature : there are also other natures , for we do not make up perfect tables , but only set down examples . all and singular the former natures are not of the form of heat . and man is free of all the foresaid natures , in his operation upon heat . the ninth aphorism . in the exclusive are laid the grounds and foundations of the true induction , which notwithstanding is not perfected until it be setled in the affirmative . neither is the exclusive any way perfect , nor cannot be so in the beginnings . for the exclusive is ( as it plainly appears ) a rejection of simple natures : and if we yet have not good and true notions of simple natures , how can the exclusive be rectified ? but some of those which we have spoken of ( as the notion of the elementary nature , the notion of the celestial nature , the notion of tenuity ) are wandring notions , that are not well terminated . we therefore who both know and remember what a great work we undertake ( namely to make the understanding of man equal to things , and to nature ) will no way give over with that which we have already spoken ; but will carry the matter on further , and are framing and distibuting stronger helps for the use of the understanding , which we will now adde . and truly for the interpreting of nature , the mind is to be so prepared and framed , that it may hold it self up in the true degrees of certitude ; and yet think ( especially in the beginnings ) that those things which are present , do much depend upon them which after . the tenth aphorism . yet because truth is sooner gotten out of error than out of confusion , we think it were fitting to suffer the the understanding after it hath studied and pondered upon the three tables of the first appearance ( such as we have laid them down ) to prepare it self and attempt the work of the interpretation of nature in the affirmative , as well out of the instances of the table , as of those things which shall otherwise present themselves unto him . which kind of trial we use to call a permission of the understanding ; or a begun interpretation , or first . the first vindemiation of the form of heat . we must note , that the form of the thing is ( as it plainly appears by what we have spoken before ) in all and each of those instances , in which the thing it self is , otherwise it would not be a form : so that there can be no contradictorie instance given . yet the form is found far more conspicuous and evident in some instances then in othersome : namely , in such where the nature of form is lesse restrained , hindred and reduced into order by other natures : and such instances are called enlightnings , or ostensive instances . we must therefore proceed to the first vindemiation of the form of heat . in all and singular instances nature whose limitation is heat , seems to be a motion , which is most plainly shewn in flame , which always moveth , and in boiling or seething liquors , which do continally move . and it likewise appears , in the hastning and increase of heat made by motion , as in bellows and winds , whereof see instance 29. table 3. and likewise in other kinds of motion , whereof see instance 28. and 31. table 3. again it is shewn in the extinction of fire and heat by a strong compression , which stays and causeth motion to cease : whereof see instance 30. and 32. table 3. it is also made manifest in this , that any kind of body is destroyed , or at least notably altered by any kind of fire , and strong and vehement heat . whereby it plainly appears , that heat doth cause a tumult and perturbation , and a sharp motion in the inward parts of the body , which by little and little inclines to a dissolution . let that which we have said of motion , ( namely that it is in place of a genus to heat ) not that heat ingenders motion , or that motion ingenders heat ( though these be true in some thing ) but that the very self-heat , or the quiddity it self of heat is motion and nothing else , but limited by differences , which we will prepresently adde , after we have set down some cautions to avoid the equivocation . a thing hot to the sense is a respective thing , and in order to man , and not to the universal , and it is rightly laid as an effect of heat onely in the animal spirit . and in it self also it is a different thing , seeing the same bodie ( according as the sense is predisposed ) brings in the perceivance both of heat and cold , as appears by the instance 41. table 3. neither must the communication of heat or its transitive nature , by which one body laid to another body that is hot , doth also grow hot , be confounded with the form of heat . for heat is one thing , and calefactive or causing of heat is another . for by the motion of attrition heat is brought in , without any preceding heat : whereby the calefactive or causer of heat is excluded from the form of heat . and likewise when heat is made by the approximation or drawing near of heat , this is not done out of the form of heat , but wholly depends upon a higher and more common nature , namely the nature of assimilation or multiplication of it self ; whereof must be a several inquisition made . but the notion of fire is vulgar , and nothing worth ; for it is composed of the concourse or meeting of heat and brightness in some one body , as in ordinary flame , and bodies heated to the height of being red hot . laying therefore all equivocals aside , we must at last come to the true differences , which limit the motion , and bring it into the form of heat . the first difference therefore is , that heat is an expansive motion , by which the body strives to dilate and spread abroad it self , to grow into a greater sphere or dimension than it held at first . and this difference shews it self most manifestly in the flame where the smoak or fat breath doth manifestly open and dilate it self into flame . it appears also in all boyling liquor , which manifestly swels , rises , and bubbles , and forces a way of extending it self , till it turns into a body of greater extent , and more dilatated than the liquor it self : namely , into vapour , or smoak , or air. it shews it self also in all manner of wood , or combustible thing ; wherein sometimes there is a sweating , and always an evaporation . it shews it self also in the melting of metals , which ( being of a most compacted body ) do not easily swell nor dilatate themselves , and yet their spirit after it is dilatated within it self , and consequently desires a greater dilatation , it thrusts and plainly drives the thicker parts into the liquid . and if the heat be encreased , and made more violent , it resolves and turns much of it into volatile . it shews it self also in iron or stones , which though they do not melt and run , yet they grow soft : which appears also in wooden rods or sticks , which being heated in hot embers , become flexible . but this motion is best discerned in the air , which by a little heat presently and manifestly dilatates it self , as by instance 38. table 3. it shews it self also in the contrary nature , namely of cold . for cold doth contract and shrink up all bodies ; so that in extream cold weather nails will fall out of walls , brass will crack , and glass also being heated and presently laid in the cold will crack and break . the air also with every slight cold will contract it self , as instance 38. table 3. but of these things we will speak more at large in the inquisition of cold . neither is it to be wondred at , though heat and cold do work many common effects , ( whereof see instance 32. table 2. ) seeing there are two of the following differences ( which we will presently speak of ) which belong unto both natures : though in this difference ( whereof we now speak ) the actions be diametrically opposite . for heat gives at expansive and dilatating motion ; and cold gives a contracting and shrinking motion . the second difference is a modification of the first , namely this ; that heat is an expansive motion , or a motion towards the circumference , but with this limitation , that the body must withal be carried upwards . for questionless there are many mixt motions : as for example , an arrow or a dart in going forward wheels about , and wheeling about it goes forward : so likewise the motion of heat is both expansive and bearing upward . this difference plainly appears by putting of a fork or iron bar into the fire ; for if it be put into the fire perpendicularly , and hold your hand upon it , it will quickly burn your hand , which it will not do so suddenly if it be put in side-way or lower . it also appears by distillations in a descending still , such as are used for the tenderest kind of flowers , the smell whereof easily vanisheth away : wherein industry hath invented this way to place the fire upon , and not under the still , to the end that it may scortch less ; for not onely flame , but all manner of heat naturally tends upward . let a trial or experiment of this be made in the contrary nature of cold , namely , whether cold doth not contract the body descending downward , as heat doth dilatate it ascending upward . take two iron rods , or two glass trunks , both of one bigness and proportion , and let them be made somewhat hot , and lay a spunge dipped in cold water , or some snow under one , and upon the other ; and we believe that will sooner be cold all over which hath the snow above it , than that which hath the snow beneath it : contrary to the effect which is wrought by heat . the third difference is , that heat is a motion not uniformly expansive in all parts , but in some lesser parts of the body ; and withal restrained , repelled , and reverberated , so that it turneth to an alternative , trying , and striving motion , chafed by the repercussion , whence the raging of heat and fire takes it beginning . and this difference is most of all perceived in flame and boyling liquors ; which always quake , and swell up in small parcels , and then sink again . it is shewn also in those bodies which are so hardly compacted together , that being heated or fired , they do not swell nor increase their bulk or mass ; as red hot iron , in which is a most sharp heat . this appears also in that , that fire scorcheth most in cold weather . likewise it appears by this , that when air is extended in a weather-glass , without any let or repulsion , that is to say , uniformly and equally , the heat is not perceived . likewise in winds which are inclosed and shut up , though they break out with a mighty force , yet there is no notable heat perceived ; because the motion is of the whole , and not alternative by parcels . and for this let trial be made , whether flame doth not burn more sharply toward the sides than in the middle . it appears also in this , that all manner of burning is performed thorow small pores of the body which is burned ; so that burning doth undermine , penetrate , dig , and prick , as if there were an infinite sort of needles . and thence it comes that all strong waters ( if they be proportioned to the body upon which they operate ) do work and operate like fire , thorow their corroding and piercing nature . and this difference , whereof we now speak , is common to the nature of cold , in which the contractive motion is restrained by the renitency or opposition of expansion : as in heat the expansive motion is restrained by the retinency or hanging back of contraction . so that whether the parts of the body do penetrate inwardly , or outwardly , the reason is alike ; though the strength or force be very unequal and different ; for we have not here with us upon the superficies of the earth any thing that is cold in an extream degree . see instance 27. table 9. the fourth difference is a modification of the first ; namely this , that the motion of pricking or penetration , must be somewhat swift , and not slow and dull ; and that it must be done by parcels , though small ones : yet not extream small , but of a mean bigness . this difference appears in comparing of the operations done by fire with those which are performed by time or age . for age or time dries up , consumes , ruins , and turns to ashes as well as fire , or rather more subtily . but because such a kind of motion is very slow , and is wrought upon very small parcels , the heat is not perceived . it appears also in comparing the dissolvings of iron and gold ; for gold is dissolved without raising any heat , but iron with a most vehement stirring up of heat , though for the time , it be almost in the same quantity . because that in gold the ingress or entrance of the water of separation is mild , and insinuates it self subtily , and the parts of the gold do yield easily : but in iron the ingress is harsh , and with some conflict , and the parts of the iron shew more obstinacy . it appears also in some gangrenes , and mortifications of the flesh ; which do not cause any great heat or pain , by reason of the subtilness of the putrefaction . and let this be the first vindemiation or inchoated interpretation of the form of heat , made by the permission of the understanding . and by this first vindemiation the form or true definition of heat , ( namely of that heat which in respect of the universal , not only relative to the sense ) is in few words this . heat is an expansive motion , cohibited , and striving by the lesser parts : and expansion is modified , that expanding or spreading it self out in circuit , it must notwithstanding incline somewhat upward ; and that striving by parts is likewise modified , that it ought not to be altogether slow , but somewhat swift , and with some violence . and concerning what belongs to the operative it is the same thing ; for the designation or description is this : if in any natural body you can excite a motion to dilatate and spread out it self , and can stay back that motion , and so turn it against it self , that dilatation may not proceed equally , but partly proceed , and partly be beaten back , you will questionless engender a heat : not any way regarding whether it be an elementary body , ( as they call it ) or imbrued by the celestial ; whether luminous or dark ; whether thin or thick ; whether locally spread abroad , or contained within the inclosures of the first dimension ; whether tending to dissolution , or remaining in the same state , whether animal or vegitable ; whether mineral or water ; whether oil or air , or any other substance whatsoever , so it be susceptible of the foresaid motion . a hot thing to the sense is the same , but with such an analogy as is fitting for the sense . the division of heat . it seems to be a customary and authentical division , that there are three kinds of heat ; namely , the heat of celestial things , the heat of animals , or living creatures , and the heat of fire ; and that these heats , ( especially one of them compared to the other two ) are in their essence and kind , or their specifical nature , meerly different , and altogether heterogeneal . for the heat of heavenly and animal things ingenders and cherishes ; whereas contrarariwise the heat of the fire corrupts and destroys . there is therefore an instance of contract , and that is a common trial when we take a branch of a vine into a room where there is ordinarily a fire , by it grapes will ripen sooner than they will abroad , by a month . so that the ripening of fruit even when it hangs upon the tree , may be effected by fire , which seems to be a proper work of the sun. so that from this beginning the understanding easily raiseth it self , rejecting the essential heterogeneosity , to enquire what , or which are those differences which are really and truly found between the heat of the sun , and that of the fire , from which it proceeds that their operations are so diverse and different , though they themselves participate in a common nature : which differences we shall find to be four . the first that the heat of the sun , in respect of the heat of the fire , is in degree much softer and milder . secondly , that it is ( especially as it is conveyed to us thorow the air ) of a much more moist quality . thirdly , ( which is the very chiefest of the business ) that it is extreamly unequal , and drawing near and increased , and then receding or going back and diminished , which is of no small moment or improvement in the generation of bodies . for aristotle did most truly affirm , that the principle cause of generations and corruptions which are here with us upon the superficies of the earth , is the oblique way of the sun thorow the zodiack : whereby the heat of the sun , partly thorow the vicissitudes of day and night : partly by the successive seasons of winter and summer , proves wonderfully unequal : neither doth this man end there , but presently spoils and makes bad that which he had rightly found out . for as an arbi trator of nature , ( which is his common practice ) he magistrate-like assigns the cause of generation to the approach of the sun , and the cause of corruption to the receding and going away of it : when both ( namely , the access , or recess of the sun ) not respectively , but in a manner indifferently , yield cause as well for generation as corruption : forasmuch as the inequality serves onely to the generation and corruption of things , and equality to the preservation of them . there is also a fourth difference between the heat of the sun , and the heat of the fire , which is of great moment : namely , that the sun insinuates its operations in long spaces of time : whereas the operations of fire ( mens impatiencies forcing it thereunto ) do bring things to an issue in a shorter time . for if any man shall carefully attempt , to temper the heat of the fire , and reduce it to a more moderate and mild degree ( which may be done many ways ) and sprinkle it , and mix it with some moistness , especially if he imitate the heat of the sun in its inequality ; and lastly , tolerate or suffer delay patiently ( not such a delay as shall be proportionable to the operations of the sun , but more than that which men use to have in the operations of the fire ) he will quickly lay aside that heterogeneositie of heat ; and either he will , or equal , or in some things even exceed the operations of the sun , by the heat of the fire . the same instance of covenant is , the reviving of butter-flies stupified and as it were dead thorow cold , with a little luke-warmness of fire : whereby you may easily discern , that the fire may as well vivisie living things , as ripen vegitables . also that famous invention of fracastorius , of a frying-panne strongly heated , which physicians hold about the heads of those who are sallen into a desperate apoplexie , which manifestly dilatates and extends the animal spirits contracted and pressed together , and almost extinguished by humours and obstructions of the brain , and excites them to motion even as fire doth water or air , and consequently vivifieth . likewise eggs are sometimes hatched by the heat of fire , and many such like things are done ; whereby no man can question , or make a doubt , but that the heat of fire in many subjects may be modified to the image of celestial and animal heat . the lord francis bacon of verulam of the several kinds of motion . or of the active vertue . of divers kinds of motion . let the first motion be of the antitype of matter which is in each parcel and portion thereof , whereby it will not be quite annihilated and brought to nothing : so that no burning , no weight or depression , no weight nor no violence , nor any age or length of time can reduce any the smallest portion of matter to nothing ; but it must still be something , and take up some place , and free it self , ( into what necessity soever it be brought ) either by changing form or place , or ( if it can do no otherwise ) subsist as it is . neither doth it ever come to that pass , either to be nothing , or no where . which motion the schools ( which almost always name and define things rather by effects and discommodities , than by internal causes ) either points at by that axiome , that two bodies cannot be in one place ; or calls it a motion , that there may be no penetration of dimensions . neither is it fitting to propose any examples of this motion ; for it is in every manner of body . let the second motion be the motion which we call of connexion by which bodies will not suffer themselves in any part to be severed from the touching of another body , as rejoycing in that mutual connexion and touching . which motion the schools call the motion of their being no vacuity ; as when water is drawn up by sucking , or by pipes ; the flesh by ventoses or cupping-glasses ; or when water stands still and remains in pitchers with holes in them , unless the pitcher be opened , and the air let in ; and many things of this kind . let the third motion be that motion which we call of liberty , by which bodies seek to free themselves from a preternatural pressure or stretching , and restore themselves into a dimension fitting for their bodies . of which motion there are likewise innumerable examples , ( as concerning the freeing from pressure ) of water in swimming , of air in flying , of the water in rowing , of the air in the waving of winds : neither doth the motion of the air thrust up together , shew it self very absurdly in guns , which children play with , and are commonly called pot-guns , which are made of a piece of elder made hollow , into which they thrust a piece of some juycie root or the like at both the ends : then with a scowrer they thrust this root up at one end towards the other root which is at the other end , which flyeth out with a sound before the lowermost root or the scourer toucheth it . as for the freeing from tensure or stretching , this motion shews it self in an egg-shel after the egge is sucked up , in strings , and leather , and cloth , which will shrink up again after they are stretched , unless they have quite altered their dimensions by standing too long a time stretched , &c. and this motion the schools call the motion out of the form of the element ; and that ignorantly enough , seeing that this motion belongs not only to air , water , and flame , but to every diversity of consistencie ; as of wood , iron , lead , cloth , parchment , &c. in which each several bodies have a model or prefixed extent of their dimensions , and from thence are hardly drawn to any notable space . but this motion of liberty being most obvious and belonging to infinites , it will be advisedly done to distinguish it plainly and well ; for many do most carelesly confound this motion with the other two of antitype and connexion . namely , the motion from pressure , with the motion of antitypie , and that of extension with the motion of connexion . therefore if the compressed bodies did yield or extend themselves that there might not follow a penetration of dimensions , the bodies extended would grow back and contract themselves that vacuity might not follow : but if compressed air would recover and turn it self into the thickness or density of water , or wood into the density of a stone , penetration of dimensions would be needless ; and yet there might be a far greater compression than they can any way admit of . and in the same manner , if water could dilatate it self into the rarity of air , or a stone into the rarity of wood , there would be no need of vacuity ; and yet there might be a far greater extension of them , than they can any way suffer . therefore the thing is not reduced to penetration of dimensions , and vacuity ; but only in latter ends of condensation and rarefaction ; when notwithstanding , these motions stay and stop a long way on this side of them , and nothing else but desires of the bodies to preserve themselves in their own consistencies , ( or if they had rather , in their own forms ) and not to recede from them suddenly , unless they be altered by mild means , and by consent . but it is far more necessary ( because it draws many things after it ) to have it intimated unto men , that a violent motion ( which we call mechanical ; and democritus , who in expediting of his first motions may be accounted less than the meanest of philosophers , calls the motion of the coast ) is nothing else but the motion of liberty , namely from compression to relaxation . for in every simple protrusion and thrusting forward , or flying in the air , there is no summotion or local carriage , before the parts of the body do preternaturally , or beyond nature suffer , and be compressed by the driver ; and then the parts successively thrusting one another , the whole is carried , not only going forward , but withall wheeling : that by this means the parts may free themselves , or suffer more than is just . and so much for this motion . let the fourth motion be that which we have termed motion of hyles ; which motion is in a manner contrary to that motion which we have spoken of , namely , the motion of liberty . for in the motion of liberty , the bodies do utterly abhor , reject and shun a new dimension , or new sphere , or new dilatation or contraction , ( for this variety of words express all one thing ) and strive with all their might to recover , and return to their old consistency . but contrariwise in this motion of hyles , the bodies do desire a new sphere or dimension , and do willingly , and withall their might ( as in gun-powder ) hasten towards it . but the most powerful , and most frequent , if not the onely instruments of this motion , are heat and cold. as for example , if air be dilatated by tensure or stretching out , as by sucking of glass-eggs , it hath a longing desire to be restored : but if you apply heat to it , it will contrariwise desire to be dilatated , and to be in a new sphere , and passes into it willingly as into a new forme , as they call it . neither after it is dilatated doth it care for returning , unless it be invited to it by application of some cold thing , which is not properly a return , but a repeated transmutation . and in the like manner , water , if it be restrained within narrower bounds by compression , it spurns against it , and desires to be again what it was , namely , larger . but if there comes a strong and continued cold , it changeth willingly and of its own accord , and is condensed into ice : and if the cold continue , and is not interrupted by warm weather , ( as it is oftentimes in deep caves and grots ) it turns to chrystal , or some such like matter , and is never restored to its primitive being . let the fifth motion be the motion of continuation ; we do not mean the simple and primary continuation with some other body or substance ( for that is the motion of connexion ) but of continuation of it self in a certain body . for it is most certain , that all bodies do abhor the dissolution of continuity , some more , some less , but all in some measure . for as in hard bodies , ( as steel or glass ) the reluctancy against discontinuation is very strong ; so in liquors , where this kind of motion seems to cease , or at the least languish , yet there is not an absolute pivation of it , but it plainly remains in them , as in the lowest degree , and shews it self in , and by many experiences , as in bubbles , and the roundness of drops , in the smallest threads of running gutters , and in the holding together , and drawing out as it were in threads of glutinous bodies , and the like . but this desire is most plainly apparant , if we attempt a discontinuation by lesser fractions . for in morters after contusion is made to a certain degree the pestel operates no more : water will not get in at the smallest chinks or crevises : and air it self notwithstanding the subtileness of its body , cannot suddenly pass thorow the pores of solid vessels , but by a long insinuation . let the sixt motion be the motion which we call a motion to lucre or gain : or the motion of indigency or want. which is that by which bodies when they converse amongst others , which are meerly heterogeneal , and as it were enemies ; if they can but get a conveniency or means to avoid those heterogeneals , and apply themselves to such as have more affinity with them , ( though even they do not thorowly agree with them ) they presently embrace them , and make choice of them , and seem to make some gain thereby ; from whence we have taken the word , as being in want and indigency of such bodies . as for example , gold or any other metal beaten out to leaf , delights not in having air about it ; therefore if it can come at some thick and tangible body , ( as a finger , paper , or the like ) it sticks presently , and can hardly be gotten off . likewise paper , and cloth , and the like , do not well agree with the air which is inserted and commixed in their pores ; wherefore they willingly drink in water , and drive out the air. likewise sugar or a spung put into water or wine , though part of them stand up , and be far above the water or wine , yet by little and little , and by degrees they draw the water or wine upwards . from whence is taken an excellent rule for the opening and solution of bodies for laying aside corrosives , and strong waters , which open a way for themselves , if there might be found a proportionate and more agreeing and consenting solid body , than that wherewith it is ( as it were through necessity ) mixed , presently the body slacks , and opens it self , and receives the other within it , excluding and putting away the first . neither doth this motion to lucre onely operate , or hath power upon the feeling : for the operation of amber , ( of which gilbertus and others since him have raised such fables ) is no other but the appetite of the body raised and excited by some light frication or rubbing , which doth not very well tolerate the air , but had rather have some other tangible thing , if so be there be any near unto it . let the seventh motion be the motion ( which we call ) of greater congregation ; by which bodies are carried to the masses of the connaturals , as ponderous things to the globe of the earth , light things towards the circumference of the heavens . this the schools upon slight contemplation have specified by the name of natural motion : because there was nothing of ab extra , or externally to be seen which should cause that motion , ( therefore they thought in-bred and placed firmly in it : ) or peradventure because it doth not cease : which is no marvail , for the heaven and the earth are always ready and at hand ; whereas contrariwise , the causes and beginnings of most of the other motions are sometimes absent sometimes present . therefore because this doth intermit , but always meets the other when they intermit , they made this perpetual and proper , and the rest as it were but acquired . but this motion is indeed weak and dull enough , as succumbing and yielding ( unless there be a greater mass of body ) to other motions as long as they are in operation . and though this motion hath so filled mens thoughts , that it hath almost hidden all other motions , yet it is but little that men know of it , but are plunged in many errors about it . let the eight motion be the motion of the lesser congregation , by which the homogeneal parts in any body separate themselves from the heterogeneal , and come together amongst themselves : by which also whole bodies , through similitude of substance , embrace and nourish one another , and sometimes are congregated and drawn together from some distance ; as when the cream , after some pause of time , swims upon the top of the milk , the lees and tartar settle at the bottom of the wine . for these things are not done by the motion of gravity and levity , that some parts swim at the top , and others go to the bottom , but through the desire of the homogeneals of comming together , and uniting themselves . and this motion differs from the motion of indigency in two things . the first , that in the motion of indigency there is a greater provocation of the malignant and contrary nature : but in this motion ( if there be no obstacles or tyes ) the parts are united by friendship , though the alien nature be absent , which moveth strife . the second thing wherein they differ , is , that the union is more strict , and as it were with more delight : for in the other , so that the adverse body be shunned , those bodies which have no great affinity one with the other , do notwithstanding concur : but in this substances come together , which are knit one to another as it were by a twin-like substance , and are in a manner made up into one . and this motion is in all compounded bodies , and would easily be seen in each one of them , if it were not tyed up and restrained by other appetites and necessities of bodies , which disturb this coition and going together . and this motion is most commonly tyed and bound up three ways ; by the numness of bodies ; the curb of the predominant body ; and the external motion . as for the numness of bodies , it is most certain , that there is in all tangible bodies a kind of sloth , either more or less , and a kind of aversion from local motion , so that unless they be excited and stirred up thereunto , they had rather remain in that state wherein they are , than seek after a better . and this numness , or dulness , or sloth , is to be shaken off by a threefold help : either by heat , or by an eminent vertue of some allyed body , or by a lively and powerful motion . and first as concerning the assistance of heat , from thence it proceeds that heat is defined to be that separates heterogeneals , and brings homogeneals together . which definition of the peripateticks , gilbertus did most deservingly deride , saying that it is as if a man should define a man to be it which soweth corn , and planteth vineyards , which is but only a definition by effects , and those also particular ones . and this definition is yet further to be blamed : for those effects ( whatsoever they be ) proceed not from the propriety of heat , but only by meer accident ( for cold will do the same , as we shall shew hereafter ) namely , by the desire which homogeneal parts have to come together : heat onely helping to shake off the dulness , which before had bound up the desire . secondly , as concerning the assistance of the vertue of the allyed body that doth wonderfully appear in an armed load-stone . for the nature of an armed load-stone is such , that it a certain distance it will not draw nor attract iron stronger than a load-stone which is not armed : but if the iron be brought so near to it , that the armed loadstone touch it , it will take up a greater quantity of iron than a plain and unarmed loadstone , by reason of the similitude of the substance of iron to iron . thirdly , as concerning the assistance of motion , it may be perceived in arrows which are made all of wood and are not headed with iron , of which it is reported , that being shot out of a peece of ordnance will penetrate further into any wooden substance ( as the sides of ships or the like ) than those which are headed with iron , by reason of the substances similitude wood to wood , though this vertue lay hidden in the wood , the numness of the wood being shaken off by the celerity of the motion . but the binding of the motion of the minor congregation , which is by the curb of the dominating or commanding body ; it appears in the dissolving of bloud and urine by means of cold : for as long as those bodies are replenished with an active spirit , which as master of the whole orders , and keeps in each singular part , so long the heterogeneal cannot come together , by reason of the curb : but when that spirit is once evaporated or suffocated by cold , then the parts freed from the courb come together according to their own natural desire . and thence it proceeds that all substances which contain a sharp spirit , ( as salt and the like ) last and do not dissolve by reason of the lasting and permanent curb of the commanding and imperious spirit . the binding of the motion of the minor congregation , which is done by an external motion is especially perceived in the agitations of bodies , by which putrefaction is hindred . for all manner of putrefaction is grounded upon the congregation or gathering together of homogeneals , whereby by little and little is caused the corruption ( as they call it ) of the first form , and the generation of another new one . for the dissolution of the old form goes before putrefaction , which prepares the way to the generation of the new form , which is the coition it self to homogenia , and that if it be not hindred becomes a simple solution ; but if there come divers things in the way to hinder it , then putrefactions follow , which are rudiments or beginnings of a new generation . and if ( which is the thing we have now in hand ) there be a frequent agitation by an external motion , then this motion of coition ( which is delicate and tender , and desires rest outwardly ) is disturbed and ceaseth , as we see in an innumerable company of things : as when a daily agitation or running water expels putrefaction , winds drive a way the pestilence of the air , corn in garners of the air , or store-houses turned and tossed up and down continue pure , and finally all things that are agitated outwardly , do not easily putrifie inwardly . we must not at last omit that coition or going together of parts of the body , which chiefly causeth induration , or desiccation . for after the spirit , or some humidity turned into spirit is fled out of some porous body ( as in wood , a bone , a parchment , and the like ) then the thickest parts are contracted and grow up together with greater vehemence , whereupon grows exsiccetion , or induration , which we believe to be done , not so much by the motion of connexion , that there may be no vacuity as by this motion of amity and union . as concerning the coition at distance , that is very unfrequent and rare , and yet it is in more things than is observed . the representations of these are one bubble dissolving another . medicaments draw humours out of the similitude of substance ; one string moves another string in a several instrument to an unison and the like . i conceive this kind of motion likewise to be in the spirits of living or animal things , but this is as yet unknown . but certainly it is eminent in the load-stone and iron raised up . now when we speak of the motions of the load-stone , they must be plainly distinguished : for there are four vertues or operations in the load-stone which ought not to be confounded but separated , though the admiration and stupidity of men hath mixed them , the one is the coition or coming together of the load-stone with the load-stone , or of iron with the load-stone , or of iron with iron touched therewith . the second is of its turning north and south , and also of its declination : the third is of its penetrating through gold , glass , stone , or any thing : the fourth is of the communication of its vertue from the stone into iron , and from iron into iron , without any communication of the substance : but in this place we speak only of its first vertue ; namely , of its coition or coming together . that is also a notable coition of quicksilver and gold , so that gold will attract quicksilver , though it be made up in unguents , and those who work amongst the vapours of quick-silver , use to hold a piece of gold in their mouths , to gather together the emissions of the quick-silver , which would otherwise invade and penetrate their craniums and bones , and causeth the gold so held in their mouths to turn white . and thus much shall suffice to be spoken of the motion of the lesser congregation . let the ninth motion be the magnetick motion , which though it be of the same kind , as the motion of the lesser congregation ; yet if it operate at great distances , and upon great masses of things , it deserves a several inquisition : especially if it do not begin with touching , nor doth not bring the action to the touch , as all congregating motions do ; but only elevates the bodies , or causes them to swell , and no more . for if the moon raiseth the waters , or causeth moist things to swell up ; or the starry sky draws their planets towards their apogea ; or the sun binds together the stars of venus and mercury , that they can go no further from his body then to such a certain distance . these motions seem cannot be well placed neither under the major nor minor congregation , but are as it were middle or imperfect congregatives , and must have a proper species or kind to themselves . let the tenth motion be the motion of flight or shunning : namely , a motion contrary to that of the minor congregation : by which bodies through antipathy flie from such bodies as are enemies to them , separate themselves from them , and refuse to mix with them . for though in some things this motion seem to be only an accidental motion , or by consequence , in respect of the motion of the lesser congregation , because homogeneals cannot come together , but the heterogeneals must be excluded and removed . yet this motion must be placed by it self , and be made one several kind or species , because in many things the desire of flight is less principal than the appetite or desire of coition or coming together . and this motion is most eminent in the excrements of living creatures , and likewise in the hateful objects of some senses , especially those of smelling and tasting . for a stinking smell is so hateful to the sence of smelling , that it brings the motion of expulsion into the orifice of the stomack by consent : a bitter and horrid savour is so rejected by the palate or the throat , that it causeth a shaking and horror of the head by consent . but this motion doth likewise take place in other things , for it may be perceived in some antiperistases ; as in the middle region of the air , whose coldness seems to be the rejection of natural coldness from the heavenly confines ; as likewise those great heats and inflammations which are found in subterraneal places , are rejections of the hot nature from the bowels of the earth : for heat and cold , if they be in a minor or lesser quantity , do destroy each other ; but if they be in greater masses , and as it were in equal armies , they thrust one another out of place . it is reported also , that cinamon , and other fragrant and odoriferous plants being set by privies and stinking places , will retain their own fragrancy the longer , as refusing to come forth and mix themselves with the stinking smels . and truly quick-silver , which would otherwise reunite it self into an entire body , is hindred from it by mans spittle or barrows-grease , or turpentine , and the like , and cannot gather its parts together , by reason of their dissent with such bodies , from which being circumfused round about them , they withdraw themselves . so that their flight from these interjacent things is of more force than the desire of reuniting themselves with those parts which are of the same kind ; and this is called mortifying or killing of quick-silver . also that oyl will not mix with water , is not onely by reason of the difference of levity or lightness , but by reason of their evill agreement , for the spirit of wine which is lighter than oyl will mix with water . but this motion of flight is most notable in niter , and such like crude bodies which do abhor fire , as gunne-powder , quick-silver , gold , and the like . but the flight of iron from the other magnetick pole is by gilbertus very well observed to be not properly a flight , but a conformity and coition to a more convenient situation . let the eleventh motion be the motion of assembling , or multiplying of its self , or of simple generation . and we call simple generation not of whole or integral bodies , as in plants and living things , but of simular or like bodies ; that is to say , that by this motion bodies which are alike do turn other bodies which have some affinity with them , or at least are well disposed or prepared , into their own substance or nature : as flame which multiplies it self upon breaths and oylie things , and ingenders a new flame : air , which upon water and watery things multiplyes it self and ingenders a new air : the vegitable spirit which multiplies it self in its nourishments upon the most subtile and thin parts , as well of watery as oylie things , and ingenders a new spirit , the solid parts of plants , and living creatures , as leaves , flowers , flesh , bone , and the like , each of which out of the juyces of nourishments do assimilate and ingender a successive substance and excretion . for we would not have any man dote with paracelsus , who ( blinded with his distillations ) would have nutrition made by separation only ; and that in bread or food there lyeth hidden the eye , nose , brain , liver , &c. in the moisture of the earth , the root , the leaf , the flower . for as a carver or sculpter out of a rude mass of wood or stone will bring forth a leaf , a flower , an eye , a nose , a hand , a foot , or the like , by separating and putting away what is superfluous : so that chief internal workman ( saith he ) will by separation and rejection out of food bring forth several members and parts . but laying such trifles and toys aside , it is most certain , that each several parts , as well similar as organical , in vegitables and animals , do first with some delight attract , then assimilate and turn into their own nature , the juyces of their several foods almost common , or at least not much unlike . neither is this assimilation or simple generation in animate bodies only , but the inanimate also participate thereof , as we have said of flame and air. and also the dead spirit which is contained in every tangible animate thing , doth always work , to digest and turn the thicker parts into spirit , which may afterwards go forth : whence comes the diminution of weight , and the drying up , as we said elsewhere : neither is that accretion , or growing together , which they commonly reject in alimentation be rejected in assimilation , as when mud grows together amongst small stones , and is turned into a stony substance : scales about the teeth turn into a substance as hard as the teeth themselves , &c. for we are of that opinion that there is in all bodies a desire of assimilation or making alike , as great as that of homogeneals to come together ; but this vertue is bound up as well as the other , but not by the same means : but we must with our greatest care inquire out those means , and the way of getting loose from them ; because they belong to the comforting of old age . lastly , it is worthy to be noted , that in nine of those motions whereof we have spoken , bodies do only desire their own preservation , but in this eleventh they desire to have it propagated . let the twelfth motion be the motion of excitation , which motion seems to be of the same kind as assimilation , and sometimes it is so by us promiscuously called : for it is a diffusive , communicative , transitive , and multiplicative motion , as well as the other ; and they agree for the most part in their effects , though they differ in the manner and subject of effecting . for the motion of assimilation proceeds as it were with command and power ; for it commands and constrains the assimilated thing to turn and chang it self into the assimilant . but the motion of excitation proceeds as it were with art and insituation , and by stealth ; for it doth only invite and dispose the thing excited to the nature of the exciting thing : also the motion of assimilation doth multiply and transform bodies and substances ; as for example , there is more flame , more air , more spirit , more flesh made : but in the motion of excitation the vertues only are multiplyed and transported , and there is made more heat , more magnetick power , more rottenness . and this motion is most eminent in heat and cold : for heat doth not diffuse it self in heating , by the communication of the first heat , but only by excitation of the parts of the body to that motion , which is the form of heat , of which we spake in the first vindemiation of heat ; so that heat is far more slowly and difficulty excited in a stone or metal , than it is in air , by reason of the inability and unreadiness of those bodies to that motion : so that it is likely that there may be such matters within the bowels of the earth , as do utterly refuse to be heated , by reason that through their greater condensation they are destitute of that spirit , from which this motion of excitation first begins . so the load-stone doth endure iron with a new disposition of parts , yet it loseth nothing of its vertue : so the leaven of bread , the flower or yeast of drink , and the runnet which coagulates milk ; and likewise some poisons do excite and invite motion in a quantity of meal , or beer , or cheese , successively and continuately , not so much by the power of the excitor , as by the predisposition and easie yeelding of the excited . let the thirteenth motion be the motion of impression ; which motion is likewise of the same kind as the motion of assimilation , and is the most subtile of all diffusive motions . yet we thought good to place it in a proper species , because of the notable difference which is between it and the former two : for the plain and simple motion of assimilation doth transform the bodies themselves : so that if you take away the first mover , it nothing concerns those which follow ; for the first kindling into flame , or the first turning into air , doth nothing concern the flame or the air which succeeds in generation . likewise the motion of excitation remains for a very long time , the first mover being taken away ; as in a heated body , the first heater being laid away : in iron excited , the load-stone being taken away ; in the heap of meal , the leaven being laid aside . but the motion of impression , though it be diffusive and transitive , yet it seems to depend upon the first mover : so that it ever being taken away or ceasing , it presently fails or perishes ; so that it is ended in a moment , or in a very little time . wherefore we useto call those motions of assimilation and excitation , the motion of jupiters generation , because the generation remains ; and this motion of impression the motion of the generation of saturn , because that as soon as it is born it is devoured and swallowed up . and this motion manifests it self in three things ; in the beams or glimpses of light , in the stroak of sounds , and magnetick forces , as concerning communication . for the light being taken away , the colours presently perish , together with the other images of it . the first stroak and shaking of the body caused thereby being ended , presently after the sound perisheth . for sounds are tossed up and down by winds , as it were by waters ; yet you must more diligently observe , that the sound doth not last so long as there is a resounding : for the bell being rung , the sound seems to continue for a long time ; whereby a man may easily fall into an error if he think or imagine that sound doth stick , or as it were swim in the air all that while , which is most false . for that resounding is not the same sound in number , but is only renewed : and this is made manifest by the stopping or cohibition of the stricken or smitten body ; for if the bell be strongly stayed or withheld and kept immoveable , presently the sound perisheth , and it sounds no more , as in strings , if after the first stroak the string be touched with the finger , as in the harp , or with the quill , as in virginals , presently the resounding ceaseth . the load-stone being taken away , the iron presently falls : but the moon cannot be removed from the sea , nor the earth from any thing that is ponderous when it falls ; therefore there can be no trial made of them , but howsoever the reason is alike . let the fourteenth motion be the motion of configuration , or situation , by which bodies seem to desire not any coition , nor separation , but a situation , collocation , and configuration with others . but this is a most abstruse and hidden motion , neither hath it been well enquired about ; and in some things it seems as it were to be incausable , though indeed ( as we believe ) it be not so . for if one should ask why the heaven turneth and wheeleth from east to west , rather than from west to east ; or why it turns about those poles which are set about the ursas or bears , rather than about orion , or any other part of the heaven : this question seems to be as it were some extasis , seeing that such things should rather through experience be received as positive : and there are indeed in nature some ultimate and incausable things , but this is none of them . for we hold this to be done by a certain harmony and consent of the world , which is not yet come into observation : but if the motion of the earth be admitted to be from west to east , the same questions do remain ; for it also moves upon some poles , and why at last should these poles be placed where they are rather than any where else . also the verticity and direction , and declination of the loadstone are referred to this motion . likewise there are found as well in natural as artificial bodies , especially those which are consistent , and not fluid ; a certain collocation and posture of parts , and as it were wooll and threads , which must be diligently searched out and enquired after , as being such that without the finding of them , those bodies cannot be easily touched nor guided ; but those circulations in liquid things , by which , they while they are pressed before they can free themselves , do relieve each other , that they may bear that compression equally , we do more truely assign to the motion of liberty . let the fifteenth motion be the motion of pertransition , or the motion according to the issues or holes by which the vertues of bodies are more or less hindred or forwarded by their mediums or means , according to the nature of the operating bodies or vertues , and also of the means : for one medium or means is convenient for the light , another for the sound , another for heat and cold , another for magnetick vertues , and for other things respectively . let the sixteenth motion be the regal or politick motion , for so we call it . by which the predominant and commanding parts do bridle , tame , subdue and order the rest of the parts , and force them to be gathered together , and separated , to stop , move , and be placed , not according to their own desires , but as it is in order , and expedient for the well being of that commanding part : so that it is as it were a kind of government , and policy which the ruling part exerciseth over the subjected parts . and this motion is most eminent in the spirits of living things , which motion doth temper together all the motions of the rest of the parts , as long as it self is in vigor and force . it is likewise to be found in other bodies in a certain inferiour degree , as hath been said of blood and urines , which are not dissolved , till the spirit which restrained and mixed their parts was let forth , or suffocated . neither is this motion altogether proper to spirits , though spirits are predominant in most bodies , by reason of their quick and penetrating motion . but in bodies which are more condensed , and are not filled with a lively and vigorous spirit , such as is in quick-silver and vitriol , the thicker parts are predominant ; so that unless this curb and yoke be some way shaken off , we must not hope for any new transformation of such bodies . let the seventeenth motion be the spontaneal or willing motion of rotation or wheeling : by which bodies that delight in motion , and are well placed , do enjoy themselves , and follow one another , and not any thing else , seeking ( as it were ) their own embraces . for bodies seem either to move without any term , or to stand quite still , or to be carried to that term , where through their own nature they must either wheel or stand still : and those things that are well placed , if they enjoy motion , do move circularly , namely with an eternal an infinite motion . those things which are well placed , and are averse from motion , do stand quite still : those which are not well placed do move in a direct line , ( as by the shortest path ) to the company of their connaturals . and this motion of rotation or wheeling , admits of seven differences : the first of its center about which the bodies move : the second of their poles upon which they move : the third of its circumference or compass , according as they are distant from the center : the fourth of their incitation , according as they move either more slowly , or more swiftly : the fifth of the consecution of their motion , as from east to west , or from west to east : the sixt of the declination from the perfect circle by threads or lines nearer to , or further from the center : the seventh of its declination from the perfect circle by the lines nearer to , or further from their poles : the eighth of the further or nearer distance of their lines one from the other : the ninth and last of the variations of the poles themselves , if they be moveable ; the which doth not belong to rotation or wheeling , unless it be done circularly ; and this motion by the common and inveterate opinion is held to be the proper motion of the heavens : yet there is a great question amongst some as well ancient as modern concerning that motion , who have attributed this rotation or wheeling to the earth . but it would be a far more just question or controversie ( if the thing be not without question ) namely , whether this motion ( granted that the earth doth stand still ) be contained within the bounds of the heaven , or rather descends and communicates it self to the air and to the waters . but the motion of rotation in darted things , as in arrows , darts , bullets for guns , and the like , we remit altogether to the motion of liberty . let the eighteenth motion be the motion of trepidation , to which ( as it is understood by astronomers ) we give no great credit . but to us who seriously seek out every where the appetites and desires of natural bodies , this motion comes in our way , and seems it ought to be placed in specie , as of a several kind . and this motion is as it were of a certain perpetual captivity or bondage : namely , in which bodies being not altogether well placed according to their nature , nor yet finding themselves altogether ill , do trepidate or agitate continually , taking no rest , as not contented with the state they are in , nor yet daring to proceed any further . and such a motion is found in the heart and pulses of living creatures , and must of necessity be in all bodies which are in an anxious and doubtful case between commodities and discommodities that being distracted do trie to free themselves , and still receive a repulse , yet still go on trying . let the nineteenth and last motion be that to which the name of motion scarce belongeth , and yet is a meer motion . which motion we may call the motion of lying down , or the motion of abhorring of motion . by this motion the earth stands in its own frame , the extreams of it moving themselves into the middle , not to the imaginative center , but to union . by this appetite also all things which are condensed or grown thick in a high degree do abhor motion , and all their appetite is , not to move : and though they be provoked infinitely to move , yet ( as far as they can ) they preserve their own nature . and if they be forced to motion , yet they seem always to endeavour to recover their own estate and rest , to move no more . and indeed about this they are active enough , and do strive swiftly and speedily enough , as being impatient of any delay . but the image of this appetite can but partly be discerned , because with us by the subagitation and concoction of the celestials , every tangible thing is not only not condensed to the height , but is also mixed with some spirit . we have therefore now proposed the species , or simple elements of motions , appetites , and active vertues which are most universal in nature : neither is there a small part of natural knowledg shadowed under these . yet we do not deny , but that other species may peradventure be added , and that these very divisions may be transported according to the truer veins of things , and be reduced into a smaller number : yet we do not mean this of any abstracted divisions ; as who should say , that bodies desire either the preservation or exaltation , or propagation , or fruition of their own nature ; or as if one should say , that the motions of things do tend to the preservation and good either of the universal , as antitypie , or connexion , or of great universalities as the motion of the greater congregation , or of rotation and wheeling , or of the abhorring of motion , or of special forms , as the rest of motions . for though these things be true , yet unless they be terminated in matter and fabrick , according to the true lines , they are speculative and less profitable . in the mean time they will be sufficient , and of good use to weigh the predominances of virtues , and enquire out the instances of strife . for of these motions whereof we have spoken , some are altogether invincible , some are stronger , and bind , curb and dispose them . some do shoot out and dart further : some do prevent others in time and swiftness : some do nourish , strengthen , enlarge , and hasten the other . the motion of antitypie is altogether adamantive and invincible . but whether the motion of connexion be so or no , we yet doubt of . for we will not for a certainty affirm whether there be a vacuity , or coacervation and heaping up , or a permixion . but this we are sure of , that the reason which lucippus and democritus give to bring in a vacuity ( namely because without it the same bodies could not fill up and contain greater and lesser spaces ) is false . for certainly it is the fold of the matter doubling and redoubling it self by spaces within certain bounds , without interposition of vacuity . neither is there in air two thousand times more ( for so much it must be ) of vacuity than there is in gold , which is sufficiently known to us by the most powerful vertues of pneumatick or windy bodies , ( which otherwise would swim in vacuity like small dust ) and many other demonstrations . and the rest of the motions do govern , and are governed one by another according to the vigor , quantity , incitation , ejaculation , and according to the helps and hindrances which do happen . as for example , some load-stone armed will draw up and hold iron which shall weigh threescore times as much as it self : so far the motion of the lesser congregation doth predominate above the motion of the greater congregation ; and if there be any greater weight it yields . a beam will bear some weight of timber : so far doth the motion of liberty predominate upon the motion of the greater congregation : but if the weight be more it will yield . leather stretched out to such an extent will not tear : so far the motion of continuation predominates upon the motion of extension ; but if it be stretched any further , the leather tears , and the motion of continuation doth yield . water runs out at a crevise of such a bigness , so far the motion of the greater congregation predominates over the motion of continuation : and if the crevise be lesser it yields , and the motion of continuation overcomes . the powder of sulphur alone put into a gun with a bullet and fired doth not drive out the bullet ; in that the motion of the greater congregation overcomes the motion of hyles : but gun-powder being put in , overcomes the motion of hyles in the brimstone , being helped by the motions of hyles , and of flight in the niter , and so of the rest . for the instances of strife ( which shew the predominancy of vertues , and according to what means and degrees they predominate and yield ) is to be sought out by a sharp and diligent inquisition . likewise the means and ways of the succumbency and yielding of motions are carefully to be looked into : namely , whether they cease altogether , or whether they only strive so to do , and are withheld . for in bodies here with us there is no true rest , neither in the whole , nor in the parts , but only in appearance and seemingness . and this seeming quietness or rest , is caused either by the counterpoise , or the predominancy of motions : by counterpoise , as in scales which stand even if the weights be equal ; by predominancy , as in pitchers which have holes in them , where the water lyeth still , and is kept from falling by the predominancy of the motion of connexion : yet we must observe ( as we said before ) how far those yielding motions do strive . for if any one through striving be kept down stretched out upon the earth , with his arms and legs bound , or otherwise held , and yet he with all his force strive to get up , his striving is nothing the less , though it doth not availe . but the condition of this thing , ( namely , whether the yielding motion be as it were annihilated by the predominancy , or whether the strife continue , though it is not perceived ) which lyeth hidden in conflicts , will peradventure appear in concurrencies . let the trial be made in guns ; whether a gun will shoot a bullet furthest in a direct line , which we call point blank , or shooting upwards where the only force carries the bullet , or downwards , where the motion of gravity concurs with the force of the blow . also the rules of predominancies which come in the way are to be gathered together : as the commoner the good is which is desired , the stronger it is ; as the motion of connexion , which looks upon the communion of the universal , is stronger than the motion of gravity or weight , which looks only upon the communion of dense and solid things . also that the desires of a private good , most commonly do not prevail against the desires which are for a more publick good , but in some small quantities . which would god we might obtain in civil affairs . the way how to find out the causes of the ebbing and flowing of the sea. this motion must of necessity be brought to passe , either by the progress , and regresse of waters , like unto water tossed up and down in a tub , which when it washeth one side of the tub , forsaketh the other side : or by the rising and falling of the waters from the bottome , like unto water that boiles up and falls again . now which of these two causes must be the cause of ebbing and flowing is the question . if the first assertion be admitted of , then of necessity when the flowing of the sea is one way , the sea must at the same time in one place or other be ebbing : and this is the thing which we enquired . acost a with some others ( after diligent enquirie ) have observed , that on the shoars of florida and the opposite shoars of spain and africk , the ebbings and flowings of the sea are at the same time , and not contrariwise , when it flows at the shoars of florida , it ebbs on the shoars of spain and africa . but if one give more attention , and take better heed , the rising motion is not confirmed , nor the motion by progress denyed . for it may be that the motion of waters in progress may be , and yet it may flow upon the opposite banks of the same channel , at the same time ; namely , if the waters be forced and driven in from another place , as it is in rivers which ebb and flow on both their banks on each side at the same time , this motion notwithstanding being a meer motion in progress , namely , of waters coming in at the mouths of the rivers out of the sea : so in the same manner waters coming in great abundance out of the indian eastern ocean , may be be driven and thrust into the channel of the atlantick sea , and therefore may over-flow both banks at one time . therefore we must enquire whether there be ever another channel by which the waters may ebb , and so diminish at the same time : and behold here is the south sea at hand , which is no lesser than the atlantick sea , but large and extended sufficiently for this purpose . so now at last we are come to the instance of the cross concerning this subject : which word is taken from crosses , which are set up in cross ways , and point out the separations of them . and these we use to call decisory and judicial instances , and in some cases instance of oracle and mandate : the manner of them is this ; when in the inquisition of some nature , the understanding is suspended and uncertain , to which of the two or more natures the cause of the enquired nature ought to be attributed and assigned , by reason of the frequent and ordinary concourse of divers natures ; the instances of the cross do shew the faithful and indissoluble agreement ( concerning the nature which is enquired of ) of one of the natures , and the variable and separable agreement of the other , whereby the question is determined , and the former nature is received for the cause , the other being rejected and laid aside : and that is such a one , if we find of a certainty , that when it flows on the opposite shoars as well of florida and spain in the atlantick sea , it flows also upon the shoars of peru , and the back-side of china in the south sea : then by this decisorie instance this assertion must be confirmed , that the ebbing and flowing of the sea which we enquire after , must be done by a progressive motion : for there is no other sea or other place left where there can be a regress or ebb made at the same time : and this may most easily be known , if one could enquire of the inhabitants of panama and lima ( where the atlantick and southern ocean are severed only by a small isthmus ) whether the ebbing and flowing be at the same time on both sides of the isthmus or no. but this decision seems to be certain , if it be granted that the earth stand immoveable . for if the earth turns round , it may be that by unequal turning of it , ( as touching the celerity & swiftness of it ) and of the water of the sea , there may be a violent driving of waters up into a heap , which may be the flowing , and a re-laxation of the same , ( when they can be heaped up no more ) which may be the ebbing . but of this there must be an inquisition severally . but this being also supposed , that still remaineth stedfast , that there must be somewhere an ebbing of waters when there is a flowing in other places . likewise let the latter motion of those two which we supposed , be the enquired nature : namely , the motion of the sea raising it self , and sinking down again ; if it so happen that ( after the matter is diligently examined ) the other progressive motion which we have spoken of , be rejected : then there will be such a threefold way concerning this nature ; and of necessity this motion by which waters in ebbings and flowings rise and fall again , without any addition of waters coming to them , must be one of these three ways : either that this abundance of waters comes out of the entrails of the earth , and returns again into them : or that there be no greater mass of waters , but that the same waters , ( without any increasing of quantity ) are extended , or rarified , so that they spread themselves into a larger dimension , and take up more room , and then restrain and contract themselves again : or that there is neither more quantity , nor larger extension , but that the same waters ( as they are both in quantity or rarity and density ) do raise themselves , and so fall again by and through some magnetick power drawing them from above , and so by consent rise and fall again . so now ( if you please ) let the inquisition be reduced ( laying aside the two first motions ) to this last , and let us enquire whether there be any such sublation or raising made by consent , or magnetick power . but in the first place it is manifest that all the whole waters as they are laid in the hollow or concave place of the sea , cannot be raised altogether , for then there would want some thing to succeed and be in the bottome : so that if there were any such appetite or desire in the waters of raising themselves , yet that would be broken and cohibited by the connexion of things , or ( as they commonly call it ) by the nonentity or not being of any vacuity . it remains therefore that the waters must rise on the one side , or part , and thereby diminish and fall on the other . for again , it will of necessity follow , that the magnetick power , seeing it cannot operate upon the whole , must needs operate most strongly about the middle , so that raising the water in the middle , it must needs successively abandon and forsake the shoars . so thus at last this subject is come to the instance of the cross , which is this : that if it be found that in the ebbings of the sea , the superficies of the waters in the sea is more arched and round , namely , the waters rising in the middle of the sea , and failing about the sides , which are the shoars ; and in the flouds or flowings the same superficies is more plain and even , by reason of the waters returning to their first posture : then truly by this decisory instance the raising by magnetick power may be admitted of , otherwise it must be absolutely rejected . but this may easily be tried in arms of the sea , by sea lines , namely , whether in ebbs towards the middle of the sea , the sea be not deeper than in flouds . but we must note , that if this be so , waters do ( contrary to what is commonly believed ) rise in their ebbings , and fall only in flowings , whereby they fill and overflow the banks . an index of the most remarkable things contained in this book . aber barry , a rockie cliff in wales , wherein is heard a continual murmure of winds . pag. 18 accidental generations of winds . 20 acosta reprehended . 11 his observation touching plata and potosa 18 acrimonius liquors operate hotly in the divulsion of bodies . 61 aetna and other hils , cast out flames . 18 aeolus his kingdome . 17 air in hooded glasses swels the bladder , 23. inclosed in caves in summer 58. is forced to break out 18. being moved , it cools rather then heats . 60 andes betwixt peru and chile 26. some hils there . 55 animals inwards hot , 60 , dead ones have no warm part in them . 63 anniversary winds , 57. those that are northerly about the beginning of dog days are thought to come from the frozen sea. 24 st anthonies fire . 57 anvils heat with hammering upon them . 65 approaching to hot things causeth heat . 66 aqua regis dissolves gold . 61 aqua fortis silver . ibid. arcturus his rising followed with tempests . 23 aselli , certain stars . 39 athos . 26 attending winds , 58. are not the same at sea as at land , 11. ought not to be confounded with staied winds . 12 attrition of bodies heats them . 59 b. bellows , aeolus his bags . 42 bels are heard furthest against wind . 42. their sound is thought to disperse thunder . 25 belluae , what they are . 21 binding of the major and minor congregation in motion . 79 , 80 bird winds . 10 birds perching , what they presage . 41 bounds of winds . 3 breath in the microcosmos parallel to winds which blow , 43 breze a wind , 7. blows plentifully between the tropicks , 8. without them it is hardly perceiveable , ibid. it is not a full east , but a northwest wind . 8 burdelois petition to the king of england . 25 butterflies revived by heat . 15 c. calmness at sea . 12 castor , pollux , and hellen , what they presage to mariners , 40. how hot , and what manner of heat they have . 57 cardinal winds . 6 caravels , what manner of ships they are . 34 chymists principles . 49 circles about the planets or stars , presage winds , 39. about the moon likewise on that side where they break . 19. 38 clear weather in summer , presages a windy autumn , 41. and a clear autumn , a windy winter . 41 clouds presages concerning winds , 40. the higher ones sometimes outfly the lower , 30. and are for the most part carried from east to west . 7 coals shining bright and sparkling , presage wind . 41 coaches moving with the wind . 61 colder weather then the season requireth . 58 columbus judged , there was a continent towards america , by the certain and stayed winds , which blew from thence towards the shores of portugal . 9. 29 cold causeth a kind of burning . 54. 62 comets effects for increasing heat are not perceivable . 56 convenient instances , in the nature of hot things . 53 conjunctions of planets , are followed by winds , 39. and great ones . 23 conflicts of winds , 4. 30. 33. being strong do produce vehement & whirling winds . 25 constantius his excessive heat . 63 contributing towards winds , and raising and appearing of them . 3 cooling of summer rooms , 42. artificially done by induction of winds . 21 coruscations give light , but do not burn . 56 coruscations about a sweating horse . 57 crows presage winds . 41 currents in the sea . 9 d. dissolution of snow , about the frozen sea , raiseth northern winds in italy and greece . 29 divers motions of winds . 4 divers qualities of winds . 2 duckers and ducks , against wind , cleanse their feathers with their bills . 41 dung or whatever else fattens soil , is of a hot nature . 63 e. earth the first cold thing . 18 earth-quakes bring in noxious and forreign winds , 18. they happen but seldom . 17 east wind , drie and piercing , 14. in england surmised to be mischievous , 12. in europe generally drying . 8 east north-east wind draws the clouds to it , 15. and is compared to usurers . 15 ebbings and flowings of the sea , 90. acosta's observation concerning them . 90 eclipses of the moon preceded , and followed by winds , and the suns with fair weather . 22 , 39 eggs sometimes hatched with the heat of fire . 75 enlightnings or ostensive instances , what they are . 71 exciting of motions in winds . 28 excrements of beasts , newly made , are hot . 54 experiment of wind in a close tower. 23 , 27 experiment of the suns heat on a glass . 56 extraordinary winds . 2 f. feathers swimming upon the water , presage wind. 41 feathers what kind of heat they cause . 63 fervent vapour . 34 fervent heats in the solstice , end with thunder . 39 fire how kindled amongst the indians , 54. upon a hearth , how it presageth winds . 40 fired things that look red , are perpetually hot , 57. and have divers degrees of heat . 65 fiery meteors appear more in winter then in summer . 57 fishes entrails not very hot , 63. when they stink their scales shine , 58. there is in them a degree , rather then a privation of heat . 60 firmament opening , betokens winds . 19 flames have many degrees of violence , 64. sometimes seen blazing about childrens heads , yet not burn the hair . 57 flints by percussion , yield sparkles . 59 form of a thing , is the thing it self , 62. it ought to be absent , where the primary nature is absent , and present , where it is present , 54. what our author means by form . 68 fracastorius his invention with a frying-pan . 75 free winds , 1. are least attendant in summer . 10 froth upon a calm sea presages wind . 41 full moon touching circles and colours , gives the same presages , as it doth at four days old . 39 furrowing winds . 4 g. gales blow continually , about the sea . 20 generation simple , what it is . 83 generations accidental of winds . 2 generations and corruptions principal causes . 75 general winds . 1 , 7 gilbertus his electrick operation 80. he is reprehended . 49 glow-worms . 58 great english ship have some four , some five masts . 31 green herbs laid up together , will fire . 54 great winds are inundations of the air . 43 in great storms what is to be done . 33 , 34 groenland . 10. 56 gun-powder . 43 h. hay cocks , blown up in the air. 22 hand fans . 42 heat is an expansive motion , by which the body strives to dilatate it self , 71. ascending upward , 71. by the lesser parts of the body , 73. somewhat swift , 73 , 74. that of celestial things , is increased there ways , 64. it will not burn any dry thing , 64. how it is in the brain , 63. in what things it is strongest , 64 heats definition , 74. is a peripatetical one , 57. its division , 75. its first tactible degree , seems to be in animate things , 63. in vegetables it is not tangible , 63. what bodies are most subject to it , next to air. 67 helps to winds . 22 hernes flying high , presage winds , 41. kites fair weather . 41 hils capped with clouds presage tempests . 24 history of heavy and light . 48 history concerning a childs apron . 57 history of density and rarity . 47 history of sulphur , mercury , and salt. 49 history of the simpathy and antipathy of things . 49 history of life and death . 50 hoary frosts and snow , cause south winds . 14 hot and heating , two different things . 71 hot baths . 57 , 58 horse dung . 62 hyades and pleiades , their power concerning winds , 23. at their rising they cause rain . 39 i. ignis fatuus , hath not much heat in it . 75 ignis grecus . 65 indians have a web made of feathers , which will melt butter . 63 imitations of winds . 5. 42 indirect experiments , what they are . 8 inductious first work . 68 inquisition of forms , how it proceeds . 53 instance of the cross , what it is . 90 instances convenient in the nature of hot things . 53 iron dissolved with strong waters is hot . 54 irritation by cold encreaseth heat . 66 island . 57 l. leaves fall off the trees , soonest on the south side , 14. they and straws playing in a calm , presage winds . 41 lesser ships , farr swifter then great ones , 30. how far one of them may sail in a day . 34 lightnings what they presage concerning winds , 39. they seldome happen in winter . 56 , 57 lime , 62. being unslackt , water being cast upon it , gathers heat . 57 liquid hot things . 56 local beginning of winds , 2 , 64. hard to be known , ib. they are three . 17 longitude of winds . 29 m. march winds drie more then any summer winds . 16 masts , how many in a ship . 31 median winds , 6. major and lesser , ibid. which of them fairest , and which fowlest . 15 mezentius his torment . 51 moons presages touching winds , 38. its , and the comets , and stars beams cast no sensible heat , 55. next to the sun , it is most operative . 22 its fifth day terrible to mariners , 38. an upright one is always threatning and hurtful , 38. being red the fourth day it presages winds . 16 motion of liberty according to democritus , is called motion of the coast . 78 motion of the wind in sails , 31. hath three chief heads of impulsion , 34. the first ibid. the second 34. the third 35. in which motion is considerable both impulsion , and direction , 33. the nearer it comes to the beak , the stronger it is . 32 motion of windmils , 35. their sails . 32 motions of the winds diverse , 4. 28. in engines of mans invention . 35 motion of winds and direction to be enquired of , 28. the first is motion of the antitypie of the matter , 77. the second of connexion , 77. the third of liberty , 77. the fourth of hyles , 78. the fifth of continuation , 79. the sixth is the motion to gain , or of indigency , 79. the seventh of the greater congregation , 80. the eight of the lesser , 80. the ninth the magnetick , 82. the tenth of flight , 83. the eleventh of assembling , 83. the twelfth of excitation , 84. the thirteenth of impression , 84. the fourteenth of configuration or scituation , 85. the fifteenth of pertransition , 86. the sixteenth the regal motion , 86. the seventeenth the spontaneal motion of rotation , 87. the eighteenth of trepidation , 87. the nineteenth of exhorrency on abhorring . 88 murmure in the hils and element belongs to winds , and is prodigious , 41. murmure in wood before winds . 19 n. names of winds . 1 , 6 natural magick . 49 natural motion according to the ancients . 41 new moons foreshew the disposition of the air . 5 nights hotter in europe . 23 north wind high , and blows from above , 13. is the days attendant , 11. suspicious blowing from the sea , but from the land healthfull , 13. noxious to physical people , 14. it rises oftentimes , while a north-east , or north-west winds are blowing , 14. it alters not the weather , 13. if it rise in the night , it lasts not above three days . 14 nova zembla . 55 nurseries of winds are where vapours abound . 28 o. oyl of origanum , sulphur , and vitriol , execute the operations of heat . 54 , 61 olimpus the mountain , 26 , 55. what strang things hap on the top of it . ib. orions rising is accompanied with winds . 23 , 39 overburthening of the air. 19 owls presage change of weather , 41. with us when they chatter in winter , it is a sign of fair weather . 41 , 42 p. paracelsus confuted , 83. his school found no place for the east wind . 16 particular winds matrixes . 16 peake of penariffe . 26. 55 permission of the understanding , what it is . 71 in peru , winds blow most at a full moon . 22 physitians dreams , touching radical humours . 21 pliny reprehended . 57 poets feign , that in the deluge , boreas was kept in prison , and the south wind let out . 12 , 13 power of winds . 5 praestar , a dark lightning . 22 prognosticks of winds . 16. 36. 39 promontories , turnings an windings , cause alterations of winds . 21 proportions of masts and sails vary . 63 putrefaction hath heat in it . 28 q. quicksilver killed , 83 , 84. hath a flatuous and expansive spirit . 12 qualities and powers of winds . 43 r. radical differences of winds , 13. their accidental generations , 2. and imitations . 5 rainy springs presage clear summers . 40 rains engendring . 14 rainbows when they are not entire , do commonly dissolve into wind. 20 repercussions of winds in gardens . 21 returns of winds . 10 rocky hils are full of wind , 17. icy hills engender cold gales , rather then winds . 24 rotten wood gives a lustre in the night . 57 s. sails how to be spread , 34. with a side wind they must be stretched out stiff , 33. ten belong to a ship , 31. in a forewind , how they must be trimmed , 33. length of sails in wind-mills , conduces much to motion , 34. the lower sails swell more then the rest . 32 a scripture place expounded . 17 seawater violently stirred , gives alight . 57 sea looks blewish in a south wind , 14. in a northern wind it looks darker , 14. when it presages winds , 41. some places of it swell without winds , 17. european seas have sometime soft gales , and no wind. 7 sea winds moister then land winds , 11. and more vehement , 12. and either lukewarm or cold . 11 sea lungs . 57 sea compass divided into two and thirty points . 33 semicardinal winds , 6. are not so stormie as the median . 15 silver dissolved excites a little heat . 60 shepherds should feed their flocks against the south . 14 shores , how they presage winds . 40 small whirlewinds happen oft , 21. and sometimes in clear weather , 22. great ones come but seldom . ib. snowy winds , come from the north. 15 snow blown down whole from tops of hills , hath choaked up the valleys . 16 sounds do last longer then resoundings . 85 suddain blasts , are always in cloudy weather . 21 south nor west winds engender no vapours . 13. south wind for the most part blows alone , 14. rises oftner and blows stronger in the night , 14. when it begins or ceases , there is change of weather , 13. when it blows softly it is clear weather , ib. from the sea it is most healthful , 13. from the continent not so , ib. in england it is unhealthful , 13. in africk clear and healthful , ib. wandring and free , low and lateral . ib. sowre things laid on a place where there is no upper skin , cause smarting . 54 spices and hot herbs chewed , burn and bite the tongue . 54. 61 spiders work hard before winds . 42 spirit of wine hot in operation , 54. 61. what kind of flame it makes . 64 stars some hotter then other , 64. shooting stars of a slimy substance , 56. they presage winds , 19. small stars are not perceiveable before rising of winds . 19 stayed winds what , 1. 8. in europe , 10. they do not blow in the night , 9. they blow where high and snowie mountains are , 9. they are itinerary , 26. and weak in winter , they are scarce noted . 10 stormy winds go not far . 26 storms with what winds they come . 15 storms with fogs ominous to sea-men . 21 subterraneal places full of air . 17 successions of winds . 4. 26 sugar broken or scraped in the dark shineth . 57 sun begetter of winds , 22. setting red presages winds , 19. is like a prince , 16. its heat varies , 64. in the generation of winds its heat must be proportionable , 45. its small heat doth not excite vapors , 24. prognosticates winds , 37 , & seq . suns beams of small force in the middle region of the air , 55. and their reflection weak about the polar circles . 55 swellings of water frequent . 17 swine terrified at the approach of winds . 41 t. tepidity in wool skins and feathers , whence it comes , 59. and in all woolly things . 54 thales , his monopoly of olives . 45 three leaved grasses prognostick of winds . 42 thunders and lightnings , in what winds most frequent , 15. what they presage touching winds . 39 trees growing in cold countries , are most apt to fire . 57 tropaei winds . 12 true wayes of a natural death . 51 u. vacuity why introduced by leucippus and democritus . 89 vanes of steeples and weather-cocks in calm weather likely stand continually west . 7 vaporary winds , 24. their efficient cause , ibid. their height . 26 vapours quantity and quality to be considered . 24 vaulting of rooms , adds much coolness to them . 21 ubiquitary winds . 30 vegetables feel not hot . 61 , 62 , 63 vehement winds , are inundations of the air . 16 vessels we eat in , may presage wind . 42 vinegar thrown against a whirlwind by pliny . 46 vine stalks sprout most towards the south , 14. they will ripen sooner within doors then without . 75 virgil skilful in philosophy . 30 , 31 undulation and furrowing of winds . 4 undulation of the air differing from that of the water . 30 w. water and air , are very homogeneal . 23 water in baths , heats accidentally , 62. taken out it cools . 58 water-fouls when they presage wind , 41. and when land-fouls . 41 water sometimes break out in dry places . 17 weather glasses , 61. how they are made . wels in dalmatia and cyrena , with winds inclosed in them . 18. 47 west wind a continual companion of the spring , 12. in europ it is a moist wind , 7. attendant on pomeridian hours . 11 west , north-west wind , set down by the ancients , for a cause of nilus his over-flowing . 9 whirlwinds play sometimes before men as they ride . 21 white tempests . 40 winds blow every where . 7 windy winters , presage wet springs . 40 wind is nothing but air moved , 44. how it comes out of a cloud . 19 winds made by mixture of vapours . 44 winds sometimes dry up rivers . 16 winds of all kinds purg the air , 16. how they are engendred in the lower air , 20. they are engendred a thousand ways , 16. they are marchants of vapours , 17. they gain their natures five ways , 15. winds composed of niter , 43. brought forth of the resolutions of snow , 24. hurt corn at three seasons , 14. they are allayed five ways , 25. 44. they blow from their nurseries , 4. in their beginning they blow softly , 17. then gain strength , ibid. those which are composed of sea vapours easiliest turn to rain . 24. y. yards of ships . 31 finis . a brief discourse touching the office of lord chancellor of england . written by the learned john selden of the inner temple , esq and dedicated by him to sir francis bacon knight , then lord keeper of the great seal of england . transcribed from a true copy thereof , found amongst the collections of that judicious antiquary st. lo kniveton , late of grayes inne esq together with a true catalogue of lord chancellors , and keepers of the great seal of england , from the norman conquest , untill this present year , 1671. by william dvgdale , esquire , norroy king of arms. london , printed for william lee at the turks head in fleetstreet , over against fetter-lane end , 1671. to the right honourable sir francis bacon knight , lord keeper of the great seal of england . my lord , the times obvious discourse , whereby that all which truly loves nobless or learning congratulates your highly deserved honor , caused me collect these , taken out of no obvious monuments , touching the auncientest mention , conjunction , and division of those two great offices of state which your lordship really bears , though stiled but by the name of one : they are short , yet give large testimony of the former times . they conclude with an act made about 320. years since , of like tenor in substance with that later under queen eliz. which was as proper to your name , whence these also were the fitter to offer you : enough , other particulars touching both these great offices might have been added , but these were chosen for the usual question of the present , and thus are given ( not yet seen by any other eye ) as a taste of my humble observance . my lord , they are only yours , as their author would be , j. selden . a brief discourse touching the office of lord chancellor of england , &c. the name and office , of lord chancellor of england under the saxons . the eldest mention , in good authority of the name of chancellor of this kingdom , is in edward the elders time , about the year dccccxx . he made turketill abbot of croyland his chancellor . cancellarium suum eum constituit , ut quaecunque negotia temporalia vel spiritualia , regis judicium expectabant illius consilio & decreto ( nam tantae fidei et tam profundi ingenij tenebatur ) omnia tractarentur , & tractata irrefragabilem sententiam sortirentur . this abbot held the office under athelstan , edmund and edred succeeding kings . king ethelred afterwards divided the chancellorship between the abbots of ely , and st. augustine in canterbury , and of glastenbury , who were to exercise it by turn . the words of an old monk of ely are , statuit atque concessit quatenus ecclesia de ely extunc & semper in regis curiâ , cancellarii ageret dignitatem quod & aliis , sancti viz. augustini & glasconiae ecclesiis constituit , ut abbates istorum coenobiorum vicissim assignatis succedendo temporibus annum trifariè dividerint , cum sanctuarii & caeteris ornatibus altaris ministrando : so as the abbot of ely , or some monk by him appointed , exercised the office from candlemas four moneths yearly , and the other two of glastenbury and s. augustines made up the twelve . but there occurres not any subscription in charters by that name , till the confessor , in his patent to the church of westminister ; after the king , bishops , abbots , and others , comes ego rembaldus cancellarius subscripsi . yet in the ancientest monument of a grant by any king extant here , i doubt not but the chancellor subscribed , though under another name . the first christian king of the saxons founded and endowed canterbury church , and in his charter amongst the earls , occurrs ego augemandus referendarius subscripsi ; where referendarius may well stand for cancellarius , the office of both ( as the words applyed to the court are used in the code , novells , and story of the declining empire ) signifying an officer that received petitions and supplications to the king , and made out his writs and mandates , as a custos legis : and though there were divers referendarii , as 14. then 8. then more again , and so divers chancellors in the empire ; yet one especially here , exercising an office of the nature of these many , might well be stiled by either of the names . these are testimonies of that time without exception , though polydore begin the name and office at the norman conquest . ii. whether the keeping of a seal , were in the chancellorship under the saxons . for that principal part of the office , or that other office joyned with the chancellorship , the keeping of the seal ; if the common opinion were cleer , that under the saxon state no seals were here used , then were it vain to think of it as of that time . but there is yet remaining an old saxon charter of king edgar , beginning , a orthodoxorum vigoris ecclesiastici monitu creberrime instruimur , &c. to the abbey of persore , wherein divers lands are given , and there remains in the parchment plain signes of three labells by the places cut for their being hanged on : and of the self-same charter a testimony also as ancient , that the seals were , one of king edgar , the second of st. dunstan , and the third of alfer ducis merciorum . that testimony is in a letter from godfrie archdeacon of worcester to pope alexander iii. writing of that charter , and the authority of it : noverit , saith he , sanctitas vestra , verum esse , quod conscripti hujus scriptum originale in virtute sanctae trinitatis sigilla tria , trium personarum autenticarum , ad veritatem , triplici confirmatione commendat ; est autem sigillum primum illustris regis edgari ; secundum sancti dunstani cantuariensis archiepiscopi ; tertium alferi ducis merciorum ; sicut ex diligenti literarum impressarum inspectione evidenter accepi . and it 's reported by those which have searched the records of st. denys church in france , there remain two charters , the one of one offa , the other of one edgar , with seals annext ; the one of which i have seen cast off in lead , and is about the breadth of a shilling thick , and having a face on the one side . likewise amongst the chartae antiquae , divers being reckoned cum sigillo , others sine sigillo ; one is cum sigillo of king cnout , neither is there any colour of doubt but that the confessor had his seal , for the print yet remains in part to be seen . but notwithstanding these singular examples of kings sealing in the saxons times , it 's most certain it was not a thing common then ; neither could any in the chancellorship be denominated from keeping the seal , nor in any other office. curiosity in some particular occasion swayed more in it , than any custom ; although we admit those before mentioned for true , which may well be doubted , in regard of the frequent fraud and ignorance in committing it , which in the elder times possess'd the church-men . but for the confessor's seal , that was without scruple certain , and thence may we confidently derive the great seal of england . iii. testimonies of the chancellorship and keepership joyned , in times neer after the norman invasion . as in the monuments of the confessor rembald is named chancellor ; so under the first william , maurice bishop of london , and in the succeeding times others . old stories of the monks sufficiently mention them . but little appears of the office till the time of h. 2. under whom , one writing the life of thomas beckett that was lord chancellor , hath this most ancient testimony of it , and of keeping the seal also ; cancellarii dignitas est , ut secundus à rege in regno habeatur ; ut altera parte sigilli regii , quod & ad ejus pertinet custodiam , propria signet mandata , ut capella regia in illius sit dispositione et cura , ut vacantes archiepiscopatus , episcopatus , abbatias & baronias cadentes in manum regis ipse suscipiat & conservet ; ut omnibus regis assit consiliis , etiam non vocatus , accedat ; ut omnia sigilliferi clerici regii sua manu signentur : item ut suffragantibus , ex dei gratia vitae meritis , non moriatur , nisi archiepiscopus vel episcopus si voluerit : inde est quod cancellaria non emenda est . and another of the same time , cancellarius sicut in curia , sic & ad scaccarium magnus est ; adeò ut sine ipsius consensu vel consilio nihil magnum fiat vel fieri debeat : verum hoc habet officium dum residet ad scaccarium : ad ipsum pertinet custodia sigilli regii , quod est in thesauro ; sed indè nòn recedit nisi cum praecepto justiciarii , ( that is chief justice of england that was a viceroy ) ab inferiore ad superius scaccarium , à thesaurario vel camerario defertur ad explenda solum negotia scaccarii ; quibus peractis in loculum mittitur , & loculus à cancellario consignatur , & sic thesaurario traditur custodiendus . item cùm necesse fuerit , signatus sub omnium oculis cancellario offertur , nunquam ab ipso vel ab alio alias offerendus . item ad ipsum pertinet rotuli , qui est de cancellaria , custodia per suppositam personam . another about the time of edw. 1. officium cancellariae viro provido & discreto ut episcopo vel clerico magnae dignitatis debet committi , simul cum curâ majoris sigilli regni , cujus substituti sunt cancellarii omnes in anglia , hibernia , wallia & scotia . omnesque sigilli regii custodes praeter custodem sigilli privati . iv. of the division and conjunction of lord chancellor and lord keeper , till an old act made that they should be one. but for that of cancellaria emenda nòn est , an example not long after was , not only in truth to the contrary , but entred also in publique records ; for walter de gray of the family of the greyes of rotherfeld in oxfordshire , in 7th . of king john , dat. domino regi quinque millia marcarum pro habendà cancellariâ domini regis totâ vitâ suâ ; & pro habendâ inde charta domini regis . so are the words of the roll , and the dayes of payment are set down also ; and in the rolls of the same year occurrs , hic recepit w. gray cancellaria . yet had he not alwayes the custody of the seal , for in the charter roll of that year after the taking his chancellorship there is but one patent or charter dated by him , as the fashion then was , with dat. per manum w. de g. cancellarii nostri , or the like . those that both follow and precede , are dat. per manum hugonis de welles archidiaconi wellensis , who , it seems , kept the seal : and therefore he is expresly called the king's chancellor in some monks that writ of that time , as others are for the same cause : neither was it ever heard of them to have the chancellorship granted , yet the seal still to remain in another hand . for also while this w. de gray was chancellor , richard de marisco whom matthew paris calls chancellor too , and others misreckon him for one had the keeping of the seal , the roll is nono die octobris anno regni domini regis 15. liberavit magister richardus de marisco archidiaconus richmond . & northumbr . domino regi sigillum apud ospring ; and then on the 22. of decemb. following , apud windlesores liberatum fuit sigillum domino r. de nevill , deferendum sub domino p. wintoniensi episcopo , that was peter de roches or de rupibus chief justice of england . but this here out of the infallible testimony of records touching w. de gray , differs not a little in time from the relation of the monk , notwithstanding the seal thus committed to ralf de nevill who had it also under h. 3. in the beginning of his raign , totius regni ordinante consensu & consilio ; yet the patent and other charters and close letters of the time , are , for the most part , per rectorem regni , or teste p. wintoniensi episcopo , or t. h. de burgo chief justice of england under h. 3. per eundem ; or per p. wintoniensem episcopum , or the like . and yet also in rolls of that time , where nevill never at all makes the teste , or hath his name added , mention is of him for other uses as belonging to the office of chancellorship , as the delivery of the counterbriefs to him and fines , &c. mittend ' in scaccarium , according to the use of that age . but although both records and story thus make r. de nevill lord keeper from king john unto h. 3. yet had not he any patent of either chancellorship or keepership till : 1 h. 3. where both a patent of the keeping of the seal for life , either by himself or deputy , and another of the chancellorship of england toto tempore vitae suae , were made to him , both bearing the same date . yet after this also , through divers oppositions in state against the goodness and noble carriage of this ralf de nevill , the seal was after unjustly taken from him , and restored again as his former right . and in 20 h. 3. the king would have had it from him , sed idem cancellarius ( saith the monk ) hoc facere rènuit , videns impetum regis modestiae fines excedentem ; dixitque se nullà ratione hoc facere posse , cum illud communi consilio regni suscepisset . quapropter nec illud similiter sine communi assensu regni alicui resignaret : yet in 22 h. 3. the king violently took it from him , and committed it to one godfrey a templar , and john of lexinton ; emolumentis tamen ( so sayes the story ) ad cancellarium spectantibus , episcopo quasi cancellario , redditis & assignatis . afterward one simon norman a lawyer had it : and from him it was taken , and committed to richard abbot of evesham , who kept it three years , and then resigned it in 26 h. 3. the chancellor and keeper ( of right ) nevill was afterward reconciled to the king , and dyed 28 h. 3. in the acts of parliament of which year , one is , that the keeper of the seal should be alwayes the chancellor , and that all things sealed otherwise should be voyd . the words are , si aliqua interveniente occasione dominus rex abstulerit sigillum suum à cancellario , quicquid fuerit interim sigillatum , irritum habeatur & inane , deinde cancellario fiat restitutio . and it appears otherwise that they alwayes took it unjustly done , if the chancellorship and keepership were not in one : by reason whereof , before that , in a charter of king john's yet extant in some hands , of the moderation of the fees of the seal , no person is spoken of but the chancellor and his under officers ; as if it could not have been but that who ever had the seal , the same should only bee chancellor . according to that the chancellorship and keepership were joyned in all the chancellors under henry the 3. and edward the 1. most of which being made bishops , resigned their seal and office , although afterward under the succeeding kings sometimes the seal was committed to others hands upon some requiring occasions ; and some lord keepers were created in later times before sir nicholas bacon , in whose time that statute of 5 eliz. was made . a true catalogue of the lord chancellors and keepers of the great seal of england , from the norman conquest , untill this present year 1671. an. d. 1067. 1 will. conq. maurice ( afterwards bishop of london . ) will. malmsb. de gestis pontif. lib. 2. f. 134. b.   osmund ( afterwards bishop of salisbury ) godw. de praesul . p. 389. anno 1073. 6 w. conq. arfastus ( bishop of helmham ) pat. 8 e. 2. p. 1. m. 3. per inspex .   baldric ; pat. 8 e. 2. p. 2. m. 1. per inspex .   herman bishop of shireburne .   will. wilson ( chaplain to the king ) chron. rob. de monte.   will. giffard ( bishop of winchester ) cart. 51 h. 3. m. 1. per inspex . will. rufus . robert bloet ( afterwards bishop of lincoln ) r. hoved. f. 265 b. n. 30. henr. 1. will. giffard ( bishop of winchester ) text. roff. cap. 6.   roger ( afterwards bishop of salisbury ) w. malm. f. 91. a. l. 2.   geffrey ruffus ( afterwards bishop of durham ) h. hunt. f. 220 b. 10.   randulph , h. hunt. f. 218 b. n. 40.   geffrey ( bishop of durham ) regist . eccl. elien . in bibl. cotton . f. 29 a. steph. alexander bishop of lincoln , will. neubrigensis lib. 1. cap. 6.   roger pauper . ord. vit. p. 319 c. d. anno 1153. 18 steph. philip , regist . eccl. elien . in bibl. cotton . f. 32 a. anno 1157. 3 h. 2. thomas archdeacon of canterbury , r. hoved. 281 b. n. 20. ( afterwards archbishop ) ro. hoved. 282 a. n. 20. anno 1173. 20 h. 2. raphe de warnevill ( sacrist of roan , and treasurer of yorke ) matth. paris . in anno 1173. anno 1181. 26 h. 2. geffrey , natural son to king henry the 2d , r. hoved. f. 349. n. 10. chancellor .   walter de bidun , lel. col . vol. 1. p. 38. anno 1189. 1 r. 1. will. de longcamp ( afterwards bishop of ely ) r. hoved. f. 375 a. n. 40. anno 1198. 7 r. 1. eustace bishop of ely , r. hoved. f. 449 a. n. 40. anno 1199. 1 johan . hubert archbishop of canterbury , r. hoved. f. 451 a. n. 40. chancellor . anno 1204. 6 joh. hugh archdeacon of wells ( afterwards bishop of lincoln ) m. paris . in anno 1205. chancellor . anno 1205. 7 joh. walter de gray , cart. antiq . bb. n. 22. ( afterwards bishop of worcester ) chancellor . anno 1212. 14 joh. richard de marisco , mat. westm . in eodem anno . chancellor . anno 1213. 15 joh. raphe de nevill , keeper of the seal under peter de roche bishop of winchester , pat. 15 joh. p. 1. m. 6. anno 1223. 8 h. 3. richard de marisco ( bishop of durham ) cl. 8 h. 3. m. 25. chancellor . anno 1226. raphe nevill ( bishop of chichester ) 12 febr. cart. 12 h. 3. m. 28. chancellor . anno 1230. the same raphe constituted keeper of the seal 14 junii , cart. 15 h. 3. m. 8. anno 1238. 22 h. 3. geffrey a templar , and john de lexinton , made keepers of the seal , m. paris . in eodem anno . anno 1239. 23 h. 3. simon norman , from whom the seal was taken , and delivered to richard abbot of evesham , m. paris . in eodem anno . anno 1246 30 h. 3. ranulph briton , mat. paris . in eodem anno , chancellor . anno 1247. 31 h. 3. mr. silvester , a clerk of the kings , executed the office of the chancellor , m. paris . in eodem anno .   john de lexinton had the custody of the seal , 18 sept. rot. fin. 31 h. 3. m. 2.   john mansell chancellor of the cathedral of st. paul in london , had the custody of the seal , to execute the office of chancellor , m. paris . in eodem an . & pat. 31 h. 3. m. 2. anno 1249. 33 h. 3. the same john mansell provost of beverley had the custody of the seal untill the feast of st. mary this year , pat. 12 h. 3. m. 3. anno 1250. 34 h. 3. peter de rievaulx , and mr. will. de kilkenny , had the custody of the seal , claus . 34 h. 3. m. 15. anno 1253. 37 h. 3. p. chaceport , and john de lexinton had the custody of the seal , by reason that mr. w. ( de kilkenny ) was sick 15 maii , rot. fin. 37 h. 3. m. 9.   xxii . junii the queen had the custody thereof , the king then going into gascoign , pat. 37 h. 3. m. anno 1254. 38 h. 3. mr. will. de kilkenny , the kings clerk , supplied the office of chancellor , m. paris . in eodem anno . anno 1255. 39 h. 3. h. de wengham clerk , had the custody of the seal , m. paris . in eodem anno . anno 1258. 42 h. 3. vi. maii , w. de merton had the custody of the seal , by reason that henry de wengham was sick , pat. 42 h. 3. m. 29. anno 1260. 44 h. 3. mr. n. archdeacon of ely had the custody of the seal , m. westm . in eodem anno . anno 1261. 45 h. 3 walter de merton made chancellor without the advise of the barons , m. westm . in eodem anno , & pat. 45 h. 3. m. 18 , & 19 anno 1263. 47 h. 3. mr. nicholas archdeacon of ely had the custody of the seal , whilst the king was beyond sea , pat. 47 h. 3. m. 1. anno 1265. 49 h. 3. mr. john chishull archdeacon of london had the custody of the seal , claus . 49 h. 3. m. 9.   on wednesday next after the feast of st. peter in cathedra the seal was delivered to mr. thomas de cantilupe , claus . 49 h. 3. m. 9. who was constituted chancellor 16 martii , pat. 49 h. 3. m. 18.   w. bishop of bathe and wells made chancellor 20 aug. liberate de anno 49 h. 3. m. 2. anno 1267. 51 h. 3. mr. godfrey giffard ( afterwards bishop of worcester ) had the custody of the seal , claus . 52 h. 3. m. 7. & m. 16. anno 1269. 53 h. 3. john chishull dean of london had the custody of the seal on tuesday next after the feast of the apostles simon and jude , pat. 53 h. 3. m. 29.   richard de middilton made keeper of the seal on monday next before the feast of st. peter ad vincula , pat. 53 h. 3. m. 6. anno 1272. 56 h. 3. john de kirkeby made keeper of the seal ( upon the death of rich. de middilton chancellor ) which john did thereupon associate to himself in that trust p. de winton keeper of the kings wardrobe , pat. 56 h. 3. m. 6. anno 1274. 1 e. 1. walter de merton , clause 1 edw. 1. m. 10.   robert burnell archdeacon of yorke , ( afterwards bishop of bathe and wells ) made keeper of the seal upon st. matthew the apostles day , pat. 2 edw. 1. m. 8. anno 1284. 12 e. 1. this robert going from aberconwey to acton-burnell , delivered the seal unto hugh de kendall and walter de odyham , pat. 12 e. 1. m. 7. anno 1286. 14 e. 1. he attended the king into france , being his chancellor , and took the great seal with him , on munday next preceding the feast of st. dunstan , pat. 14 e. 1. m. 9. anno 1289. 17 e. 1. on friday next preceding the assumption of our lady he return'd with the king out of france , and the seal , pat. 17 e. 1. m. 13. anno 1292. 20 e. 1. walter de langton keeper of the kings wardrobe , made keeper of the seal at berwick , on saturday preceding the feast of the apostles simon and jude , pat. 20 e. 1. m. 2. anno 1293. 21 e. 1. john de langton made chancellor , pat. 21 e. 1. m. 23. afterwards elect bishop of ely , pat. 26 e. 1. m. 10. anno 1302. 30 e. 1. mr. will. de grenefeld dean of chichester , made chancellor on sunday being the morrow after the feast of st. michael , claus . 30 e. 1. m. 5. anno 1303. 31 e. 1. the great seal delivered unto him on tuesday before the feast of st. lucie the virgin , claus . 31 e. 1. in dorso m. 18. anno 1305. 33 e. 1. will. de hamelton , dean of yorke , made chancellor , had the great seal delivered unto him 16 jan. pat. 33 e. 1. p. 1. m. 21. anno 1307. 35 e. 1. rauf de baudale bishop of london made chancellor , and keeper of the seal , rot. fin. 35 e. 1. m. 1. anno 1308. 1 e. 2. john de langton bishop of chichester made chancellor , &c. rot. fin. 1 e. 2. m. 9. anno 1311. 4 e. 2. walt. ( reginald ) bishop of worcester had the custody of the seal 6 julii , claus . 4 e. 2 m. 6. in dorso . anno 1312. 5 e. 2. he was the kings chancellor , claus . 5 e. 2. in dorso . anno 1315. 8 e. 2. john de sandale ( afterwards bishop of winchester ) the king's chancellor , pat. 8 e. 2. p. 2. m. 2. anno 1318. 11 e. 2. john hothum bishop of ely , pat. 11 e. 2. p. 2. m. 8. anno 1320. 13 e. 2. john ( salmon ) bishop of norwich , named chancellor by the king in full parliament , received the seal , claus . 13 e. 2. in dorso , m. 9. anno 1323. 16 e. 2. will. de ayrmin ( mr. of the rolls in chancery ) had the custody of the great seal , john bishop of norwich being then sick , claus . 14 e. 2. m. anno 1324. 17 e. 2. robert de baldok archdeacon of middlesex made chancellor 20 aug. claus . 17 e. 2. m. anno 1328. 1 e. 3. john de hothum bishop of ely had the custody of the great seal 28 jan. and to do therewith what belong'd to the chancellor , claus . 1 edw. 3. p. 1. in dorso m. 25. anno 1329. 2 e. 3. henry de clyff mr. of the rolls in chancery , and will. de herlaston clerk of the chancery , made keepers of the seal 1 martii , claus . 2 e. 3. in dorso . m. 33.   henry de burghersh chancellor of england , pat. 2 e. 3. p. 2. m. 34. to whom the king committed the custody of the great seal 12 maii , claus . 2 e. 3. in dorso m. 26. anno 1331. 4 e. 3. john de stratford bishop of winchester made keeper of the great seal 28 nov. claus . 4 e. 3. in dorso m. 16. anno 1333. 6 e. 3. mr. robert de stratford , brother to john bishop of winchester , had the custody of the seal , whilst his brother was imployed upon the kings business 23 junii , claus . 6 e. 3. in dorso m. 22. anno 1334. 7 e. 3. will. archbishop of york keeper of the great seal , by the kings command delivered it to henry de ednestowe , thomas de baunburgh , and john de st. paul , upon thursday the epiphany of our lord , claus . 7 e. 3. p. 2. m. 4. in dorso . anno 1335. 8 e. 3. john de stratford elect archbishop of canterbury confirmed chancellor the 6th . of apr. delivered the great seal unto mr. rob. de stratford his brother to be kept , claus . 8 e. 3. m. 27. in dorso .   richard bishop of durham being made chancellor had the great seal delivered to him 28 sept. ibid. in dors . m. 10. anno 1336. 9 e. 3. john archbishop of canterbury made chancellor had the great seal delivered to him 6 junii , claus . 9 edw. 3. m. 23. anno 1338. 11 e. 3. mr. rob. de stratford archdeacon of canterbury , and elect bishop of chichester , made chancellor and keeper of the great seal 23 oct. pat. 11 e. 3. p. 3. m. 11. anno 1339. 12 e. 3. mr. richard de bynteworth elect bishop of london made chancellor and keeper of the seal 6 julii , cl. 22 e. 3. p. 2. in dorso m. 23. anno 1340. 13 e. 3. upon the death of this richard the great seal was committed to the custody of john de st. paul master of the rolls in chancery , mich. de wath and thomas de baunburgh 8 dec. claus . 13 e. 3. p. 3. in dorso m. 11. anno 1341. 14 e. 3. john de st. paul solely constituted keeper of the great seal 13 febr. claus . 14 e. 3. p. 1. m. 42. in dorso .   john archbishop of cant. made chancellor and keeper of the great seal 28 apr. claus . 14 e. 3. p. 1. m. 27. in dorso .   robert bishop of chichester the kings chancellor delivered up the great seal to the king upon thursday being the feast day of st. andrew the apostle , claus . 14 e. 3. p. 2. m. 12. anno 1341. 14 e. 3. sir robert burgchier knight being made chancellor on thursday next following st. lucie the virgin , had the great seal then delivered to him by the king , claus . 14 e. 3. p. 2. in dorso m. 20. anno 1342. 15 e. 3. robert parnyng the kings chancellor had the great seal delivered to him by the king 27 oct. cl. 15 e. 3. p. 3. in dorso m. 13. anno 1344. 17 e. 3. robert de sadington made chancellor had the great seal delivered to him upon michaelmasse day , claus . 17 e. 3. p. 2. m. 20. in dorso . anno 1346. 19 e. 3. mr. john de offord made chancellor , had the great seal delivered to him upon the 26 of octob. pat. 19 e. 3. p. 2. m. 7. anno 1347. 20 e. 3. john de thoresby had the great seal delivered to him 2 julii , john de offord the kings chancellor then going beyond sea , claus . 20 e. 3. p. 2. in dorso m. 26. anno 1350. 23 e. 3. john bishop of st. davids made chancellor , had the great seal delivered to him 16 junii , claus . 23 e. 3. p. 1. in dorso m. 8. anno 1357. 30 e. 3. will. de edington bishop of winchester made chancellor , had the great seal delivered to him 19 febr. claus . 30 e. 3. in dorso m. 4. anno 1363. 36 e. 3. simon de langham bishop of ely had the great seal deliver'd to him by the king 19 febr. cl. 30 e. 3. in dorso m. 39. anno 1368. 41 e. 3. will. de wickham bishop of winchester made chancellor 17 sept. cart. 41 e. 3. anno 1372. 45 e. 3. sir robert de thorpe knight made chancellor 26 martii , had the great seal then delivered to him by the king , claus . 45 e. 3. in dorso m. 35. anno 1373. 46 e. 3. john knyvet made chancellor and keeper of the great seal , claus . 46 e. 3. in dorso m. 12. anno 1377. 50 e. 3. adam de houghton bishop of st. davids made chancellor 11 jan. on which day the great seal was delivered to him , claus . 50 e. 3. in dorso . p. 2. m. 7. anno 1379. 2 r. 2. sir richard le scrope knight made chancellor , had the great seal delivered to him , pat. 2 r. 2. p. 1. m. 24. anno 1380. 3 r. 2. simon de sudbury archbishop of canterbury made chancellor and keeper of the great seal on munday next after the conversion of st. paul , claus . 3 r. 2. in dorso m. 22. anno 1381. 4 r. 2. will. de courtney bishop of london made chancellor on saturday being the feast of st. laurence , claus . 5 r. 2. in dorso m. 35. anno 1382. 5 r. 2. sir richard scrope knight made chancellor and keeper of the great seal on wednesday next after the feast of st. andrew the apostle , pat. 5 r. 2. p. 1. m. 1. anno 1383. 6 r. 2. robert de braybroke bishop of london made chancellor , had the great seal delivered to him on saturday being the eve of st. matthew the apostle , claus . 6 r. 2. p. 1. in dorso m. 24.   sir michael de la pole knight made chancellor , and keeper of the great seal 13 martii , claus . 6 r. 2. p. 2. in dorso , m. 12. anno 1387. 10 r. 2. thomas de arundell bishop of ely made chancellor , and keeper of the great seal 24 oct. claus . 20 r. 2. m. 35. anno 1389. 12 r. 2. will. de wickham bishop of winchester again made chancellor , had the great seal delivered unto him 4 maii , pat. 12 r. 2. p. 2. m. 7. anno 1392. 15 r. 2. thomas de arundell archbishop of canterb. made chancellor 7 sept. had the great seal delivered to him , pat. 15 r. 2. p. 1. m. 19. anno 1397. 20 r. 2. edmund de stafford bishop of exeter made keeper of the great seal 23 nov. claus . 20 r. 2. p. 1. in dorso m. 22. anno 1400. 1 h. 4. john de scarle master of the rolls in chancery made chancellor and keeper of the great seal 15 nov. pat. 1 h. 4. p. 3. m. 27. anno 1401. 2 h. 4. edmund bishop of exeter made chancellor and keeper of the great seal 9 martii , claus . 2 h. 4. p. 2. in dorso m. 3. anno 1404. 5 h. 4. henry beaufort bishop of lincoln chancellor pat. 5 h. 4. p. 2. m. 28. anno 1405. 6 h. 4. thomas langley bishop of durham chancellor , godw. de praesul . anno 1407. 8 h. 4. thomas archbishop of canterb. made chancellor and keeper of the great seal 30 jan. claus . 8 h. 4. in dorso m. 23. anno 1410. 11 h. 4. john wakering clerk , master of the rolls in chancery , had the custody of the great seal 19 jan. claus . 11 h. 4. in dorso m. 8   sir thomas beaufort knight made chancellor , had the great seal delivered to him 31 jan. claus . 11 h. 4. in dorso m. 8. anno 1414. 1 h. 5. henry de beaufort bishop of winchester made chancellor and keeper of the great seal , claus . 1 h. 5. anno 1417. 4 h. 5. simon garnstede clerk , master of the rolls in chancery , had the custody of the great seal from 4. sept. untill the 12th . of oct. claus . 4 h. 5. in dorso m. 13.   henry bishop of winchester had the great seal delivered to him 12 octob. claus . 4 h. 5. in dorso m. 13. anno 1418. 5 h. 5. thomas de langley bishop of durham had the great seal delivered to him by the king 23 junii , claus . 5 h. 5. in dorso m. 15. anno 1423. 1 h. 6. thomas bishop of durham made chancellor by the advice and consent of all the councell in parliament , pat. 1 h. 6. p. 4. m. 19. anno 1424. 2 h. 6. henry beaufort bishop of winchester , made chancellor , had the great seal delivered to him 16 julii , clauss . 2 h. 6. in dorso m. 2. anno 1426. 4 h. 6. john kempe bishop of london made chancellor , &c. ... martii , claus . 4 h. 6. in dorso , m. 8. anno 1432. 10 h. 6. john stafford bishop of bathe made chancellor &c. 28 febr. claus . 10 h : 6. in dorso m. 8. anno 1433. 11 h. 6. john hank clerk , master of the rolls in chancery , received from john stopyngton clerk on the behalf of the lord chancellor of england the great seal to use and exercise 22 apr. claus . 11 h. 6. in dorso m. 12. anno 1450. 28 h. 6. john archbishop of yorke , and cardinal , made chancellor 31 jan. claus . 28 h. 6. in dorso m. 7. anno 1454. 32 h. 6. richard earl of salisbury made chancellor 2 apr. claus . 32 h. 6. in dorso m. 8. anno 1455. 33 h. 6. thomas bourchier archbishop of canterbury made chancellor 7 martii , claus . 33 h. 6. in dorso m. 9. anno 1557. will. wickham bishop of winchester made chancellor 11 oct. claus . 35 h. 6. m. 10. in dorso . anno 1460. 38 h. 6. george nevill bishop of exeter made chancellor 25 julii , claus . 38 h. 6. in dorso m. 7. anno 1468. 7 e. 4. robert stillington bishop of bathe and wells made chancellor 8 junii , claus . 7 e. 4. m. 12. in dorso . anno 1473. 12 e. 4. john alcock bishop of rochester made keeper of the great seal 20 sept. claus . 12 e. 4. m. 16. in dorso . anno 1474. 13 e. 4. laurence bishop of durham made chancellor &c. 5 junii , claus . 13 e. 4. m. 3. anno 1475. 14 e. 4. thomas rotheram bishop of lincoln made chancellor , godw. de praesul . anno 1484. 1 r. 3. john russell bishop of lincoln made chancellor 26 nov. claus . 1 r. 3. in dorso . anno 1485. 3 r. 3. thomas barow , master of the rolls , made keeper of the great seal 1 aug. claus . 3 r. 3. anno 1486. 1 h. 7. john alcock bishop of ely made chancellor upon munday 6 martii , cl. 1 h. 7. in dorso . anno 1487. 2 h. 7. john morton archbishop of canterbury made chancellor 8 aug. pat. 2 h. 7. p. 2. anno 1501. 16 h. 7. henry deane bishop of salisbury ( upon the death of john morton ) had the great seal delivered to him 13 octob. claus . 26 h. 7. in dorso . anno 1502. 17 h. 7. will. warham bishop of london , elect of canterb. had the great seal delivered to him 11 aug. and was made chancellor 1 jan. following . claus . 17 h. 7. in dorso . anno 1516. 7 h. 8. thomas wolsey lord cardinal and archbishop of yorke , had the great seal delivered to him 7 decembr . and was made chancellor , claus . 7 h. 8. in dorso . anno 1530. 21 h. 8. sir thomas more knight made lord changellor , had the great seal delivered to him on munday 25 octob. claus . 21 h. 8. in dorso . anno 1533. 24 h. 8. thomas audley had the great seal delivered unto him on munday 20 maii , and then knighted , claus . 24 h. 8. in dorso .   a new seal made and delivered to him upon the 6th . of sept. following , ibid.   he was made chancellor the 26th . of jan. ensuing , ibid. anno 1545. 36 h. 8. thomas lord wriothesley lord chancellor of england had the great seal delivered to him 3 maii , claus . 36 h. 8. p. 1. anno 1547. 1 e. 6. sir will. paulet knight , lord st. john of basing , had the great seal delivered to him 29 junii , pat. 1 e. 6. p. 4.   sir richard riche knight made chancellor of england 30 nov. pat. 1 e. 6. p 3. m. 14. anno 1551. 5 e. 6. thomas goodricke bishop of ely made chancellor of england 19 jan. cl. 5 e. 6. p. 5. anno 1553. 1 mar. steph. gardner bishop of winchester made chancellor of england 21 sept. pat. 1 m. p. 8. anno 1555. 3 m. nicholas heath archbishop of yorke made chancellor of england on wednesday 1 jan. claus . 2 & 3 ph. & mar. in dorso part 11. anno 1559. 1 eliz. sir nicholas bacon knight , attorney of the court of wards , made keeper of the great seal 22 decemb. annal. camd. & pat. 1 eliz. p. 3. anno 1579. 21 eliz. thomas bromley , the queens sollicitor general , made chancellor of england , 25 apr. claus . 21 eliz. p. 4. in dorso . anno 1587. 29 eliz. sir christopher hatton knight made lord chancellor of england 29 apr. claus . 29 eliz. p. 24. in dorso . anno 1592. 34 eliz. sir john puckering knight , serjeant at law , had the great seal delivered to him 28 maii , claus . 34 eliz. p. 14. in dorso . anno 1596. 38 eliz. sir thomas egerton knight , master of the rolls in chancery , had the great seal delivered to him 26 maii , claus . 38 eliz. p. 14. in dorso . anno 1603. 1 jac. sir thomas egerton knight , had the same great seal delivered to him by appointment of king james 5 apr. claus . 1 jac. p. 12. in dorso .   upon the 29th . of june following that great seal was broke , and the new seal of king james delivered to him , ibid.   and on the 24th of july being advanced to the dignity of lord ellesmere , he was made lord chancellor of england , ibid. anno 1616. 14 jac. sir francis bacon knight , the king's attorney general , had the great seal committed to his custody 7 martii , claus . 16 jac. in dorso part 15. anno 1617. 15 jac. the same sir francis ( then lord verulam ) made lord chancellor of england 4 jan. claus . 16 jac. in dorso p. 15. anno 1620. 18 jac. henry vicount mandevill lord president of the councell , lodowike duke of richmund , william , earl of pembroke , and sir julius caesar knight , master of the rolls , had the great seal committed to their custody in lent. anno 1621. 19 jac. john williams , doctor in divinity , and dean of westminster , ( afterwards bishop of lincoln ) had the great seal committed to his custody 10 julii , claus . 19 jac. p. 13. in dorso . anno 1625. 1 car. 1. sir thomas coventre knight , attorney general to the king , made keeper of the great seal 1 nov. anno 1639. 15 car 1. sir john finche knight , lord chief justice of the court of common pleas , had the great seal of england committed to his custody 23 jan. anno 1640. 16 car. 1. sir edward littleton knight , lord chief justice of the court of common pleas , had the great seal of england committed to his custody 23 jan. anno 1645. 21 car. 1. sir richard lane knight , lord chief baron of the exchequer , had the great seal of england commmitted to his custody 30 aug. anno 1657. 9 car. 2. sir edward hide knight , chancellor of the exchequer to king charles the first , had the great seal of england committed to his custody 13 jan.   and was made lord chancellor of england at bruges in flanders 29 jan. following . anno 1667. 19 car. 2. sir orlando bridgeman knight and baronet , lord chief justice of the court of common pleas , had the great seal of england committed to his custody 30 aug. finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a28284-e17320 temp. edw. senioris & sequentium regum . ingulphus . temp. ethelredi . temp. ethelberti . edgar . in the register of croyland it appears that the normans brought in the use of seals to charters . will. 1. cart. 14 joh. dorso . walt. de gray cancellar . & alii missi ad othonem imp. nepotem regis johannis . in dorso fin . 7 joh. pat. 14 joh. m. 5. carta regis w. de carrio de domo sua de carrio &c. teste will. de briwer apud westm . 21. maii. carta regis joh. facta mauricio de gant de manerio de barewe , teste or dat. per manum radulphi de nevill apud buttevill 28 julii an . 16. pat. p. 2. m. 8. et ibid. m. 4. ric. de mariscis cancellarius . pat. 17 joh. m. 2. r. de mariscis cancellar . 28 apr. et ib. in dors . idem cancellarius missus romans . cart. 18 joh. rex dedit baldwino de guisne manerium de benefeld &c. dat. per manum magistri ric. de mariscis cancellarii nostri apud nare as 30 maii. pat. 15 joh. p. 1. m. 8. et fin . m. 5. walt , de gray cancellar . ib. m. 5. idem factus fuit episc . wigor . pat. 18 joh. m. 5. ric. de marisco cancellar . 14 julii . cart. 17 joh. m. 3. ric. de mariscis cancellarius . cart. 11 h. 3 p. 1. m. 28. an. 13 h. 3. the king granted to r. bishop of chichester the chancellorship for life , 16 nov. and likewise to the fame r. the same office , an. 16 h. 3. 14 julis . and by another charter of the same date the custody of the seal for life also , to exercise that keepership in person , or by an affignee . vide etiam cart. 17 h. 3. pro codem episcopo de eisdem officiis pro termino vitae suae . the temple of vvisdom for the little world in two parts. the first philosophically divine, treating of the being of all beeings, and whence everything hath its origins as heaven, hell, angels, men and devils, earth, stars and elements. and particularly of all mysteries concerning the soul, and of adam before and after the fall. also, a treatise of the four complexions, and the causes of spiritual sadness, &c. to which is added, a postscript to all students in arts and sciences. second part, morally divine, containing abuses stript and whipt, by geo. wither, with his description of fair virtue. secondly. a collection of divine poems from ... essayes and religious meditations of sir francis bacon, knight. collected, published and intended for a general good. by d.l. leeds, daniel, 1652-1720. 1688 approx. 398 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 110 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a49980 wing l915 estc r224149 99834563 99834563 39064 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a49980) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 39064) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1813:12) the temple of vvisdom for the little world in two parts. the first philosophically divine, treating of the being of all beeings, and whence everything hath its origins as heaven, hell, angels, men and devils, earth, stars and elements. and particularly of all mysteries concerning the soul, and of adam before and after the fall. also, a treatise of the four complexions, and the causes of spiritual sadness, &c. to which is added, a postscript to all students in arts and sciences. second part, morally divine, containing abuses stript and whipt, by geo. wither, with his description of fair virtue. secondly. a collection of divine poems from ... essayes and religious meditations of sir francis bacon, knight. collected, published and intended for a general good. by d.l. leeds, daniel, 1652-1720. wither, george, 1588-1667. abuses stript, and whipt. bacon, francis, 1561-1626. [8], 125, [1], 82 p. printed and sold by willia [sic] bradford in philadelphia, [philadelphia] : anno 1688. d.l. = daniel leeds. "abuses stript and whipt, by george vvither" has a separate dated title page, separate pagination and register. "essaies and religious meditations of sir francis bacon" has a separate dated title page, lacking printer's name in the imprint. pagination and register are continuous from "abuses stript and whipt, by george vvither". reproduction of the original in the harvard university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng christian literature -early works to 1800. 2002-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-04 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-05 tcp staff (oxford) sampled and proofread 2002-07 apex covantage rekeyed and resubmitted 2002-08 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2002-08 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion ●…he temple of vvisd●…m for the little world , in two parts . ●…he first philosophically divine , treating of the being of all bee●…gs , and whence every thing hat●…●…ts origi●… as ●…eaven , hell , angels , men and devils , earth , stars and eleme●…●…articularly of all mysteries concerning the soul , ●…d of adam before and after the fall. also , a treatise of the four complexions , wit●…h 〈◊〉 causes of spiritual sadness , &c. to which is added , a postscript to all students in arts and sciences . second part , morally divine , contai●… abuses stript and whipt by geo. wither , with his discription of fair virtue . ●…econdly . a collection of divine poems ●…om 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , essayes and religious meditations of sir francis bacon , knight . collected , published and intended for a general 〈◊〉 by d. l. printed and sold by willia●… bradford in philadelphia , anno 1688. a few words to the reader , by way of preface my intent is to say little , either of the book it self , or by what impulse i took the pains to ●…mpile and publish it , but rather let nimble time , ●…hat over-runs all things , manifest the effects of both 〈◊〉 so also let it manifest my opponents , which 〈◊〉 been the fate of publick writers heretofore . and lest that in this promiscuous generation of 〈◊〉 this little book might appear as a promiscuous co●…osition of authors , it is there●…ore distinguished ●…n t●… parts . ●…w then as to the first part i say , that most of what ●…he diligent searcher and enquirer shall find dispe●…d in the whole works or writing's of jacob behn he will here find collected , contracted and compr●…d in a little room , it being chiefly the substanti●… or affirmative part that is here delivered and 〈◊〉 the circumstantial ; for otherwise it could not 〈◊〉 contained in so few sheets . for jacob t●…●…hout his writings hath much used tautology 〈◊〉 confesseth , by reason ( as he saith ) of his 〈◊〉 and dull apprehension . 〈◊〉 yet what is here immitted to thy view is his 〈◊〉 and sentences , in his own phrase and 〈◊〉 as i found them dispersed as aforesaid ; for ●…o otherwise durst i deal by him ; god forbid should : only this know , that i have in about half dozen places added a parenthesis instead of ma●…gent , which yet is his own expressions of the sam●… thing else-where , thereby the more unfolding 〈◊〉 matter to the understanding . all which [ considering my many years acquaintance with his writings ] may very well be , notwithstanding the wonderful revelation and deep sight and knowledge 〈◊〉 man had in heavenly mysteries , for in his time t●… eternal day was but , as it were , dawning , and 〈◊〉 day-star beginning to appear ; but now the glori●… sun is arisen and arising , and shines forth ints splendor , and gives a clearer discerni●…g of thigs that differ . not that i boast my self so greatly illumined thereby , or so highly graduated in discerning ●…re than others : o no , i am as subject to be obs●…ed by the clouds of sin and error as other men , an●…am so frail and subject to fall , that no man nee●… the hand of divine protection more than i ; an●…●…ver had more need than now to call to mind and ●…ain a lively sence of the day of my first inward vis●…●…ion , which i once knew , which was a day anguish and sorrow , and that from no extern●… cause , when i sought secret places to bewale my wo●…●…state , because of inward sin ( for no man coul●… outwardly accuse me of evil ) and yet that day , eve●…●…at day of mourning was a day of love and re●…●…oycing , in which i can in truth say , as showers of rain do cause the earths increase , so streams of tears did bring my soul true peace . and in that day of my first love and zeal for holiness , the reading all books was a burthen to ●…me , yea , even the holy scriptures also , and instead of receiving comfort therefrom , i was only wound●…ed in spirit by them , witnessing that saying , the letter kills , but it is the spirit that quickens . but now i shall come to the matters themselves . jacob behme to the doctors and schollars , and readers of his writings . come on ye doctors , if yé are in the right , then give answer to the spirit ; what do you think stood in the place of this world before the time of the world ? 2ly , out of what do you think the earth and stars came to be ? 3dly , what is that in man that displeaseth god so much , that he tormenteth and afflicteth man so , being he hath created him ? and 4thly , that he imputeth sin to man , and condemneth him to eternal punishment ? 5thly , why hath he created that wherein or wherewith man committeth sin ? 6thly , what is the cause or the beginning , or the birth and geniture of gods fierce wrath , out of or from which hell and the devil are come to be ? 7thly , or how comes it that all creatures in this world do bite , scratch , strike beat and worry one another , and yet sin is imputed only to man ? 8thly , out of what are the venomous and poysonous beasts , and worms and all manner of vermine come to be ? 9thly , out of what are the holy angels come to be ? 10thly , what is the soul of man ? and lastly , what is the great god himself , and how is he in love and wrath ? if you can demonstrate that god is not in the stars , elements , earth , men , beasts , worms , leaves and grass , also in heaven and earth ; also , that all this is not god himself , & that my spirit is false and wicked , then i will be the first that will burn my book in the fire , and recall and recant all whatsoever i have written , and will accurse it , and in all obedience willingly submit my self to be instructed by you . i do not say , that i cannot err at all ; for there are some things which are not sufficiently declared , and are described , as it were , from a glimpse of the great god , when the wheel of nature whirled about too swiftly , so that man with his half dead and dull capacity or apprehension cannot sufficiently comprehend it . now it concerns every one that will speak or teach of divine mysteries , that he have the spirit of god , and know in the light of god those matters which he will give forth for true , and not suck or draw them from his own reason , and so without divine knowledge run upon the bare letter in his opinion , and drag the scriptures ( as it were ) by the hair of the head , to prove it , as is usually done by reason . from this , so exceeding many errors are arisen , in that the divine knowledge hath been sought in mens own wit and art , and so men are drawn from the truth of god in their own reason . and though i search sublimely and deep , and shall set it down very clearly , yet this must be said to the reader , that without the spirit of god it will be a mystery to him and hidden from him : therefore let every one take heed how he judgeth , that he fall not into the judgment of god. every one will not understand my writings according to my meaning and sense , but every one according to his gift for his benefit , one more than another , according as the spirit hath its property in him . for the spirit of god is often subject to the spirits of men , if they will that which is good or well , and seeth or looketh af●…er what man willeth , that his good work be not hindred , but that every where above all , gods will or willing , or desiring be done . of the two qualities in one . tvvo qualities , a good one , and an evil one , are in one another , as one thing in this world , in all powers in the stars and the elements , as also in all the creatures ; and no creature in the ●…esh in the natural life can subsist , unless it hath the two qualities * 2. for from the two fold source every thing hath its great mobility running , springing , driving and growing ; for meekness in nature is a still rest , but the fierceness in every power maketh all things moveable , running and generative ; for the driving qualities cause a lust in all creatures to evil and good . 3. in every creature in this world is a good and evil will and source , which is caused by [ or proceedeth from the stars ; for as the creatures in the earth are in the●…r qualities , so are the stars ; there is nothing in nature wherein there is not good and evil in men , beasts , fowls , fishes , worms , and in all that which is upon the earth , or in the earth , or gold , silver , copper , tinn , lead , iron , vvood , herbs and grass in the earth , in stones , in t●…e vvater , and all whatsoever can be thought upon : eve●… thing moveth and liveth in this double impulse working or operation , be it what it will. 4. but the holy angels , and fierce wrathful devils are here to be excepted ; the holy angels live and qualifie in the light and meekness in the good quality , but the devils live and reign in the fierce wrathful quality in fierceness , destruction and perdition . 5. and though moses writes , i am an angry zealous god ; yet the meaning of it is not that god is angry in himself , and that there ariseth a ●…ire of anger in the holy trinity : no , that cannot be , for it is written against those that hate me : in that same creature the fire of anger riseth up . for if god should be angry in himself , then the whole nature would be on fire , which will come once to pass in the last day in nature , and not in god. but in god the triumphing joy will burn ; it was never otherwise from eternity , nor will it ever be otherwise . 6. now the elevating , springing , triumphing joy in god , maketh heaven triumphing and moveable , and heaven maketh the stars and elements moveable , and the stars and the elements make the creatures moveable ; out of the powers of god are the heavens proceeded , out of the heavens are the stars , out of the stars are the elements , out of the elements are the earth , and the creatures come to be . thus all had its beginning , even to the angels and devils , which before the creation of heaven , stars and the earth , were proceeded out of the same power , out of which the heaven , the stars & the earth were proceeded . now hell and the dark world , or the anger of god , is a gulf of desperation , devoid of the hope of god , and all good , it is the first ground to the eternal nature , the place is between the kingdom of god and this world , and maketh a peculiar principal dwelling in it self , and hath neither place nor local abode , and is every where inhabiting it self only , and yet it giveth essence to the light and outward 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is , it is the cause of the source , viz. the fire 〈◊〉 the whole beeing of all god's beeings . 7. in the darkness he is an ang●…●…ealous god , in the fire spirit a consuming ●…ire , and 〈◊〉 the light ●…he is a merciful loving ●…od , and in the power of the light he is , especially above all other pro●…rties called god , and yet 't is all but god manifested●… who manifesteth himself through the eternal na●…ure in ingredient properties . 8. the essence of this vvorld 〈◊〉 in evil and good , and the one cannot be with●…t the other . but this is the great iniquity of this ●…vorld , that the evil over powereth the good , that 〈◊〉 anger is stronger then the love , and this by re●…n of the sin of the devils and men , who have dist●…bed nature by the false desire , that it mightily and effectually worketh in the wrath as a poyson in the body . 9 vve see very clearly , that there is nothing in this vvorld so evil , but it hath a good in it ; the good hath its rise originally out of the heavenly property , or light vvorld , and the evil hath its property , out of the dark vvorld , for both vvorlds are in each other as one . of the seven forms or properties of the eternal nature which make three principles or vvorlds . i. form astringent , desire . it is the beginning of the eternal nature ; the cause of essences , as also of harshness , sharpness , hardness , cold and substance ●…a mother of all salts . ii. form bitter , compunctive . the motion of the desire , it cutteth asunder the hardness and attracted desire , the true root of life , a cause of the stirring , so also of the senses , and the ground of the bitter pain . iii. form anguish , perceivance . it is a cause of the mind , wherein the senses are moved and acted , the ground of the natural vvill , wherein the eternal vvill desireth to be manifested , that is , it will be a fire or light ; in these three first properties consisteth the foundation of anger , and of hell , and of all that is wrathful . iv. fire , spirit , reason , desire . in the fire the unity appeareth , and is seen in the light , that is in a burning love ; and the wrath in the essence of fire . in fire and light consisteth the life of all things [ viz. in the will thereof ] let them be ●…nsensible , vegetable or rational things , every thing as the fire hath its ground , either from the eternal , as the soul , or from the temporary , as astral elementary things ; for the eternal is one fire , and the temporary is another . v. form , light , love. this property is the ●…ire of love , or world of power and light , which in the darkness dwelleth in it self , and the darkness comprehendeth it not ; in the light the eternal unity is substantial , that is , an holy spiritual fire , an holy light , an holy air , which is nothng else but spirit , also an holy water , which is the over-flowing love of the unity of god , and an holy earth , which is all powerful virtue and working : it is the true spiritual , angelical world of the divine joy , which is hidden in this visible world . vi. form , sound , voice , word . proceeding from the divine powers , which is formed in the love ; the sound is the understanding , wherei●… all the properties understand one another . vii . form , essence , beeing , mansion . this seventh property is rightly and truly called the ground or place of nature , wherein the other properties stand in one only ground , the contents of the other six , in which they work as the life doth in the flesh , also it is a food of the fire , where the fire draweth essence for its sustenance , wherein it burneth , and the seventh is the kingdom of the divine glory . not that the seventh property is the tincture , but it is the body of it ; the power and virtue of the fire and light is the tincture in the substantial body . it is especially to be noted , that alwayes the first and seventh properties are accounted for one , and the second and sixth , also the third and fifth , and the fourth is only the dividing , mark or bound . and yet all seven are but one ; the last is the body of the first ; they are altogether only the manifestation of god , according to love and anger , eternity and time. in the desire is the original of darkness , and in the fire the eternal unity is made manifest with the light in the fiery nature . out of the fiery property , and the property of the light , the angels and souls have their original . the darkness becometh substantial in it self , and the light becometh also substantial in the fiery desires ; these two make two principles , viz. god's anger in the darkness , and god's love in the light , each of them worketh in it self , and there is only such a difference between them , as between day and night , and yet both of them have but one only ground , and the one is alwayes a cause of the other . the visible world is the third principle , that is , th●… third ground and beginning , this is out-breathed out of the inward ground , viz. out of both the first principles , and brought into the nature and ●…orm of a creature . but according to the manifestation of the trinity of god , there are but three properties of nature , the first is the desire , which belong●…th to god the ●…ather , yet it is only a spirit ; but in the seventh property the desire is substantial . the second is the divine power and virtue , and belongeth to god the son ; in the second property it is only a spirit , but in the sixth it is the substantial power and virtue . the third belongeth to the holy ghost , and in the beginning of the third property , it is only a fiery spirit , but in the fifth property the g eat love is manifested therein . now these are the seven properties in one only ground , and all seven are equally eternal , without beginning ; none of them can be accounted the first , second third or last , but are equally eternal . we must represent this in a typical way , that it may be understood , how the one is born of the other . the ☿ seven forms of spirits , mentioned revelations chap. 1. 1. dark world , a similitude of it is a candle . ♄ ☽ i. harsh , desiring will. ☿ ♃ ii. bitter or stinging . ♂ ♀ iii anguish till the flash of fire . 2. fire world , a similitude of it is the fire of a candle . ☉ iv. fire dark fire . light fire . 3. light world , a similitude of it is the light of a candle . ♀ ♂ v. light or love , whence the vvater of eternal life floweth . ♃ ☿ vi. noise , sound mercury . ☽ ♄ vii . substance or nature . the first principle . the dark world , or fire of wrath , hence god the father is called an angry zealous ●…eal . us god , and a con●…ming fire . the second princple . the light world , or fire of love , hence god the son , the word ; the heart of god is called a loving and merciful god. the third principle . this world of four elements , which is produced out of the two inward vvorlds [ above said ] and is a glass of them , wherein light and darkness , good and evil are mixt , it is not eternal , but hath a beginning and an end . of god the father , son , and holy ghost . when we consider the whole nature , and its property , then we see the father . when we behold 〈◊〉 and the stars , then we behold his eternal power and wisdom . so many stars as stand in the whole heaven , which are incomprehensible to reason ; so manisold and various is the power and ●…visdom of god the father . if a man would liken the father to any thing , he should liken him to the round globe of heaven . thou must not conceive here that the very power , which is in the father standeth in a peculiar severed part or place in the father , as 〈◊〉 stars do in heaven . no , but the spirit sheweth that all t●…e powers in the father are one in another as one power . vvhen i think with my self what is many hundred thousand miles above the siary firmament , i find the eternal , unchangeable unity is there , the only eternal god , or that only good , which a man cannot express — his immensenses●…●…ighth and depth no creature , no , not any angel in heave●… can search into it . but the angels live in the power of the father very meekly , and full of joy , and they alwayes sing in the power of the father . in the fire god is called an angry god ; but in the ligh●… or love-fire , he is called the holy god ; and in the dark nature he is not called god. vve must make distinction , each world hath its principle and dominion : and indeed all is from one eternal original ; but it severizeth it self in a twofoid source ; a similitude whereof we have in the fire and light , where the ●…ire is painful and consuming , and the light , meek and giving : and yet one were as nothing without the other . of god the son. you must not think that the son is another god then the father , or that he is without or besides the father . no , the father and son are not of such a substance ; he is eternally in the father , he is the heart in the father , and the father generateth him continually from eternity to eternity , and the father and son is one god , of an equal beeing in power and omnipotence . now the heaven and stars , and the whole deep between the stars signifie the father — and the seven planets signifie the seven spirits of god , or the princes of the angels , among which lord lucifer was one before his fali ; which all were made out of the father in the beginning of the creation of angels , before the time of this vvorld . now as the sun standeth in the midst betwixt the stars , ●…nd the earth , enlightning all powers , and is the light and heart of all powers , and is all the joy in this vvorld — even so the son of god in the father , is the heart in the father , and shineth in all the powers of the father , his power is the moving springing joy in all the powers of the father , and shineth in the whole father as the sun doth in the whole vvorld . of god the holy ghost . the holy ghost proceedeth from the father and the son , and is the third self-subsisting person in the deity : as ●…he elements in this world go forth from the sun and stars , and are the moving spirit , which is in every thing in thi●… world : so the holy ghost is the moving spirit in the whole father , and goeth forth from eternity to eternity continually from the father and son , and replenisheth the whole father ; he is nothing less or greater then the father and son. here we cannot say with any ground , that god is three persons ; but he is three fold in his eternal generation , b●… begetteth himself in trinity , having three manner of workings , and yet but one only essence , as may be seen i●… the over-flown power and virtue in all things , but it is especially represented to us in fire , light and air , which are three several sorts of working●… , and yet but in one ground and substance . and as we see that fire , light and air arise from a candle [ though the candle be none of the three , but a cause of them ] so likewise the eternal unity is the cause and ground of the eternal trinity , which manifesteth it self from the unity , and bringeth forth it self in ( first ) desire or will , which is the father ; secondly , pleasure or delight , which is the son ; and thirdly , proceeding or out-going , which is the holy ghost . of the creation of the holy angels : and how an angel and a man is the image of god. the powers in god do operate or qualifie in that manner as in nature , in the stars and elements , or in the creatures — no , you must not conceive it so , for lord lucifer in his elevation made the powers of impure nature thus burning , bitter , cold , astringent , sower , dark and unclean . but in the father all powers are mild , soft , like heaven , very full of joy ; for all the powers triumph in one another . the quality of the vvater is not of such a condition or man●…er in god as it is in this world . the bitter quality qualifieth in the sweet astringent , or ●…arsh and sower quality , and the love riseth up from eternity to eternity . as all the powers of god the father rise up from eternity to eternity ; so all the powers rise up also in an angel and a man into the head ; ●…or higher they cannot rise , for they are but creatures , which have a beginning ●…nd an●… end — and in the head is the divine council-s●…t or throne , and it signifieth god the father . and the five senses are the counsellors which have their influences out of the whole body out of all powers . now the five senses always sit in council in the power of the whole body , and when the council's decree is concluded , then the compacted or concruted judge speaketh it out into its centre or midst of the body , as a word into the heart ; for that is the fountain of all powers , from which also it taketh its rise . now it standeth there in the heart , as a self-subsisting person , composed out of the powers , and is a vvord and signifieth god the son ; and now it goeth ou●… from the heart into the mouth , on to the tongue , which is the sharpness , and that so sharpneth it , that it sendeth sorth , and is distinguished according to the five senses . from what quality soever the vvord taketh its original in , that quality it is thrust forth upon the tongue , and the power of the destruction or di●…erence goeth sorth from the tongue , and that 〈◊〉 the holy ghost . the mouth signifieth that thou art an unalmighty son of thy father , whether thou art an angel or a man ; for through the mouth thou must draw into thee the power of thy father if thou wilt live . an angel must do so as well as a man , though indeed he needs not to use the element of air in that manner as a ●…an doth ; 〈◊〉 he must a 〈◊〉 into himself , through the 〈◊〉 , the spirit , from which the air of this world 〈◊〉 . for in heaven there is no such air , but the qualities are very meek and joyful , like a pleasant cheering breath of wind. and this the angel also must make use of , or else he cannot be a moveable creature ; for 〈◊〉 must also eat of the heavenly fruit through the mouth . thou must not understand this in an earthly manner , for an angel hath no guts , neither flesh nor bones , but is constituted and composed by the divine power , in the shape , form and manner of a man , and hath all members like man , except the members of generation and the fundament , or go●…ng out of the dross ; neither hath an angel need of these . for man got his members of generation first in his doleful and lamentable fall . an angel sendeth forth nothing but the divine power , which he taketh in at the mouth , wherewith he kindleth his heart , and the heart kindleth all the members , and that he sendeth forth from himself again at the mouth when he speaketh and praiseth god. but the heavenly fruits which he eateth are not earthly ; and though they are of such a form and shape as the earthly are , yet they are meer divine power . indeed it is most certain and true , that there are all manner of fruits , plants and flowers in heaven , as in this world , and not meerly types and shadows : as the angels are , so are the vigitation and fruits , all from the divine power . these heavenly sprouts and springings thou must not wholly liken to this world ; for there are two qualities in this world , a good and an evil , and many things grow through the power of the evil quality , which doth not so in heaven . for heaven hath but one form or manner , nothing groweth there which is not good ; only lord lucifer hath deformed and dressed this world in that manner . of the place and government of angels . when god almighty had decreed in his counse●… that he would make angels and creatures ou●… of himself , then he made at first three kingly governments or dominions answerable to the number of the holy trinity , and each kingdom had the order or ordinance power and quality of the divine beeing . first , prince michael , signifieth the great strength and power of god , and is created according to god the father , that circumference , or space region , or province , wherein he and his angels are created , is his kingdom which is above the created heaven . secondly , prince lucifer this high and mighty glorious beautious king lost his right name in the fall . he was created according to the quality , beauty and condition of god the son , and was bound to and united with him in love , and his heart also stood in the centre of light , as if he had been god himself , and his beauty and brightness well transcended all . for his circumference conception or chiefest mother was the son of god — his court , province , place or region wherein he dwelt with his whole army or company , and wherein he is become a creature , and which was his kingdom , is the created heaven , and this world wherein we dwell with our king jesus christ. for our king sitteth in divine omnipotence , where king lucifer did sit , and on the kingly throne of expulsed lucifer , and the kingdom of king lucifer is now become his . o prince lucifer ! how dost thou relish that ? lucifer had still been an angel , if his own will had not introduced him into the pires might , desiring to domineer in the strong fiery might . thirdly , uriel is a gracious aimable blessed prince and king , he hath his name from the flash , or going forth of the light , which signifieth rightly god the holy ghost . for as the holy ghost goeth forth from the light. and formeth , figureth , and imageth all , and reigneth in all ; such also is the power and gracious aimable blessedness of a cherubim , who is the king and heart of all his angels , that is , when his angels do but behold him , they are all then affected and touched with the will of their king. these three kingdoms together contain such a deep . as is not of any human number , nor can be measured by any thing ; yet you must know , that these three kingdoms have a beginning and end ; but that god that hath made these three kingdoms out of himself , is infinite and hath no end . and the three kingdoms are circular , round about the son of god , neither of them is further or nearer to the son of god , for the one is equally as near about the son of god as the other . from this fountain , and from all the powers of the father goeth forth the holy ghost , together with the light and power of the son of god , in and through all angelical kingdoms or dominions , and without , beyond , and besides all the angelical kingdoms , which no angel or man is able to search or dive into . neither have i any purpose to consider of it furthermuch less to write ; but my revelation reacheth even into the three kingdoms , like an angelical knowledge . here you must know , that the angels are not all of one quality , neither are they equal or alike one to another in power and might : indeed every angel hath the power of all the seven qualifying or fountain spirits . but in every one there is somewhat of one quality more predominant and strong then another , and according to that quality he is glorified also . as the flowers in the meadows do every one receive their colour from their qualities , and are named also according to their qualities ; so are the holy angels also but the king is the heart of all the qualities , and hath his court or residence in the midst or centre , like a ●…ountain ; and as the sun standeth in the midst among the planets , and is king of the stars , and the heart of nature in this world , so great also is a cherubim or king of angels . vve are not to understand , that the holy angels dwell only above the stars without the place of this vvorld : indeed they dwell without the dominion and source of this world . but in the place of this world ; a●…eit there is no place in eternity , the place of this world , and also the place without this world is all one to them . vve men see not angels and devils with our eyes , and yet they are about us , and among us , the reason is because they dwell not in the source and dominion of our world . vve understand that evil and good angels dwell near to one another . and yet there is the greatest immense distance [ between them ] for the heaven is in hell and the hell is in heaven , and yet the one is not manifest to the other ; and although the devil should go many millions of miles , desir●…ng to enter into heaven , and to see it , yet he would be still in hell , and not see it ; also the angels see not the darkness , for their sight is meer light of divine power ; and the devils sight is meer darkness of god's anger : the like also is to be understood of the saints , and again of the vvicked . their agillity or nimbleness is as swift as the thoughts of a man : yea as the divine power it self is , yet one angel is mo●…e swift then another , and that answerable according to their quality — now upon the seventh spirit of god their foot doth stay , which is solid like a cloud , and clear and bright as a christaline sea , where they walk upward and downward which way soever they please . in that seventh spirit also riseth up the heavenly 〈◊〉 and colours , and whatsoever is apprehensible . antiquity hath represented the angels in picture . lik●… men with wings ; but they have no need of any wings , yet they have hands and ●…eet as men have but after a heavenly manner and kind — at the day of the resurrection from the dead , there will be no difference between angels and men , they will be of one and the same kind of form , and our king christ clearly testifieth the same ; to whom shall i liken the angels , they are like to little children that walk in the fields among the howers , and pluck them , and make curious garland of them ; they take one another by the hand , and walk together , and rejoyce together . here is nothing but a cordial , meek and gentle love. a friendly courteous discourse , a gracious , aimable and blessed society , where the one always delighteth to see the other , and to honour one another . they know of no malice , cunning subtilty or deceit , but the divine fruits and pleasant loveliness is common among them . and know , that we speak from a true ground , and not from conjecture , that god created angels and men to his own joy. of the mystery of the creation , and of the outward world. seeing the prince of the hierarchies [ when he sate in the heavenly essence in the rest ] did fall , and aspired for the centre of the eternal nature , he was cast into the darkness , and god by his motion created him another prince out of this place [ but without divine understanding ] for a ruler in the essence , and that is the sun. from this place proceeded in the divine motion the seven properties of nature [ understand the planets ] which govern the essential beeing in good and evil [ in which [ essence ] lucifer sat , and whence he was cast ] and lost his dominion in the essence . now observe . the sun hath its own royal place to it self , and doth not go away from that place where it came to be at first ; as some suppose , that it runneth round about the globe of the earth in a day and a night , and some of the astrologers also write so : here i shall have adversaries enough that will be ready to censure me , and say , astrologers understand it better , wh●…●…ave writ of such matters ; andthey will look upon this great opening as a cow looks upon a new barn-door . but that i write otherwise then astrologers in some things , i do it not out of supposition , doubting whether it be so or no : i dare make no doubt herein , neither can any man instruct me herein : i have not my knowledge by study . now this opinion or supposition is not right , but the earth roveth [ or turneth ] it self about , and runeth with the other planets as in a wheel round about the sun : th●… earth doth not remain staying in one place , but runeth round in a year once about the sun , as the other planets [ viz. venus and mercury ] that are next the sun ; but saturn and jupiter , as also mars , by reason of their great orb cir●…umference , cannot do it , because they stand so high above , and far distant from the sun. the other planets are peculiar bodies of their own , which have a corporeal propriety of themselves , and are not bound to any fixed place , but only to their circles , orb or sphere , wherein they run their course ; but the sun is not such a body , but is only a place or locality kindled by the light of god. understand : the place where the sun is , is such a place as you may chuse or suppose any where above the earth , and if god should kindle the light by the heat , then the whole world would be such a meer sun , for the same power where the sun standeth is every where all over , and before the time of wrath it was every where all over the place of this world , as light as the sun is now , bu●… not so intolerable . for that heat was not so great as in the sun , and therefore the light also was very meek — so that man should not dare to say , that the sun is an open gate of the l●…ght of god , but is as the light in a man's eye , whereas also the place of the eye belongs to the body , but the light is distinct from the body . the stars are 〈◊〉 powers of the seven spirits of god , for when the 〈◊〉 of god was kindled by the devil in this world , then the ●…ole house of this world , in nature , or the outermost birth or geniture , was as it were benumed or chilled in death , from whence the earth and stones came to be . the stars are arisen or proceeded out of the kindled house of god's wrath , for the whole house is ●…enumed in death as the earth is , whence the stars also subsist in wrath and love. before the times of the created heavens , ●…he stars and elements , and 〈◊〉 the creation of angels , there was no such wra●…h of god , no death , no devil , no earth nor stones , neither any stars , but the dei●…y generated it self very meekly and lovingly , and formed , ●…gured and framed it self in ideas , shapes and images , which were incorporated 〈◊〉 to the qualifying or fountain spirits in the generating . of the earth , &c. the earth is come from the corrupt saliter of the outermost birth or geniture — for on the first day god drove together [ or compacted ] the corrupt saliter which came to be so in the kindling of ●…he wrath. in this driving 〈◊〉 , or compaction of the corrupt wrath s●…liter , was king luc●…r also as an impotent prin●…e , together with ●…is a●…ls driven into the hole of the wrathsaliter , into that place where the outward half dead comprehensibility is generated which is the place or space , in , upon , & above the earth up to the nature goddess the moon — so far reacheth their extent now ●…ill the last day , and then they will get a house in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 where the earth now is and 〈◊〉 [ that is in the 〈◊〉 birth in the darkness ] and this will be called the ●…urning h●…ll . for nature w●… very 〈◊〉 and thin , or transparent , and all stood meerly in power , and was in a very pleasant ho●… temper ; but as soon as 〈◊〉 fight began in nature with 〈◊〉 proud devil , nature got a two-fold source , and the outer most birth or geniture in nature was kindled in the wra●… fire , which is called the wrath of god , or the burning hel●… but now when this was done , the deep became clear , an●… with the hidd●…n or concealed heaven , th●… light was seperate from the darkness , and the globe of the earth in the grea●… wheel of nature , was roled or turned once about , and th●… p●…ssed the time of one revolution , or of one day . in the duration of the second day began the sharp 〈◊〉 tion , and the incomprehensible 〈◊〉 between the wra●…h an●… the love or light was made : and so king lucifer sirmly strongly , or fast bolted up into the house of darkness , and wa●… reserved to the final judgment . and so also the water of life was separated from the water of death , yet in that manner as that they hang to gether in this time of the world as body and soul , and 〈◊〉 neither of them comprehend the other ; the firmament is th●…●…liff or gulf between time and eternity . but that god calleth it heaven , and maketh a division of the waters gives us to understand , that heaven is in the world and the world is not in heaven , the vvater above the firmament is in heaven , and the vvater under the firmament is the external material water ; the palpable water is death , and the impalpable is the life . moses saith , god created heaven and earth , and all creatures in six days , and rested on the seventh ; yet god needed no rest for he hath wrought from eternit●… , and he is a meer working power and virtue ; the understanding li●…th ●…idden in those words ; could not 〈◊〉 ●…ve made all his works in one day ? neither can we properly say , there was any day before the sun was ; for in the deep there is but one day [ in all . ] therefore the meaning lieth hidden ; 〈◊〉 understandeth by each days workings , the manifestation of the seven properites : for 〈◊〉 saith , in the beginning god created h●… and ●…arth this visible world is sprung from the spiritual world , and is only an effluence of the seven properties , for it , proceedeth out of the six working properties , but in the seventh [ that is in paradise ] it is in rest , and that ●…s the eternal sabboth of rest , wherein the divine ●…ower and virtue resteth ; for the seventh day was the ●…rue paradise [ understand it spiritually . ] that is the tincture of the divine power and virtue , ●…hich is a temperament ; this pi●…rced through properties , and wrought in the seventh , that is in the substance of all the other . now it may be asked , why did not god bolt up the devil instantly , and then he had not done so much mischief ? answer ; this was gods purpose , and that must stand , which is , he would re-edifie out the corrupted nature of the earth , or build again to himself an ange●…ical host or army , viz. a true body , which should subsist eternally in god — it was not god's intention at all to let the devil have the whole ●…arth for an eternal dwelling-house ; but only the death and fierceness of the earth , which the devil had brought into it . now if he should have instantly left it to the devil for an eternal dwelling house , then out of that place a new body could not have been built : now what sin had that space , place or room , committed against god , that it should stand in eternal shame ? sure none : and therefore that was unequal to be so . also the purpose of god was to make a curious excellent host or army out of the earth , and all manner of images , ideas and ●…orms : for in and upon that all should spring , and generate themselves a new , as we see in minerals , oars , stones , trees herbs and grass , and all manner of beasts after a heavenly ●…orm — and though these imagings were transitory , being they were not pure before god , yet god would in the end of this time extract and draw forth the heart and the kernal out of the new birth or geniture , and seperate it from wrath and d●…ath . but the death of the earth , and the vvrath there in should be lord lucifer's eternal house , after the accomplishment of the new birth or geniture , 〈◊〉 the mean while lord lucifer should lie captive in the darkness in the deep above the earth ; and there he is now , and may very shortly expect his portion . of the divine manifestation . god is the eternal immense incomprehensible unit●… , which manifesteth it self , in it self , from eternity to eternity , by the trinity , and is ●…ather , son and holy ghost in a three-fold working . the first effluence and manifestation of this trinity is the eternal vvord or out-speaking of the divi●…e power and virtue — the first out-spoken substance from the power is the divine vvisdom , which is a substance wherein the power worketh . the angels and the soul proceed from god's essences from the whole tr●…e , the angels from two principles ; and the soul with the body of the outward life from three principles ; and therefore man is higher then the angels , if he continue in god. the inward eternal working is hidden in the visible world , and it is in every thing , and through every thing , yet not to be comprehended by any thing in the things own power ; the outward powers and virtues are but the passive , and the house in w●…ich the inward do work . all the other worldly creatures are but the substance of the outward world , but man , who is created both out of time and eternity , out of the beeing of all beeings , and made an image of the divine manifestation . the eternal manifestation of the divine light is called the kingdom of heaven , and the habitation of the holy angels and souls . the fiery darkness is called 〈◊〉 , or god's anger , wherein the devils dwell together with the damned souls . in the place of this world heaven and hell are present every where , but according to the inward ground . inwardly the divine working is manifest in god's children ; but in the vvicked , the working of the painful darkness . the place of the eternal paradise is hidden in this world , in the inward ground , but manifest in the inward man , in which god's power and virtue worketh . there shall perish of this world only the four elements , together with the stary heaven , and the earthly creatures , 〈◊〉 . the outward gross life of all things . the inward power and virtue of every substance remain●… eternally . of man , who is made after the image and similitude of god. the whole body , with all its parts , signifie heaven and earth . the inward hallowness in the body of man , with the wind-pipe and artaries , wherein the air qualifieth or operateth , signifieth the deep betwixt the stars and the earth , wherein fire , air and water qualifie in an elementary manner , and so the war●…th of the air and water qualifie also in the wine-pipe and arteries , as they do in the deep above the earth . the flesh signifieth the earth , and is also from the earth — the blood signifieth the water , and is from the water — the breath signifieth the air , and is also air. the veins signifie the powerful flowings out from the stars , and are also the powerful out-goings of the stars ; for the stars , with their power , reign in the veins , and drive forth the form , shape and condition of men . the entrals or guts signifie the operation of the stars , or their consuming of all that which is proceed ed from their power ; for whatsoever themselves hav●… made , that they consume again , and remain st●…ll 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●…eir virtue and power ; and so the guts also are the ●…onsuming of all that which man thrusteth and stuffeth into his guts , even all whatsoever groweth from the power of the stars . the heart in man signifieth the heat , or the element of fire , and it is also the heat ; for the heat in the whole body hath its original in the heart . the feet signifie near , and afar off : for near and ●…far off are all one in god ; and so man by means of his feet can come and go near , and afar off ; let him be where he will , he is in nature neither near nor afar off , for in god these are one thing . the hands signifie god s omnipotence : for as god in nature can change all things , and make of them what he pleaseth , so man also can with his hands change all that which is grown in nature , and can make with his hands out of them what he pleaseth : he ruleth with his hands the work , and being of the whole nature , and so they very well signifie the omnipotence of god. the whole body to the neck signifieth the round circle or sphere of the stars , as also the deep within or between the stars , wherein the planets and elements reign . the head signifieth heaven , it containeth the five senses , viz. seeing , hearing . smelling , tasting , and feeling , wherein the stars and elements qualifie , and therein existeth the syderial , or heavenly stary or astral and natural spirit in men and beasts ; in this , floweth forth good and evil , for it is the house of the stars . such power the stars borrow from heaven , that they 〈◊〉 make in the flesh a living and moving spirit in man ●…nd beast . the moving of the heaven maketh the 〈◊〉 moveable , and so the head also maketh the body ●…oveable . note , the syderial body is the highest , excepting the divine in man ; the elemental body is only its servant or dwelling-house , as the four elements are onl●… a body or habitation of the dominion of the stars . the elemental spirit and body is inanimate , and void of understanding , it hath only lust and desire in it●… vegetation is its right life : the inward light , and power of the light , giveth in man the right divine understanding : but there is no right divine apprehension in the syderial spirit : the syderial body dwelleth in the elemental , as the light world in the darkness , it is the true rational life of all creatures . of the first man adam , before , and after the fall. all things of this world have a two-fold body , viz. an elemental , from the fire , air , water and earth , and a spiritual body from the asirum ; and likewise a two-fold spirit , the one astral , the other elemental . man only among all the earthly creatures hath a three-fold body and spirit ; for he hath also the internal spiritual world in him , which is likewise two-fold , viz●… light and darkness , and also corporeally and spiritually this spirit is the soul , but this ●…ody is from the vvater of the holy element , which dyed in adam , that is , disappeared as to his life . now when god created the earth , he founded its time when he would keep the judgment , and sever the evil from the good , and give the evil for an habitation to the apostate prince ; but being the good in the occluse earth was without heavenly creatures [ seeing its prince was cast out ] god created adam another hirarch out of this good ens , to be a ruler of this place , and hence came the devil's envy against man , and all good creatures of this world . the first free-will which was breathed into adam , was good ; indeed it was both from god's love and anger , viz. from the centre of the eternal pregnatress of the eternal spiritual nature ; but it had the unde●…standing in it to rule and govern it self , so as it might stand and sub●…st eternally . but the crafty distemper or infection , introduced by the devil , was in the ●…ns of the earth , whence [ or whereof ] adam●… outward body was framed : into this earthly ●…ns the d●…vil brought his desire by the serpents cr●…fty e●…s . so that the lubet arose in the ens of the body . whereinto the first free-will of the inspired soul e●…tred , and assumed the lubet of the body , and introduced this lubet into a desire or substance . and out of this substance another self-ful vvill did now arise viz. a b●…stard , a false serpent-child ; and this b●…stard a●…am did originally propagate to his eve , and eve to her so●… cain , and so one man to another ; thu●… we have now in this earthly ●…lesh this same false will , proce●…ded from the serpent's substance , whereunto the devil intro●…th his d●…sire , and tempteth us , and co●…tinually mak●…th us lust and long after the devilish property , viz. pride , 〈◊〉 , e●…vy and anger . thus the devil rideth in and upon body and soul [ of man ] but now the ●…irst in●…roduced free-will which , god ●…reathed into adam , lieth yet in all m●…n . for it is the true real soul , the centre of the fire and light , a spark of the divine power and om●…ipotence , but wholly hem●…d in , and cap●…ivated in this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for prince luc fer by his false imagination had tainted the limus of the earth before the comp●…ction [ or crea●…n ] it was the place of his hirarchies ; now the ou●…ward body of m●…n was ●…ken out of the limus of the earth , in the verbum fiat , and formed ac●…rding to the property of the hum●…n life , which was in the word . thus adam'●… fl●…sh was half earthly , and half heavenly , wh●…nce he lusted 〈◊〉 the comm●… and vvill of god : this is , as paul saith . the flesh lusteth against the spirit , and the spirit against the ●…lesh — adam's spirit also ●…y the imagination hath brought a power into the earth , and so the matrix of nature gave him what he would have . he must be tempted to try whether he would stand an angel instead of lucifer ; and therefore god created him not barely an angel , so that if he should fall , and not stand , ●…e might help him : so that he might not perish in the fierce wrath , as lucifer did , there●…ore he was created out of matter , and his spirit introduced into the matter , viz. into a sulpher of water and fire , that god might again exgene●…ate a new life unto him , as a fair pleasant smelling blossom springing out of the earth . for god saw very well , according to the property of hi●… wrath , that man would fall , but he would bring him again through , and in the name jesus , through the corruptibl●… death into the royal kingdom , whence lueifer was fallen , in whose stead the man christ , god and man in one person , should sit as hirarch , high-priest , or the great prince of men . ●…oor man did not fall out of a resolved purposed will but through the poysonous venomous infection of the devil else there ●…ad been no remedy for him . neither hath ma●… brought the maligni●…y and venom into the birds , ●…easts . worms , stones , vegetables , and all creatures , bu●… lucifer hath made the house of love to be a house of eternal enmity , the house of light to be a house of darkness , &c. otherwise , if man had brought malignity and wrath into all creatures , then he could never have looked for mercy at god's hands , no more then the devil . adam did not desire to prove the first principle , as lucifer had done , but his lust was only bent to taste , to prove evi●… and good , viz. the vanity of the earth , the ou●…ward soul was awakened , so that the hunger entred into its mother , where from it was drawn , and introduced into another source . and when this hunger entred to eat of evil and good , then the desire in the ●…ait drew forth the tree of temptation , and set it before adam , then came the severe command from god — thou shalt not eat of the tree of the knowledges of good and evil , in that day thou eatest there of thou shalt dye the death . but that moses saith , the tree of life stood in the midst of the garden ; and presently next after setteth down and the tree of knowledge of good and evil : here lieth the vail before moses his eyes , and the earthly sinful man cannot behold him . the precious pearl lieth in the [ knowledge of ] the difference of these two trees , and yet it is but only one , but manifest in two kingdoms — he saith the tree of life , thereby he understandeth the property of the eternal life in the tree , viz. the second principle ; and by the words , of the tree of knowledge of good and evil , he understandeth the wrath of the anger of god , which was manifest by the essence of the outward world in earthliness , in the tree of which adam should not eat ; for he should have eaten with the inward mouth , and not with the earthly desire , but with the heavenly , for he had such fruit growing for him , which the inward mouth could enjoy ; indeed the outward mouth did also eat thereof , but not into the worms carkess , for as the light swalloweth up the darkness , so the coelestial swallowed up the terrestrial , and changeth it again into that whence it proceeded . adam was a man , and also a woman , and yet none of them [ distinct ] but a virgin full of chastity , modesty and purity , viz. the image of god he had , both the tinctures of the fire and light in him , in the conjunction of which the one love , viz. the virginal centre stood , being , the fair paradisical rose-garden of delight , wherein he loved himself ; as we also in the resurrection of the dead shall be such as christ telleth us , that we shall be like the angels of god yet not only pure spirit , as the angels , but in heavenly bodies , in which the spiritual angelical body inhabiteth , even such a man as adam was before his eve , shall arise again , and eternally possess paradise , not a man or woman , but as the scripture saith , they are virgins . adam before his eve , had no●… such a beastial body as 〈◊〉 now have . for if god had created him unto the earthly corruptible naked sick toilsom lise , then he had not brought him ●…to paradise ; if he had desired or willed the beastial cou●…ulation and propagation , then he would in the beginning ●…ve created man and woman , and both sexes had come ●…orth in the verbum fiat , into the division of both tin●…ures , as it was in other 〈◊〉 creatures . every creature in its arival to this world , bringeth its cloa●…ing from its dam , but man cometh miserable , naked , shiftless ●…n deepest poverty and unability , and cannot help himself which ●…oth sufficiently show unto us , that he was not created of god ●…nto this misery , but in his perfection , as all other crea●…ures were , which perfection the first man fooled away [ or 〈◊〉 ] by false lust. now adam [ if he had stood ] should have generated or ●…rought fort●… after a magical manner , which had been thus [ effected ] not by a sundry peculiar issue from adam's body as now . but as the sun thorow-shineth the water , and ●…ends it not , even so to the spiritual body , viz. the birth had been brought forth , and in its coming forth had been substantial without pains , care and dis●…ress in a great joyfulness and delight . which after when venus's matrix was taken from adam , and formed into a woman , must be done through sorrow , pangs and distress , as g●…d said to eve , thou shalt now bring forth children in sorrow , and thy will shall be subject to thy husband . wherefore ? because it was sprung forth from the mans will. eve was half the adam , viz. the part wherein adam should have loved and impregnated himself , the same , when as he stood not , was taken from him in his sleep , and formed into a woman . but that the fall might not proceed [ or come ] from the divine appointment , god made man perfect , and created and ordained him unto paradise , and forbad him the false lust , which the devil stirred up through the limus of the earth i●… adam's outward body , with his false imgination and hungry desire . and adam was forty days in paradise [ before his ev●… was made ] in the temptation , if he had stood stedfast , th●… god had so confirmed him to eternity . but the breaking [ or dividing ] of adam , when the woman was taken out of him , is the breaking or bruising of christ's body on the cross , from the sixth hour unto the ninth , for so long was the fiat in adam sleep , in the seperating of the man and vvoman , for in such a space of time the vvoman was compleatly finished [ or brought forth ] out of adam into a female person [ or image ] she is not taken only and wholly out of adam's hesh , but out of his essence , out 〈◊〉 the female part , she is ad●…m's matrix . now when the pregnant matrix was taken fro●… adam , the woman was every way formed with such members for propagation as she-is at this day , and so adam also ; for before , when adam was male and ●…emale , he needed no such members , for his birth wa●… magical , his conception moving in the matrix [ was to be ] done through imagination . and the beastial worms carkess of the bowels , with the formation of other inward principal members , pertaining to the earthly life , was hung upon adam instead of the female matrix , and the like worms carkess was also hung upon the vvoman , instead of the heavenly limbus ; of which the poor soul is to this day ashamed , that it must bear a beastial ●…orm on the body , and propagate as the beasts do . now then adam and eve standing thus , as man and wife in paradise , and having yet the heavenly source and joy , though mixed , the devil could not endure that , for his envy was too great : and seeing he had brought down adam's angelical form , he looked now upon eve , viz. the vvoman out of a●…am , and perswaded her to the evil fruit , and she did eat and gave to a●…am . this is the bit upon which heaven and paradise departed , where the cherubim , viz. the cutter off with the naked sword came , and stood before the door — his sword was that of the destroying angel , which now cutteth man with heat , cold , sickness , necessity and death , and at last cutteth off the earthly life from the soul. but though the outward figure was just so , yet it hath far another a , b , c , internally ; the natural man without god's light , understands nothing thereof . this sword is in man , when man conv●…teth and entreth into sorrow for his committed sins , and casteth away vanity , and stepeth into the infants shirt — in this anxious sorrowful gate of t●…ue repentance the angel standeth with the ●…ire-flaming sword , and the virgin-bud for●…th quite through this sword into paradise , viz. into the life of christ , and groweth forth through this swo●…d . and now the vi●…gin-child standeth with its fair rose in the new plant in paradise , and the poor soul which begetteth this child , standeth the whole time of this life under the reach and swing of this ●…ire-sword , and is fast bound with a b●…nd to the gross beast in the outward world [ viz. this worms carkess ] where the virgin-child is sufficiently thrust at , and wounded with this fire sword : ●…or the fire-soul , which in the fire-sword of god's anger , is bound to the serpent-monster , doth daily amuse it self upon the serpent-monster , and sinneth , and even then this fire-sword doth cut away the sins , and devours them into god's anger , where they are examined and judged . now god hath cursed the earth for man's sake , so that paradise springeth no more thro●…gh the earth , for it is become a mystery , and yet it is continually there ; and into that m●…stery the souls of the saints depart . when the earthly body seperateth ●…tself from the soul. it is in this world and vet is out of this world ; for this world's quality or source toucheth it not : the whole world would have continued to be paradise , if adam had ●…ontinued in innocency ; but when god pronounced ●…he curse , then paradise departed . for god's cursing is fl●…ing , not departing away [ but a fleeing , or ] a going into another principle , viz. into himself . adam said , i am naked and afraid ; of what was he afraid ? he felt in himself the world of god's anger , and feared that it would wholly enkindle it self , and devour him , as happened to lucifer : therefore he trembled at the call of the holy voice , as the anger trembleth at the love. indeed he was naked , but knew it not , till they did eat the earthy ●…ruit , and then their eyes were opened , for the heavenly virgin of god's wisdom departed from them , and then they first felt the kingdom of the stars and elements . man had no such beastial ●…esh before the fall , but heavenly 〈◊〉 ; no heat , nor frost no sickness , nor mishape , or mischief , also no fear could touch or terrifie him , his body could go through ●…arth and stone uninterrupted by any thing ; for that could be no eternal man which 〈◊〉 could limit . the devil was indeed an angel , and a●…am an image of god , they had both the fire and the light , as also divine wit , ●…ngenuity or understanding in them : why did the devil imagin according to the fire , and adam according to the earth ? they were free : the light and power drew not the devil into the fire , but the fierce wrath of nature . why did the spirit assent to be willing whatsoever the magia maketh it self that he hath ? the devil made himself hell , and that he ●…ath ; and adam made himself earth , and that he is . ●…ut can a man make of himself what he will ? he hath both before him the fire and the light ; will he be an angel in the light ? then god's spirit in christ helpeth him to the society of the angelical quire. but will he be a devil in fire ? then god's anger helpeth him into the abiss to the devil . now observe further . god said to the serpent , the old devil , seeing tho●… hast done this , cursed art thou . and to the creaturely serpent , which must now become a creature ; for the devil had turned himself into the form of a serpent , therefore must the serpent also continue , to it he said , thou shalt go upon thy belly , and 〈◊〉 earth . seeing it had seduced man , so that he was become ●…arthly , therefore should also the devil's image be earthly , and devour the fierce wrathful source or quality , viz. poyson that should now be its source or quality . and here we are to know , that the devil figured or framed to himself the serpent's image from the constellations and elements through his imagination ; so . he had great power till the lord wholly cursed him , and set the dear name jesus for a mark , or limit o●… seperation , and there his great power was laid . adam was the only man that god created , eve his wife god would not create ; generation was to be out of one only — but seeing he fell , so that god must make him a wife , then came the covenant and promise again upon one only , that all should be regenerate and new born again out of one only , viz. out of the second adam , not out of the virgin mary , but out of christ the heavenly adam . god set his purpose in adam's child , and brought his imagination into the persished image , and impregnated the same with his divine power and substantiality , and converted the soul's will out of the earthliness into god , so that thus mary became impregnated with such a child as adam should have been impregnated with — which self ability could not effect but sunk down int●… sleep , viz. into the magia , where then the vvoman wa●… made out of him , which should not have been made , 〈◊〉 adam himself should have impregnated in venus's matrix . and have generated magically . but seeing that might not be , therefore was alam divided , and his own will of great might and power was broken in him , and shut up in death . but now [ alam being divided ] the man longeth after the matrix of the wife , and the vvife after the limbus of the man — the woman hath a watry tincture , and the man a fiery , the man soweth soul , and the woman spirit , and both sow fiesh , viz. sulpher , therefore is man and vvife but one body , and make together a child . and therefore ought to continue together , if they once mix — vvhosoever mixeth w●…ith another , or seperateth from one another , they break the ordinance of nature , and such a one is like the bruite beasts , and considereth not that in the seed the eternal tincture lieth , wherein the divine substantiality lieth hid . also that is a work which will follow after man in the shadow , and its source or quality will one day be made stirring in the conscience . of the soul's original , with its essences , substance and property . the soul is a life awakened out of the eye of god , its original is the fire , and the fire is its life — thi●… is the greatest wonder that the eternity hath wrought . that it 〈◊〉 ma●…e the eternal a corporeal spirit , which thing no sense can find out , and it is unfathomable to us . for no spirit can sound it self , it seeth well the deep , even into the abiss , but it comprehendeth not its maker ; it 〈◊〉 and diveth into him indeed , but it knoweth not its own making ; this is only hidden to it , and nothing else , therefore 〈◊〉 we are cómmanded to be silent , and dive no further . the essences of the soul came out of the centre of nature , out of the fire , with all for●…s of nature , all the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lie in the soul. all that god hath and ca●… do , and th●…t god is in his t●…rnary , all this is in the essence of the soul , as the virtue of a tree i●… in the t●… that groweth out of it . the substance of the soul is heavenly created , creat●… out of the divine essentiality , yet the will of it is free eith●… to demerse it self , and esteem it self nothing , and so eat of the love of god , as a twig feedeth upon a tree , or to ris●… up in its fire , and be a tree of it self , and eat of that , and so get essentiality , viz. a creaturely body . the property of the first soul was created according to both mothers , but all properties lie in it , it may awaken , and let in what it will and whatsoever it awakneth and le●…h i●… , is pleasing to god , if its will b●… in the love of god , in humili●…y and obedience . of the breathing in of the soul , and of its peculiar fashion and ●…orm . every spirit without a body is empty , and knoweth not it self , and therefore every spirit desireth a body for its food , and for its habitation — hence the outward image , according to the spirit of this world , with the outward fiat , was conceived , and a body was created out of the matrix of the earth ; a mass or red earth , consisting of fire and water . the inward man was in heaven , and his essences wer●… p●…radisical , his glance in the inward eye was majesty , an incorruptible body , which could speak the language of god , and of angels , and the language of nature ; as we see in adam , that he could give names to all creatures , to every one according to its essence and property , 〈◊〉 was also in the outward image , and yet knew not the outward image , 〈◊〉 inde●…d the body hath no knowledge . and in this two ●…old body [ which was created in the sixt●… day , in the sixth hour of the day , in the same hour whic●… christ was hanged on the cross ] after the body was finished the royal soul was breathed in from within by the holy ghost into the heart , in the holy man , into its principle , like an awakening of the d●…y . a●…d the outward spirit [ viz. the air ] and the whole outward principle , with the stars and elements , did cleav●… to the inward , and the outward spirit breathed its life in the same manner with the soul , through the nostrils into the heart , into the outward heart , into the earthly flesh , which was not then so earthly . the source of the wrath insinuated it self with the breathing in , viz. with the original of the soul , so that the soul could not remain god's image , unless it remained in humility and obedience , and yielding its will into god's will , or else it were very difficult for a creature to rule such two principles , as the wrathful and the outward are , the outward being also born out of the wrathful . therefore sure its temptation was not only the biting of an aple , nor di●… it continue only for some few hours but forty d●…ys , just so long as christ was tempted in the wilderness [ and that also by all the three principles . ] when a twig groweth out of a tree , the form of it is like the tree ; indeed it is not the s●…k and the root ; but yet it is like the tree : so also when a mother bringeth forth a child , it is an image of ●…er . so we mu●…t understand that the soul is in the form of a r●…nd globe according to the eye of god through which the cross goeth , and which divideth it self in two p●…rts , viz. 〈◊〉 t●…o ey●…s . standing b●…ck to back . viz. a holy divin●… eye , and a wrathful hellish eye in the fire ; t●…is it s●…ld shu●… an●… secretly reign therewith through the anguish [ viz. through death ] in the second principle in love. we mean the 〈◊〉 in the fist principle , according to the original , hath the form of an eye , and yet two-fold like a heart , wherein there is a c●…ss — and in the second principle it is a spirit , and a whole image , as the outward m●…●…s — and in the third p●…inciple it is a glass of the whole vvorld . all whatsoever is contained in heaven and earth : every prop●…ty of every creature lieth therein ; for that glass is like the firmament and stars . of the power and ability of the soul. we know that what soever cometh out of the 〈◊〉 and is the ground of it s●…lf , can 〈◊〉 it self 〈◊〉 things — but though the soul be a twig out of the tree , 〈◊〉 now it is become a creature , and is its own , it is an ima●… of the whole ; for when a child is born , then the mothe●… and the child are two — vve mean thus , god's spirit , an●… the spirit of the soul are two persons , each is free from 〈◊〉 other , and yet both stand in the first beginning , each hath 〈◊〉 own will. the soul originally is greatly powerful , it can do much , but its power is only in that principle wherein it is , for the devil cannot reign over god. the first power of the vvill of the soul is , it frameth its own form in the spirit ; also it can frame another image in the spirit out of the centre of nature ; it can give another form to the body , according to the outward spirit ; for the inward is lord of the outward ; it can change the outwar●… into another image , but not durable . for adam's soul having let in the turba of this vvo●…ld , that if the turba see a strange child , it riseth up against it instantly , and desiroyeth it ; it continueth to endure only so long as the inward spirit can subdue and over-power the outward . and this form is called negromancy , a transmutation , where the inward over-powereth the outward , for it is natural , and we understand that when we shall be changed , that change will be made thus by the same turba , which hath the first fiat in it . secondly , if the spirit were an angel , the similitude of god , yet the vvill can make it a proud devil ; and also make a devil an angel , if it sink it self into death , into humility under the cross , and cas●… it self into the spirit of god , and so submit to his government , then it sinketh into eternity , out of the source into the still nothing , which is yet all : thirdly ; the spirit of the soul hath power to ent●… ●…other man , into his marrow and bones , viz. the sulpher , and to bring the turba into him , if he ●…se ; so far as every one is not armed with the 〈◊〉 of god , but is found naked in the spirit of this ●…rld , as may be seen by witches . fourthly ; it hath such power , if it be the child of 〈◊〉 , that it can lead the turba captive , and can pour out upon the house of the wicked , as elias did 〈◊〉 fire , and moses before pharaoh ; for it can throw own mountains and break rocks . this you must understand to be so far as that thing capable of the turba , by awakening the wrath , then 〈◊〉 is possible , but if not , and that the spirit of god be 〈◊〉 a thing , then it cannot be , for it would pour water ●…pon the turba of the fire , which would then be as it were dead , and its power would lie in derision : and therefore heaven is a middle between god and hell , viz. between love and anger , and was created out of the midst of the waters , so that the devil cannot rule with his turba , the vvater turneth his purpose into derision , as the false magick , and blinded inchantment are drowned in the vvater . the fifth power of the vvill , or spirit of the soul , is , that it may or can seek all vvonders that are in nature , viz. all arts , languages ; buildings , plantings , distraction , knowledge ; it can command the starry heaven , as joshua did , when he commanded the sun to stand still , and moses the sea , that it stood up ; also he commanded the darkness , and it came ; it can make an earthly life , as moses made the lice and frogs , also serpents , and other wonders . it hath death in its power , so that it can over●…ower that , if it ride in the charriot of the bride [ viz. the vvill of the holy ghost ] it can bridse and overcome the devil if its [ vvill ] be in god , there is noth●…ng can be named that it cannot subdue . the souls power was so potent before the vanity , that it was not subject to any thing ; and so it is powerful , if the understanding were not taken awa●… from it ; it can by magick alter all things whatsoever are in the world's essence , and introduce them into another essence ; but the vanity in the outward airs dominion hath brought a 〈◊〉 thereinto , so that it doth not know it self ; it must in this life time be it●… own enemy , that it may learn to be humble , and continue in the divine harmony , and not become a devi●… . and so the dev●…l can do nothing to it , for he is proud spirit , and would be above the vvonders 〈◊〉 god , but an humility can bind him ; after this ma●… ner every man may escape the false magician , an●… also the 〈◊〉 ; for no po●…er can touch him i●… whom god 〈◊〉 . whether the soul be corporeal , or not corporeal ? the tincture is the tr●…e body of the soul , for the soul is ●…ire , and the tincture ariseth from the fire , and draweth it again into it self , and allayeth it self therewith , so that the wrathful source is quenched and then the tinct●…re subsisteth in me●…kness . for the soul hath no essence nor power in it self , but the fire ; and thus vvater proceedeth from the me●…kness of the tincture ; the fire is desirous , and where there is a desiring of the original , there is a finding of the original : thus the ●…ire findeth vvater in the tincture , and turneth it into sulpher , according to the power of all the seven spirits of nature , and this is a vvater of life : and so we see that the blood is the house of the soul , but the tincture is its body . the soul only , beside the spirit , is a globe of fire , with an eye of fire , and an eye of light , which turn themselves backward into one another , as the vvheel in ezekiel , that could go on every side , though babel hath contrived another meaning about it , but a blind one without a spirit . 〈◊〉 the meer soul is not co●…oreal , but in its tin●…ure , a body groweth , whether it be a heavenly or a ●…ellish body , and yet is not a body which can be com●…rehended outwardly , but a virtual body , the divine ●…ody , christ's heavenly body , the heavenly ●…lesh , which he giveth us to eat in his ●…estament . but the outward spirit [ it the soul do not hinder it , but let it in ] bringeth its imagi●…tion into , and spoil●… it , o that another strange ●…mage cometh to be in 〈◊〉 spirit , in the ●…incture , acco●…ding to the contents 〈◊〉 l●…st , as the covetous come to be a wolf , the ●…ous a dog , the proud a ho●…se , peacock , or other 〈◊〉 , also toads , adders , serpents , a●…d other worms and creeping things . now ●…ods sp●…rit receiveth not their images so long as they continu●… such . of the propagation of soul [ viz. ] how it cometh into a child in the mother 's womb. the vvoman hath gotten the matrix , viz. the tincture of venus [ or tincture of light ] and the man hath the tincture of fire , which you may perceiv●… by the eager imagination of both towards one another : for the s●…d in the essence eagerly seeketh ●…he life , the man 's in the vvoman●… in ve●…us , and the vvoman's in the fire , in the original of life . for they must now propagate as beasts do , in two seeds , the man soweth soul , and the woman spirit , and being sown in an earthly field , it is also brought forth after the manner of all beasts . nevertheless , all the three principles are in the seed , but the inward cannot be by known the outward , for in the seed the soul is not living , but when the two tinctures come together , then it is a whole essence ; for the soul is essential in the seed , and in the conception it becometh substantial . thus the s●…ul cometh not at all into the body , or is breathed into it from without , but the three principles have each of them its own artificer , one working fire in the centre , and the other maketh vvater 〈◊〉 the tincture , and the third maketh the earthly misterymagnum , and yet it is no new thing , but the very seed of man and vvoman , and is only conceived in the mixture , and so only a twig g●…eth out of the tree . the soul is not every time new created and breathed in ; but is propagated after a human manner , as a branch groweth out of a tree , as i may better render it , as a man 〈◊〉 or sow●…th seed , and so a spirit and body groweth out of it . and this is only the difference that the three principles are alwayes in str●…fe about man , each would fain have him : so that many times a wonderful turba is brought in , while yet he remains in the seed . but if the parents both ●…ather and mother have their souls cloathed with christ's ●…lesh and divine ●…ssentiallity then it cannot be ; for christ saith . a good tree cannot bring for●…h evil fruit ; yet the turba in time ca●… enter in with the reason . so also an evil tree cannot bring sorth good 〈◊〉 , that is , if both the parents be evil , and held captiv●… by the devil , then an evil soul is sown , but the principles cannot yet judge it . nor the turba neither ; it i●… indeed an evil chi●…d , ●…t if it turn . it may with th●… imagination e●…ter into the vvord of the lord. consider this , ve evil parents , ye gather money for your children ; get them good souls , that is more necessary for them , how and where the soul is seated in man ; also of its illumination . the soul is in god conceived in the heart , and the vvord which conceived it was in the heart , viz. in the centre , and so it continueth in the figure , and in the seat as it was comprehended by the fiat , an●… so it is still at this day . it dwelleth in three principles , but the heart is its original , it is the inward ●…ire in the heart , in the inward blood in the heart , and the spirit of it which hath a glance from the fire is in the tincture , for it is cloathed with the tincture , and burneth in the heart . the soul is indeed seated in the inward principle but it ruleth even in the outward , viz. in the stars and elements ; and if it be not an ape , and suffer it self to be captivated , it hath power enough to rule them ; and if the soul demerse it self into god , the outward must be obedient to it . the outward essence reacheth not the inward into the soul , but only by the imagination ; there is nothing else in this world , no 〈◊〉 ●…or sword that can touch the soul , or put it to death , but only the imagination , that is its poyson , for it originally proceedeth from the imagination , and 〈◊〉 in it eternally . the soul is thus enlightned , it is in this world , and ●…lso in god : here in this life it is a servant of god's wonders , which it should open with one eye , and with the other bring them into the beginning before god , and set and cast all its doings into god's will , and by no means say of any thing in this . this is mine , i am lord of this ; for it lyeth if it say so : all is god's , thou art a servant , and shouldst walk in love and humility towards god , and thy brother for thy brother's soul is a fellow-member with thy soul thy brother's joy in heaven with god is also thy joy , his wonders are also thy wonders . for in heaven god is all in all , he ●…deth all , the holy ghost is the life of all , there is meer jo●… there is no sorrow , there all is go●…'s ; one rejoyceth at the power , brightness and beauty of another ; there is no malice nor envy , for all that remaineth in death & hell. o how cheerful is the soul when its a●…ish , sourcè of fire tasteth god's light ! how exceeding courteous it is ! o how it boweth it self before god. whether is the soul of a new-born child without sin ? how can a soul be born pure , it cannot be , it bringeth the turba with it into the world , an●…●…s ●…ful in the mother's ●…omb . yet the soul is not wholly forsaken of god , so far as ●…he father and mother are ho est , and in god , for it cometh from the soul of the 〈◊〉 and mother : and although a child dye in the mothers womb without baptism , yet it is baptized with the spirit of the ●…ather and of the mother , viz. with the holy ghost , which dwelleth in them , and the turba is destroyed in death ; for the faith's part passeth through to god. but the matter is far otherwise with wicked parents , if the child dye in the mother's womb , the soul of it falleth into the turba , and reacheth not od to eternity , it also knoweth nothing of him but it is a life , according to the essence and property of the parents . and yet it doth not by this reach to the inflamation , for that soul it self hath not yet committed sin , but it is a spirit in the source , quite void of self-desire ; it is like burning brimstone , like the ignus ●…arui , and cannot reach god , but remain between heaven and hell in the mystry , until the judgment of god , which will at last put every thing a part in its own place . thus no soul is born into the world without sin , be it begotten by holy or unholy parents ; for it is conceived in the earthly seed , and bringeth the turba of the body with it , which also hath begrit the soul. and as 〈◊〉 abiss . and the anger of god , and also the ea●…ly li●… depend wholly on god the ●…ather , and ye●… : cannot comprehend and touch his heart and spirit ; so it is also with the child in the mother's womb , if it be begotten by godly parents , then each principle standeth in its own part . when the turba taketh the earthly body , then the heaven taketh the spir●…t , and the majesty filleth the spirit , and then the soul is in god , it is free from pain . but while the soul remaineth in the earthly life , it is not free , because the earthly spirit doth with its imagination always bring its abominations into it , and the spirit must be continually in strife against the earthly life . how the outward spirit is profitable to the soul. although the outward spirit be beastial , yet the inward understanding [ spirit ] is able to keep in , and tame the outward , for it is lord over it ; but he that suffereth the beastial spirit to be lord , he is a beast , and hath also a beastial image in the inward figure in the tincture . and he that letteth the fire-spirit , viz. the turba be lord , he is an essential devil in the inward image : therefore he e it is necessary that the outward spirit pour water [ viz. humility ] into the fire , that it may hold that strong spirit captive , and that seeing it will not be god's image , it may remain a beast in the inward image . now the outward spirit is very profitable to us , for many souls would perish , if the beastial spirit were not , which holdeth the ●…ire captive , and setteth before the fire spirit earthly beastial labour and joy , wherein it may busie it self , till it be able b●… the wonders in the imagination to discover somewhat of its noble image , that it may seek it self again . ●…y ●…eloved children , who are born in ●…od . it ll it you , it was not for nothing , that ●…od breathed the outward spirit [ viz. the outward life ] into adam's nostrils , for great da●…ger did attend this image ; god knew how it went with lucifer , and also what the great eternal magick could do ; yea . adam m●…ght have been a devil , but the outward glass hindred that , for where water is , it quencheth the fire . also , many a soul by its vvickedness would become devil in a moment , if the outward life did not hin●…er it , so that the soul cannot wholly inflame it self . how the soul departs from the body at the death of a m●…n . the soul departeth not out of the mouth , for it did not come in at the mouth , but ●…t only leaveth the earthly life , the turba snatcheth away the earthly life , and then the soul remaineth in it own principle . ●…or the beginning [ viz. the soul ] continueth i●… the limit , and letteth the body perish , there is no complaining about it , neither doth the soul desire it any more ; it m●…st go into its limit , viz. into the wonders of that wh●…ch it hath been ; for sickness unto death is nothing else , but that the turba hath enflamed it self , and would destroy the essence ; and this is also the cause that the body dyeth ; the turba thrusteth it self into the fire , and so the outward life is extinguished . and if the fire of the soul hath not the divine body in the spirit , nor in the will in the desire , then it is a dark fire , which burneth in anguish and great horror ; for it hath nothing but the first four forms of nature in anguish . for the turba is the exceeding strong harshness and bitterness ; and the bitterness continually seeketh the fire , and would evaporate it , but the astrengency holds it captive ; so that it is only an horrible anguish , and continually turneth it self li●…e a wheel , and imagineth , but findeth nothing but it self , it eateth it self , and is its own substance . it hath no other substance but that which the spirit of the soul continually made in the outward life , viz. covetousness , pride , cursing , swearing , reviling , back-biting , murder , hatred , wrath , falshood ; this is its food , for the turba in the will taketh the substance with it ; its works follow it : and although it hath done some good , yet that is done only in a glistering shew and appearance , from an ambitious mind . yot if it had comprehended any purity of love in its will ( as many a one that is converted at last in his end ) then it thus sinketh into its self thorow the ang●…sh . for the humble spark falleth down through death into life , and then the source of the soul endeth : yet it is a small twig budding forth into the kingdom of god. 〈◊〉 cannot sufficiently be described what refining the soul hath , and how it is hindred and plagued by the devil , ere it can get this spark into it self ; but this wise world will not believe this . o that none might feel this by experience , and then we would gladly hold our peace . the four forms of the original of nature , are the common plague , which every one feeleth , according to his own turba , but one far otherwise then another ; the covetous hath cold , the angry , fire , the envions , bitterness , the proud , an high aspiring , and yet an eternal sinking and falling into the abiss , the scorner swalloweth down the turba of those abominations , which he here belched forth ; the false slandering heart hath the forth form . viz. the great anguish . thus the condition of hell is far otherwise then ●…abel teacheth ; the devil is not at odds with his own children , they must all do his will the anguish and horror of hell plagueth every one of them sufficiently in their own abominations ; every one hath his own hell , there is nothing but his own poyson that appr●…th him . whither the soul goeth when it departeth from the body , be it saved , or not saved . wheresoever the soul is , it is in the abiss●… world , where there is no end nor i mit , though it should go a thousand miles off , yet it were then in the same place , fro●… whence it went ; for in god there is no lim●…t near and afar off is all one ; it is as swift as a thought it is magical , it 〈◊〉 in its wonders , they ●…re its house . the body retaineth it not , no wood , no stone can retain it , it is thinner then the air , and if it have the divine body , then it goeth streight as a conqueror through the turba . v●…z . through the anger of god , and quite through death into god's essence ; it remaineth in its wonders and essences , which it wro●…ght here ; it beholdeth the majesty of god , and the angels face to face . the heavenly body of the soul is from the pure element [ whence th●… four ele●…ts are brought forth ] and that giveth ●…lesh , and the tincture giveth blood : but all in this world have not christ's flesh in them hidden in the old adam ; yea , among very many , not one , but the regenerate who are departed from their own w●…ll into god's will , in whom the noble gram of mustard-seed is sown , out of which a ●…ree is gro●…n . most souls depart from the body ●…ithout christ's body , yet they hang as by a thred , and are at last in their ●…aith gotten into the will , these souls indeed are in the image , in the spirit , but not in the flesh ; such as these wait for the last day , when the image , viz. the body shall come forth out of the grave , out of the first image ; for god will raise it up by the voice of christ. even that image which adam had in his innocency . but the earthly body shall not touch it that must come before the judgment in the turba . but after the 〈◊〉 of the judgment , the turba shall swallow it up , and the wonder [ of it ] shall only remain . understand , these souls that must wait till the last day for their bodies , they remain with their bod es in the still rest till the last day , without f●…ling any pain . but in another principle ; they have neither darkn●… nor majesty in the earth but are at rest without pain . in the eternal still liberty without touching the body . yet they see their wonders , but they effect nothing in them , for they exp●…ct ●…od . and are 〈◊〉 humility ; ●…or they are sunk down through death , and are in another vvorld , yet there is a great space between them and the holy souls that are in christs flesh and blood , but not a principle , they are in one and the same principle . but a spirit without a body hath not that might , which the spirit i●… the body hath , there●…ore they rest and are under the al●… of god , when the last day shall come forth , and eat of the bread of god , and put on the divine body , as is mentioned in the revelations of john. but the souls of the wicked have another place , viz. in the most innermost . which is ●…lso the most uttermost of all darkness , they dare not go up and down , they remain meerly with the body in their substance , yet not in this world , neither do they touch the earth . it hath indeed power enough over the earth , it can open it without substance and preceptibility : but it hath not the outward principle , it hath not power enough over the outward spirit , yet it can for a time make apparitions in the syderial spirit as many appear again in the austral spirit and seek abstinence , & make many afraid with keeping a racket in houses , all which they do b●… the austral spirit till that it be consumed , and then their tricks lie in the darkness , and they expect the last judgment . thus there is a difference of places , where souls are , according to that wherein the soul is entred ; if it be holy and degenerate , then it hath a body which expecteth only the wonders of the body at the last day ; for at the day of judgment all souls good and bad shall every one receive their sentence and reward . and you must know , that the souls of the wicked have no ease [ before the day of judgment ] their best ease and joy is , when they climb up in the will in their works , which they did here , and continually desire to do them more still ; it grieveth them that they did not afflict the honest more then they did ; their will is just so as it was here , they are spirits of pride like the devil , a covetous devouring spirit : when but the least thought of the last day entreth them , then fear and horror stirreth in them , they rather 〈◊〉 that thought alone , and recreate , themselves in haughtiness . this is a great wonder , that an angel should become such a furious devil : and so the power of god's anger cometh to be manifest in god ; for god hath manifested himself according to both eyes , in love and anger , and it is left free to man , he may go into which of them he will , god throweth none into wrath , the soul casteth it self into it . but you must know that the wrath hath set its throat ●…ide open , and draweth mightily and desireth to devour all for it , the cov●…sness and the pride insulting over humili●…y . a●…d so also love and humility have opened 〈◊〉 mou●… , and draw with all their powers , and would draw man into love. into heaven : now into which of these the soul entreth , in that it remaineth , whether in love or in anger ; in that tree it standeth , and there is no deliv●…nce in eter●…y from thence . vvhether men●… vvishes do profit them any thing or no ? the prayer and wish of the righteous pierceth into he●…ven and not into hell. no good wish entreth into hell ; but if the wicked leave behind him much falshood and deceit , so that the hellish torment is wished to him in 〈◊〉 grave , such wishes come to the wicked soul ; those wishes come to pass with them for that soul must swallow down 〈◊〉 abomin●…ions , which it committed here , and that is its food which the living send after it . but it is altogether unfit , and doth not beco●…e the children of god at all , for thereby they sow into hell , into the anger of god , they had need beware lest they also reap that which they sow , if they do not recall themselves , and repent , it will fall out no otherwise . furthermore , we give you to understand , according to our gift , that those souls [ which as it were 〈◊〉 by a 〈◊〉 . and but at last enter into repentance , and so compre●… the kingdom of heaven as it were by a thred , so that 〈◊〉 and faith are mixt ] are in such a condition , that a hearty prayer and wish redoundeth to their profit , and 〈◊〉 into the poor captive soul , into its source , if it be 〈◊〉 with all earnestness . for it is neither in hell nor in heaven , but in the gate in the middle source of the principle , where fire and light sever themselves , and is held by its turba , that alw●… seeketh the fire : but then this small twig which it hath conceived , viz. the weak faith deeply demerseth it self , an●…●…rnestly reacheth after the mercy of god , and yieldeth 〈◊〉 self patiently into the death of that , sinking down , and 〈◊〉 getteth out from the anguish , and sinketh down from the pa●… into the meekness of heaven . and although many a soul ●…is held a sufficient while , 〈◊〉 the anger cannot devour that small faith , but must at 〈◊〉 let it go : but i leave it to him to try what this is , who 〈◊〉 fully per ●…ereth in sin till his end , and then first desireth 〈◊〉 be saved , and then the pope forsooth , must save him , 〈◊〉 shall find it by ●…oful experience . in popery much iugling ●…ath been invented about this , in saying mass for a soul , and that for money only , but 〈◊〉 hath been a great cheat of the pope , of babel , for ther●… is earnestness required to wresile with the anger of god , and overcome it . yet we confess , and acknowledge readily , that the churc●… of christ hath great power to ransom such a soul , if 〈◊〉 fervency and earnestness it do it as it was done in the primitive church , when they had holy people , and holy priests , who performed their ministry in real earnestness . they indeed effected somewhat , but not in such a way as the pope boasteth of , saying , that he hath the key and that he can let out a soul with 〈◊〉 blessing when he will , if a man will give him money ; this is a lye. vvhether separated souls take care of human matters . first , those souls which yet have not attained heaven , and so stick in the source , in the principle in the birth , those have yet the human essence , wi●…h the works in them , they diligently search out 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and therefore many of them come again with the 〈◊〉 ●…irit , and wander up and down in their ●…ouses , and places 〈◊〉 abode , and ●…ar in a human shape & desire this and that , ●…nd often times take care about their wills or tesiaments , ●…nd also think to procure the blessing of the saints , that they 〈◊〉 rest ; and if their earthly a●…airs do still stick in them , 〈◊〉 take care many times also about thei●… children & friends . this condition of theirs con●…ueth so long , till they fall into their rest , and till their 〈◊〉 spirits be consumed , then all such doings cares and 〈◊〉 are at an end , and they also have no more knowledge thereof , but that they see them in the wonders in the magick . after this sort are once received into grace , they take no care purposely about human earthly m●…rs but 〈◊〉 the ●…eavenly matters which are brought to it by the spirit of 〈◊〉 , and rejoyceth in them . but there is somewhat still behind , which is this : a living man hath such power , that his is able with his spirit to go in●…o heaven to the seperated souls , and stir them up about some question by a 〈◊〉 desire ; but it must be earnest , it must be faith that must break open a principle . and this we see in samuel the pr●… , whom the king of ●…ael raised up , that he might make his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to him , though it seem otherwise to some , of whom we may well say , 〈◊〉 they are blind , and void of knowledge 〈◊〉 they speak but their own scholastick fables , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 about that they have no knowledge of in the spirit . and these are babel . now secondly , the other sort which sink into death , without a body , they are wholly in one and the same place of the principle , in which the first sort are , which afterwards did sink down in themselves ; all these take no evil . affairs upon them , wherein the turba sticketh . but when the honest souls which are alive , send them their works with their spirit and will , they rejoyce in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are so a●…able , that they appear to men a●…lly in 〈◊〉 , and shew them good wayes , and many times reveal 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lie in secret , viz. in the ab●… of the soul. thus know , that no soul separated from the body , 〈◊〉 into any wicked matter , except it be a damned soul , which indeed entreth in magically , and hath its joy therein , 〈◊〉 teacheth most notorious vile pranks in dreams ; for it is 〈◊〉 servant of the devil ; and whatsover a wicked man desireth that the devil readily helpeth him to ; for he can do it better by the soul of a man , then of himself , for he is too crude and terrifieth the magia , so that the elementary spirit 〈◊〉 astonished , and awakneth the body . also , this you must know , that all is done magically in th●… will , without awakning of the source . no soul 〈◊〉 with its ess●…nces of its own accord to please man , unless man raise and disturb it himself . there are many villanies in negromancy , which ca●… many times vex and torment the spirits of men , but it 〈◊〉 do so to no soul that is cloathed with christ's essentiality , for that soul is free . the third sort of seperated souls , which are in abraham's bosom in christ , having the heavenly essentiality , none 〈◊〉 stir except they will themselves , as when they have a favour to a soul that is like themselves ; also they take no earthly thing upon them , except it make for the glory of god , and then they are restless to reveal something in a magical way . but then they let no turba into them , neither do they intercede with god for us , but whatsoever cometh to them they rejoyce in it with the angels ; for the angels rejoyce at a sinner that repenteth , then much more the souls . why should they pray to god for us ? it lieth not in their prayer , but in 〈◊〉 entring into god , when he strongly turneth his will to god , then god's spirit h●…lpeth him without prayers . of the resurrection , and also of the end of time. when the last day shall begin to dawn , then the deity manifesteth it self once more [ and that is the third time ] in all forms , in love and anger ; and then all things together at once shall be plainly laid open in the sight of all creatures . now here is the end of time , for then the beginning 〈◊〉 found the end ; and the end is then the beginning , and 〈◊〉 again into that which it was from eternity . if we knew certainly the 〈◊〉 of the sixth day , wherein 〈◊〉 creation was finished , we could then set you down the ●…ear and day [ we mean the last day ] for it goeth not a minuit further , it hath its limit hid in the inward circle . therefore know for certain , that the time is near , for 〈◊〉 the sixth day afternoon the rest of the eternal day began , ●…nd therefore god instituted the sabboth of the seventh day for a rest , and an everlasting remembrance . and as the rest began on the 〈◊〉 day , towards the evening , and the entrance to the manifestation of the works of the creation [ the end then taketh in the beginning again , and the six days stood thus in the circle as a wonder ] so know that ye were created in paradise and yet are gone out from it into the spirit of wrathfulness , into death which hath now wrought its wonders in you these 5500 years , and upwards . and now the end hath found the beginning again , and yo shall see , also feel and find what paradis●… hath been , even every one of them that shall be born in god. but the middle , with the wonders , which were manifested in the time , continueth forever more , in the beginning and in the end , as an eternal middle , with its wonders , viz. with the angels and men , and their essences ; as also the figures of all creatures , & all that hath been essential at any time ; the earth with its metals , also stones , and all material substances , 〈◊〉 trees and herbs : all these stand in the figure in the middle , but quite void of such essences and life . for no beast cometh again , but its figure continueth in the magia , for it arose out of the eternal glass , [ so that now when the 〈◊〉 glass breakesh ] it must remain in the eternal , as a wonder to god's honour and glory forever more . here the spirit of god will manifest himself forthwith in all the three principles , and stir up the center of nature , so that it shall burn in the ●…ire of anger ; for ●…ll , both . heaven , earth , and the ●…irmament shall be set on fire together , and the turba will 〈◊〉 up the earthly world in the ●…ire , and restore it to that which it was before the creation ; only the wond●… remain st ll in two princip es , the third principle doth vanish quite away all but the wonders . and then the earthly life , and the earthly body will fall away , and the ●…ire will con●…me them , and the glorious bright paradisical body of the righteous shall pa●… through the fire with its wonders , which shall follow it and whatsoever is false shall remain in the ●…ire . the wicked also must go into the ●…ire , and their earthly life will also fall away , and their monstro●… image will appear in the spirit , according to the shape of all hideous abominable beasts like the devil . and in that hour also the wrathful 〈◊〉 of the darkness shall bring forth the devils , who shall then receive their wages and lodging , at the hearing of which they tremble . all the d●…ad , both good and evil , shall arise every one in his two-fold body , and shall have the soul , wit●… the spirit in the body ; one shall have the outward earthly ●…fe [ or body ] and therein a beastial image in the spirit of the soul , and in the inward image he shall have the essentiality of the wrathful anger ; another shall have the outward body , & ch●… image there in , and the divine spirit of lov●… shall shine in the spirit of his soul , which body , the word fiat cloatheth again with the true and pure 〈◊〉 image . for the first body which god created , and christ 〈◊〉 with his blood , that will bring the wonders with it and enter again into paradise . and be cloathed with the majesty of god , and then the 〈◊〉 of god is with men . for the noble image was destroyed in adam , when 〈◊〉 woman was taken out of him , so that he retained ●…ly the ●…ture of the fire , and the woman had the ●…ture of the spirit , but now they return to them ●…holly again . ●…or the woman shall receive the tincture of the fire , 〈◊〉 that ●…he shall be as 〈◊〉 ●…as , neither man nor woman , but a virgin full of chastity , without the mem●…ers of man or woman . and then they shall no more say , thou art my hus●…nd , or thou art my wi●…e , but they are 〈◊〉 : indeed there shall some remaining tokens of the difference be in the divine magical wonders , but none will regard that , for they are all of them me●…ly the children of 〈◊〉 , liv●…ng the life of children in the delighting sport of love. all the words which the mouth hath spoken , which the air hath received , these the air shall bring again forth ; for it is the glass of the eternal spirit , the spirit seeth them in the glass : and so man shall be judged according to his heart , mind and thoughts , for the turba is in all malice 〈◊〉 wickedness , which is contrary to love ; here will be no making of excuse , for every one will accuse himself , his own turba will accuse him . we direct you to the scripture , for it shall come to pass just according to the holy scripture . note , this world will be no more regarded , for all earthly knowledge and cogitations shall remain in the turba of the earthly life in the 〈◊〉 ; we shall have no knowledge more of our parents , children or ●…riends who are in hell. we shall have some knowledge of hell , but see nothing of it , save only in the magia in the mystery , for the devils must dwell in darkness , the wrathful fire which is in them is the r light ; they have eyes of fire to see withal , all 〈◊〉 besides is gone , for the majesty hath swallowed it up , that it may burn in love . we shall all know one another among our selves by name ; though the earthly name shall remain in the turba , we ●…hall have a name according to our first name in the language of angels , which here in this life we do 〈◊〉 understand ; in the language of nature we understand ●…thing of it , b●…t here we have no ●…gue to spea●… it with . here 〈◊〉 ; the inward ens of christ [ which the so●…●…th on it for an heavenly body out of christs spir●… and out of his 〈◊〉 and blood ] is spiritual , it is a spiritual body which dyeth not at the death of the outward man ; yea , it is not buried , neither doth it rise again ; but it is dead and buried , and risen again in christ for all , and in all , and liveth eternally , for he is passed from death to life . what kind of matter our bodies shall have in the life to come . thus we tell you , we shall have a body consisting of flesh and blood , such a body as christ had , for ch●…ist by his in●…tion is become man in us : when we are born a new 〈◊〉 the water , and of the spirit , then 〈◊〉 christ's spirit we are born a new of christ's ●…esh and blood ; we put on christ. christ becometh born in the converted sinner , and ●…he in christ becometh the child of god ; this is the body we shall have in heaven . no gross beastial flesh as we have in old adam , but 〈◊〉 ●…esh and blood , such flesh as can pass through wood and stone , they remaining whole still ; as christ c●…me in to his disciples , the door being shut : it is such a body as hath no turba or fragility , hell cannot retain it , it is like eternity , and yet it is real ●…esh and blood , which our heavenly hands shall touch and feel , and take hold of , also a visible body , as that is which 〈◊〉 h●…ve here in this world . of paradise ; and where henoch is [ as also moses and elias . ] we are able to say with good ground that paradise is still upon earth , 〈◊〉 is in it , [ as also moses and elias ] and yet he hath the body of 〈◊〉 turba in the mistery ; and in the heavenly mistery he hath the 〈◊〉 body , which 〈◊〉 capable of paradise . 〈◊〉 is not gone o●…t of this world , he is entred ●…to the mistery in the vvonders , he is god's preacher , and after the turba hath overcome the vvorld , he must be silent till the six seals have ended their wonders , and till the angels of the turba have poured out the r vials , then the wonders of the anger are finished 〈◊〉 then henoch cometh out of the mystery again , and entreth into the ministry , and relateth what hath been done . but noab goeth into the other world through the vvater , and callet●… moses with his vvonders , and he cometh , for he hath the won●…rs of god. for he passed through death , and brought 〈◊〉 body through death , when the turba desired to consume it , and the devil contended for it , and would have the turba which was in moses , because he had ben an angry man , and carried the turba in him . but it was told the devil , that the turba in the 〈◊〉 did not belong to him , for it belonged to the majesty of god , and contained the wonders , and the turba in the darkness in the wrath only belonged to him , who is without the city , he must not dwell in the city , in 〈◊〉 principle , but without it . also moses his body is passe●… through death , ●…is un●…able body which had the vvonders , hath swallowed up that which was earthly in the turba , and yet not consumed it to 〈◊〉 , but it also is in the 〈◊〉 and his turba which killed the first-born in 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the water , slew them that 〈◊〉 the calf , and swallowed up corah , datha●… and 〈◊〉 into the earth , continued in death ; for when he dy●… his spirit and soul departed from the turba , and he 〈◊〉 mained in the vvonders in the mistery ; and now he 〈◊〉 become a lamb. but though the body of moses be d livered from 〈◊〉 turba , it must be tryed in the fire at the end of day●… at the last day we shall not ascend above the pla●… of this world , but make our abode here in our 〈◊〉 native country , and go into our home in another worl●… in another principle , of another property . vvhen this outward dominion shall pass away , 〈◊〉 the very place where the world now stands , there 〈◊〉 be meer paradise , for the earth will be of an heavenl●… essentiality , so that we shall be able to dwell any where●… and be able to pass through and through it . there will be no cold or heat any more , also 〈◊〉 night ; there is no death any ●…ore , also no ●…ear , 〈◊〉 sorrow , no sickness , the earth will be like a christaline sea , and all the vvonders of the vvorld will be 〈◊〉 wholly perspicously , and the brightness of god shall 〈◊〉 the light thereof , and the holy jerusalem , the great city of god , shall be therein . the whole world would have been a meer paradise , if lucifer had not corrupted it , who was in the beginning of his creation an hierarch in the place of this world . but seeing god knew well that a●…am would fall , therefore paradise sprung forth and budded only in one certain place , to introduce and confirm man therein , whom [ albeit ●…od saw that he would again depart thence ] he would again introduce him thereinto by christ , and establish him a new in christ to eternity in par●… . for lucifer poysoned the first paradise with his false and wicked desire ; therefore god promised to regenerate it anew in christ : for the seventh day which god appointed for rest , is nothing else but 〈◊〉 regenérate anew in the spirit of christ , in the human property , wherein the poor soul shall rest eternally from the source of the six dayes works , viz. of the six properties of the life . a short summary appendix of the soul , and of the turba , which is the destroyer of the image ; and of virgin sophia . the soul is an eye in the eternal abiss , a similitude of eternity , a perfect figure and image of the first principle , and resembleth god the ●…ather 〈◊〉 his person , as to the eternal nature . the essence and substance of it [ meerly and purely as it is in it self ] is first the wheel of nature , as to the first four ●…orms , viz. 1. astringent ; 2. bitter ; 3. fire ; 4. anguish — ●…ire is a similitude of the soul. the soul is an essential ●…ire , and the flash of fire i●… the life of it ; it resembleth a globe , or an eye , of fire●… the burning ●…ire in the source signifieth the first principle and the life ; yet the fire is not the life , but the spirit of the source which ariseth from the ●…ire , and goeth forth from the ●…ire like air. that is the true spirit of the source of the life of the fire , which continually bloweth the fire up again , and maketh it burn . now the fire shineth and giveth light out of the source where it shineth , and the source comprehendeth not the light ; and this signifieth the second principle wherein god dwelleth . 〈◊〉 we know that the power is in the light , and not 〈◊〉 the ●…ire , the fire only giveth 〈◊〉 to the light , and the life or the light produceth meekness and substantiality , viz. water . now we understand , that there is a meek life in the light , without source , and yet it self is an insensible source , it is nothing but a longing or desire of love. vvhich source we account a tincture , in which the ●…dding and blossomings hath its original , yet the fire 〈◊〉 the cause of it , and the meekness is a cause of the substantiality ; for the desire of love in the light , ●…eth it , and keepeth it , so that it becometh a substance , but the desire of fire consumeth the substantiality . indeed the image dwelleth in the fire of the soul , as light ●…elleth in the fire , but it hath another principle as the light is such a source , as is different from the fire . and so the true image of god dwelleth in the light of the fire of the soul ; which light , the fiery soul must create in the ●…tain of the love of god , in the majesty , by pu●…ting and yielding its imagination into it . but if the soul do not so , but putteth its imaginatio : into it self , into its wrathful form of the source of th●… fire , and not into the fountain of love , into the ligh●… of god , then its own source of forceness , astringenc●… and bitterness riseth up , and the image of god becometh a turba , and swalloweth up the similitude of go●… in the wrath . and then the astringent fiat in the fiery essence 〈◊〉 the soul figureth for the soul an image of the imagination , that is , in its will : vvhatsoever the essenti●… fire of the soul desireth , that will be the figure in th●… soul. viz. earthlv figures , that which the will of th●… heart casteth it self into , that image the fiat of th●… soul will make , that is as far as the third principl●… , an●… the spirit of the stars and elements hath power . so that if the w●…ll of the soul do cast it self into the kingdom of this world , then the outward kingdom ha●… power to bring its imagination into the inward principle and if the inward fiat perceive that in the fire of 〈◊〉 soul , then it becometh pregnant with it , and keepeth it . and then the soul hath the image of a beast in 〈◊〉 third principle , and that cannot be destroyed forever●… except the will of the soul return again out of the 〈◊〉 lust , and pierce into the love of god agai●… , and th●… it getteth the image of god again , which may be do●… onl●… in this life , while the soul is essentially in its 〈◊〉 in the growing of its tree , but after this life it ca●… not be done . thus you may understand what the soul , spirit , image ●…nd turba are ; the soul dwelleth in it self , and is an essential fire , and its image standeth in it self in the ●…magination , in the light of the soul , if it cleave to god , if not , then it is an anxiety in the wrath of darkness , and is an abominable image , or an image of the devil . the turbae of the soul which destroyeth the divine image , is the essential wrathfulness , and s caused by the imagination , or false love and representation , and therefore all lieth in the imagination , the image consisteth in that which we suffer to come into our desire . if the will of the soul , change it self , then its form will 〈◊〉 also ●…hanged : for if the source of the soul be fiery , then it hath also a fiery image , if the soul turn its imagination into the centre , into the strong astringency and bitterness , then its fair ●…mage is also captivated in ●…he dark astringency , and infected with astringent wrath . and then this wrath is a turbae , which possesseth the image , and destroyeth the similitude of god ; for 〈◊〉 god there is love , light and meekness ; but in this image there is darkness , astringency and bitterness . again , the soul in its real life and understanding , 〈◊〉 in three kingdoms : the 1st is , the eternal nature , viz. the potent might of eternity , the dark & fire-world , according to which god calleth himself a strong zealous ●…gry god , and a consuming fire , in which the devil hath wholly plunged and diabolized himself . the second is the holy light world , where the eternal understanding hath displayed it self through the fires sharpness , in the light of the great fiery love-desire , ●…nd turned the wrathful darkness and fiery property , to a kingdom of joy , which is the true manifestation of the deity , and is called the holy heaven of the angelical delight and bliss . the third kingdom is the outward astral & elemental kingdom , viz●… the air , with its dominering constellations , wherein all the five outward constellations rule , viz. superior and inferior of the four elements , out of which [ constellation the five senses take their original , wherein the vegetable and reasonable life consisteth ; this is the animal [ or beastial ] soul , which ruleth over all the creatures of this world . the ●…ire-soul must subsist in the fire of god , and be so pure as the clear refined gold , for it is the husban●… of the noble virgin sophia , viz. [ christ●…s humanity , which is ] from the woman's seed , it is the ●…ire's tin●…ure , and sophia the light 's tincture , if the tincture of the ●…ire be wholly and throughly pure , then its sophi●… will be given it , and so alam receiveth again into 〈◊〉 arms , his most precious and endeared bride , which was taken from him in his sleep , and is not any longer man or woman , but a branch on christ's pearl-tree , which standeth in the paradise of god. to the description whereof we need an angels tong●… and yet we are understood well enough by our school●… fellows : we have not written this for swine . of the eternal predistination , and election of god. when the scripture speaks of god's eternal purpose , or predistination , it speaketh not of a purpose or predistination that hath been long before , for in god there is no beginning , but there is an eternal be●…inning , where the beginning and the end is all one , the first is continually the last , and the last first : whatsoever ●…od hath begun from eternity to foresee that he beginneth now also at this day always every moment to foresee . i can say with good ground thus , that if i were in my mother's body or womb comprehended in his anger●… then god hath from etern●…ty seen me , & apprehended me in his anger , & i were from eternity elected in his ang●… but if i convert in repentance , so that god's love 〈◊〉 me , then i am from ●…ternity foreseen out of the a●…ger into the love ; for in god all is eterna●… ●…hatsoever at this day beginneth to alter in the eter●… , that is from et●…nity 〈◊〉 ●…rnity , equally in the 〈◊〉 , the matter ●…sists only in the conversation of the will. and though it standeth written , that it standeth not in 〈◊〉 willing , that is only concerning those that desire 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 will not go fo●…th out of their ●…ful will , 〈◊〉 keep their sin , and yet will be saved ; therefore it 〈◊〉 not in his willing , but in this , that man go 〈◊〉 ●…om sin into god's grace , and then it lieth in the mer●…y , and that god doth readily , for 〈◊〉 hath promised it . therefore men should better consider the scripture , 〈◊〉 to such terms or expressions ; for it often speaketh ●…ut of the eternal mouth , which beginneth every ●…oment . for when the scripture saith , he hardneth their hearts 〈◊〉 they believe not , and so come not to be saved , then it ●…eaketh of those who would be saved by their own ability , and their evil will and life , those he suffereth ●…o go on in their purpose or predistination , for they will do it . as also adam did , he would not be resigned into god , 〈◊〉 a child , but be his own , and apprehend and know good and evil , and live in all the three principles ; for 〈◊〉 went out from god's will into his own off-set purpose , and god left him , and then he fell down and slept . and when he had eat the forbidden fruit , then god's ●…nger elected him to the damnation of death , and god's ●…ove spoke against it , saying , the seed of the woman shall 〈◊〉 or crush the serpent's head ; and that was also the ●…ternal election , and yet it was also a beginning tempo●… election ; for how ●…an an election pass upon a thing when as yet it hath no root ? god's anger hath from eternity continually , and still 〈◊〉 this very day , electeth it self to be a darkness , that god's love and light might in the anger become manifest or revealed . of free-will . now that which is out of the eternal , as the soul of 〈◊〉 , that hath also free-will to manifest it self in 〈◊〉 light or in the darkness ; not that it hath the light or dar●…ness in its power , but it hath ability to work in good or evil that is in the power of the light or of the da●…ness , and 〈◊〉 which soever it wor●…th , that manifesteth it self in it . the might or power is god's , and the soul is his 〈◊〉 a branch in the tree , proceeded out of god's mouth , out 〈◊〉 love and anger ; all that lieth in it , and is its own property who will then take away the free-will from it , being it is branch of the eternal tree & hath love and anger in it self ? for the fire-soul is a root proceeded from the divine o●…nipotence , and therefore it hath free-will , and nothing 〈◊〉 deprive it , and therefore it may conceive either in the fire 〈◊〉 light. the souls free-will is as thin as a nothing , and though it ●… in its body indeed , encompassed with the something , yet in 〈◊〉 or conceived something is in a false distinguis●… essence by reason of the original of sin. now if the free-will would approach to god with the desire , then it ●…ust depart out of its false something ; and 〈◊〉 it now doth so depart , th●…n it is bare and impotent , for 〈◊〉 is again in the first nothing : ●…or if it would come to go●… then it must dye to its f●…lse self-hood , and forsake it , and 〈◊〉 it forsakes the same , then it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and meerly as nothing and so it cannot go work or move : if it will shew its might●… then it must be in something wherein it doth imaginate 〈◊〉 form it self . but when man will say , man cannot turn 〈◊〉 will towards that which is good , viz. towards grace , 〈◊〉 is 〈◊〉 ; grace indeed standeth in the abiss of 〈◊〉 creature in all wicked men , and the will need only stand still from ●…icked working , and then it beginneth , as to its self-will 〈◊〉 dive down into the abiss . for that which standeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●…ill together with the ●…ernal one , and becometh 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 there●… . can the will be obedient to a worldly lord and master , and for that end stand still for which he would have him ? ●…erefore not also to god , especially when the ability is as ●…given , as a man doth but incline his will to stand still ? it is better to know nothing , then to will according to self , for that which knoweth nothing , the will of that passeth away , with the creaturely life , and its stri●…e hath an end , and ●…ath no more source of torment , as we may understand in ●…rrational creatures . for it is the source and torment of all the damned that ●…re wishing and woulding , viz. they would that which is ●…lf , and in their woulding they generate ideas , species and formations , viz. contrary wills and desires , the will being 〈◊〉 strife , so that one thing is manifested in multiplicity where●…n it is at enmity with it self ; but when it is one with the ●…ternal one , then can no enmity be therein . therefore it is man's last proof or tryal when he standeth ●…ill to god in all things , then in him light proceeds out of darkness , life out of death , and joy out of sorrow , for god is in , and with him in all things . of the becoming man , or incarnation of jesus christ , the son of god. when god created man as an image , according to 〈◊〉 substance , a similitude of , or according to god , then 〈◊〉 created him out of the mother of all things , or substances , ●…nd all the three worlds ; his body he created out of the outward , and also the inward substantiality , viz. out of the ●…arthly and heavenly , and inbreathed into him through his ●…pirit a living breath , that is himself , according to the divine world , and also according to the outward world. for the spirit of god is the spirit of all , and every life . 〈◊〉 distinguished into three principles , or three worlds — 〈◊〉 first according to the dark world , according to the first principle , according to which god calleth himself an angry ●…ealous or jealous god , and a consuming fire , which is the ●…ernal nature . secondly , according to the light-world , viz. according to god's love and meekness , according to which he is ca●… the holy spirit . and thirdly , according to the outward world , the a●… spirit , with the quality or souree of the stars and elements — thus hath man received a three-fold life , the spirit of all the three worlds . therefore we should rightly consider man what he is , & 〈◊〉 make an earthly beast of him ; and also make no angel of 〈◊〉 earthly part ; he hath the inward spirit out of the first principle , but he should not rule therewith , also not with the o●…ward , but give up himself to the holy spirit in the sec●… principle , and in the outward life be as a child in the a●…ther's bosom or lapp . the soul standeth in three principles , viz. in the eter●… fire's nature , and in the eternal light 's nature , viz. i●… the love fire , which extinguished in adam , for which 〈◊〉 at ●…resent the strife is , and thirdly , it standeth in the kingdom of this world , viz. in mortality and restoration . when the inward sou●… ground , viz. the eternal soul 〈◊〉 the father's property of the word of god , turneth back ag●… and looks about after i●…s●… pearl , viz. after the 〈◊〉 princip●… then it perceiveth that it was lost in adam . s●… whence ariseth its misery , and return again , and as so●… it returneth again , god giveth his grace into it again , 〈◊〉 unknown and not understood by it . this great unqu●…eness ariseth in the soul , that it 〈◊〉 goeth into repentance , when i●… seeth that it hath l●…t i●…s 〈◊〉 , neither may nor shall , nor can it any other way 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 first pearl which i●… had , and come ●…o divine s●… 〈◊〉 , unless it turn with its fires might wholly again into 〈◊〉 ground of the incorporated grace , and give it self up there●… we necessarily find it clear , that there is yet another su●…stance i●… ow flesh , which 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that which yet now is 〈◊〉 ; being then it●… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 after that which 〈◊〉 is 〈◊〉 therefore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 have been so in the beginning of its beeing and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 there would be no sighing , or longing after another thing . for we know that every substance sigheth after that out of which it had its first original ; and so our will sigheth after such a flesh as god created . so we clearly understand that we are gone forth out of the eternal into the corruptible : for adam's imagination hath drawn the earthly quality of the stars and four elements into the limus , and the stars and elements have drawn in the longing malady of the earth . and thus the heavenly matter of the heavenly flesh became earthly . the true ens of the soul , which the word assumed in the name jesus , was of us men from the female tincture , viz. from the true adamical soul , yet from the property of the light , which was severed from adam and put into the woman , that this property of the light might transmute or change the fiery masculine property again into the love and divine humility , and that the masculine and feminine property might be quite changed into one image again , as adam was before his eve , when h●… was neither man nor woman , but a masculine virgin. therefore christ took his soul from a woman , viz. from a virgin , and yet was a man ; so that he rightly stood in the adamical image , and brought the averted severed properties of life , in which our will had broken it self off from god again into the temperature and union . viz. into that one . for adam turned his will from the only will of god , and jesus christ took our soul again into the only will of god , and turned the will of our soul in our humanity , which he assumed into the only will of god again . we poor children of eve should not in eternity , as to the body , have returned again , but our soul would have eternally continued in god's anger , source or quality with all devils . but the becoming man , or incarnation of jesus christ is become a powerful substance or matter to us ; for , for our sakes is god become man , that he might bring our humanity out of death into himself , and redeem or release our soul out of the fire of god's anger . and we now with good ground of truth say , that the possibility of the new-birth is in all men , else god were divided and not in one place as he is in another . and herein we exactly know , that man is drawn by the fire and the light●… to which he inclineth into , that he falleth ; and yet he may in this life-time rise aloft again . also we say , that the true temple wherein the holy ghost preacheth , is in the new birth . the spiri●… also testifieth clearly , that angels and men have one and the same image , for god hath made another angel instead of expulsed lucifer , and his legions , out of the same place where lucifer sate , and out of which he was made , which angel was adam : but seeing he stood no●… , therefore god generated to himself a second adam out of the first , the same is called jesus christ. also it is plain and clear enough , that [ as jesus ascended to heaven , so ] he will come again in the same form at the last day with a divine and glorified body , as a prince of the holy angels , which shall be the men angels . also , we know the becoming man , or incarnation of christ to be natural , as of all the children of men , the lord gave himself to be under the servant , that the servant might become living , and is in like manner in nine months become a perfect man , and also continueth a true god — become born into the world through that way and passage as all men are . had he not had a natural soul then he had not in the person had all the three principles : what should he then have committed into the hands of his father at that present when he dyed on the cross ? or what had suffered on the cross , if he had not been natural ? the earthly part which he took to himself out of his mother mary , that is , to or upon the divine substance , dyed away on the cross. thus was the soul in the substantiality of god , and as 〈◊〉 victorious conquering prince , went into the hell of devils that is into god's anger , and quenched it with god's love and meeknes●… of the divine substantiality . for the love-fire came into the anger-fire , and drown●… the anger , wherein the devil would be god ; thus was the devil taken cap●…ive with the darkness , and lost his dominion : the spirit of christ took the devil captive , and drove him out of the fire of the soul , and cast him into darkness , and shut him up under darkness out from the fire of the soul , and out from god's fire into the wrathful harshness and bitterness in cold. consider the first four forms of nature , and you will understand what the devil's mansion is ; for before christ came , he kept the soul captive in the turba with the fire , and though he had not the spirit of the soul , yet he had the root of it in the turba , but then he was commanded to cease . while the earthly man liveth , the soul is continually in hazard or danger , for the devil hath enmity with , who continually casteth forth his streams , with false and wicked imaginations into the stary and elementary spirit , and reacheth or graspeth therewith after the soul's fire , and willeth continually to infect the same with earthly devils longing and malady . there must the noble image defend it self against the souls fire , and there it costeth striving and fighting sor the angels garland : there riseth up often in the old adam anguish , doubting and unbelief , when the devil sets upon the soul. o thou cross of christ ! how heavy art thou often times ! how doth the hèaven hide it self , but so the noble grain is sown , when that is sprung up , then it brings forth much fair fruit in patience . thus every little sprout groweth in the soul out of the divine wisdom : it must all press forth out of the anguish-chamber , as a sprout out of the root of a tree , it is all generated in the anguish . if a man will have divine knowledge , he must very many times go into the a●…gitish-chamber , into the centre , for every sparkle of the divine wi●… , skill or understanding out of god's wisdom , must become generated out of the centre of nature , else it is not perminent or eternal ; thus we must aell dye in christ's death , if we will possess his glory . god and man is become one person , one christ , one god , one holy trinity in the humanity , and also in like mann●… every where , so that when we see christ , we see the holy trinity in one only image . he is not strange or tyrable to us , but is our love. tincture , he is with his power the quickning of our soul●… our life , and our souls delightful habitation . when we find him , we find our help or salvation , as in like manner a●…am should have found him , but he suffer●… himself to be seduced , and found at length a woman — then said he , she 〈◊〉 flesh of my flesh , and bone of my bo●… , and took her unto him for a companion . so when our soul findeth him , it saith , that is my virgin which i had lost in adam , when an earthly woman came to be out of it : i have now again found my love-virgin out of my love , i will never more let it go from me again . o! it is a friendly qualifying or co-working beauty , brightness , fruit , power , v●…rtue . for in thè wisdom the fall was known e'er man became a creature , and that according to the ●…ire's property , not according to the light 's property , but according to the first principle . and we say of mary , that before the time of the opening and message of the angel , she was such a virgin 〈◊〉 eve was when she went out of paradise , e'er adam knew her . of metals , and of the metaline tincture , and philos●… stone . the metals have the same ●…bstance , condition 〈◊〉 birth , or geniture as the vegetab●… upon 〈◊〉 earth have : in earth , in stones and metals , there is ●…-fold essence , viz. one from the original of the fire dark world , and 〈◊〉 of the original of the holy lig●… world. all this was given [ man ] for his play , he had 〈◊〉 knowledge of all tinctures : all was subject to him , he ruled in heaven and earth , and over all the elements , so also over all the constellations . but metals are in themselves nothing else but a water and oyl , which are held by the wrathful properties , viz. by the astring●…nt austeer desire , that is , by a saturnine martial fiery property in the compaction of sulpher and mercury to be one body [ or congealed bulk ] but if i whoily destroy this body , and severize each into its own property , then i clearly find therein the first creation . gold , silver and precious mettals , are indeed out of the heavenly magia thus inclosed and shut up , by or with the kindling : they are another thing then earth , man loveth that well , and 〈◊〉 it for his maintenance , but he knoweth not its ground and original ; it is not in vain loved by the mind , it hath a high original , if we would consider of it . but we are justly silent of it here , seeing man without that , loveth it too much , and thereby withdraweth himself from the spirit of god : one should not love the body mor●… then the spirit , for the spirit is its life ; this we give you to understand in a similitude , and are silent of the matter , with the ground and original thereof . but know this , that it was given to man for his sport and ornament , he had it by the right of nature , it was his understanding the outward bodies ; for the outward body with its tincture , and the metalline tincture are near a kind . when the tincture of the outward body was destroyed by the devils evil longing , then the metalline tincture hid it self from the human , & became an enemy to it ; for it is p●…rer then the perished in the outward man. let this be manifest to ●…ou , ye seekers of the metalline tincture ; if you would find the philosophers stone , then apply your selves to the new birth in christ , else it will be hard for you to apprehend it , for it hath a great agreement with the ●…nly substantiality , which if it were released from the fierce wrath , would be very well seen . it s lustre signifieth somewhat , so that if we had 〈◊〉 eyes we ●…hould well app●…ehend it . a collected appendix ●…or the clearer opening the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the beeing of all beeings , is but one only beeing●… but in its g●…eration it severs it self into two 〈◊〉 , viz. 〈◊〉 light and darkness , into joy and ●…orrow , into ●…vil a●…d good , into love and anger , into 〈◊〉 and light ; and out of these two eternal begi●…nings [ or principles . ] into a third begi●…ning , viz. into the creation to 〈◊〉 own love play and ●…lody , according 〈◊〉 the property of both eternal 〈◊〉 . death is the bound mark of all , whatsoever is temporal , whereby the evil may be destroyed . if gods anger be omnipotent to destroy , then is his love also omnipotent to preserve , if this contrariety were not , there would be no life ; and there would be no good , also no evil ; for if there were no fierce wrath , there would be no moving : thus the substance of all substances is a continual working , desiring and fulfilling ; the ●…ire desireth the light , that it may get meekness and substance for its burning or life ; and the light desireth the fire , else there would be no light , and it would have neither power nor life ; and they both de●…ire the dark anguish , else the fire and light would have no root , and all would be a nothing . therefore i say , god's love is as great as his anger , his fire as great as his light , and his darkness as great as either of the other ; it is all alike eternal , without be●…inning ; and it beginneth it self from eternity with or 〈◊〉 the darkness , and bringeth it self from eternity to 〈◊〉 darkness into the source or quality , even into the 〈◊〉 , and in the rising up of the ●…ire is the eternal death , ●…here the darkness and light seperate themselves each ●…to a principle in it self , and the light also it self po●…sseth it self , one dwelleth in the other unapprehended 〈◊〉 the other ; there is in ●…ternity no parting asunder : ●…hose that dwell in the darkness , see not the light , and ●…hose that dwell in the light see no darkness : god ●…uld not be manifested or revealed , and there would 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nature nor creature without the darkness . observe now , god's anger maketh the dark mind ●…ull of god's love , maketh the light mind full . ●…or ●…hosoever hath , to them it will be given . but now all ●…andeth in strife , the light against the ●…arkness , an●… the life against the death , and the ●…eath against the life : but man is out of the great 〈◊〉 of all substances , and in him is the strife . dost thou say , god can make of me what he will , he is ●…mnipotent : he maketh of thee what thou wilt , his ●…ove is omnipotent , and also his anger ; that which getteth thee , holdeth thee . the wicked is to god a good favour to de●…th ; and the saint or holy is so to ●…he eternal holy life as thou growest ; so thou art such sap as thou drawest into thy self , such ●…ruit thou bear●…st : it is not 〈◊〉 , ●…od will not be mine , but thou wilt ●…ot be his , and so you are parted . but he cannot make himself a child , he goeth onl●… with the will into the matrix , and then the divine fiat apprehendeth him , and maketh him one ; indeed he cannot make himself a devil , the hellish fiat , according to the dark world's property maketh him one , wh●… 〈◊〉 doth but give his will up thereto . therefore ●…ghtly saith the apostle , to whom you give ●…ur selves ser●… in obedi●… 〈◊〉 servants you are 〈◊〉 of god's love 〈◊〉 anger . here the apostle speaks of man's ●…ction , that man can give up himself , and be given up ; and though indeed of himself he cannot take or receive , yet god giveth him the taking or receiving , for he hath promised it him . we believe a resurrection of our bodies which we had here ; it is not the earthly body that is the image , which shall live eternally , but the heavenly , which the earthly body here holdeth captive in death ; but if christ become born therein , then it is no more in death , but liveth in christ , and is only covered with the earthly body . it is not the husk , viz. the beastial flesh that shall arise , but the life in the outward mystery with the wonders , that shall be comprised in the holy element , and be united with the body of christ [ even ] of the new man , and in eternity stand with its wonders in it . seek not christ's flesh in the four e●…ements in the spirit of the outward world , but in the root of them , viz. in the holy element , a principle deeper then this world is ; not absent from the outward body . let no man think it will come to pass , that men will come , who will teach or compel thé holy spirit with authority or power into men : no , it is said , today when you hear the voice of the lord , harden not your ●…earts and ears : expect not another time , for this is the time of your visitation ; incline your ●…ars and hearts into the temple of christ in you . let none wait for a golden time , wherein the holy spirit out of , or from the outward mouth , will cry into the har●…d into his beastial vvill , who will live only in the lust of the elesh : o! no , that is not to be done ; the time is already come that henoch teacheth , and noah declareth the deludge of sin. let none wait for the outward prophet he appeareth or shineth inwardly in the spirit , the outward man will not know him ; the right way into the eternal life is in man : vvhoso●…ver will enter in with sion , and praise god in jerusalem , hath now the acceptable time , the sound of the seventh trumpet is already sounding , the fountain of israel is open ; let none think that the sound of the trumpet will come from this or the other place : ●…or as the lightning breaketh up in the east , and shineth to the west ; so from the beginning to the end is the coming of the son of man. ●…hat now are the christians , so called , better than tu●…ks and ●…eathens , if they live turkis●…ly , and 〈◊〉 then turkishly and heathenishly ? where is the christian and evangelical fruit ? my dear ●…rethren , s●…ek but the pearl , all you that intend to avoid the ánger of god , look not one upon the life of another , but upon his own ; for it is no more disputing , but either conv●…rt or perish ; the time of disputation and babling , is out , you will get no further w th disputation , but with the regeneration in the spirit of christ , you will reach and obtain the pearl , so that you need never to dispute more . christ , viz. the anointed of god , penetrateth only , or press●…th upon the humanity , not upon all creatures ; he uniteth himself to no creature but man ; he hath also with his incarnation , su●…ering , dying and r●…surrection delivered no creature but man. with the name christ he is become manifest only in the humanity , not in the carthly or heavenly creatures ; th●… earthly and heavenly creatures need no christ , and the h●…llish have none . the man christ is the first that arose from the dead , in the anointing , and is also the first , who in the anointing dyed to the human i●…hood : he is only and alone the lamb of god , in whom god brake his wrath in pieces ; abel and all martyrs are his members , upon whom the breaking death in pi●…ces pr●…ssed or penetrated out of this lamb christ : when christ arose from the d●…ad , then abel also arose in christ's anointing , in christ's humanity , out of christ's death , and lived in the anointing of christ. the christ in the woman's seed was manifest in no saint before christ's birth , but only in the spirit of the deity , in a prophetick manner , and not in a human ma●…ner : by the woman's seed is always understood the paradise which faded or disappeared in adam , viz. the heavenly corporiety from the pure element , and not the four elements ; this was manifest neither in adam nor abel , ●…ill the saviour christ became manifest in the seed . in all men lieth the heavenly image , which disappeared in adam , but it liveth in one , and in another it is unlively . when the wicked turneth himself to god , an●… turneth the will of the soul to god , then is christ out of the disappeared seed born a man and is set before the d●…vil in the outward ●…lesh for a crusher or bruiser of the serpent , which hindreth and breaketh the will of the evil ●…lesh , so that sin is not committed . and then there is a constant enmity christ governeth in his heav●…ly ●…lesh through the outward , and striketh the out●…ard lust to the ground ; then cometh the anger of god into the center of the soul , and will also have its fierce wr●…thful government , and the d●…vil with the false or wicked lust crouds himself thereinto . the thr●… horribl●… chains wherewith our soul is fast bound , during the time of this earthly life , is first t●…e severe anger of god , the abiss and dark world which is the centr●… an●… creaturely life of the soul ; the second is the desire of the devil against the soul , whereby he cont●…ly ●…th a●…d temptet●… the soul , striving to throw it from the truth of god into vanity , viz. into prid●… , coveto●…sness , envy and anger , and with his ●…esire bloweth up an●… kin●…th those ev●…l propertie●… i●… the soul , whereby the will of the soul turne●…h away from , and ●…th into self . the third and ●…ost hurt ful chain is the corrupt and altog●…r vai●… , earthl●… and mortal ●…lesh and blood , full of evil desires an●… incli●…ations . it is then necessary that we convert with our will●… and enter again into the new-birth , and christ giveth us his body to eat , and his blood to drink but not to the man of sin , but to the man in chri●…t new born to life , viz. that from the divine world's ●…ubstance to the paradi●…ical man , which hath a heaven●…y mouth to pertake with . ●…or christ dwelleth in heaven , & ●…eedeth ●…s with his body and blood in the heaven , this heave●… is in man , a●…m ●…th of the four elements , and is ●…ed with evil and good ; a●…am the outward ●…lesh man ●…nneth , the inward man willeth not the sin , therefore saith paul , now if i 〈◊〉 , it is not i that do it , but it is the ●…nful desire which dwelle●…h in the flesh : now therefore with my mind i serve god , and with my flesh the law of sin ; for i do that which i would not , but if i now do it , it is not i that do it , but sin in the flesh. therefore let the christian reader that loveth truth , be warned according to my bounden duty and love will , not to esteem himself perfect , and to set himself in the omnipotent power or virtue of god in the omniscience , and to say he is without sin , and cannot sin . our whole life should be a continual repentance , for it is even a continual sinning ; and though indeed the noble lilly-branch new generated or born in christ's spirit sinneth not ; yet the earthly man in soul and body sinneth , and willeth continually to break or destroy the noble rose-bud again , and altogether obscure it . here is the field where the fruit groweth , let none be perswaded to such slugishness , and to lie on such a soft bed , as to think he is fairly grown , and quite or full blossomed : o no! no , by no means , but continually without ceasing draw divine essence to th●… self , in the greatest humility , from and out of gods love , as a bee doth honey out of the fair blossom of ●…lowers ; for as soon as man is secure or careless , and thinketh he is holy honey , then the devil bringeth to him poyson in the vanity which the own self will in own self lust or longing 〈◊〉 into ●…t self . as soon as the soul eateth of it self , and of the light of reason , it goeth on in its own opinion , and then its doings which it sets for divine , are but from the outward 〈◊〉 , which presently then layeth hold on the soul , and maketh it dry , and then the soul goeth on in ●…rrors , till it yield it self up again into resignation , an●… acknowledging it self anew to be a defiled ch●…ld , resiste●…h reason , and so getteth the love of god aga●…n , which i●… harder to do now , then it was at first , for the devil bringeth in strong doubts , he will not easily leave his ●…ort of prey . this may be seen clearly in the saints of god from the beginning of the world , that many who have been driven by the spirit of god , have yet often-times departed from 〈◊〉 into self , viz. into their own reason and will , in which satan hath cast then into sins , and into the anger of god. the will of the soul must therefore continue close to resigned humility , and sink into nothing , viz. into the deepest humility i●… the sight of god. also a man in this world should not desire to kno●… his hol●…ness , but continually draw sap out of his tree christ , and commit and leave it to the tree what kin●… of branch or twig that will generate out of him . why do we so long contend about knowledge ? indeed knowledge is not alone the way to blessedness 〈◊〉 salvation : the devil knoweth more then we , but wh●… doth that a vail him ? for that i know much , affordeth 〈◊〉 no joy ; but that i love my saviour jesus , and co●…tinually desire him , that affordeth me joy ; for the desiring is a receiving . let not the dear and worthy christendom think , 〈◊〉 now it doth seem as if she should go to wrack and 〈◊〉 that it is utterly undone ; no , the spirit of the lord hosts hath out of his love planted a new branch in 〈◊〉 human property which shall root out the tho●…ns of the dev l , and make known his child jesus to all nations , tongues and speeches , and that in the morning of the eternal day . a christian is of no sect , he can dwell in the midst of sects , and also appe●…r in their services , and yet adhear and be addicted to no sect ; he hath but one knowledge only , that is , christ in him , and he putteth all his knowing and willing into the l●…fe of christ. john , as the teacher of christ , in christ's stead , must provide for the outward mother , according to the outward man , and seed and teach the lambs of christ with christ's spirit : and it doth exactly shew us how the outward man is not god's mother ; for christ doth seperate himself from his outward mother , and gives her unto john , and therefore they do very ill that honour and worship the outward mother of christ for god's mother . the whole true christendom is christ's mother , which beareth christ in her , and john viz the servants [ and ministers ] of christ are his nurses , which take care for the mother of christ , as john did . all whatsoever the jews did to christ outwardly , the same was a type of the inward , viz. how it went between god and the humanity , viz. between the eternity and time ; the jews gave him gall and vinegar in his thirst , both these properties are a mercury in the sulpher of saturn , viz. in the impression ; this is even the type and full resemblance of the souls property , as it is in it self alone devoid of the other loveproperties . god gave this property of the soul again into his love , the death into the lise , wh●…reupon the soul-like fire and dark world became an excee●…ing ●…riumphant joyful paradisical life and here the champion upbraided death and hell , viz. the dark world in the soul and said . death where is thy sting now in man ? hell , where is now thy victory in the wrath of thy poyson-source ? in the expressed word or mercury all is now dead : o death am to thee a death ; hell i am to thee a conquero●… thou must serve me for the kingdom of joy : tho●… shalt be my servant and minister to the kingdom 〈◊〉 joy : thou shalt enkindle the flames of love with th●… wrath , and be a cause of the spring ●…n paradise . the dear love 〈◊〉 and meekness did suffer it self be scorned mocked , 〈◊〉 upon , and judged by the anger , 〈◊〉 is , the jews must execute the iustice of god , for by 〈◊〉 self-action sin was committed , an●… by man's self-action 〈◊〉 and sin must be blotted out . adam had introduced his 〈◊〉 into the poyson of the outward mercury ; even so must 〈◊〉 viz. the love , freely give up its will also into the 〈◊〉 poysonful mercury : adam did eat of the evil tree , 〈◊〉 must eat of god's anger ; and as it went inwardly in 〈◊〉 spirit , so likewise outwardly in the flesh. upon the mount of olives the heavenly world in the 〈◊〉 did wrestle with the anger in the human world , viz. 〈◊〉 the self-hood , so that the person of christ did sweat 〈◊〉 sweat ; even there the one was dismayed at the other , 〈◊〉 love at the horrible death whereinto it should and 〈◊〉 wholly yield and give in it self with the divine essentiality and be swallowed up by the anger , and the anger [ 〈◊〉 dismayed ] at its death , in that it must lose its might 〈◊〉 the love. hence the whole person of christ said , father if it 〈◊〉 possible , let this cup pass from me ; yet not as i 〈◊〉 but thy will be done . the love-world in christ said , 〈◊〉 it not be but that i must drink down the cup of thy anger then thy will be done . and the anger said , if it be possible let this cup of love pass from me , that i may revenge 〈◊〉 self , and rage in the wrath of man for his disobedience 〈◊〉 as god said to moses , who stood in the spirit of christ 〈◊〉 a type of christ before god , let me alone , that i may devour this disobedient people : but the name 〈◊〉 which had incorporated it self in paradise , with the promise of the woman's seed in the aim of the human 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 covenant would not suffer him ; for the humility of 〈◊〉 name jesus hath always interposed against the wrath of 〈◊〉 father , against his fires property , that his fire might 〈◊〉 enkindle the half poysonful mercury in man , save only 〈◊〉 some times , when israel walked wholly in the wrath and ●…isobedience , as is to be seen by corah , dathan and abi●…am , and by elias . now from the tryal of the combat of the love and anger ●…gainst each other proceeded also the temptation of christ ; 〈◊〉 was tryed in the temptation , of which property man would 〈◊〉 , whether of the father 's in the fire , or of the son's 〈◊〉 the light of love ; here the whole property of christ's ●…erson was tempted , the devil said , as he had also said unto ●…dam , eat of the evil and good : hast thou not bread ? ●…hen make bread of stones : why dost thou hunger so 〈◊〉 in thy own property ? then said the divine desire , 〈◊〉 liveth not of bread alone , but of every vvord of god. when the devil saw that in this he had no success , that ●…he humanity would not give way to depart out of the 〈◊〉 out of god's will he carried the humanity upon an ●…igh mountain , and shewed it all the riches of the world . 〈◊〉 whatsoever doth live and move in the express word , all ●…he dominions and might in the outward nature , over which he calleth himself a pri●…ce , but hath only the one part ●…n the wrath of death in poss●…ssion , and said unto it [ un●…erstand , to the human pr●…per●…y ] if thou fallest down and worship me , i will give thee all this . here it was tryed , therefore said the devil . viz. the ar●…anist in god's anger unto christ , that he should fall down ●…nd worship him and then he would give him all dominions , power and glory , he should and might do what he please : he 〈◊〉 live and delight in his own self-will , and fore-go re●…gnation ; and if this had come to pass then had the fair ●…nstrument been once again broken , and the human melody in god's love and deeds of wonder had ended , but christ said . get thee hence satan , it is written , thou shalt worship the lord thy god , and serve him only . then the de●… left him , and the angels came and ministred unto him . christ called the devil a prince of this world , but 〈◊〉 devil hath neither the kingdom of god , nor the kingdom 〈◊〉 this world in possession , this world is not his own , but he is 〈◊〉 poorest creature in this world●… and hath only the wraths 〈◊〉 in possession , the other profiteth him nothing ; thus he is the world , and also not in the world ; he thought to be pri●… and is so in the same property in the wicked , and also in 〈◊〉 government in the world in the wrath : he must lo●…k wh●… turba magna is enkindled in the wrath , and there 〈◊〉 busie so far as turba magna goeth in the wrath , fur●… his courage is cooled . of outward government and dominion . when god blessed noah through the o●…-spring , 〈◊〉 ceeding from the covenant , and bad them be fr●…sui ; he gave them again the whole world , with all its 〈◊〉 in possession , and gave them all 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 and fowls common , with no distinction , restriction or 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 only that they should not eat th●…ir lif●… in the blood , le●…t 〈◊〉 should become monstro●…s in their li●…e , with eating the 〈◊〉 of the beast . god commanded them to rule over all the beasts and cr●…tures , but in this place ●…e 〈◊〉 them no p●…culiar 〈◊〉 er ruling power over one ano●… ; for all domina●…ion 〈◊〉 rule and authority , wher●… one man rul●…th over anot●… doth a●…ise from or through the order of nature , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 its properties according to the 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 dominion of the 〈◊〉 under the constellations or astru●… the true image of god hath no other dominion 〈◊〉 members , then the b●…dy 〈◊〉 in i●…s members . or the 〈◊〉 in its branches ; but the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from the s●…rs ●…our elements mak●…th 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a dominion and gover●… according to its mother , whence it taketh it rise , and 〈◊〉 in it liveth . here ●…ote , all war and cont●…ntion ariseth from ●…ominion of god's anger ; the warrior is a servant of god's anger ; he is the ax wherewith the angry husband-man cuts up the thorns and bryars from off his ground : god's anger according to his fire's property , will have it so , and not his love ; and he that suffers himself to be made use of thereto , he serveth the anger of god , according to the dark and fireworld's desire and property which in the heavy fall of adam , hath manifested it self in the human property , and brought man , viz. the angelical image into an half devilish vizard and likeness . of human propagation . although honest marryed people beget children , and joyn themselves together with love-desire ; yet it hath no●… this meaning or understanding , that the imagination or desire of man and wife is holy , and that christ's spirit driveth on the imagination . the imagination ariseth out of the tinctures , which ●…indle the mercury with their lust , and the mercury kindleth the spirit of the life , and now existeth the lust and will in the heart , viz. a vekement des●…re ; the tenderer the complexion is , the nobler also is the tincture in its swee●… desire . but if also it be shot with a fiery dart in venus's desire , then 〈◊〉 the life kindled . so that it is as it were more then half 〈◊〉 with love-thoughts ; and yet knoweth not what hath ●…appened to it . must all this be holy ? then would the secret whoredoms also be holy ; whereas indeed the dart often goeth forth in false or wicked lust. and though it be at best , yet it is a thing that is in all ●…easts , it is natural ; and when men will give it the best ●…nd rightest name , then it is called an abomination before god's ●…oliness , being a thing existed out of sin , through adam's fall ; which indeed is born withal under divine pa●…iente , seeing it cannot be otherwise , of which we could take ●…any examples in the holy scriptures . look upon the people of israel , when god would give them ●…he law on mount sinai , and manifest or reveal himself with his voice , then he commanded the young people whic●… were loaden with such burning lusts , to abstain from the●… wives ; and that pointed not only at the marriage-work , bu●… also at the imagination . christ therefore be●…ame a man without the helping or co-working or concurrence of any man or husband , that he might bring us forth out of this ab●…mination before god , through 〈◊〉 holy incarnation or becoming man : he became such a v●…rgin like child , with both the tinctures one in another , with ou●… self-love , that he might bring our rent in himself in●…o one . and this is the abomination , in the marriage-work , th●… the s●…ed is unclean in the conjunction of both t●…e tincture●… when they are brought together into one ; [ indeed ] it is th●… property of the eternal joyfulness , when the seed goeth fort●… viz. of the highest desiring and fulfilling ; if that might 〈◊〉 done without abomination , then it were ●…oly ; but the sulpher in the seed is an abomination before the holiness . it is not in the power of the imagination of the flesh , bu●… in the pure love-desire of c●…astity and faithfulness whe●… two joyn their minds together in the marriage band , an●… give up their love and faithfulness one to another to be the●… own , and desire to be one heart and will ; there the spir●… of christ is the love band ; and here now is rightly the thing , increase or multiply , and be fruitful . the marriage-work , according to the outward man , 〈◊〉 not holy , but according to the inward , it is holy , in th●… children of the saints , but not in beastial vessels ; 〈◊〉 marriage-work in it self , if it be done ordinately , is not 〈◊〉 ful , for it is driven on by god's officer , nature , and bo●… withal under divine patience . of the serpent that deceived adam , and of all created things . when god said , let all sorts of beasts come fort●… each according to h●…s property [ or kind ] th●… came forth beasts out of every property of nature , as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 manifest in the severation [ of the 〈◊〉 kingdoms , viz. ti●… 〈◊〉 eternity ] when god moved himself to the creation ; for ●…he . devil would domineer over the love and meekness of god , and put his desire also into the anger , that is into the austeer might , where the poyson-life ariseth , viz. into the fiat of the wrathful property , out of which form are proceeded vipers , serpents , toads , and other venomous worms ; not that the devil hath made them , that he cannot ; only as the desire was in the impression of the ●…iat , such also was the creature in the evil and good . for in those poysonful beasts the highest tincture is to be found , if they be reduced into an oily substance , and the wrath of mercury seperated ; for all life both external and internal consists in poyson and light , as we understand that the wrath and anger-fire of god is a cause of the divine joyfulness : the like also me are to know externally ; for all life devoid of the poysonful mercury . is amort and abominate , and accounted as dead : now mercury is the kindler of the fire , and every moving life consists in the fire ; and albeit some creatures live in the water , yet fire is their life . in the highest mercury is the highest sharpest proof of all things ; the more poyonful a thing is , the more sharply is proveth a thing ; for the sharpest taste and smell consists in the greatest poyson . viz. in a dying source . now we are to consider of the serpent which deceived adam with his craft ; the kingdom of wrath , and also the outward kingdom was manifest in the serpent , for it was more subtil then any beast of the field , and this subtilty eve desired . the devil was a fair angel , and the serpent the subtile beast , and man the likeness of the deity : now all three were corrupted by imagination and pride , and got the curse of god for their false lust [ or ●…unning . ] all whatsoever is eternal , proceedeth originally from one ground , as angels and souls ; but the serpent is not out of the eternal ground , but out of the beginning of time ; all things were good in the beginning , also the devil was 〈◊〉 while he was an angel ; so also the serpent [ was good in i●… creation before the curse . ] but being the devil went into the highest fire 's desire , god parted from him as a light that is put out , or extinguished in a candle , and afterwards he lived according to his own desire . but seeing he knew that there was such a tincture in the serpent , and the serpent being created out of the beginning of time ; therefore he insinuated with his desire into the serpent , and took possession of the serpent's tincture , and wrought forth his desire through the serpent against man , to introduce him to long after the serpent's property ; for the serpent's tincture was from both originals , viz. out of the deadly mercury , from the dying in the fire , viz. from the coldness in the impression , and then also from the wrathful [ fiery property in the impression ] the cold impression is earthly , which ariseth from the wrath , viz. from the dying in the wrath in the impression ; and the fiery [ impression ] ariseth from the quick poyson of mercury , in which ●…roperty the spirit 's life consisteth . thus adam and eve was infected with the devil's desire through the serpent , viz. through the earthly deadly property , and also [ through ] the wrathful living property of god's wrath , according to the devil 's own property , and was inflamed in his divine oyl , that is , in the heavenly essentiality ; even then the divine light which shone out of the divine body of the heavenly essentiality was extinct in him , for the curse ●…oized upon the soul. now god's cursing is a withdrawing , viz. the divine power which was in the body departed into its own principle , and his holy oyl [ wherein the power of god dwelt , and had made a kingdom of joy , viz. the paradise ] became a poyson . thus adam dyed unto god , and lived to death ; nere it was necessary that god should regenerate him , and ●…herefore the serpent was cursed , because it had served and willingly obeyed the devil . we declare with good ground , that there is nothing so bad , but there lieth a good therein , but the badness is not capable of the good : also , there lieth in the most poysonful mercury the greatest pearl and jewel , if his poyson-will may be introduced into the same , then he himself manifests the pearl , for he changeth himself . the power of the most-high hath given to all things , even to every one according to its property , a fixt perfection ; for all was very good , as mos●…s saith , but with the curse the turba is introduced , so that the properties do stand in the strife of mercury , yet in each property in every herb , or whatsoever is [ i say ] in whatsoever doth grow , or arise out of the walm of the four elements , there is a fixity hidden ; for all things which are in the four elements , are originally sprung forth out of the eternal element , in which there is no strife , neither heat nor cold , but all things were in equal weight , of all the properties in a love-play , as it is even so now in paradise ; and the same paradise sprung forth in the beginning of this world [ before the curse ] through the earth : thus it is also yet hidden in all things , and may be opened by understanding and art , so that the first virtue may overcome the inflamed malignity . albeit we men have not full power to do it in self-might , yet it may be done in god's permission , who hath again turned his mercy towards us , and again opened paradise , and its comprehension in man : hath god given us power to become his children , and to rule over the world ? wherefore then not over the cur●…e of the earth ? let none hold it for impossible , there is required only a divine understanding and knowledge thereunto , which shall blossom in the time of the lilly , and not in babel , for whom we also have not written . whatsoever groweth , liveth and moveth in th●… wo●…ld consisteth in sulpher , and mercury is the life 〈◊〉 sulpher and the salt is the corporeal beeing of merc●… his hunger . sulpher is the mother of all spirituality and corporality , mercury manageth the dominion therein , and sol is the house of its habitation , which mercury it se●… maketh i●… sulp●…r . reason ariseth in the oyl of the sulpher , wherein t●…e constellation giveth its desire . viz. the essence of ●…ts property , whence forth-with the sences and thoughts do ari●…e . there are especially seven forms or properties in nature [ which are before described ] both in the eternal and external natu●…e ; for the external proceeds from the eterna●… : the 〈◊〉 ent philosophers have given names unto the seven planets , according to the seven forms o●… nature , but they have understood thereby for another thing , not only the seven stars but the seven-fold properties in the ●…eneration of all essences : there is not any thing in the beeing of all beeings , but it hath the seven properties in it , for they are the wheel of the centre , the cause of the sulpher , in which mercury maketh the boyling in the anguish-source . these seven ●…orms or properties make in themselves a three-fold spirit . viz. a vegita●…ive , sensitive and rasional ; the vegitative consists in the four elements , the ●…ensitive in the seven ●…orms of nature , and the rationative in the constellation , but the understanding proceeds only from god , for it ariseth out of the eternal nature ; all life whatsoever which hath its limit in the expressed word , doth consist in sol , sulpher and mercury , for therein consists the seven properties of every life of this world ; and also the spirit of vegitation , sensation and reason . when i speak of sulpher , mercury and salt , i speak of one only thing , be it either spiritual or corporeal , all created things are that one thing , but each thing in its difference of the first beginning , according as the property in the verbum fiat hath imprinted it self in each thing ; so is that kind in its propagation , and all things stand in the seed and procreation ; and there is not any thing but it hath a fixity in it , be it either hidden or manifest , for all shall stand to the glory of god. what soever is arisen from the eternal ●…ixity , as angels , and the souls of men , doth remain undestroyable in its fixt beeing ; but whatsoever is arisen in the unfixt beeing , viz. with the motion of time , that doth again enter into the first motion , whe●…ce it hath taken its original , and is a map of its form , which it had here like a picture , or as in an image in a glass without life ; for so it was from eternity before the times of this world , which the most-high hath introduced into an image into the comprehensible natural life in time , to behold the great wonders of his vvisdom in a creatural beeing , as we plainly see . for we cannot say , that this world was made out of something , it was only and barely a desire out of the free lube●… , that the abiss , viz. the highest good or beeing viz. the eternal vvill would behold it self in the lubet as in a glass , therefore the eternal vvill hath conceived the lubet , and brought it into a desire , which hath impressed it self , and figurized and corporized it self both to a body and spirit , according to the same impress on 's propery . this impression is the only manifestation of the mystery , and is called nature and essence , for it manifests what hath been from eternity in the eternal vvill. a few words shewing how lovely and graciously the 〈◊〉 virgin sophia in the inward ground of man , [ viz. th●… spirit of christ in the new birth out of his humanity i●… us ] presen●…h her self to her bridegroom , the soul , 〈◊〉 it entreth into repentance ; and how the soul behav●… it self towards her , when virgin sophia appeareth to i●… . the gates of the paradisical garden of roses . when christ the corner-stone stirreth himself in the extinguished image of man in his hearty conversion & repentance , then virgin sophia appeareth in the stirring of the spirit of christ in the extinguished image in her virgins attire before the soul , at which the soul is so amazed and astonished at its uncleanness , that all its sins immediately awake in it , and tremble a●…d shake before her : for then the judgment passeth upon the sins of the soul , so that it even goeth back in its unworthiness , and is ashamed in the presence of its fair love and entreth into ●…t self , denying it self as utterly unworthy to receive such a jewel . this i●… understood by them who are of the tribe , and have casted this jewel , and to none else . the soul saith to its noble sophia , its love , that is born again in the soul ; o my noble pearl and opened flame of my light in my anxious fiery life ! o how thou changest me into th●… joy ! o beautiful love ! i have broken my faith with thee to my father adam and with my fiery strength have turned my self to the pleasure and vanity of the ou●…ward world , and ●…ave fallen in love wit●… a stranger , and had been constrain●…d to walk in the valley of darkness in this strange love , if thou had●… not come to me into the house of my misery in thy great faithful●…ess , by thy pierceing thorough and destroying god's anger , hell and dark death , and restored thy meekness and love to my siery life . o sweet love ! thou hast brought the water of eternal life out of the fountain of god with thee to me , and refreshed me in my great thirst : i behold in thee t●…e mercy of god , which was hidden from m●… be●…ore by the strange love ; in thee i can rejoyce , thou changest my anguish of fire to be great joy to me . o aimable love : give me t●…y pearl , that i may continue in this joy forever . upon this the noble sophia answereth the soul , & saith ; my noble bridegroom , my strength and power ! why hast thou forgotten me so long , that i have been constrained in great grief to stand ●…ithout the door & knock ? my dear love and faithful treasure , thou highly rejoycest me in thy beginning ! i have indeed broken into thee through the deep ●…ates of god , through god's anger , through hell and death , into the house of thy misery , and have graciously bestowed my love upon thee , and delivered thee from the chains and bands wherein thou wast fast boun●… ; i have kept my ●…aith with thee : but thou desir●…st now an exceeding great thing of me which i will not willingly ve●…ture with ●…eethou wouldst have my pearl as th●… proper own : remember , i pray , o my belove●… bridegroom ! that thou didst carelesly lose it before in adam , and besides , thou standest yet in great danger , and walkest in two dangerous kingdoms , viz. in the original ●…ire , thou walkest in that country , wherein god calleth himself a strong ●…ealous ●…od , and a consuming fire . the other kingdom thou walkest in , is in the outward world , the air. wherein thou dwellest in the vain corrupt flesh and blood , where the pleasure of the world , & the assaults of the devil pass over thee every hour , thou mayst perhaps ●…n thy great jo●… bring earthliness again into my beauty , and darken my pearl : thou mayst also perhaps , grow proud as lucifer did , when he had the pearl in his possess on , and so mayst turn thy self away from the ha●…mony of god , and then i must afterwards be deprivo●… of my love forever . i will keep my pearl in my self , and dwell in the heaven in thee , in thy extinguished , but now in me revived humanity , and reserve my pearl for paradise , until tho●… puttest away this earthliness from thee , and then●… will give it thee to possess . but i will readily affo●… and present my countenance to thee , and the swee●… rayes of the pearl , during the time of this earthly life . i will dwell with the pearl in the inner quire , and b●… thy faithful loving bride : i will not espouse my se●… with thy earthly flesh , for i am a heavenly queen , m●… kingdom is not of this world , yet i will not cast th●… outward life away , but visit it often with my rayes o●… love , for thy outward humanity shall return again ; but i will not have the beast of vanity , neither did go●… create it in adam , with a purpose to have it so gro●… and earthly , but in adam thy desire through lust form ed this beastial groseness from , and with all the essence of the awakened vanity of the earthly property , wherein heat and cold , pain , enmity and desolution consisteth . now my dear love and bridegroom , yield but th●… self up into my will , i will not forsake thee in this eart●… ly life in thy danger , though the anger of god shou●… pass upon thee , so that thou shouldst grow afright●… and disheartned , or shouldest think that i had forsake thee . yet i will be w●…th thee and preserve thee , for tho●… thy self knowest not what thine office is ; thou must 〈◊〉 this time work , and bear fruit ; thou art the root this tree , branches must be produced out of thee , whi●… must all be brought forth in anguish : but i came for together with thy branches in their sap , and bring for●… fruit upon thy boughs , and thou knowest it not ; for t●… most-high hath so ordered that i should dwell with a●… in thee . involve thy self therefore in patience , and take he●… of the pleasure of the flesh , break the will and desire thereof , bridle it as an unruly horse , and then i will often visit the●… in thy fiery essence . o noble bridegroom ! stand still with thy countenance towards me , and give me thy rayes of fire , bring thy desire into me , and kindle me , and then i will bring the rayes of my love from my meekness into thy fiery essence , and kiss thee forever . i will bring a garland for thee out of paradise , with me , for a token of my love , and put it upon thee , in which thou shalt rejoyce : but i give thee not my pearl for a possession during this time : thou must continue in resignation , and hearken what the lord playeth in thy harmony in thee : moreover thou must give sound and essence to thy tune out of my strength and virtue , for thou art now a messenger of his mouth , and must set forth his praise and glory . o kiss me with thy desire in thy strength and power , and then i will shew thee all my beauty , and will rejoyce and delight my self with thy sweet love and shining brightness in thy fiery life ; but the crown of pearl wherewith i crowned thee , i have laid that aside for thee , thou must wear it no more till thou art become pure in my sight . the soul saith further to the noble sophia ; o thou fair and sweet consort ! what shall i say before thee ? let me only be commended unto thee , i cannot preserve my self ; if thou wilt not now give me thy pearl , i leave it to thy will ; give me but thy rayes of love , and carry me through this pilgrimage . i am satisfied now that i know thou art with me in all my troubles , and will not forsake me . o gracious love ! i turn my fiery countenance to thee : o fair crown ! fetch me quickly into thee , and bring me sorth from unquietness : i will be thine forever , and never ●…part from thee . conclusion . man is the greatest arcanum , or secret mistery that god ever wrought , he hath the figure and is the similitude , shewing how the deity hath exgenerated it self from eterni●…y out of the si●…rce wrath out of the fire , by the sin●…ing through death into another principle , of another source o●… q●…ity . 〈◊〉 is he also exgenerated out of death again , and grow●… ou●… o●… d●…ath again into another principle , of another source and q●…lity and virtue , or power , wherein 〈◊〉 is quite free from ear●…hliness . and it is very good that we are with the earthly part falle●… home to the earth , inasmuch as we also retain the divine part ; for so we are wholly pure , and come wholly perfect without any lust. sugg●…ion or infection of the devil into the kingdom of god again ; and are a much greater arcanum , or secret mistery then the angels . we shall also , as to the heavenly substantiality , excel them , for they are flames of fire throughly illustrated with the light , but we attain the great source or quality of the meekness and love , which floweth forth in god's holy substantiali y. therefore they do very wrongfully and fasl●… , who say , god wille●…h not to have all men in ●…eaven ; he willeth that all should be saved or helped , the fault is in man himself , that 〈◊〉 will not su●…er himself to be saved or helped . and although many be of an evil inclination . that proceedeth not from god , but from the mo●…er o●… nature ; if they lay the blame on god , they lye , god's spirit with-draweth it self from no man. the noble 〈◊〉 them standeth hidden in the noble centre ●…n the divine principle ; and they can very well with their ●…illing , go forth out of the earth●…y substance and malicc , o●… wick●… , into the willing of god. but they wilfully and obstinately let the fierce wrath held them ; for the proud stately self-honouring life pleaseth them too well , and that holdeth them also . after this time there is no 〈◊〉 more ; but in this time , while the soul swimeth and burneth in the blood , it may welt be , for the spirit of god goeth upon the wings of the wind. god is become man. the spirit of go●… goeth with the willing into the soul , it de●…reth the soul , it setteth its magia towards the soul , the soul needs only to open the door , and so it goeth voluntarily in , and openeth the noble grain to the tree of the christian-faith . cast away your evil or wickedness , and enter into meekness , press into the truth and love , and yield thy self up to god , and so thou wilt be saved or helped . thou wilt s●…y , i am kept back that i cannot . yes indeed , that is right , thou willest to have it so ; the devil also would have it so . art thou a champion ? why dost thou not strive or fight against the evil ? but if thou sirivest or sightest against the good , thou art an enemy to god. art thou an enemy ? then thou art no friend ; if thou be a friend , then forsake thy enmi●…y and hatred , and go to the father , and so thou art a son. if thou sayest , i am of an evil source or quality , and cannot , i am kept back . very well , let the evil source or quality be as it is , but go thou with thy will-spirit into god's love-spirit , and give up thy self into his mercy . thou wilt once well be ●…reed from the evil source or quality . concerni●…g the evil body , which sticketh full of evil affections , there is not much to be done ; if it be inclined to evil , do it the less good , give it no occasion to wantonness . to keep it in subjection , is a good remedy ; to be sober , and to lead a temperate life , is a good purgation for the evil ass ; not to give it that it lusteth after , to let it fast often , so that it may not hinder prayer , that is good for it : it is not willing , but the understanding must be lord. for it be●…reth god's image — this latine doth not relish well 〈◊〉 the ●…ional world in the lusts of the flesh. reader , who lovest god , know that a man is the tru●… similitude of god , which god highly loveth and manifeste●… himself in this similitude , as in his own ; god is in man the middlemost . but he dwelleth only in himself ; and if it be so , that the spirit of man become one spirit with him , then he manifesteth himself in the humanity , viz. in the mind , thoughts ●…nd de●…rings , so that the mind feeleth him . else in this world he is very much too subtil to be beheld by us , only the thoughts behold him in the spirit , understand , in the willing spirit ; for the will sendeth the though●… into god , and god giveth himself into the thoughts . and then the thoughts bring the power of god to the will , and the will receiveth them with joy , but with trembling [ or quaking ] for it acknowledgeth it self unworthy , seeing it proceedeth out of a rough lodging , viz. out of a wavering ●…ind ; and therefore it receiveth ●…he power in the sinking down before god. thus out of its triumph , cometh a soft gentle meekness to be , that 〈◊〉 , god's true substance , and it apprehendeth that ●…ery substance : and that conceived or apprehended substan●… is in the willing , the heavenly body , and is called the true 〈◊〉 right faith , which the will hath received in the pow●… of god , the same sinketh or demerseth it self into the mind , and 〈◊〉 in the fire of the soul. thus the image of god is entire or total , and god seeth or 〈◊〉 himself in such a similitude . and so now faith is not an historical knowledge , for men 〈◊〉 make articles of it , and to depend only on them , and to 〈◊〉 his mind into the works of his reason : true faith 〈◊〉 the might of god , one spirit with god ; for the holy spirit moveth in the spirit of faith. we would have the reader , that loveth god , faithfully warned from our gifts and deep knowledge : and we have very earnestly and faithfully presented you the ●…ay of the truth , and of the light , and we admonish you all christianly to consider of it , and to read it diligently , it hath its fruit in it self . hallalujah , amen . thus [ christian reader ] have i in part , according to my gift , answered the wish and desire of one of the laborious and worthy translators of jacob 〈◊〉 writings , who speaking thereof , saith , — it were well that all were brought into one , and the rest laid aside , for the multiplicity causeth strife and wrong confused apprehensions , by reason of the catching conceits and conjectures of reason , which is not able to dis●…ern or look into the centre and depth of the mystery , so that reason suppos●…h many times it is contradictory , whereas it is not all contradictory , but fully agrees in one in the depth . yet know , there is but a glimpse of the mysteries in these writings , for a man cannot write them : he that is found worthy of god to have the light enkindled in his soul , he sha●… see , taste , smell , hear and feel unspeakable ●…hings concerning this knowledge . he that this author's works doth read , a divine light in 's heart doth need . or else his reason will but stray , and grope for light in the mid-day . but none will him censure or scorn , that is truly of sophia born . wise solomon saith , happy is the man that sindeth wisdom , and the man that getteth understanding ; for the merchandize of it , is better then the merchandize of silver , 〈◊〉 the gain thereof than fine gold , &c. a treatise of the four complections ; and of the causes of fear and sadness ; 〈◊〉 the astonishment and anguish 〈◊〉 [ about spiritual things . ] also of the two king●… or qualities . written by jacob beheme , 1621. all sadness and fear wherewith a man terrifies and amazeth himself , is in his inward man , from the soul ; for the outward spirit , which hath its original from the stars and elements , is not in this sort troubled , because he lives in his mother which bore him : but the poor soul is with adam entred into a forreign harbour , viz. into the spirit of this world , wherewith the beautiful creature is vail●… and captivated , as in a darksom prison . now the spirit of this world hath four sorts of lodgings , wherein the 〈◊〉 jewel is shut up ; 〈◊〉 these four there is but one 〈◊〉 manifest to one man , as 't is with the four 〈◊〉 , which every man hath in himself , and is him●…lf the same beeing . except his soul , which is not of that essence , though it lie as a prisoner in it : and of th●… four lodgings or images one only hath the 〈◊〉 in his life , the 〈◊〉 of them are ; 1. cholorick ; 2. 〈◊〉 ; 3. phlegmatick ; 4. melancholy . the first , viz. chol●… , is of the ●…ire's property , causes a stout courage , 〈◊〉 anger , swelling pride , self-willedness , 〈◊〉 of others . this image shines after the outward world in a 〈◊〉 light , labours after the 〈◊〉 , and will always be a lord. is the soul's lif●… 〈◊〉 [ 〈◊〉 ] with the cholerick complexi●… then is it fiery , furious , 〈◊〉 and fretting , 〈◊〉 to fury and 〈◊〉 ; and if the soul imagin therein , then doth it yet more vehemenly kindle and enflame the complexion , the soul it ●…lf being of a fiery nature . then become these follo●… dispositions operative in such a man , viz. anger . pride , an ambit●…ous desire to bring all men in subjection under him ; he is an insulter over [ despiser of ] those that be in misery , and a tyrant over those that are in subjection to him ; he cares not though he dye in anger , except it come to pass that the stars hinder , which oft joyning themselves with the complexion lay a barr in the way , and hinder many things . there is great danger in this complexion , if the soul live according to the outward imagination , and the band is the harder [ stronger ] there being one fiery essence linked to another . the fierce devil hath a powerful approach to this complexion , for the ●…ire's property is his servant ; the devil is also proud and envious , so is this complexion . o! how hardly is the soul freed , if it be once throughly kindled and enflamed in this property the devil need●… not assaut it with temptation , it danceth willingly after his pipe ; it is not easily sad , because it hath a fiery light in 〈◊〉 complexion , and thinks alwayes that 't is the divine light , and its ways are holy and good ; but as long as the soul goes no higher then the complexion ; 't is a proud envious wrathful violent oppressing will or spirit . the soul desires in its pomp to make a glorious show out of its fiery complexion , and in the height of its pride and arrogance will be reputed holy . o thou devil in an angel's shape ! how dark art thou when the fiery glance of thy complexion comes to be put out by death . now here observe ; the soul eats spiritual meat , namely of the spirit , of the image of the complexions , not altogether their essence , but magically ; it is the kindling of their fire . the complexions in the soul's fire became soulish [ or of a soular property ] they are as ●…ood and fire to each other , understand by wood , the complexion , by fire the soul. now the fire must have fewel , viz. either the outward complexion , or a divine essentiality of god's nature , of one of these must it eat or dye , but 't is not possible for it to perish , seeing it is a desire , and where there is a desiring there is also a beeing , the desire makes a beeing to it self . by this we understand , whence ariseth such a differrence in the wills and actions of men : for what the soul eats , and wherein its fire-life is kindled thereafter , doth the life of the soul exercise its regiment . if the soul goes out of its complexion , into god's love-fire into the heavenly essentiality [ which is christ's corporiety , according to the angelical light-world ] then it eats of christ's heavenly flesh , of his eternal essentiality , of the mildness of the majestick light , in which the fire of god the father in the glance [ resplendance of the light ] makes a tincture in the same essentiality in the water-fountain of everlasting life , whereof christ speaks , saying , that he would give us such water to drink . when the soul eats of god's word , the complexion , according to the outward life , becomes powerful , and as it were captive , though it live in it self . but the soul is so stedfast and faithful before god's love , which alone comes to help it [ in the combat ] that oft when it eats of god's love and essence , then it induceth a triumph , and a divine taste into the complexion it self , that the whole body begins to be rouzed up into a trembling , and height of joy , as if paradise were now approaching ; but his condition proves not durable , for the soul is shortly after over-shadowed with something of another nature , which is insinuated into the complexion by the outward imagination , by the spirit of the great world , whereof the soul makes a looking-glass . and begins to contemplate in it with its outward imagination . thus goes the soul out from the spirit of god , and is oft bemired in the dirt , were it not that the virgin vvisdom of god should call her again . to conversion , which is here set down for a looking-glass for souls . but to return : 2dly ; the sanguine complexion is mild , lucid and cheerful after the airs property , easie , gentle and lovely , and resembles much the [ inward ] life [ whence these properties flow into the outward man. ] if the soul be cloathed with this complexion , and will fix its imagination and life in it , then doth it demean it self friendly , is also subtil , desirous to try many things . it likewise comes to pass , whatsoever the constellations models forth , it experiments it in its complexion ; it is naturally cheerful , yet soon amazed at the terrors of the fire's power , but in it self it is great in its own conceit without advice ; the complexion gives it a sharp understanding , according to the outward spirit : it doth not ordinarily transgress through anger : it is soon lifted up into a heighth of spirit , and as soon cast down , as the air , easily moveable : it must look well to it self , the devil is much enraged against it , being not able to get much advantage on it [ but ] he endeavours to perplex it with variety of imaginations , that it may not fix its thoughts upon god's kingdom ; ●…e represents strange things to its ●…ancy , for it to spend its time in : and it self delights in various studies . the stars inject their imaginations into the air , and from hence her fancy is filled with many strange wide wandering thoughts : it receives naturally the starry property and knowledge into its ●…ssence . the man converseth humbly , friendly , candidly and peaceably with all men ; yet doth the devil set on his enemies against him , whence he must suffer much , but glides easily like the soft air through all , and seldom is he troubled with much sadness . for he having no fiery complexion burning within his heart , the fiery terrors cannot much corrode his vitals , only let him be careful to preserve himself from unchastity and idolatry , for else by their means the devil will find an ingress into h●…s complexion . 3dly ; when the soul is cloathed with the phelgmatick complexion , and swells up the principle of its life with it . it is of a dull , heavy swinish and rude temper of life and conversation , most perverse and careless ; knowledge must be infused into it by teaching , for it finds it not in its own root . it takes all in good part , troubles not it self with grief , hath a glance of light ; is neither extreamly sad or merry . a man may make any thing out of this complexion , the watry spirit takes any tincture to it self , be it good or bad ; this complexion makes likewise a hypocritical pretence to holyness , and arrogates to it self the repute of an honest righteous life , but 't is not without mixture , and in this it resembles the glittering property of the water . the soul in this complexion is not prone to take much notice of god's wrath and the dark world that lies hid in its centre , but rather bites greedily on the worldly abominations , and hides it elf under the water-glance , supposing it to be the resplendence of the divine light. the devil can introduce all the villanies he exercises in hell it self into this complexion ; and if the stars hinder not , and the soul will give away to it , he gets as much advantage here , as he doth in the ●…ire of the cho●…erick complexion ; for sin here is little regarded , as the water-streams that pass away . he hath power likewise to assault this soul with sadness , whensoever it goes about to oppose him ; for he darkens the water-glance with the sins foulness , which the soul had brought in , and shuts in the soul in this dark prison , that it cannot behold god : but when the soul with a strong resolution storms the prison-gates , it delivers it self , the devil can subsist here no longer , the complexion is too weak a hold , the fire is his stronger ●…ortress . 4thly ; of the melancholy complexion , and the nature of the sad mind . the melancholy complexion resembles the sad earth , whi●…h stands in perpetual fear before the wrath of god , which came into her in the creation ; rema●…ns constantly in the house of mourning . and even when the sun shines in it , yet it is in it self sorrowful , it receives indeed some refreshment from the sun's glance , but in the dark ; the melancholy nature is alwayes in fear and horror of god's judgments . it gives a moderate understanding , yet of deep cogitations : the complexion-chamber stands open , and is capable of much knowledge , if the way be not blocked up by too much sadness . is the soul cloathed with this complexion , and takes nourishment from it ? then doth its fire burn extream dark ; then it is likewise exceeding sad , esteems not much of any worldly pomp , and is by reason of the complexion always in heaviness ; the devil mightily assaults it , being desirous to throw it head-long into the full possession of his kingdom of darkness . for he enters there gladly where darkness has the predominance ; he makes strange representations to the soul and frights it with the thoughts of its own wickedness , that it may dispair of god's grace . if the soul once turn aside from god , and give it self over to the obedience of the complexion , then all whatsoever the stars work in the complexion , is put in execution , and the devil mixeth his imagination therewith . but while it remains in the combat against the sadness of the complexion , there is none among all the four complexions , whereinto less wickedness is introduced ; for it is always in combat against the devil , knowing him to be very near neighbour ; for the darkness is his habitation . therefore doth he so willingly assault the melancholy soul , striving always to keep it either in darkness , or else to throw her down headlong from the hope in god , that it may dispair , and make away it self . for he knows well what the soul can do , if it once kindle god's light in it self , for then it fires his garison over his head , whereupon he remains in great ignominy , and his deceit is made manifest . there is no complexion wherein the devil's will , with all his sly suggestions , lie more open to the clearest discovery [ if the soul be once kindled in god's light ] then in the melancholy , as they that in the storming his fort have felt his onsets , well know . for they then in their enlightned complexion see quickly what a shameless impure harpy he is . after that he desires not to come near the soul , except he finds it secure , and returning to feast it self [ again ] in the house of sin. then he comes as a fawning spaniel . so as the soul knows him not ; strows sugar upon its viands , holds forth to it nothing but shews of friendliness and ●…iety , till he can bring it back again out of god's light into the complexion , that it feed upon its unwholsom sad-making nourishment . o how cunningly doth he lay his nets for the unwary soul , as a fowler for the birds ! oft he frights it in his prayer , [ especially in the night-time , when 't is dark ] injects his imaginations into its , that it thinks now god's wrath ●…eizes upon it , and will throw it into hell : then be makes semblance ●…o have power over the soul , as if it were his , ●…hough indeed he hath not power to touch one hair of the head , except it disappearingly yield it self over into its hands ; he dares neither spiritually take possession of it , nor touch it , only darts his temptations into its imagination , through the complexion . for this is the reason why he so assaults this soul , viz. because the complexion-chamber is dark , for into the light , he cannot intrude his imaginations ; 't is man's sin must give him entrance : but into this complexion he finds an easie and most natural entrance , it being of a nature so near that of his own most desired home , because its dark desire produces darkness , in which fear is an inhabitant by reason of the ●…ild earth , except in this respect , he hath not one spark more of right to , or dominion in this , than the other complexions . he can accomplish in the imagination than only to'a●…right the man , and make ●…aint-hearted , if the soul through dispair do not give over it self to him , then he induceth the man at last to make away himself ; for except the man first cast away himself , he dare not lay hands on him . the soul hath its free choice or will , and if it with-stand the devil , and refuse consent , however des●…rous he be , yet hath he not so much power as to touch the outward sinful body ; 〈◊〉 boasts himself indeed . as if he had this power , but he is 〈◊〉 lyar ; for had he such power , he would soon shew it ; but ●…tis not so , christ by his entrance into death , and hell's ●…kest dungeons , set upon the gate of heaven for all souls , each one hath now a free entrance ; the devil 's ●…rong cords where with he fast bound the soul in adam , is ●…roken assunder by the cross. o how unwillingly does he hear ●…he cross mentioned , which seriously applyed [ in the work ●…f mortification ] is his most deadly pes●…ilence . the devil is ever objecting to the melancholy man , th●…●…niousness of his sins ; and thereupon seeks to perswade ●…im there 's no possibility of attaining god's grace & favour : therefore that it only remains , he disappearing , stab , drown 〈◊〉 hang himself , or murther another , so that he may gain ●…n approach to the soul , otherwise he neither dare , nor can ●…ouch it . he dare not force thee , nor indeed hath he any power to ●…ouch the soul during this life . for christ hath unlock●… the door of grace ; it now stands open , wide to the poor sinner . ●…hile he lives upon the earth , this door of grace stands open ●…n the soul. christ hath in his soul broke open the iron-gate that was ist shut up in god's wrath . now all souls have a communion and correspondance with this soul , they all come from 〈◊〉 , and are altogether one tree , with many branches ; his ●…reaking open of that prison is from him gone forth upon all ●…ouls from adam till the last men ; the door of grace stands open to them all , god hath shut it up to none , but those th●… will needs exclude themselves . the sign or work of his ingress into the man-hood , is manifest to all souls ; the sam●… will be a witness over all ungodly men , in the judgment day which they have despised . though our sins ( saith esaias ) were as red as blood yet stands the door of mercy still open , for in the sinne●… conversion they shall be made as white as the snowy wool. therefore let no soul think the measure of mine iniquities is full , god hath forgotten me , i cannot be saved : no , i●… cannot be so , he hath engraven it in his nail-pierced-hand●… it is a sprig of the great tree of all souls , and 〈◊〉 an invisible commerce and communion with all , as the branch with the tree , while it lives in this world , so long as it is cloa●…ed with flesh and blood , it remains yet in the tree . of the temptation arising from the complexion and influence of the stars . if the inward anguish or terror of soul be not accompany●… with a kind of ( outward ) terrifying astonishment , th●… is the devil not there present , but 't is the souls amazement which is affrighted at the inward risings of the dark abiss , 〈◊〉 principle of god's wrath in it . it thinks of●… , when the melanchol●… complexion is kind●…ed by some angry sower influe●… of the stars , that the devil is there , when indeed there i●… no such matter . when he comes 't is either with vehem●… astonishing terrors , or in an angels behaviour , or rather i●… a flattering posture like a fawning hound . all temptation comes not from the devil , especially wi●… melancholy men ; but the most part of that afflicting sa●…ness comes from the imagination of the soul , which bei●… necessitated to dwell in dark melancholy habitations 〈◊〉 wonder if it be easily surprised with heav●…ess , so as to 〈◊〉 god hath forgotten it , and will have none of it . for the melancholy complexion is dark , and hath no 〈◊〉 of its own , as the other complexions have ; yet is not this du●… ness essential to the soul , but is only its ●…onesom tabern●… ●…uring its pilgrimage here on earth ; nor doth the soul's holiness and righteousness consist at all in the complexion , ●…ut in the inward heavenly principle where god ●…wells : ●…or as st. paul saith , our conversation is in heaven . now this heaven wherein god dwells is not manifest in the outward complexion , but only in it self , viz. in the second principle . it oft happens that the holiest souls are in this manner overwhelmed with sadness , and this not without gods special permission , to the end they may be proved , and strive the more earnestly after that heavenly crown of victory which is given them in this life as a pledge of their everlasting felicity . for when the soul takes heaven as it were by storm , and wins her crown [ the gift of the holy ghost ] after a constant persevering stedfastness in the fiery conflict , her crown of triumph is much more noble and pretious then that which is not obtained till after the bodily death ; for the revelation of jesus christ saith . to him that overcomes will i give to sit with me upon my throne , as i have overcome , and am seated on my father's throne . therefore let no man thus tormented with anguish , imagin with himself in the assaults of the complexion , that it ●…mes from god's wrath , and want of mercy in him , which is a meer sancy of his own complexion in the stars . for we ●…ell see , that the vilest ●…atted swine of the devil's herd , that wallow and bath themselves day and night in the filth of sin , are not so full of sadness , not so assaulted with this kind of temptations , the reason is because they have an outward light in the complexion , wherein they dance before the devil in an angels likeness . so , as long as there is but one little spark of light glimmering in a man's heart , which ●…s god's grace , and would gladly pertake of salvation , the door of gods grace stands yet open . for he who is given over by god , whose sin is come to the full measure , he is not at all soli●…ous after god , man or devil , but is stone-blind runs on carelesly in a course of lightness without fear , ●…s himself upon a customary practice of some outward service of god , goes a beast into the sanctury , and com●… again a beast out ; there is in him no true divine knowledge , but all his religion is a meer outward custom and chimarea of man's brain , which he sets up to himself as an idol , and imbraces it as his holiness . the sorrowful soul troubles and torments it self , because it cannot presently in the point of its des●…re , dig up in it self the fountain o●… the greatest joy , it sighs and bewails its sa●… condition , thinks god will have none of it , when it cannot palpably feel his presence , it sees other men that walk along with it in god's fear , that yet are cheer●…ul enough , and supposing this cheerfulness of theirs proceeds only from a divin●… fountain of love and light in their souls is concei●…ed that 〈◊〉 is not accepted with god , but rather rejec●…d by him , because 〈◊〉 doth no●… presently upon its conversion , which it expected , feel in its heart the like comfortable effects of the refreshing presence of god. before the time of m●… enlightning it went even thus with me , i stood out a hard conflict before i obtained my precious crown of victory , and then did i first learn out this experimental knowledge , th●…t god dwells not in the outward fl●…shly heart , but in the soul's centre in himself ; then was i also first aware of it , that ' 〈◊〉 god which had laid hold on me , and drawn me to him in my first desire , which before i was ignorant of , thinking the good desire had been my own property , and th●… god was indeed far from me : but afterw●…rds i saw him , and rejoyced at the unspeakable grace and love of god , and now write the same for a caveat , that they by no means fain●… or di●…ir when the comfor●… del●…ys his coming but rather think of that of davi●… ; heaviness may endure for a night , but joy cometh in the morning . have a cer●…ain assured con●…idence upon gods promise , and however thy mis-giving heart say , no , yet let not this asfright thee . for to believe is not to be filled with joy in the fles●…ly heart and outwar●… complexion , that the fleshly mind and spirit be so jocond that the very heart and r●…ins leap fo●… joy ; this is not faith , but these are only some love-em●…nations from the holy ghost within , a divine lightning which hath no s●…ability , but after a short resplendance disappears . for god dwells no●… in the outward heart or complexion , but in himself , in the second centre , in the jewel of the noble image of god's likeness , which is hidden in this outward world . dear soul , think no other , when the anxious property of thy complexion , thus kindled by the stars begins to move , but that thou then stands as a labourer in god's vineyard ; thou must not stan●… idle , but be working ; thou dost god ●…herein a great and very considerable piece of service , and t●…y labour is this , th●…t thou overcome the temptation by an unmoveable faith , however no comfort appear in the outward heart to support it ; be not deceived , 't is not faith to give a●…nt to what i see and feel ; but this is faith , to trust the hi●…den spirit , and believe the truth of its words , maugre all the contradictions of blind nature . the soul that 〈◊〉 lockt up in the dark chamber of the melancholy complexion , should not dwell long or scarce at all in speculations about the wrath of god , nor give it self much to solitude , but rather spend its time in godly conferences . for so the matter of those friendly and profitable yielding sufficient entertainment to the working phansie ; 't is by this means handsomly diverted from its torturing cogitations . for no deep speculation is in this state prositable for it , which seeing it cannot turn it to its health and comfort , 't is better let it alone . also , the melancholy mind should with great care avoid drunkenness : for when the body thus loads it self with drink , then the earthly power of the drink taketh the complexion chamber totally in ; then do●… the soul , with the imagination , to its great hurt , feed upon the earthly prop●…rty , kindles its fire therewith , and rejoyceth for 〈◊〉 short time in it . but when that man becometh sober again after his drink , then stands the poor soul as most desolate , and more then ever forsaken of god , for it loses in the overflowing of th●… earthly property the divine imagination and desire ; for th●… spirit of god will not have his dwelling in the earthly imagination : i speak it as a most certain ●…ruth which i have 〈◊〉 well grounded knowledge of in the centre of nature , and deepest principle of life . the soul must be content to remain in sorrow for a little time : for while it sits contentedly in the house of mourning , it is not in the house of sin. but alas ! what is it ? how soon will it be at liberty from its sorrowful prison , and have the victorious crown of everlasting joy set upon in head ? o eternity ! thy duration is of vast extent ! what is it for a soul to be a small moment in sadness , and after that to rejoyce everlastingly ? for god will wipe away all tears from their eyes . lastly let a man behave himself as becomes a man , giving the dominion of his life to the m●…nly reason and light of god shining therein , and not suffer himself to be hurried on by the brui●…ish instincts of the complexion : for there is no complexion so noble and pure in nature , but 〈◊〉 a man live according to the stars , the devil hath his pleasure and pas●…ime therein . therefore it is rightly said by st. peter , be sober and watchful for the devil your adversary goeth about as a roaring lyon , seeking whom he may devour . a short , yet plain touch of the two kingdoms , viz. heaven and hell ●…ight and darkness , good and evil , love and anger , &c. also the [ words ] tincture and turba explained . fvery creature must know , that it should continue in that [ condition ] wherein it was created , or el●…e it ●…oth run on in a contrary will , and into enmity to the will of god , and bringeth it self into pain . for a creature which is created of darkness , hath no pain in the darkness , as a venomous worm hath no pain in its venom ; the venom is its life , and if it should lose its venom , and have some good thing instead thereof brought into it , and be made manifest in its essence , this would be pain and death to it ; and so also the evil is pain and death to the good . man was created of , for , and in paradise , of , for , and in the love of god ; but if he bring himself into anger , which is as a poysonous pain and death , then that contrary life is a pain and torment to him . if the devil had been created of the wrathful matrix ●…or and in hell , and had not had the divine ens , he could have no pain in hell ; but he being created for and in heaven , and yet did stir up the source and property of darkness in himself , and did bring himself totally into darkness , therefore the light is now a pain to him , viz an everlasting dispairing of god's gráce , and a continual enmity , being god cannot endure him in him clf , but hath spewed him out ; and therefore the devil is angry and wrathful against his own mother , of whose ●…ssence and beeing he ha●…h his original . viz. the eternal nature , which keepeth him prisoner in his own place , a a revolter or fallen spi●…it , and supporteth it self in h●…m with its property of anger and wrath. and seeing he would not help forward the delight of the divine joy , therefore he must now do the contrary , and be an enemy against all ●…oodness . ●…or of god , and in him are all things , darkness and light , love and anger , ●…ire and light but he calleth himself god only , as to the light of his love. there is an eternal contrariety between darkness and light , neither of them comprehendeth the other , and neither of them is the other , yet there is but one only essence . beeing or substance wherein they subsist ; but there is a difference in quality and will and ●…et the ●…ssence is not divided , but a principle maketh the division , so that the one is a nothing in the other and ●…et it is there 〈◊〉 . for the devil continueth in his own dominion or principality . but not in that wherein god created him , but in the property of wrath , in the property which be , getteth darkness , anguish and pain : indeed he is 〈◊〉 prince of this world , yet in the first principle in the kingdom of darkne●…s in the pit. b●… not in the kingdom of the sun , stars and elements , he is no lord or prince therein , but in the wrathful part [ thereof ] viz. in the root of the evil of every thing , and yet he hath no power to do what he pleaseth with it : for there is some good in all things , which holdeth the evil captive , and shut up in the thing , there he can walk and rule only in the evil , when it stirreth up an evil desire in it self , and bringeth it ; desire into wickedness , which the inanimate creatures cannot do , but man can do it through the inanimate creature , if he bring the centre of his will with the desire , out of the eternal centre into it , which is an enchantment and false magick . the will of the devil can also enter into that whereinto man bringeth the desire of his soul [ which is also from the eternal ] in wickedness . for the original of the soul , and of angels , out o●… the eternal is the same . but the devil hath no power more over the time [ or temporary condition ] of this world , but in the great turba ; wheresoever that kindleth it self in the eternal and natural wrath , there he is busie , as in wars , fighting and strife , as also in great tempests without water : in the fire he proceedeth as far as the turba goeth in great showers , and tempests of thunder , lightning , and hail , but he cannot direct them , for he is not lord or master in them , but servant . thus the creature stirreth up , with the desire , good and evil , life and death . the human angelical desire standeth in the centre of the eternal nature [ which is without beginning ] and wherein it kindleth it self , whe●…her in good or evil , it accomplisheth its work in that . now god created every thing for , and in that , wherein it should b●… the angels for and in heaven , and man for and in paradise . if therefore the desire of the creature go forth from its own mother , then it entreth into the contrary will , and into enmity , and it is tormented with the contrariety therein , and so a false will ariseth in a good , and thence the good will entreth into its nothing again , viz. into the end of nature and creature , and so leaveth the creature in its own [ evil or ] wickedness , as appeared by lucifer , and also by adam ; and had not the will of the love of god met with him , and of meer mercy entred into the humanity again , there could be no good will in man. therefore all speculation and searching about god's will is a vain thing , without the mind be converted : ●…or when the mind standeth captivated in the self-desire of the earthly life , it cannot comprehend [ what ] the will of god [ is ] it runneth on but in self , from one way to another , and yet findeth no rest ; for self-desire evermore bringeth disquietness . the light shineth in darkness , and the darkness comprehendeth not the light , and yet they both dwell in one another . the four elements is also an example of this , which in their original are but one element , which is neither hot , cold , dry nor moist , and yet by its stirring severeth it self into four properties , viz. into fire , air , water and earth . who would believe that fire produceth vvater ? and that the original of fire could be in vvater , if we did not see it with our eyes in tempests of thundring : lightning and rain : and did not find also that in living creatures , the essential fire in the body dwelleth in the blood , and that the blood is the mother of the fire , and the fire the ●…ather of the blood. and as god dwelleth in the world , and filleth all things , and yet possesseth nothing : and as the fi●…e dwelleth in the water , and yet poss●…sseth it not : also , as the light dwelleth in darkness , and yet possesseth not the darkness : as the day is in the night , and the night in the day , time in eternity , and ●…ternity in time ; so is man created according to the outward humanity , he is the time , and in the time , and the time is the outward world , and it is also the outward man. the inward man is eternity , and the spiri●…ual time and vvorld ; which also consisteth of light and darkness , viz. of the love of god. as to the eternal light , and of the anger of god , as to the eternal darkness , which soever of these are man●…fest in him , his spirit dwelleth in that , be it light or darkness ; for light and darkness are both in him . now if the light be made manifest in the darkness , then the darkness loseth its darkness , and is not known or discern●…d . also , on the contrary if the darkness arise in the light , and get the upper-hand , then the light , and the power thereof is extinguished ; this is to ●…e consi●…ered also in man. the eternal darkness of the soul is hell , viz. an aking source of anguish , which is called the anger of god : but the eternal light in the soul is the kingdom of heaven , where the fiery anguish of darkness is turned into joy ; thus the soul hath heaven and hell in it self . of tincture . by the word tincture is meant the power and virtue of fire and light ; and the stirring [ up or putting forth like a bud ] of this virtue is called the holy and pure element [ the virtue of the sun is the tincture of all things that grow in the visibility of the world ; so also the colour is the tincture of the ground , christ is the tincture of the soul ] in brief , the tincture is the life , and the perflu●…nt and informing vi●…tue , by which any thing doth sub●…ist ; for without the tincture that proceedeth from the sun , gold were no gold : and so also the image of god in the s●…l , without the true tincture [ the eternal son of righteousness ] were not the image of god. of the great turba : the great turba [ or turba magna ] is the stirred and awakned wrath of the inward ground , when the foundation of hell is made manifest in the spirit of this world , from whence great plagues & diseases arise ; and it is also the awakned wrath of the outward nature , as may be seen in great tempests of thunder and lightning , when the fire is manifested [ or generated ] in water : in brief , it is the effusion of the anger of god , by which nature is disturbed . often times the children of god have been forced to carry the sword of the turba in them ; a great example whereof we see in sampson , and also in joshua with his wars , and likewise in abraham [ and many other prophets ] how the zeal of god did enkindle it self in them , that they in the spirit of zeal have often-times awakned the turba magna in the anger of god , and raised great rebukes , judgments and plagues upon whole countries , as moses in egypt did with his plagues upon the egyptians . but we must here distinguish ; if the zeal of god should awaken it self in an holy man , without his purposed will , and give him the sword of god's anger , such a one desires much from those who in their own thoughts contrive and plot in the wrath , and introduce the conceived or purposed will into the serpent's ens , and make it to substance , for that is sin ; yea , though the most holy man [ prophet or apostle ] should do it . therefore christ so empathetically , and punctually teacheth us in the new-birth , love , humility and meekness , and would that a christian should not at all revenge , also not be angry ; for he saith , whosoever is angry with his brother , is guilty of the judgment . ●…or anger is a conception in the serpent's ens , which must be cut off by the judgment of god from the good beeing . all war , howsoever blanched over , and under what pretence soever , taketh its original out of god's anger . it doth not belong to any true christian , born of christ , to raise the sword of the turba , unless the zealous spirit of god do ●…tir it up in him , who often will rebuke sin : whatsoever exalts its self in the wrath about it●… own honour and pride , and brings it self to revenge [ or blood-shed ] is from the devil — earthly dominion and government hath its original from the fall in the serpent's craft . all war and contention doth arise out of the nature and property of the dark world . viz. from the four elements of the anger of god , which produceth in the creature pride , cov●…tousness , envy and anger ; these are the four elements of the dark world , wherein the devil , and all evil creatures live , and from these four elements aris●…th ●…ar . for although god bad the people of israel drive out the 〈◊〉 , and wage vvar ; yet the command was wholly from the angry 〈◊〉 od , viz. from the ●…ire's property ; for the 〈◊〉 had stirred up the vvrath and indignation , which would devour them . but god , so far as he is called 〈◊〉 , wills not any vvar , but the kingdom of nature in gods anger willeth it . sound sion , sound the praises of thy king , let 〈◊〉 well 〈◊〉 instrument honour bring to him ; for sion thou right-well dost know the gentiles and their i●…ol-gods must bow , and bend unto thy king , or br●… must be , for none's like sion's god in majestie . then sion's sons your instruments prepare , with strained strings most ex●… rare . and sweetly 〈◊〉 with mus●… 〈◊〉 most sharp , our god's renown and praise 〈◊〉 to harp , since from his hand abundantly your souls have drunk salvation up like wine in bowls , and made you eat of mercies numberless , and clo●…'d you with compassions in distress , and let his glory be your meditations , and his high honour all your contemplations ; for such effects will sure produc●… increase of joy and gladness joyn'd to endless peace . for how can stones but speak , with iron , steel and brass , and adamants but break at what is come to pass , and sound in one set ●…ur forth shouts of his renown , whose glory and mighty power eternity doth crown ? for hath not he made owls , with moles and bats to sing like as the chanting fowls harmonious tunes in spring , and eagles he and she made both to loath their pey two turtle doves to be in shiloa's shining day ? and hath not he the bear , the panther , and the lyon , in substance made appear like lambs in holy sion ? and by his mercy rich transformed the serpent's ●…ing into a virtue , which from death to life doth bring , and made of rocks a fountain , and stones refreshing streams , and of a grain a mountain , and darkness orions beams , and made of puddle-mire a limpid pond of pleasure , where fishes joys as fire ascend exceeding measure . he turn'd the hideous night into a glorious day , and cut through clouds a light , and hills a level way ; and made a seed a she●…f , the sick sound , and strong weak , the blind to see , and deaf to hear , and dumb to speak , and wine did purely sever from mud , which man did mingle , which is enough forever to make all ears to tingle . his virtuous breath like brooks doth overflow his own plantation in the valleys low . post script . to all students in arts and sciences ; and to astrologe●… in particular . my first design 〈◊〉 , was to be only particular 〈◊〉 astrology : but in respect to a more general service , i shall in the first place set down the incertaint●… and vanity of worldly arts and sciences in general from that learned and illu●…ious pen-man , henry cor●…lious agrippa , counsellor to charles the fifth , emperor 〈◊〉 germany , of whom it is written ; his head was europe's universitie , a second solomon , that mighty 〈◊〉 , that tryed all arts , and found them vanitie . it is an old opinion , and the concurring and una●… mous judgment of almost all philosophers , whereby the uphold , that every science addeth so much of a sublim nature to man himself , according to the capacity and worth of every person , as many times enables them to translate themselves beyond the limits of humanity , even to the caelestial seats of the blessed . from hence have proceeded those various and innumerable encomiu●…s of the sciences , whereby every one hath endeavoured in accurate , as well as long orations to prefer , and as it were to extol beyond the heavens themselves , those arts and mysteries wherein , with continual labour , he hath exercisd the strength and vigor of his ingenuity or invention . but i , perswaded by reasons of another nature , do verily believe , that there is nothing more pernitious , nothing more destructive to the well-being of men , or to the salvation of our souls , than the arts & sciences themselves — all sciences are as well evil as good , & they bring no other advantage to excel as deities , more than what the serpent promised of old , when he said , ye shall be as gods , knowing good and evil. let him therefore glory in this serpent , who boasts himself in knowledge , which we read the heresie of the ophites , not a little unbeseemingly to have done , who worshipped a serpent among the rest of their superstitions , as being the creature that first introduced the knowledge of virtue into paradise — but suppose there were no other inventors of arts than men themselves , yet were they the sons of the worst generation , even the sons of cain , of whom it is truly said , the sons of this world are wiser than the sons of light in this generation — but if god and just men be the professors of knowledge , than arts and sciences may probably become useful to the publick-weal , though they render their professors nothing more happy . nor doth it follow that the sciences themselves have any thing of virtue , any thing of truth in them , but what they reap and borrow from the inventors and professors thereof ; for if they light upon an evil person , they are hurtful , as a perverse gramarian , an ostentatious poet , a lying historian , a flatter●…ng rhetoritian , a litigious log●…cian , a turbulent sophister , a lotterist arithmatician a lacivious mu●…tian , a boasting geometrician , a wandring cosmographer , a pernitious architect , a pirat navigator a fallacious astrologer , a wicked magician , a perfidious cabalist , a dreaming naturalist , a wonde●… 〈◊〉 metaphasitian , a treacherous politician , a tyrannical prince , an oppressing magistrate , a schismatical priest , a bargain-breaking merchant , a pilling customer , a ●…loathful husband-man , a careless shepherd , an envious fisher-man , a murtherous 〈◊〉 , a poysoning 〈◊〉 a glutto●…ous cook , a dece●…tful chimist , a jugling lawyer , a persidious notary , a bribe-taking judge , & a heritical & seducing divine . so that there is nothing more omnious than art and knowledge , guarded with impiety , seeing that every man becomes a ready inventor and learned author of evil things — true beautitude consists not in the knowledge of good things , but in good life , not in understanding , but in living understandingly . neither is it great learning , but good-will that joyns men to god — it shall not then be needful so violently to labour to season our minds with the so long , so tedious , so difficult , so unattainable learning of all sorts of sciences , but only to give our self to what is more easie and common to all , the contemplation of the most noble object of all things , god ; which common act of contemplation , so easie to all men , is not obtained by syllogism and contemplation , but by belief and adoration . where then is the great felicity of enjoying the sciences ? where is the praise and beautitude of the wise philosophers , that make so much noise in the schools , sounding with the encomiums of those men , whose souls perhaps in the mean time are at that instant suffering the torments of hell ? this st. agustin saw , and feared , while he exclaims with st. paul — the unlearned rise and take heaven by force while we with all our knowledge are cast down into hell ●…o that if we may be bold to confess the truth , the tradition of all sciences are so dangerous and inconstant , that it is far safer to be ignorant then to know : adam had never been ejected out of paradise , had not the serpent been his master , to teach him good and eviland st. paul would have them thrown out of the church that would know more than they ought — the knowledge of all sciences is so difficult , if i may not say , impossible , that the age of man will not suffice to learn the perfection of one art , as it ought to be : which 〈◊〉 seems to intimate , when he saith , then i be●…eld the whole work of god , that man cannot find out , the work that is wrought under the sun , for the which man laboureth to seek it , and cannot find it ; yea , and though the wise man think to know it , he cannot find it . nothing can happen more pestilential to man than knowledge : this is that true plague that invades all mankind with so much confusion , that subverts all innocence , subjecting us to so many clouds of sin and error , and at length death . this is that that hath extinguished the light of faith , casting our souls into profound darkness , which condemning the truth , has mounted error to a throne — to a common-wealth there can be nothing more pernitious than learning and science , wherein if some happen to excell the rest , all things are carried by their determination , as taking upon them to be most knowing , who thereupon ●…aving hold upon the simplicity and unskilfulness of the multitude , usurp all authority to themselves , which is oft the occasion of the changing popular states into oligarchy , which dividing into factions , is at length easily oppressed by single tyrann●… . ●…urthermore , all sciences are but the opinions and the decrees of private men , as well those that are of use , as those that are prejudicial ; as well those that are wholsom , as those that are pestiferious ; as well the bad as the good , be●…ng never persect , but both doubtful , full of error and contention . of astrology . now as it may appear by perticular instinct , so it doth appear by the writings of this divine philosopher jacob beheme , that by adam's fall , all his posterity are thereby fallen under the power and influence of the stars and constellations , and that this beastial body . with the animal spirits , are proceeded from the stars and elements , to which again they must return ; and into the starry and elementary spirit the devil casteth forth his ●…icked imaginations , to infect the soul , and keep it from rising with its will above the stars again out of his dominion , and hence is the original of the evil influence of the stars . but in brief , this syderial or starry influence is called astrology , of which many desire to be satisfied of the effects , but he is wise that knows them : for so manifold are the configurations , so perpetual the mixtures , so various the motions and 〈◊〉 of the st●…rs , that as they are placed at this or any other moment of time , so they never were , not never will be again , whence their operation upon mankind i●… the 〈◊〉 : so that 't is impossible for an astrolog●…r , by the rules of act [ though foun●…ed upon the tru●…t gr●…ound ] to give any certain judgment of their effects , but only in a general way . but of astrology in a more perticular manner , i may well say something . 〈◊〉 especially of th●… 〈◊〉 part thereof ] inasmuch as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the fore-knowledge of my own ●…ate or dis●…iny b●…th 〈◊〉 me to be well 〈◊〉 there with : for having by the best approved rules of 〈◊〉 calculated and rectified my own . nativity [ with the nativities of many others too ] directed the several significators to their respective 〈◊〉 , made use of revolutions , transites , profections , and what 〈◊〉 : being thereby able [ by rules of art ] to sore-know and predict both good and evil a●…cidents and whatsoever is 〈◊〉 to the life of man. now here is to be noted , that when i had , according to art , 〈◊〉 out the time of any 〈◊〉 accident , with the nature and manner how it should operate , it was very rare that it fell according to prediction : as thus , when an evil direction , not obstructed by any other cause , the accident ( 't is true ) many times fell out to be evil , but in such a way , or in such things as was least expected , and sometimes greater or less powerful , as also sooner or later then was predicted ; the like i have observed in good directions , and therefore could give no certain cautions to the native , how he might endeavour to augment the good , or withstand or hinder the evil , that by the stars in his nativity was promised or threatened : nay , i have somtimes known ●…minent direction pass without any effect , when there could be no cause found to intervene ; and on the contrary , very great and notable accidents have happened , when no cause thereof could be found in the nativity . but that which might non-plus the most accute inquisitor in reference hereto , was , that after the true moment of birth gained , i found the rules and aphorisms of the art to fail much in the general judgment of the twelve houses ; as instance ; when judgment hath been given by me and others of the ascendent ( or other of the houses ) of one and the 〈◊〉 scheam of shape , form , complextion , and the like , 〈◊〉 hath often manifested the judgment for the most pare false . considering all this , caused me to 〈◊〉 the truth of the art , and had very little esteem or 〈◊〉 for it : but my 〈◊〉 being prone thereto , i ●…eil to examining the ground and foundation on which the rules and axioms of the art were laid , and coming to the four elements , which answers to the four triplicities of the signs . i perceived a vast difference i●… judgment among philosophers , about the nature of the element of air ; for although the antients , and from 〈◊〉 our modern astrologers , determin the air to be hot and 〈◊〉 , and so 〈◊〉 , ♎ and ♒ being signs of the airy triplicity , are so too ; yet that accuse philosopher van helmo●…t , ●…otably proves the air to be cold . here reader thou mayst reconcile this opposite judgment of these wise men , if thou ●…ost , for from hence 〈◊〉 , ♎ , ♒ must be cold , which ●…ertheless pass in the practise of astrology for hot . next , i considered the twelve constellations or signs of the zodiack , and finding each sign to be made up by a certain number of stars , which stars , though fixed , in respect to the distance from each other , yet they in general have such a motion as moves them a degree in about 70 years ( as i remember ) by means of which motion the signs consequently are much altered from what they were in the time of the antients , and yet astrologers in this age retain the same limits , for the beginning and end of each sign , as the antients did , for they now begin the sign ♈ at the vernal equinox , though 't is apparent to all astronomers , that the sign ♈ viz. the ram , is removed near the length of a whole sign from the said equinox , and the sign pisses , viz. the constellation of the fishes is got into the place of the ram ( or limits of ♈ afore said . ) now ♈ viz. the ram is termed hot and dry , cholerick masculine , and pistes the fishes cold and moist , plegmatick feminine ( two opposite qualities ) hence that place in the heavens limitted for the sign ♈ , must be cold and moist , because the fishes , from whence the said limit assumes its nature , is got into the limits of the sign ♈ , and yet astrologers following tradition , or something else as bad , call it hot and dry ; the like is to be understood of others of the signs : here i began to perceive the cause of the manifold errors of astrologers . but while i was searching learned authors , to find whence this art did arise , i found cornelius agrippa ( in his vanity of sciences , before mentioned ) to assert that the twelve signs , with the northern and southern constellations , got all into the heavens by the help of fables and fictions , invented by the poets ; which assertion of agripp●… , because i cannot disprove . i will now leave , and come next to the table of essential dignities of the planets , invented ( 't is said ) by ptolomy , king of egypt , and acknowledged for rational by our english astrologers ; he there places the planet ♂ in ●…he watry triplicity , and therein he is allowed three essential dignities more then he hath in any other triplicity , and yet i know no reason for it ; for reason tells me , that ♂ is more essentially strong in fiery signs as being agreeable to his own nature . other particulars i could instance of this table , as being groundless , but let these motions stir up the more judicious to a fur●…her search and consideration . now 't is very probable that hence might arise those srivolous inventions of consulting the figure of conception with revolutions , prosections , & c. which have no rational foundation ; for finding their judgment fail , they fell to inventi●…g those diversities of doctrines and methods , which instead of clearing and confirming the rules of art , did more cloud and obscure the same . for as to that highly esteemed doctrine of revolu●…ions , if considered in its right ground , will be found of no validity or certainty , as i could experimentally prove ; and as for perfections there is so little shew of reason for it , that 't is not worth mentioning . then again , there are some things that does even confound astrology , and overthrow the rules thereof , o●…e of which is , in wars or other accidents , there sometimes perishes thousands of people in one day . now from these peoples nativities , we might find by rules o●… art some to dye natual death , some violent , some after one manner , some after another , some by one distemper or disease , and some by another , some to be long lived , and some short , some to dye in one year , and some in another , y●…t nevertheless they all come to an end in one day : another is , by the burning of a city , or the like , many persons are ruined , as to outward estates in a moment , when if we examin their navities , we should fi●…d some of them to be promised increase of wealth that year by one means , and some by other means , some to suffer loss one way , and some another , and some it may be neither to loss nor gain , and yet all in one instant partake of one and ●…he ●…ame fortune much i could instance of this nature in astrology , but my intent at first was only to hi●…t in short , that others more deeply aflected may make a more diligent inquisition , if they please . yet notwithstanding all this ( through the affection i have had for this art of astrology ) i am not willing to be numbred among the revilers thereof , ●…or do i think it to be more unlawfull or false in it self then other arts , but do believe it is as yet unknown , and that there is none that practise it , who rightly understand it , the rules being partly founded upon a false and uncertain ground , as is before demonstrated . but now si●…ce it is so difficult a road to travel in , and no end of the journey to be yet found , so hard a work to labour in , and no profit doth thereby acrew , and that the best use we can make of it , brings no advantage to us , neither in divine nor human things , therefore i 'll take leave to wave it ; and let them whose brains are sick of that disease , be slaves unto an ephemerides ; search constellations , and themselves apply to find the fate of their nativity . i 'll seek within me , and if there i find those stars that should give light unto my mind , rise fair and timely in me , and affect each other with a natural aspect , if in conjunction there perceive i may , true vertue and religion every day ; i fear no fortunes whatsoever they be , nor care i what my stars do threaten me . lastly . to this pure heavenly certain and exceeding advantagious astrology , i shall rather , yea , much rather recommend my self , and all those that desire to be made inhabitants successively of the twelve heavenly houses thereof , which are these , the first is the house of judgment and fearfulness . the second , humility and lowliness . the third , meekness and mercifulness . the fourth , temperance and savouriness . the fifth , patience and settledness . the sixth , hope and resolvedness . the seventh , faith and perseverance . the eight , peace and quietness . the ninth , thanksgiving and remembrance . the tenth , prayer and watchfulness . the eleventh . glorification and praises . the twelfth , content and fulness . of which twelve houses of the heavens , that we ●…ay be all learned experiencers , and true witnessers , ●…t above all , that we may look well into that house , 〈◊〉 which we are made inhabitants , which by vertue of 〈◊〉 is ours , as a proper possession , that we may ●…e the glory of the sign therof , which shews us the ●…gas of the times ; even that is the desire of d. l. amen . the great jehovah ' s standing precepts ten , which shows thy duty both to god and men. 1. own thou no other gods but only me . for i the lord from bondage set thee free . 2. unto no image bow , or image make , i on that sinners house will vengeance take . 3. false and vain oaths forbear ; my sacred name dishonour not , that thon incur no blame . 4. keep well the sabboth-day both thou and thine , all servile works and wickedness decline . 5. unto thy parents all due honour give , that god may bless thee long on earth to live . 6. wrath and rash anger shun ; shed no man's blood , but love thy neighbour and promote his good . 7. fly filthy lust , the cause of cruel strife , be not obscence , touch not thy neighbours wife . 8. thy neighbour of his goods do not berave , rob , spoil , purloin , or any way deceive . 9. no evidence against thy neighbour bear , nor as a witness shalt thou falsly swear . 10. thy neighbours goods desire not : learn to be thankful to god for what he hath given thee . o lord ! these laws to keep do thou incline , and still assist me with thy power divine . the end of the first part. abuses stript and whipt , by george vvither . treating in a saterical vein of man , with his passions , namely , of man , 1 of ●…ond love , 2 of lust , 3 of hate , 4 of envy , 5 of revenge , 6 of choller , 7 of jealousie , 8 of covetousness , 9 of ambition , 10 of fear , 11 of dispair , 12 of hope , 13 of compassion , 14 of cruelty , 15 of joy , 16 of sorrow , 17 conclusion . 18 as also 1. of vanity , 2. of inconstancy , 3. of weakness . 4. of presumption , &c. to which is added , fair virtue the shepherd's mistriss . with other pathetick poems composed by g. w. in his youthful days . also , divine poems selected from the works of francis quarle . the whole concluded with some excellent essayes , and religious meditations of sir francis bacon , knight . philadelphia , printed and sold by william bradford , anno 1688. to the unprejudiced reader . reader ; two things especially i intreat thee to consider in these following poems — first , thou art to know that the works o●… the author g. w. are h●…e very much abreviated [ and although his own words expressed ●…or the most part upon generals ] nevertheless if thou art one that hath been ac●…uainted with his works at large , yet thou wilt●… find this small abstract so pit●…ily to express and contain the whole matter [ some particulars excepted ] that thou mays●… hereby receive as much satisfaction , as by reading the book at large . secondly , to let the p●…blisher hereo●… have christian censures from th●…e ; and that too in respect to the latter part , the which although it may seem somewhat too light in the ballance of the more serious modern christian , yet he intends it not to be a means to draw the mind from better , but rathe●… from worse things : and he doubts not but that will be the effects of it , considering the constitution of youth , on whom it may have most influence ; all which he hopes thou wilt find ground enough to believe in the perusal hereof : and the rather because as he hath endeavoured throughout to pass by particular circumstances , the more immediately t●… com●… to the matter . so also hath he every where ●…tted w●…t seems more airy , and less consisting wit●… the present time of day . of man mounted aloft on contemplations wings , and noting with my self the state of things , i plainly did perceive , as on a stage . the consus'd actions of this present age. 〈◊〉 the world , and viewing sa●… my fill , because that all i saw therein was ill ; and noting every creature , there i found that only ●…an was the chief spring and ground of all this uproare ; yea , i soon did see he there was all in all , and no●…e but he . the mind is nothing but a mint o●… jarrs , or little vvorld of ●…ad domistick vvars : virtue 's depos'd thence , and vice rule obtains ; yea , vice from vice there by succession ●…s , expelling those whom virtues presence graceth , and in their stead these hurtful monsters placeth ; fond love and lust , ambition , enmity , foolish compassion , joy and jealousy , ●…ear hope , dispair and sadness , w th the vice , call'd , h●…te , revenge , and greedy avarice , choller and cruelty , which i perceiv'd , to be the only causes man's bereav'd of quietness and rest ; yea●… these i found to be the principal , and only ground of all pernitious ●…ischiefs that now rage , or have disturbed him in any age. these losing reason , their true prince began to breed disturbance in the heart of man , each laid a several claim [ f●…rsooth ] and he vvould be the monarch of this empirie . ruin had got the upper-hand , and they vvould be commanders that were made t' obey . and here because i will not order break , i will asunder of each passion speak . of the passion of love . first , love , the same i here the first do call , because that passion is most naturall , and of it self could not be discommended , vvert not with many a foul abuse attended : god taught it sweetly how to move the mind . both for increasing , and preserving k●…nd . but now the bound it had , contenteth not , a vein of domineering it hath got , makes them set light by reason's sound direction , and bears them head-long by untamed affection ; counsel's in vain , cause when this fit doth take them , reason and understand ng doth forsake them : it makes them sometimes merry , sometimes sad , untam'd men mild , and many a m●…ld man mad . to ●…ools it vvisdom gives , and make●… the witty to shew themselves most fools , the more 's the pitty . such a pishness it now hath entertain'd , that all the cre●…it that it had , is stain'd ; yea , 't is as far from what it was , as we ●…rom our more honoured antient english be ; and so unlike unto it self doth prove , vve scarce dare give it now the name of love. true worth moves few : but sure i am , not many have for bare virtues sake affected any . vvealth wins the most , yet they by tryal prove , though it breeds liking , vet it gains not love. he that brings vvealth , sure if he does not speed . the vvomans worth the suing for indeed . but now although this passion i have tide , to love of vvomen , it concludes ●…eside , all whats●…ever kind of love●… there be , unless they keep the mind from troubles free , and yield to reason : but of such like lover●… my muse hereafter other i eats discovers . of desire , or lust . lust is presented in the second place , because it shrouds a foul deformed ●…ace beneath loves vizard , and assumes that name , h●…ding its own fault with the others blame . thus this is that which oft caus'd publick strife . and private d●…scord between man and vvife : th●…s spoil●… the body , this doth make the ●…ace look wa●…e , pale , yellow , and doth much disgrace the beauty of it ; this bereaveth quite the bones of marrow , and the eyes of sight . and this way comes that foul disease to us , vve call the french , so vile and odious : 't is ●…ighly made of ; yea , 't is lust doth weare the richest ●…arments , and hath curiest fare . the softest beds it hath to take repose , vvith sweet perfumes , but sure there 's need of those . of hate . bvt i have rouz'd another here as bad , they call it ●…ate , a worse i never had before in chase ; i scarce can keep [ in sooth ] my self in danger of ●…is venomed tooth : this is the pas●…on that doth use to move the mind a clean contrary way to love. it is an inspiration of the devil , that makes men long for one anothers evil ; but where it rules , they cannot well conceal it . but either words , or deeds , or both reveal it . the wick●…d they do hate beyond all m●…asure the righteous man , that contradicts their pleasure . yet t●…ey are more coorrupt than all the rest , who hate their friends , they should account of bost . but let men strive , and study to remove this passion from their hearts , and graft on love. of env●… . now some are in the mind that hate , and this still go together , and one passion is . indeed , they fou injurious humors be , so like they seem to have affinitie ; and yet they di●…fer , as oft kindred do , enough at least , i 'm sure , to make them two hate many times from wrongs receiv'd , hath grown envy is seen , where injuries are n●…ne : yet envious men do least spice , such as ●…e of ill report , or of a low degree , but rather they do take their aim at such who either well 〈◊〉 are , or rich . some do not care how grosly they dispraise , or how unlikly a report they raise , because they know if it be so false and ill , that one believes it not , another will : and so their envy very seldom fa●…ls , but one way or another still prevails . it makes some grieve , if any man be friended , or in their hearing praised , or commended : contrariwise again , such is their spi●…e , in other mens mis-fortunes they delight . foul hag of envy , let thy snakie elves keep hell with thee , and there torm●…nt themselves , o , that a man should so from reason range , to entertain a humor that 's so strange and so unprofitable ! tell me why should we the honours , or the wealth envy of other men , that we should grudge or fre●… at every good thing that our neighbours get . but sure , mischief alwayes doth betide to th' envious , than to him that is envied ; but know , envy is an apparent foe to chari●…y , and friends●…ip's overthrow . of revenge . rome for revenge ; he 's no comedian that acts for pleasure , but a grim tragedian , a foul stern monster , which if we displease him , death , wounds and blood , or nothing can appease him . that cruel ruffin , that in vain doth strive his off-spring from true valour to derive this most inhuman passion now and than , with violence and fury hurries man so far from that sweet mildness , wherewith he , being himself , should ever tempred be , that man nor devil can we term him well , for part he hath of earth , and part of hell. poor world ! if these thy best comentments be , seek blood and vengeance you that list for me . of choler . but now the cause of mans revengeful thirst , proceeds from rash unbridled choler first ; yea , those that are infected with this crime , are in a manner mad men for the time . 't is a short fury wherewith man possest , resembles most a wild unt●…med beast ; yea , those in whom i find this passion reign , i have oft seen to storm at things , but vain , and cha●…ing fret at poor half-penny losses , as if for some intolerable crosses . they are not only ready to believe the leas●… report that may occasion give of discontent : but so doth anger blind them , th●… is no causes be , they●…l se●…k to find them . this a●…ger is a wonderous head-strong passion , and hath a beastly frantick operation , from which how can we any man release , when we must neither sp●…k , nor hold our peace . of jealousie . but though these angry ones soon breed a braul . and are pernitions to converse withal . not one jot better is the jealous hea●… , that ever fears his wife h●…h wrong'd his bed. love is the highest , and the noblest bliss that for manki●…d on earth ordained is : but when tru●… measure it exceeds , an●… gets beyond the des●…nt bounds that reason s●…ts : god turns it to a plague , whereby he will shew them their folly , and correct the ill : he adds a fear of losing all their joy , in that they love which doth their peace destroy . y●…t none 's so jealous , i dare pawn my life , as he that hath desiled anothers wife . of covetousness . but how mist i of avarice to tell , whose longing is as infinite as hell : 〈◊〉 muse it scap't so long , for i 'le be plain , 〈◊〉 no where look , but there i see it reign . 〈◊〉 neither will excuse sex nor degree , young folks , nor such as middle-aged be ; nay , i perceive them given most to crave , when they had need to dig themselves a grave , like earth-bred moles still scrambling in the dust , not for the treasure that shall never rust : no , all that they have with their labour bought , if well consider●…d , is not worth a thought . but ●…oft wonder , and do yet admire , men hunt for riches , with such strange desire ; ●…or being once possest thereof , it fills the owners of it with a thousand ills , more than they can conceive ; for first , we find it choaks and mars the virtue of the mind : then by much business , it brings annoys unto the mind , and hinders true joys , that oft the rich are more in sorrow tost , then those that have no riches to be lost . it maketh to grow arrogant , unjust , draws unto pleasure , and provokes to lust. o gold , what mortal godd is so divine ? what beauty so adored is as thine ? the fairest creature never so much mov'd , as that it was of every one belov'd . iools that know nothing know the use of thee , and for thy sake will oft perswaded be . the wise man of the world , that disapprove young mens affections , and make scoffs at love , can play th●… ideot twice as much himself , by doting on a heap of dirty pelf . what he on earth so great and mighty is , or who so proud that ●…ill not bow to this ? where 's he , though noble , that will now disdain to be a sutor for his private gain ? and thos●… that love wealth , men their vices deem ior to b●… virtues , and so make them seem . b●…t as herein men often do amiss , so are they in the opposite to this . the prodigal runs out as far astray ●…rom this absurdity another way : as greedy men hoard riches [ god amend them ] ●…o he doth strive and hie , as fast to spend them . their humors divers : some vain glorious asses consume't in gaudy cloathes and looking-glasses ; others there are [ but few ] who having store , neglect their wealth , and rather would be poor , ●…or why , it stops the way to heaven , they say , sure being , mis-imployed , so it may . and therefore rather then they should abuse it . 't were good they had it , that know how to use it . of ambition . ambition's a proud humor , that doth search the stout high-minded , and attempts to pearch in men of spirit : it doth far surmount the force of love , and makes but small account of nature or religion ; 't is not law nor conscience that can keep this ●…end in aw , it is supposed that it hath no bound ; ●…or never was there limit in it found . he that first was ruined by this evil , was he that first was guilty oft , the devil , who did aspire so high , that higher powers wrought h●…s just fall , and now he seeketh ours . of fear . see you this passion here , that follows next . that shakes , and looks as with a ●…eaver vext : such is the nature of it , that i 've seen i ear cause those evils that else had not been . to some it sickness brings , and some beside even with the very fear of death have died . the fear of evil more tormenteth some , then doth the thing they feared , when 't is come . men fear what is , what will be , and [ alas ] many a thing that shall ne'er come to pass . sure , 't is a plague the devil did invent to work in man a lasting discontent , and taught it adam , whereupon he said , i saw my nakedness , and was afraid . come , let us joy , and be as cheerful still , with hope of good , as sad with fear of ill . there is an honest fear , that hinders sin , which hath of all good men allowed bin . those therefore that are wise enough to tell , when they do any thing amiss or well , still in this passion do observe a mean , and not to fear , or to presumption lean . of dispair . now here 's dispair , with gashly look he stands , and prisons , ropes , and poinyards fills his hands , still ready to do hurt , one step , no more , reaches from hence unto damnations door . this is that passion giveth man instruction , to wrest the scriptures to his own destruction ; and makes him think while he on earth doth dwell , he feels the tortures and the plagues of hell , more monster-like , than man , only damnation is in their mouthes , no mercy , no salvation , can they have hope of , but possess a fear , vvhence monstrous shapes and visions do appear to their imaginations , and the pain that they in soul and body do sustain : all earthly tortures do so much exceed , as if they had within them hell indeed . god also makes this passion now and than his scourge to lash the proud presumptuous man , and tame the reprobate , who by his rod is made sometimes to feel there is a god. by this , strange vvonders brought to pass , i 've seen , those humbled that have once the proudest been . o what repentant lives some vow to live , if god would but once more vouchsafe to give them health and hope again , then they would spen●… their lives and goods unto no other end , ●…ave wholly to his glory ; yet there 's now some living that have quite forgot that vow , if such in time look not into their error , o they will one day feel a double terror . so●…e again dispair of earthly things , vvhich nothing so much disadvantage brings , yet like enough in little time to g●…ow vertues main let , or overthrow . of hope . thrice well-come hope , the divel keep the t'other , dispair and fear are fitting for no other . this is the passion that of all the rest vve have most reason to esteem of best : hope is a blessing , but we so abuse it as to our hurt , more then our good , we use it ; yea , this that was of all the passions best , vve have as much corrupted as the rest . but we must not●… well , that this passion 's double , one hope is certain , th' other full of trouble . the hope that 's certain we through faith do gain , and 't is sufficient to make any ●…ain seem short and easie : 't is the life of man , and such a comfo●…t as no mortal can live , if he want it , and yet sometime this each , nay , as i●…lle as the other is : for often times we see the same is found to be erected on on other ground but ignorance , and meer security , vvhich ruin all that do on them rely . some praise their own deserts , and on that sand they fain would have the divine hope to ●…tand . the other hope which is of earthly things , that lasts not long , nor yet much pleasure brings , and nothing worth to ground our hope upon , for in the turning of a hand all 's gon . and therefore now i wish that every man vvould take upon him the best hope he can in all his outward actions ; yet should he take care on honest grounds it builded be , and therewith be so well prepared still , that if his doubtful hope do fall out ill , he ne'er repine , but tak 't as if the same had been expected long b●…fore it came . of compassion . compassion , if discretion guide , may be of near aliance unto charitie , hee 'l say that hath sound judgment of his own tender compassion may a●…iss be shown : come to our courts of justice else , and see if there compassion not abused be , vvhere , though that god himself says kill ; roply , vvith , no , alas ! its pity he should dye ; vvho for their weakness merit equal check vvith him that spar'd the king of amaleck . some parents i have s●…en discreet and witty do marr their children by their cockring pity , he that will walk uprightly , ought to see how far this passion may admitted be . here i could much of this same passion say , if other passions call'd me not away . of crvelty . but now whilst we are se●…king to beware of foolish pity , we must have a care , left this or'●… run us : ●…or though men confess 't is an inhuman hellish vvickedness , though cru●…lty so odious doth appear , unless men look to their affections near , it will become delightful , yea , and make so deep impression in the heart , and take so sure a root , 't will hardly ●…e displaced vvhilst that the body by the soul is graced . trust me , be 't on a beast , nature denyes and god forbids , that we should tyranize . but now in short , i 'll here conclude with this , as he is blessed that meek-hearted is , so on the cruel , lightly doth attend a heavy curse , a●…d a most fearful end . of joy . of all the passions handled hitherto , with this that follows i had least to do ; by some small tryals , though that i have had , i sind 't is better far , then being sad : ●…nd that no greater good on earth might be , if it would last , and were from cumbranc●… free . but that can never be ours , st●…te is such , and distiny moreover seems to grutch ought should be perfect in mortality , lest we should leave to seek eternity . never could any yet that joy obtain , on which there followed neither shame nor pain . but sure , the reasen why mans joy so soon is changed to sorrow , is because there●…s none , or very few , that do their gladness found upon a solid , sirm , substantial ground . some in their honour all their joy do place , which endeth by a frown , or some disgrace . take but away his substance , you destroy the miserable rich-man's only joy , and soon by sickness that delight 's defac't , whic●… men in beauty or in strength hath plac't ; yea , the best joy in transitory things , they being los●… , at last a sorrow brings : all men should therefore make a careful choice of that wherein their meaning 's to rejoyce . and i am of the mind , if every man would curb rebellious passions what he can , not suffer any mischief to annoy his mind , thorow either too much care or joy ; but so the one should of the other borrow , he might be sad with mirth and glad wi●…h sorrow . but when with joy i am acqu●…inted better , i 'le tell you more , or else remain your debtor . of sorrow . of this sad passion i may knowledge take , and well say something for acquaintance sake ; and yet i wonder sorrow so should touch the hearts of men , to make them grieve so much ; as many do for present miseries , have they no feeling of felicities that are to ●…ome , if that they be in pain , let hope 〈◊〉 case , it will not always reign . but 't is still bad , thou s●…yest ; 〈◊〉 patiently , an age is nothing to eter●…y : thy time 's not here , en●…y not ; though that some seem to be happy , their ba●… day 's to come . we ought not ●…r to mu●…mur or to pi●…e at any thing shall ple●… the power 〈◊〉 to lay up●…n us : for my mind is 〈◊〉 , ●…ch sorrow is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 into ●…liss . but to be pl●… 〈◊〉 ●…ur ●…'s 〈◊〉 ●…y . that hath 〈◊〉 in i●… 〈◊〉 our gri●… or i●…y . then whatsoever , our 〈◊〉 grief hath 〈◊〉 , let us ne'er sorrow more , ●…ut for our si●… . conclusion now some men have in this opinion stood , that every passion 's natural and good ; but we must make a difference of it then , and grant that two-fold passions are in men , one sort unto the noblest things aspiring , and such as what are meerly good desiring . but this is rather by gods inspiration , then bred within ●…s at our generation . the other as the effects thereof doth show , doth by our own corrupted nature grow ; for it is head-strong , rash , 〈◊〉 , wonderous disordered and immoder●…te . then lastly , these are the occasions still of all misfortunes , and of every ill . precatio . thou that createdst all things in a week , great god ! whose favour i do only seek , o that my noting of mans humorous passion , may work within me some good alteration ; and make me so , for my own follies , sorry that i may lead a life unto thy ●…lory . let not ambition , nor a foul desire , nor hate , nor envy , set my heart on fire , revenge , nor choler , no , nor jealousie , and keep me from dispair and cruelty ; fond hope expel , and i beseech thee bless my soul from fear , and too much heaviness ; but give me special grace to shun the vice , that is , so common beastly avarice ; and grant me power i not only know , but fly those evils that from passion flow ; and let my muse also in things to come s●…ng to thy glory , lord , or else be dumb . further talk doth still to me remain , ●…ome more of mens ill customs to explai●… . first , wanton and light headed vanity ; next that , comelian like , inconstancy , then miserable vveakness ; lastly , this damn'd presumption , that so daring is . 〈◊〉 think not , though i some where bitter be , count my self from all those vices free ; ●…ther imagin t is to me well known , ●…hat here with others faults i tell my own . then blame me not , t is out of much good will i bear to you , and hatred unto ill. of vanity . now i must needs declare their vanity , vvho build their treasure and felecity on things meer frivolous , as honour , strength , pleasure , and wealth , and beauty , which at length , yea , in short time must fade ; high titles plac't vvithout desert , are often soon disgrac't . vvhat 's honour but e'en smoak of idle fame , a thing consisting only in an name ? and why boast men of strength , that lasts no longer , and seeing the brute creatures are far stronger ? a vvoman may bind sampson with her charms , and little david slay a man at arms. ●…or god doth make , as holy scriptures speak , strong things to be confounded by the weak . but why in beauty should men glory so , as well we may perceive there 's many do , since there 's scarce any , that enjoy the same , can keep unto themselves an honest name ? for worthless matters some are wonderous sad vvhom if i call not vain , i must term mad . vve see moreover men vain-glorious grow , in building and apparel , all 's for show ; and yet the prince that gorgioust in array , must lie as naked as his groom in clay . and though that men to build so curious be , how worthy of contempt it is we see , in that the arch-king of heaven , earth , and all vvas very well contented w●…th a stall ; yea , truly i am driven to confess , mans vanities are great , numberless , consisting not alone in vvords and vvorks , but hath ta●…e root within , and also lurks about the heart ; and if it there be sought , i know it also may be found in thought . of inconstancy . now this unconstant creature , called man , note him well , and tell me if he can , vvhat his condition is ; observe his deeds , his speech and rayment , yea , and how he feeds : try him a moneth , a year , an age , and when you have so try'd him , say what is he then ; is his heart proud or humble , know you where , or when he hates , or loves , or stands in fear ? or who can say [ in conscience i think none ] that this man's words , and deeds , and thoughts are o●… nay , he of whom you have most trval , when you see him dying , will you trust him then ? perhaps you may , yet questionless he leaves you a mind mis-doubting still , that he deceives you . vvho is so sottish , as to ●…uild salvation on man , that feeble tottering ●…oundation ? or that heeds his soul's safety , that will lay his confidence on that false piece of clay . alas ! how often had i got intendments . and with whole heart said & vow'd amendments , and yet for all my purpose and my vow , i am oft altered e're my self knows how . let 's all confess our frailty , and implore our ne'er repenting god , that evermore remains the same , we may be as we ought , more certain , both in word , and deed , and thought . i might speak of the changes , which i see ●…n mens external fortunes also be : ●…or this day he hath friends , to morrow none ; now he hath wealth , and in an hour 't is gone . ●…ome in their youth there be , have all things store , and yet do often live till they are poore . again , there 's some in youth at beggars states , ●…ecome in age to be great potentates . of weakness . what creature is there born so weak as man ? or so unable ; tell me , he that can . ●…ampson there was , 't is true , could fright whole hosts , he rent down azath's barred gates and posts , whose mighty arms , unarmed , could bring to pass , ●…'em with the rotten jaw-bone of an ass a thousands ruin ; and yet 't will be long ●…'er he shall thereby prove that man is strong , because the strength he seem'd to have , was known to be the spirit of god , and not his own . what creature is there that can worse sustain , hungèr , or thirst , or cold , or heat , or pain ? sure none : and yet in histories we find , till luxury had weakened thus mankind , they were much stronger , could endure the heat , travel a long time without drink or meat ; and their best dainties was no costlier thing then a wild root , or water from the spring , vvith which small commons , nature was content ; yea , in our climate people naked went , and yet , no question , felt as little cold , as we , wrapt up in half a dozen fold . they had no vvaftecoats , night-caps for their head nor downy pillows , nor soft ●…eather beds : they scorned as much to have such thing about the as we in this age scorn to be without them . gluttonous fare that so the palate pleases , ne'er fill'd their bodies full of foul diseases ; nor strong and pleasing liquors with excess , made them grow weak thorow beastly drunkenness . no lust provoking meats made them unchaste , nor unto ca rnal copulation haste . and this the reason is , which made them be more healthy , strong , and braver men then we . 't was not this strength , of which i meant to spea●… for we are yet another way too weak . our minds have lost their magnanimity , and are grown weak through some infirmity . some know the truth , but dare not to defend it , [ so weak they are ] cause others discommend i●… . is there a man so strong , that he forbears choler or envy , when by chance he hears himself reproach't , revil'd and disgrac't ? if there be such a one , he shall be plac't amongst the vvorthies with the foremost three ; for in my judgment , none more worthy be to have renown for strength , then those that can on their rebellious passions play the man. is 't not a weakness , when some petty losses , some hinderance in preferment , or such crosses ? shall make men grieve ? is 't not a weakness when adversity shall so disquiet men ? he 's weak too , that 's not able to withstand any unlawful or unjust command . moreover some , but foolishly precise , and in my iudgment far more weak then wise , mis-judge of poetry , as if the same did wortl●…ily deserve reproach and blame . for poetry , although some , fool'd , debase it , i 'm in the mind that angels do imbrace it : and though god gave t but in part to some , all shall hav 't perfect in the world to come . 'gainst posie , how e're the scruple rose , rhime hath exprest as sacred things as prose : when both in this age , and in former time , prose hath been made far more prophane then rhime . yea , and moreover this full well know i , he th●…t's at any time afraid to dye , is in weaker case , and whatsoever he saith , hath but a wavering and a feeble faith. of presumption . men in their own conceits are grown so tall , that for presumption they do out-pass all . o what are they that dare for to aspire into gods seat , and if it might be , higher , that forgive sins as fast as men can do them , and make jehovah be beholden to them ! i 've heard of such , what ●…re they would , i wist they can make saints , they say , of whom they list , and being made , above the stars can set them ; yea , with their own hands make their godds , & eat them . man i do know , 'cause i have heard him vaunt , he is an elf so proud and arrogant , that i want words of a sufficient worth , to paint his most abhorred vileness forth . some will be prying , though they are forbidden , in to those secrets god meant should be hidden . so do some students in astrology , though they can make a fair apology . and so do those that very vainly try to find out fortunes by the●…r palmestry ; these do presume , but much more such as say at th●…s , or that time , comes the judgment day . in praying , men presume , unless they be with every one in love and charitie , ` or if in their pet●…tions they desire such things as are unlawful to require , then those great masters i presumptuous deem , who of their knowledge do so well esteem : they will force others , as the papists do , for to allow of their opinion too . others there are , who for because they 've faith , for to believe 't is true the scripture saith , and do observe the outward worship duly , do think that therein they have pleas d god truly . now these are just , as far as th●… other wide , for they gods worship do by halfs divide ; and for his due , which is ●…en all the heart , do dare presume to offer him a part . also in this abominable time it is amongst us now a common crime to flout and scoff at those which we espy , willing to shake off humane vanity . who so reviled , scorned or mis nam'd , as some people which are quakers term'd , that fear god most ; but 't is no marvel men presume so much to wrong his children , when as if they feared not his revengeful rod , they can blaspheme , and dare to anger god. now by these words to some men it may seem that i the quakers have ●…n high esteem : indeed , if by that name you understand , those whom the vulgar atheists of this land do daily term , so that is such as are fore-named here , and have the greatest care to know and please their maker , then 't is true i love them well , for love to them is due . then it is also a presumptuous act with knowledge to commit a sinful fact , though ne●…er so small , for sins a subtil elf , into our souls insinuates it self . and it is certain , that one sin , though small , vvill make an entrance great enough for all . in short . presumption 's such a hardning sin , that if it seize the heart , and once get in , my mind is this , 't will ne er be purged thence well , no , not with all the fears and pangs of hell : so infinit is this f●…r to unfold , that should i write and speak till i were old , i know that i should leave unspoken then , most of those humors i have seen in man , and still confess in him there h●…dden be thousands of humors more then i can see . o man ! i mus'd a while , thou wert so prone to sining but 't was thy f●…ult i s●…e from the beginning : and as the lord himself once said , so still the imagin●…tions of thy ●…eart is ill , that 's one main cause then to presume an evil. thou hast the proneness to the flesh and devil . then sith thou art so subject unto ●…in , shun all occasions that may draw thee in , thy flesh with labour , and with fasting came , and 't will not be so ●…ubject unto blame , prevent the devils b●…its and his temptations , with earnest p●… 〈◊〉 good meditations . so when t●…y god s●…ll see thou hast a will , and truly dost desire to 〈◊〉 what 's ill , he will except it f●…r his sons dear sake , and the●… more willing and more able m●…ke . he 'l make ●…y soul. ●…re i●… thrice more defil'd : as innocent as the new born child . but if thou without c●…re or 〈◊〉 , dost lean . unto those lust of flesh that are unclean . if thou take pleasure , and delight to do them , q●…ite giving over t●…y 〈◊〉 unto t●…m , they both in soul and body too will make the●… so soul a leper that god will ●…orsake thee , hi●… holy a●…gels and ●…is saints a●… thee , and only devils make in●…reaty s●…r t●…e , fair virtue the shepherd's mistriss . the shepherd to his mistress . hale thou fairest of all creatures , upon whom the sun doth shine , model of all rairest features , and perfections most divine ; thrice all-hale and bl●…d be those that love and honour thee . by thy beauty i have gained to behold the best perfections , by thy love i have obtained to enjoy the best aff●…ions , and my tongue to sing thy prai●… , love and beauty thus doth raise . vvhat , although in rustick shadows i a shepherds breeding had , and confined to these meadows , so in home-spun russet clad , such as i have now and then , da●…d as much as greater men , on this glass of thy perfection , if that any vvomen pry , let them thereby take direction to 〈◊〉 themselves thereby . and if ought amiss they view , let them dress themselves a new . young men may by this acquainted , vvith the 〈◊〉 beauties grow , so the counterfeit and paint●… they may shun , when them they know . but the way all will not find , ●…or some eyes have , yet are blind those that mistresses are named , and for that suspected be , shall not need to be ashamed , if they patern take by thee ; neither shall their servant fear favours openly to wear . thou to no man favour dainest , but what 's fitting to bestow , neither servants entertainest , that can ever wanton grow ; for the more they look on thee , their desires still bettered be . i am no italian lover , that will mew thee in a goal , but thy beauty i discover , english-like , without a vail : if thou may'st be won away , win and wear thee he that may . yet in this thou may'st believe me , so indifferent though i seem , death with tortures would not grieve 〈◊〉 more , then loss of thy esteem . for if virtue me forsake , all a scorn of me will make . the mistriss of the shepherd . now while other men complaining , tell their mistresses disdaining , free from care i write a story , only of her worth and glory . and wh●…le most are most untoward , peevish , vain , unconstant , froward , while their best contentments bring nought , but after sorrowing : she those childish humours slighting , hath conditions so delighting , and doth so my bliss indeavour . as my joy increaseth ever . love she can , and doth , but so as she will not overthrow love's content by any folly , or by deeds that are unholy . dotingly , she ne'er affects , neither willingly neglects honest love , but means doth find , with discretion , to be kind . goodness more delights her , than all the mask of ●…olly can . fond she hateth to appear , though she hold her friend as dear , as her part of life unspent , or the best of her content . if the heat of youthful fires warm her blood with those desires , which are by the course of nature stir'd in every perfect creature : as those passions kindle so , doth heavens grace and reason grow , abler to suppress in her those rebellions , and they stir never more affection , then one good thought allays agen . i could say , so chaste is she , as the new blown roses be , or the drifts of snow , that non ever touch't or look't upon . malice never lets she in , neither hates she ought but sin. envy , if she could admit , there 's no means to nourish it ; ●…or her gentle heart is pleased , when she knows another's eased . and there 's none who ever got that pe●…ction she hath not ; so that no cause is there , why she should any one envy . mildly angry she 'll appear , that the baser rout may fear through presumption to misdo , yet she often feigns that too : but le●… wrong be whatsoever , she gives way to choler never . if she ever 〈◊〉 of ●…ate , to obtain a higher state , [ or ambitiously were given ] sure 't was but to climb to 〈◊〉 . pride is from her heart , as far as the poles in distance are , for her worth ; nor all this praise can her humble spirit raise , less to prise me than before , or her self to value more . vvere she vain , she might alledge 't were her sexes priviledge . but she 's such , as [ doubtless ] no man knows less folly in a vvoman . to prevent a being idle , sometimes with her curious needle , [ though it be her meanest glory ] she then lines some antique story . other while again , she rather labours with delight to gather knowledge from such learned vvrits , as are left by famous vvits , vvhere she chiefly seeks to know god , her self , and what we owe to our neighbour , since with these come all needful knowledges . she with adam , never will long to learn both good and ill : but her state well understood , rests her self content with good . avarice so hateth she , as the loathsom'st that be ; since she knows it is an ill , that doth ripest virtue kill ; and where e'er it comes to rest , though in some strict matrons breast , such are hired to any thing , if that you but gold can bring . if you think she jealouse be , you are wide , for credit me , her strongest jealousies nought are , other then an honest care of her friends ; and most can tell , vvho so wants that , loves not well . cruelty her soul detests , for within her bosom rests noble pity , usher'd by an unequal courtesie , and is griev'd at good men's moan , as the grief were all her own . just she is , so just , that i know she will not wrong a fly , or oppress the meanest thing , to be mistress to a king. if our painter could include temperance and fortitude in one picture she would fit for the nonce to pattern it . patient as the lamb is she , harmless as the turtles be ; yea , so largely stor'd with all vvhich we mortals , goodness call : that if ever virtue were , or may be incarnate here . this is she , whose praises i offer to ●…ternity . though discreetly speak she can , she 'll be silent , rather than talk , while others may be heard , as if she did hate , or fear'd their condition , who will force all to wait on their discourse . if she smile , or merry be , all about her are as she : for each looker on , takes part of the joy that 's in her heart . if she grieve , or you but spie sadness weeping thorow her eye , such a grace it seems to borrow , that you 'l fall in love with sorrow . and if you should mark agen , her discr●…et behaviour , when she finds reason to repent some wrong , pleaded argument , she so temperately lets all her mis-held opinions fall , and can with such mildness bow , as 't will more enamour you , then her knowledge : for there are pleasing sweets , without compare , in such yieldings , which do prove vvit , humility and love ; yea , by tho●…e mistakings , you her conditions so shall know , as `twill make her mo●…e endeared , then if she had never erred . these are beauties that shall last , vvhen the crimson blood shall waste , ●…r the shining hair wax gray , or with age be worn away . if you truly note her ●…ace , you shall find it hath a grace , neither wanton , nor o'er serious , nor too yielding , nor imperious ; but with such a ●…eature blest , it is that which pleaseth best . her perfection in each part , ●…alone except her heart ; for among all women kind , such as her's is hard to find . ' ●…is not , 't is not those rare graces that do lurk in vvomens faces : 't is not a display'd perfection , youthful eyes , nor clear complexion , nor a skin smooth , satten like , nor a dainty rosie cheeke that to wantonness can move such as victoriously do love : beauty rather gently draws vvild desires to reasons laws . beauty never tempteth men to lasciviousness , but when careless idleness hath ●…rought vvicked longings into thought . nor doth youth , or heat of blood , make men prove what is not good , nor the strength , of which they vaunt , 't is the strength and power they want : and the baseness of the mind makes their brint desires inclin'd , to persue those vain delights , which affect their appetites . i have beaut●…es to unfold , that deserve a pen of gold , sweets that never dream'd of were , things unknown , and such as ●…ar never heard a measure sound , since the sun first run his round . speak i can , yet think i more , words compar'd with thoughts are poore ; and i find , had i b●…gun such a strein , it would be done vvhen we number all the sands vvash't o e perjur'd goodwins lands , ●…or of things i should indi●…e , which i know are infinite . and besides , it seems to me that your fars nigh tire●… be : i perceive , the ●…ire that charmet●… and inspireth me , scarce warmeth your chil hearts : nay , sure were i melted into posie , i should not a measure hit , [ though apollo prompted it ] vvhich should able be to leave that in you , which i conceive . now my vvords i therefore cease , go my mounting thoughts in peace . the shepherd . to woe my noble mis●…ress , i 〈◊〉 neither rings , bracelets , jewels , nor a scarfe , 〈◊〉 feather . no place of office o●… command i keep , but this my little ●…lock of homely sheep : and in word , the sum of all my pel●… , is this , i am the m●…ster of my self . when 〈◊〉 birds , with musick strains the spring bad w●…ll-com'd in , and flowers in the woods and plains to deck them , did begin my love and i , on whom suspi●…ious eyes had set a m●…ny spies . to 〈◊〉 all , we strove , and seen of none , we got alone into a shady grove . with hand in hand , alone , we walk't , and of each other eyed ; of love and 〈◊〉 , past , we talk't , which our poor hearts had tryed . our souls infus'd into each other were , and what may be her care , did my more sorrow breed : one mind we ●…ad : one faith we said , and both in one agreed . ●…er dainty palm i gently prest , and 〈◊〉 her lips i plaid , my cheek upon her panting breast , and on her neck i laid ; and yet we had no sence of wanton lust , nor did we then mistrust the poyson in the sweet . our bodies wrought : so close we thought , b●…use our souls should meet . but kissing and imbracing , we so long together staid , her touches all enflamed me , that i had almost straid . my hands presum'd so far , they were too bold , my tongue , unwisely told , how much my heart was chang'd , and virtue quite : was put to flight , or for the time estrang'd . oh what are 〈◊〉 ! if in our strength , we over boldly trust ; the strongest sorts will yield at length , and so our vir●…s must . in me no force of reason had prevail'd , if she had also sail'd : but ere i further stray'd , she sighing , kist : my naked wrist , and thus in tears she said . sweet heart [ quoth she ] if in thy breast those virtues real be , which hitherto thou hast profest , and i believ'd in thee . thy self and me , oh , seek not to abuse , whilst thee i thus refuse , in ●…tter flames i frye ; yet let us not : our true love spot , oh rather let me dye . ●…or if thy heart should fall from good , what would become of mine ? as strong a passion stirs my blood , as can distemper thine . yet in my breast this rage i smother would , though it consume me should , and my desires ●…tain . for where we see : such breaches be , they sedom stop again . are we two , that have so long each others love imbrac't , and never did affection wrong , nor think a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ? and shall , oh shall we now our matchless joy , for one poor touch , destroy , and all content forego ; oh no , my dear : sweet-heart forbear , i will not lose thee so . for should we do a deed so base , [ as it can n●…ver be ] i could no more have seen thy face , nor wouldst thou look on me . i should of all our passions grow ashamed , and blush when thou art named ; yea , [ though 〈◊〉 constant wert ] i being 〈◊〉 : a jealous thought would still torment my heart . what goodly thing do we obtain , if i consent to thee ; bare joys we lose , and what we gain , but common pleasures be ; yea , those [ some say ] 〈◊〉 are 〈◊〉 lust inclin'd drive love 〈◊〉 of the mind , and so much reason miss , that they admire : what kind of fire a chaste affection is . no vulgar bliss i aimed 〈◊〉 when first i heard thee woe ; i 'll never prise a ma●… for that , which every groom can doe . if that be love , the basest men that be do love as well as we , who if we bear us well do pass them : as angels men in glory do excell . whil●… thus she spoke , a cruel band of passions ceas'd my soul , and what one seemed to command , another did controul . twixt 〈◊〉 and ill , i did divided lie , but as i 〈◊〉 mine eye , in her me thought i saw those virtues 〈◊〉 : whose rays div●… first gave 〈◊〉 a law. with that i felt the blush of shame into my cheek return . and love did with a chaster flame within my bosom burn ; my soul her light of reason had renew'd , and by those beams i view'd , how slily lust ensnares , and all the fires : of ill desires i quenched with my tears . go wantons now , and flout at this my coldness , if you list ; vain fools , you never knew the bliss that doth in love consist : you sigh , and weep , and labour to enjoy a shade , a dream , a toy . poor folly you persue , and are unblest : since every 〈◊〉 in pleasure equals you . you never took so rich conte●… in all your wanton play as this to me hath pleasure lent , that ●…haste she went away . for as some sins , which we committed 〈◊〉 , sharp stings behind them leave , whereby we vexed are , so ill supprest : begetteth rest , and peace without compare . the childs apology , in case of espousals . children owe much , i must confess 't is true , and a great debt is to the parents due ; but yet my parents should not be so cruel , as to take from me that high priz'd jewel , of liberty ●…n choice , whereon depends the main contentment that heaven here lends for if my parents , him i loath should chuse , 't is lawful , yea , my duty to refuse , else how shall i lead so upright a life , as is enjoyned to the man and wife . for i do think , it is not only meant , children should ask , but parents should consent , and that they err , their duty as much breaking , in not consent●…ng , as they for not sp●…aking . would parents [ in this age ] have us begin to take , by their eyes , our affections in , who quite forgetting they were ever young , would have us , children , dote with them on dung. it is imposible it should be thus , for we are rul●…d by love , not love by us , now with what follows , thus conclude we do , and we have reason for 't , and conscience too . no parent may his child 's just sute deny , on his bare will , without good reason why , nor he , so us'd , be disobedient thought , if unapproved , he take the match he sought . the pretious time is short , and will away , let us enjoy each other while we may . care thrives , age creepeth on men are but shades , joys lessen , youth decays , and beauty ●…ades , new turns come 〈◊〉 the old returneth never , if we let our's go past , 't is past forever . a song . now young man thy days and thy glorics appear . like sun-shine and blosoms in spring of the year ; thy vigor of body , thy spirits , thy vvit , are perfect and sound , and imtroubled yet . now then , o now then ! if safety thou love , mind thou , o mind thou thy maker above ! mispend not a morning so excellent clear , never [ for ever ] was happine●…s here . thy noon-tide of life hath but 〈◊〉 delight , and sorrows on sorrow will follow at night . now then , o now then ! if safety thou love , mind tho●… , o mind thou thy maker above ! that strength and those beauties that grace thee to day , to morrow may perish and vanish away . thy vvealth , or thy pleasure s or friends that now be ; may waste , or deceive , or be traitors to thee . no then , o now then , &c. mind thou , o mind thou , &c. thy joynts are yet nimble , thy sinnews unslack . and marrow unwasted doth stregthen thy back : thy youth from diseases preserveth the brain , and blood with free passages plumps every vein , now then , o now then , &c. but [ trust me ] it will not forever be so , those arms that are mighty shall feebler grow ; those 〈◊〉 that so proudly 〈◊〉 thee now . vvith age or diseases will ●…agger and bow . now then , o now then , &c. then all those rare features now graceful in thee , shall [ plowed with times furrows ] quite ruin'd be : ●…ose fancies that 〈◊〉 with dreams of delight , ●…ill trouble thy quiet the comfortless night . now then , o now then , &c. those 〈◊〉 of hair which thy youth doth adorn , vvill look like the meads in a winterly morn ; and where red and white intermixed did grow , dall paleness , a deadly complexion , will show . now the●… , o now then , &c. thy fore-head imperions , wher●…on we now view , a smoothn●… , and 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 with blew , vvill loose that perfection which youth now maintains . and change it for hollown●… , for wrinkles and stains . now then , o now then , &c. those eyes , which so many so much did admire , and with strange affections set many on fire shut up in that darkness , which age will constrain , shall never see mortal , no , never aga●…n . now then , o now then , &c , those lips , whereon beauty so fully discloses the colour and sweetness of rubies and roses ; instea●… of that here , will a gashliness weare , and none shall believe what perfection was there . now then , o now then , &c. thy teeth that stood firmly like pearls in a row , shall rotten and scatter'd disorderly grow . that gate , and those gestures , that win thee such grace , vvill turn to a feeble and staggering pace . now then , o now then , &c. by these imperfections , old age will prevail . thy marrow , thy sinnews , and spirits will fail , and nothing is left thee , when those are once spent , to give , or thy self , or another content . now then , o now then , &c. that lust which thy youth can so hardly fore-go . vvill leave thee and leave thee repe●…tance and wo ; and then in thy ●…olly no joy canst thou have , nor hope other rest , then a comfortless grave . now then , o now then , &c. for next , shall thy breath be quite taken away , thy ●…esh turn'd to dust , and that dust turn'd to clay and those that thou hast loved , and share of thy store shall leave thee , forget thee , and mind thee no more . now then , o now then , &c. and yet if in time thou remember not this , the slenderest part of thy sorrow it is . thy soul to a torture more fearful shall wend , hath ever and ever , and never an end . now then , o now then , if safety thou love , mind thou , o mind thou thy maker above . a passage taken out of witber's motto . what if america's large tract of ground , and all those isles adjoyning , lately found . [ vvhich we more truly may a desert call , then any of the world 's more civil pale ] vvhat then if there the vvilderness do lie , to which the vvoman and her son must flie . to 'scape the dragon's fury , and there ' bide , till europe's thankless nations [ full of pride , and all a●…ominations ] scourged are vvith barbarisin , as their neighbours were . the verses before , are these the eastern kingdoms had their times to flourish , the greeci●…n empire rising , saw them perish ; that fell , and then the roman pride began , now scourged by the race of ottoman . vvho live in sin , are all but thieves to heaven , and earth they steal from god , and take unsiven . good men they rob , and such as live upright , and [ being bastards ] share the free man's right ; they 're all as owners , in the owner's stead , and [ like to dogs ] devour the childrens bread. lord ! what i have , let me enjoy in thee , and thee in it , or else take it from me . divine poems , selected from the works of francis quarls . i care not so my kernel relish well , how slender be the substance of my shell ; my heart being virtuous , let my face be wane , i am to god , i only seem to man. meditation . how great 's the love of god unto his creature , or is his wisdom , or his mercy greater ? i know not whether . o! th'exceeding love of highest god , that from his throne above vvill send the brightness of his grace to those , that grope in darkness , and his grace oppose . vvhat thing is man , that god's regard is such ? or why should heaven love rechless man so much ? vvhy ? what are men but quickned lumps of earth . a feast for vvorms , a buble full of mirth . a looking glass for grief , a ●…ash , a minit , a p●…inted tomb with putrifaction in it , a map of death , a burthen of a song , a vvinters dust , a vvorm of five foot long , begot in sin , in darkness nourisht , born in sorrow , naked , shiftless and forlorn ; his first voice [ heard ] is crying for relief , alas ! he comes into a world of grief ; his age is sinful , and his youth is vain , his life 's a punishment , his death 's a pain . death respects kings and ●…eggars both alike , uncertain when , but certain she will strike . death is a minute full of suddain sorrow ; then live to day , as thou mayst dye to morrow . the vvorld's a body , each man a member is , to add some measure to the publick bliss , vvisdom is sold for sweet pleasures , for pain ; vvho lives but to himself , he lives in vain . man in himself 's a little vvorld alone , his soul 's the court , or high imperial throne , vvherein , as empress , sits the understanding , gently directing , yet with awe , commanding her hand-maids will affections , maids of honour , all following close , and duly waiting on her . but sin , that alwayes envied man's condition , vvithin this kingdom raised up division . vouchsafe [ lord ] in this little vvorld of mine , to reign , that i may reign with thee in thine . heathen godds . the egyptians , god did implore ; godd assus the chal●…eans did adore ; ●…ibel to the devouring dragon seeks , the arabians , a●…aroth ; juno the greeks ; the name of b●…llus the assyrians hallow ; the tr●…yjons , vesta , corinth , wi●…e apollo ; the arginians sacrifice unto the sun ; ●…o light-foot mercury bows macedon ; to godd volumus , lovers bend their knee ; to pavor , those that faint and fearful be ; vvho pray for health and strength , to murcia those and to victoria , they that fear to lose ; to muta , they that fear a woman's tongue ; to great lucina , women great with young ; to esculapis , they that live opprest ; and such to quies , that desire rest . implore those godds , that list to howl and bark : they bow to dagon , dagon to the ark : but he to whom the seal of mercy 's given , adores jehovah the great god of heaven . mortality . can he be fair , that withers at a blast ? or he be strong , that airy breath can cast ? can he be vvise , that knows not how to live ? or he be rich , that nothing hath to give ? can he be young , that 's feeble , weak and wane ? so fair , strong wise , so rich , so young is man. vvhy brag'st thou then , thou worm of five foot long th' art neither fair , strong , wise , nor rich , nor youn●… like to the damask rose you see , or like the blossom on a tree , or like the dainty flower in may , or like the morning to the day , or like the sun , or like the shade , or like the gourd which jonas had , even such is man , whose thred is spun drawn out , and cut , and so is done . the rose withers , the blossom blasteth , the flower fades , the morning hasteth , the sun sets , the shadow flyes , the gourd consumes , and man he dyes . like to the blaze of fond delight , or like a morning , clear and bright , or like a frost , or like a shower , or like the pride of babel's tower , or like the hour that guides the time , or like the beauty in her prime : even such is man , whose glory lends his life a blaze , or two , and ends . delights vanish , the morn o'er-casteth , the ! rosts breaks , the shower hasteth , the tower falls , the hour spends , the beauty fades , and man's life ends . of charity . in loving god , if i neglect my neighbour , my love hath lost his proof , and i my labour . my zeal , my faith , my hope , that never fails me , [ if charity be wanting ] nought avails me . lord ! in my soul a spirit of love create me , and i will love my brother , if he hate me . in temptation . art thou oppos'd to thine unequal foe ? march bravely on , thy general bids thee go : th' art heaven 's champion to maintain his right , who calls thee forth , will give thee strength to fight . god seeks by conquest thy renown , for he will win enough , fight thou , or faint , or flee . in slander . if winter fortunes nip thy summer friends , and tip their tongues with censure that offends ; thy tender name dispaire not , but be wise , know , heaven selecteth whom the world denyes . of death . me thinks i see that nimble aged si●…e , pass swiftly by , with ●…eet unapt to tire . upon his head an hour glass he wears , and in his wrinkled hand a sythe he bears , both instruments to take the lives from men , th' one shews with what , the other sheweth when ; me-thinks i see my dearest friends lament , with sighs , and tears , and woful drysiment . my tender vvife and children standing by , dewing the bed whereupon i l●…e . me-thinks i hear a voice in secret say , the glass is run , and thou must dye to day . deceitful world. what is the world a great exchange of ware , vvherein all sorts and sexes cheapening are ? the flesh , the devil , sit and cry , what lack ye ? vvhen most they fawn , they most intend to rack ye . the vvares , are cups of joys , and beds of pleasure , plenty of choice down weight , and flowing measure ; a soul 's the price , but they give time to pay upon the death-bed , on the dying day : hard is the bargain , and unjust the measure , vvhen as the price so much out-lasts the pleasure . the joys that are on earth's are counterfeits , if ought be true , 't is this , they 're true deceits ; they daily dip within thy dish , and cry , who hath betray'd thee ? master , it is i. hell torments all words come short t' express the pains of those that rage in hell , enwrapt in endless woes , vvhere time no end , and plagues find no exemption ; vvhere cryes admit no help , nor place redemption , vvhere wretched souls to tortures bound shall be , serving a world of years , and not be free . there 's nothing heard , but yells and suddain cryes , vvhere fire never slacks , nor worm e●…er dyes . but where this hell is plac't [ my muse stop there ] lord ! shew me what it is , but never where . in hell no life , in heaven no death there is ; in earth both life and death , both bal and bliss ; in heaven 's all life , no end , nor new supplying ; in hell 's all death , and yet there is no dying . farth like a partial ambodexter , doth prepare for death , or life prepares for both . christ's death . and am i here , and my redeemer gone ? can he be dead , and is not my life done ? vvas he tormented in excess of measure ? and do i live yet , and yet live in pleasure ? alas ! could sinners find out ne'er a one more fit then thee for them to spit upon ? did thy cheeks en●…ertain a traytors lips ? vvas thy dear body scourg'd , and torn with vvhips , till that the guiltless blood came trickling after ? and did thy fainting brows shoot blood and vvater ? vvert thou [ lord ] hang'd upon the cursed tree ? o world of grief ! and was all this for me ? burst forth my t●…ars into a world of sorrow , and let my nights of gr●…f find ne'er a morrow . heaven's glory . when i behold , and well advise upon the wise man's speech ; there 's nought beneath ( the sun but vanity ; my soul rebels within , and loathes the danghil prison she is in . but when i look to new jerusalem , vvherein's reserved my crown , my diadem . o! what a heaven of bliss my soul enjoyes on suddain , wrapt into that heaven of joyes , vvhere ravisht [ in the depth of meditation ] she well discerns with eye of contemplation , the glory of god in his imperial seat , full , strong in might , in majesty compleat , vvhere troops of powers , virtues , cherubims , angels , arch-angels , saints and sera phims , are chaunting praises to their heavenly king , vvhere hallelujah they forever sing . whoever smelt the breath of morning flowers , new sweetned with the dash of twi-light showers , or pounded amber , or the flowering thyme , or purple violets in the proudest prime , or swelling clusters from the cypress tree ; so sweet's my love ; aye ! far more sweet is he . dismount you quire of angels , come , with men your joyes divide ; heaven ne'er shew'd so sweet a groom , nor earth so fair a bride . hark , hark , i hear that thrice coelestial voice , vvherein my spirits wrapt with joys , rejoyce . a voice that tells me my beloved's mie ; i know the musick by the majestie : ●…ehold he comes , 't is not my blemisht face can slack the swiftness of his winged pace : behold he comes , his trumpet doth proclaim , he comes with speed , a truer love ne'er came . the imperfections of my present state . come forth my joy , what bold affron●… of fear , can fright thy soul , and i thy champion here ? 't is i that calls , 't is i thy bride-groom calls thee ; betide it me , whatever it befalls thee ; the winter of thy sharp afdiction's go●… , vvhy fear●…st thou cold , and art so near the son. heaven only knows the bliss my soul enjoyes , t'and earths too dull to apprend such joyes , then let thy breath like ●…aggons of strong wine . relieve and comfort this poor heart of mine ; for i am sick , till time [ that dotli delay our marriage ] being our joyful marriage day . conclusion . gasp not for honour , wish no blasing glory . for these will perish in an ages story , nor yet for power ; power may be 〈◊〉 to fools , as well as thee that hast deserv'd . thirst not for l●…ds , nor money wish for non ; for wealth is neither l●…sting , nor our own . riches are fair inti●…ements 〈◊〉 to deceive us ; they fl●…ter while we live , and dying leave us , nor house , nor land , nor measur'd heaps of wealth can render to a dying man his heal●…h . and what is life a bubble ●…ull of care , which prik't by death , straight e●…ters into air. the author's dream . mr sins are like the hairs upon my head , and raise their audit to as high a score ; in this they disfer , these do daily shed ; but ah ! my sins grow daily more and more . if by my hairs thou number out my sins . heaven , make me bold , before the day begins . my sins are like the sands upon the shore , which every ebb lies open to the eye ; in this they differ , those are cover'd o'er with every tide ; my sins still open lie . if thou wilt make my head a sea of tears ; o! they will hide the sins of all my years . my sins are like the stars within the skies , in view , in number even as bright as great ; in this they differ , these do set and rise ; but ah ! my sins do rise and never set . shine son of glory , and my sins are gone , like twinkling stars before the ri●…ing sun , essaies and religious meditations of sir francis bacon , knight , attorney general to king james the first . glory and honour are the spurs to virtue . as generally mettel is more precious than stone , and yet a diamond is more precious than gold , so generally in warmer climates [ it hath beene noted ] the people are more wise ; but in th●… northren climate , the wits of chief are greater . printed in the year 1688. i. of death . m●…n fear death , as children fear to go in the dark ; and as that natural fear in children is inc●…eased ●…ith tales , so is the other . certainly , the fear of death , is contemplation of the cause of it , yet the fear of it for it self , is weak . you shall read in some of the fryers books , of mortification . that a man should think with himself , what the the pain i●… , if he have but his ●…ingers end pressed or tortured , an●… thereby imagin what the pains of death are , when the whole body is corrupted and dissolved ; when man●… times death passeth wi●…h less pain , then the torture of a limb. ●…or the most vital parts , are not the quickest of sence . grones and convulsions , and a dis●…oloured face , and friends weeping , and blacks , and obsequie●… and the like , shew death terrible . it is worthy the observing , that there is no passion in the mind of man so weak , but masters the fear of death ; and therefore death is no such enemy , when a man hath so many ●…ollowers about him , that can win the combat of him . revenge triumphs over death ; love esteems it not ; honour aspireth to it ; delivery from ignominy , chuseth it ; grief flyeth to it ; fear pre-occupateth it . it is no less worthy to observe , how little alteration in good spirits the approaches of death make : but they are the same till the ●…ast . it is as natural to dye , as to be born , and to a little infant , perhaps the one is as painful as the other . ii. of cunning . we take cunning for a sinister or crooked wisdom ; and certainly , there is a great difference between a cunning man , and a wi●…e man , not only in point of ●…onesty , but in point of ability . there are some that are good canvasses , and factious , that are otherwise weak men . again , it is one thing to understand persons , and another thing to understand matters : ●…or many are perfect in mens humours , that are not greatly capable of the real part of business , which is the constitution of one that hath studied men more then books . such men are fitter for practice , then for counsel , and they are good but in their own alley ; turn them to new men , and they have lost their aim . many are the differences between cunning and wisdom , and it were a good deed to set them down ; for that nothing doth more hurt in state , then that cunning men pass for wise . iii. of marriage , and single life . he that ha●… vvife and children , hath given hostages to ●…ortune , for they are impediments to great enterprises , either of virtue or mischief . certainly the best works , and of greatest merit , for the publick , have proceeded from the unmarried , or childless men ; which have sought eternity in memory , and not in posterity ; and which both , in affection and means , have married , and endowed the publ ck : y●…t some there are , that lead a single life , whose thoughts do end with themselves , and do account future times impertinencies . nay , there are some others , that esteem vvife and children but as b lls of charges . but the most ordinary cause of a single life , is liberty , especially in certain self-pleasing and humorous minds , which are so sensible of every restriction , as they will go near to think their girdles and garters to be bands and shackles . unmarried men are best ●…riends , best masters ; not alwayes best subj●…cts , for they are like to run away : and almost all fugitives are of that condition . certainly , vvife and children are a kind of discipl●…ne of humanity ; and single men are more cruel and hard-hearted ; good to make severe inquisitors . grave natures led by custom , and therefore constant , are commonly loving husbands . chaste women are often proud , and froward , as presuming upon the merit of their chastity . it is one of the best bands both of chastity and obedience in the wife , if she think her husband wise , which she will never do , if she find him jealous . vvives are young mens mistresses , companions to middle age , and old mens nurses . so as a man may have a quarrel to marry when he will : but yet , he was reputed one of the wise men , that made answer to the question , when a man should marry : a young man not yet , an elder man not at all — but hear quarles , a woman's rule should be of such a fashion , only to guide her houshold , and her passion , and her obedience never's out of season , so long as either husband lasts , or reason . ill thrives that hopeless family that shows a cock that 's silent , and a hen that crows . i know not which live most unnatural lives , obeying husbands , or commanding wives . iv. of parents and children . the joys of parents are secret , and so are their griefs and fears : they cannot utter the one , nor will they utter the other . children sweeten labours , but they make misfortunes more b●…tter : they increase the cares of life , but they mittigate the remembrance of death . the perpetuity by generation is common to beacts , but memory , me●…it and noble vvorks ar●… proper to men . they that are the first raisers of their house , are most indulgent towards their children , beholding them as the continuance . not only of theirkind . but of their vvork ; and so both children and creatures . the dif●… of affection in parents , towards their several children , is many times unequal , and sometimes unworthy ; espec●…ally in the mother , as solomon saith , a wise son rejoyceth the father , but an ungracious son shames the mother a man shall see , where there is a house full of children , one or two of the eld●…st respected , and the youngest made vvantons , but in the middle , some that are as it were forgotten , who nevertheless prove the best . the illiberality of parents in allowance towards their children , is an harmful error , makes them base , acquaints them with shifts , makes them sort with mean company ; and makes them surfeit more when they come to plenty . and therefore the proof is best , ●…n men keep their authority towards their children , but not their purse . v. of nobility . now nobility is but the act of pow●…r , but ancient nobility is the act of time. the first kaisers of ●…ortunes are commonly more v●…rtuous , but less innocent then their d●…endants . for there is rarely rising but b●… commixture of good and evil arts. but it is reason the memory of their virtues remain to their post●… , and their ●…aults dve with themselves . nobility of birth commonly abateth industry ; and he that is not industrous envieth him that is ; besides , noble perso●…s cannot go much h●…gher ; and he that 〈◊〉 at a 〈◊〉 , when others rise , can hardly forb●…ar ●…tions of env●… . on the other side . nobility 〈◊〉 the passive envy of others towards them , because the●… are in possession of honour . and envy is as the sun beams , that beat more upon a rising g●…ound ; then upon a level . a great nobillity addeth majesty to a 〈◊〉 , but deminisheth power , and putteth life and ●…rit i●…to people , but presseth their ●…ortunes . cert●… k●…gs that have able men of their no●…ity , 〈◊〉 find case in employing them . and a better slide into their business : for people naturally bend to them , as born in some sort to command . vi. of great place . men in great place , are thrice servants ; servants of the soveraign of state , servants of business , and servants of fame ; so as they have no freedom , neither in their persons , nor in their times , nor in their actions . it is a strange desire to seek power , and to lose liberty , or to seek power over ●…ers , and to lose power over a man's self : the ri●…ing unto place , is laborious , and by p●…s men came to greater pains , and it is sometimes base : and by ●…ties men came to dignities : the ●…ding is slipp●…ry and the reg●…ess is either a down-fall , or an eclipse . which is a melancholly thing . nay , retire men ●…nnot . when they would , neither will they , when it were reason , but are impatient of privateness , even in age and sickness , which require the shadow . certainly , great persons had nee●… to borrow other mens opinions to think themselves happy : for if they 〈◊〉 by their own feeling , they cannot find it ; but if they think with themselves what other men think of them , and that other men would 〈◊〉 be as they are , then they are hap●…y . as it were , by report , when perhaps they find the contrary within ; for they are the first that find their own griefs , though they be the last that find their own ●…aults . certainly , men in great ●…ortunes are strangers to themselves . and while they are in the puzzle of business , they have no time to tend their health , either of body or mind . power to do 〈◊〉 . is the true and lawful end of aspiring . merit is the 〈◊〉 of m●…'s motion ; and conscience of merit is the a 〈◊〉 of man's rest. ●…or if a man can in any measure 〈◊〉 ●…taker of 〈◊〉 theater , he shall likewise be 〈◊〉 of gods rest. in the discharge of thy place , set before thee the best examples , for imitation is a globe of pre●…pts . and after a time , set before thee thine own ●…ample , and examine thy self strictly , whether thou didst not best at first seek to make thy course regular that men may know before-hand what they may expect : but be not too positive , and express thy self well , when thou digr●…st from thy rule . imbrace and invite helps and intelligence , touching the execution of thy pla●… , and do not drive away such as bring thee information , as 〈◊〉 , but accept them in good part . the vi●…s of authority are chiefly four ; delays , corrupti●… , rou●… and 〈◊〉 ; ●…or d●…lays give 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 times appointed , go through with that which is in hand , and interlace not business but upon ●…ssity . for corruption , do not only bind thin●… own hands , or thy ●…vants hand , that may take , but bind the ha●…ds of them that should offer ; for integrity 〈◊〉 , doth the ●…ne , and ●…ntegrity prof●…d , with a manifest d●…ation of bribrey doth the other . and avoid not only the ●…ault , but the suspition : for roughness , it is a needless cause of di●…content . severity breedeth fear , but roughness breedeth hate . even reproofs from authority , ought to be grave , and not taunting . as for ●…acility , it is worse then bribery ; for bribes come but now and then , bu●… if importunity , or idle respects lead a man , he shall never be without . as solomon saith , to respect perso●… is not good , for such a man will transgress for a piece of bread. it is most true that was antiently spoken : a place she●…th the man , and it sheweth some for the bette●… . and some for the worse . it is assured sign of worthy an●… generous spirit , whom honour mends . for honour is or should be the place of virtue ; and as in nature . things move violently to their place , and calmly in their place ; so virtue in ambition is violent , in autho●… settled and ●…lm . vii . of counsel . the greatest trust between man , is the trust of giving counsel . for in other confidences , men commit the parts of their life , their lands , their goods , their child , their credit , some particular affair . but to such as they make their counsellors , they commit the whole ; by how much the more they are oblig●…d to all faith and integrity . the wisest princes need not think it any deminution to their greatness , or derogation to their sufficiency to relie on counsel . god himself is not without , but hath made it one of the great names of his blessed son. the counsellor solomon hath pronounced , that in counsel there is safety . things will have their first or second cogitations : if they be not tossed upon the arguments of counsel , they will be tossed upon the waves of fortune , and be full of inconstancy , doing and undoing , like the reeling of a drunken man. solomon's son found the force of counsel , as his father found the necessity of it . for the beloved kingdom of god was first rent and broken by ill counsel : 〈◊〉 which counsel there are set for our instruction , the two marks , whereby bad counsel is forever best discerned , that is , young counsel for the persons , and violent counsel for the matter . there is , that are in their natures faithful , and sincere , and plain , and direct , not crafty and inva●…ued : let princes above all , draw to themselves such natures . the true composition of a counsellor is to be rather skilful in his masters business , then in his nature ; for then he is like to advise him , and not to feed his humour . it is of singular use to princes , if they take the opinion of their council , both seperately , and together ; for private opinion is more free , but opinion before others , is more reverent . in private , men are more bold in their own humours ; and in consort , men are more obnoxious to others humours . therefore it is good to take both ; and of the inferior sort rather in private , to preser●… freedom : of the greater , rather in consort , to 〈◊〉 respect . it is in vain for princes to take counsel concerning matters , if they take no counsel likewise concerning persons ; for all matters are as dead images , and the life of the execution of affairs resteth in the good choice of persons . books will speak plain , when counsellors blanch . therefore it is good to be conversant in them , especially the books of such as themselves have been actors upon the stage . viii . of dispatch . affected dispatch is one of the most dangerous things to business that can be . therefore measure not dispatch by the times of sitting , but by the advancement of business . i knew a wise man had it for a by-word , when he saw men hasten to a conclusion : stay a while , that we may make an end the sooner . on the other side , true dispatch is a rich thing ; for time is the measure of business , as money is of wares ; and business is bought at a dear rate , where there is small dispatch . give good hearing to those that give the first information in business , and rather direct them in the beginning , then interrupt them in the continuance of their speeches : for he that is put out of his order , will go forward and backward , and be more tedious by parcels , then be could have been at once . but sometimes it is seen , that the moderator is more troublesome then the actor . iterations are commonly loss of time , but there is no such gain of time as to iterate often the state of the question ; for it chaseth away many a srivolous speech , as it is coming forth : long and curious speeches are as sit for dispatch as a robe or mantle , with a long trane , is for a race . there be three parts of business , the preparation , the debate or examination , and the perfection . whereof if you lock for dispatch , let the middle only be the work of many , and the first and last the work of few . ix . of love. love is the argument alwayes of comedies , and sometimes of tragedies , which shews well that it is a passion generally light , and sometimes extream . extream it may well bes●… since the speaking in a perpetual hiperbole i●… comely in nothing but love : neither is it meerly in the phrase . for whereas it hath been well said , that the arch-flatterer , with whom all the petty flatterers have intelligence , is a man's self ; certainly the lover much more . for there was never proud man thought so absurdly well of himself , as the lover doth of the person loved ; and therefore it was well said , that it is impossible to love , and to be wise . neither doth this weakness appear to others only , and not to the person loved , but to the loved most of all , except the love be reciproque . for it is a true rule , that love is either rewarded with love again , or with an inward and secret contempt . by how much the more men ought to beware of this passion , that loseth not only other thin●…s , but it self . this passion hath its floods in the very time of weakness , which are great prosperity , and great adversity ( though this later hath been less observed ) both which times kindle love , and make it more fervent , and therefore shew it to be the child of folly. they do best that make this affection keep quarter , and sever it wholly from their serious affairs and actions of their life ; for if it check once with business , it troubleth mens fortunes , and maketh men that they can be no way true to their own ends . x. of friendship . there is no greater desert or wilderness , then to be without true friends . for without friendship society is but meeting . and as it is certain , that in bodies inaminate . union strengthneth any natural motion , and weakneth any violent motion : so amongst men , friendship multiplyeth joys , and divideth griess . live not in continual s●…oother , but take some friend●… with whom to communicate ; it will unfold thy understanding , it will evaporate thy affections , it will prepare thy business . a man may keep a corner of his mind from his friend , and it be but to witness to himself that it is not upon facility , but upon the true use of friendship that he imparteth himself . vvant of true friends , as it is the reward of perfidious natures , so it is an imposition upon great fortunes ; the one deserves it , the other cannot scape it . and therefore it is good to retain sincerity , and to put it into the reckoning of ambition , that the higher one goeth , the fewer true friends he shall have . perfect on of friendship , is but a speculation . it is friendship , when a man can say to himself , i love this man , without respect of utility : i am open hearted to him ; i single him from the generallity of those with whom i live ; i make him a portion of my own wishes . there is little friendship in the world , and least of all between equals , which was wont to be magnified . that that is between superior and inferior , whose fortunes may comprehend one the other . xi . of self . an ant is a wise creature for it self ; but it is a shrewd thing in an orchard or garden . and certainly , men that are great lovers of themselves , waste the publick . divide with reason between self-love and society , and be so true to thy self , as thou be not false to others . it is a poor centre of a mans actions , himself : it is right earth . and certainly , it is the nature of extream self-lovers , as they will set an house on fire , and it were but to roast their own eggs. . xii . of regiment of health . there is a vvisdom in this beyond the rules of physick , a man 's own observation what he finds good of , and what he finds hurt of , is the best physick to preserve health . but it is a safer conclusion to say this agreeth not well with me , therefore i will not 〈◊〉 it ; then this , i find no offence in this , therefore i ●…ay use it : for strength of nature in youth passeth over many excesses , ●…hich are owing a man till his age. dis●…ern of the coming on of years , and think not to do the same thing still . certainly , most lusty old men catch their deaths by that adventure ; for age will not be edified : beware of sudden change in any point of dyet , and if necessity enforce it , fit the rest to it . for it is a secret both in nature and state , that it is safer to change many things , then one . to be free minded , and cheerfully disposed at hours of meat , and of sleep , and of exercise , is the best precept of long lasting . despise no new accident in your body , but ask opinion of it . in sickness respect health principally , and in health action . for those that put their bodies to endu●…e in health , may in most sicknesses , which are not very sharp , be cured only with dyet and tending . xiii . of discourse . some in their discourse , desire rather commendation of vvit , in being able to hold an argument in discerning what is true ; as if it were a praise to know what might be said , and not what should be thought . the honourablest kind of talk is to give the occasion , & again , to moderate and pass to somewhat else . it is good to vary and mix speeches to the present occasion with arguments ; tales with reasons , asking of questions , with telling of opinions . and jest with earnest . but some things are priviledged from jest , namely religion , matters of state , great persons , any man's present business of importance , and any case that deserveth pity ; and generally men ought to find the difference betwee●… saltness and bitterness . certainly , he that hath a sat●…rical vein , as he maketh others afraid of his vvit , so be had need be afraid of others memory . he that questioneth much , shall learn much , and content much : so especially if he apply hi●… , questions to the skill of the person of whom he asketh : ●…or he shall give them occasion to pl●…ase themselves in speaking , and himself shall continually gather k●…dge . if you dissemble sometimes your knowl●…dge of that you are thought to know , you shall be thought another time to know that you know not . speech of a man's self is not good often , and there is but one case wherein a man may praise himself ●…th good grace , a●…d that is in commending virtue in another , esp●…ially if it be such a virtue as whereunto himself pr●…ndeth : speech of touch towards ot●…ers , should be sparingly used ; for discourse ought to be as a ●…ield , without coming home to any man. discretion of speech is more then ●…loquence , and to speak agreeably to him , with whom we deal , is more then to speak in good words or in good orde●… . ●…astly , in a set speech in an assembly , it is expected a man should use all his reasons in the case he handleth ; but in private perswasions it is always a great error . xiv . ●…f riches . i cannot call riches better then the baggage of virtue ; for as the baggage is to an army , so is riches to virtue ; it cannot be spared , nor well left behind , but it hindreth the march ; yea , and the care of it sometimes loseth or distributeth the victory . of great riches there is no real use , except it be in the distribution , the rest is conceit . o , saith solomon , where much is , there are many to consume it ; and what hath the owner , but the sight of it with his eyes ? the personal fruition of any man cannot reach to feel great riches ; there is a custody of them , or a power of dole or donative of them , or a fame of them , but no solid use to the owner . do you not see what feigned prices are set upon little stones and rarities , and what works of osten●…ation are undertaken , because there might seem to be some use of great riches ? but then they may be of use to buy men out of dangers or troubles . as solomon saith , riches are as a strong-hold in the imigination of the rich man. but this is excellently expressed , that it is in the imagination , and not always in fact. ●…or certainly , great riches have sold more men , then they have bought out . seek not proud riches , but such as thou mayst get justly , use soberly , distribute cheerfully , and leave contentedly ; yet have no abstract or ●…ryerly contempt of them . neither trust thou much others , that seem to despise riches ; for they despise them that dispair of them , and none worse when they come to them . be not penny wise ; riches have wings and sometimes they fly away of themselves : sometimes they must be set flying , to bring in more . men leave their riches either to their kindred or to the publick , and moderate portions prosper best in both . measure not thy advancements by quantity , but frame them by measure ; and defer not charities till death ; for certainly if a man weigh it rightly , he that doth so , is rather liberal of another man's , than of his own . xv. of young men , and age. a man that is young in years , may be old in hours ; if he have lost no time : but that happens rarely . generally , youth is like the first cogitations , not so wise as the second : for there is a youth in thoughts , as well as in ages . natures that have much heat , and great violent desires and perturbations , are not ripe for action till they have past the meridian of their years : but reposed natures may do well in youth : as on the other side , heat and vivacity in age is an excellent composition for business . young men are fitter to invent , than to judge ; fitter for execution then for counsel , and fitter for new projects then for settled business . ●…or the experience of ag●… , in things that fall within the compass of it , directeth them ; but in things meerly new , abuseth them . the errors of young men are the ruin of business : but the errors of aged men amount to this , that more might have been done , or sooner . certainly , it is good to compound imployments of both for that will be good for the present , because the virtue●… of either age may correct the defects of both , and good for succession , that young men may be learners , while men in age are actors : and lastly , in respect of extream accidents , because authority followeth old men , and favour and popularity youth . a certain rabby upon the text , your young men shall see visions , and your ol●… men dream dreams : inferreth , that young men are admitted nearer to god , then old , because vision is a clearer revelation then a dream . and certainly , the more a man drinketh in of the world , the more it intoxicateth : and age doth profit rather in the power●… of understa●…ing , then in the virtues of the will an●… affections . xvi . of beauty and virtue . virtue is like a rich stone best plain set ; and surely virtue is best set in a body that is comely , thoug●…●…ot of delicate features , and that hath rather dignity of presence , then beauty of respect . neither is it always seen , that very beautiful persons are otherwise of great virtue , as if nature were rather busie not to err then in labour to produce excellency . and therefore they prove accomplished , but not of great spirit ; and study rather behaviour , then virtue . in beauty , tha●… of favour is more then that of colour ; and that of decent and gracious motion , more then that of favour . that is the best part of beauty , which a picture cannot express ; no , not the first sight of the life : and there is no excellent beaut●… that hath not some strange●…ess in the proportion . if it be true , that the principal part of beauty is in desent motion , certainly , it is no marvel though persons in years seem many times more aimable . ●…or no youth can be comely but by pardon , and considering the youth as to make up the comliness . beauty is as summer fruits , easie to corrupt , and cannot last ; and for the most part it makes a dissolute youth , and age a little out of countenance . but yet certainly again , if it light well , it makes vertues shine , and vices blush . the poet saith , virtue 's a chaste queen , and yet doth not scorn to be imbrac●…d by him that 's meanest born ; she is the prop that 〈◊〉 support , yet one whom slaves , as well as kings may court . she loveth all that bear 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 , and yields to any that hath heart to woe her . so vice , how high so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be in place , is that which grooms m●…y 〈◊〉 at in disgrace ; she is a strumpet , and m●…y be 〈◊〉 , yea , spurn'd at in the 〈◊〉 of a lord. the epicures say to the sto●…ks , ●…licity placed 〈◊〉 virtue , that it is like the 〈◊〉 of a plaver , who if he were left of his auditors , and their applause , 〈◊〉 would straight be out of heart and countenance , and therefore they call virtue , 〈◊〉 thea●…rale . xvii . of deformity . deformed persons are commonly even with nature ; for as nature hath done ill by them , 〈◊〉 do they by nature , being for the most part [ as the scripture saith ] void of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and so the●… have their revenge of nature . certainly , there is a consent between the body and the mind ; and when nature erreth in the one ●…he 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the other . 〈◊〉 because there is in man an 〈◊〉 on touch●…ng the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 his mind , and a necessity in the ●…ame of his body , th●… stars of natural inclination are sometimes obscured by the sun of discipline and virtue . therefore it is good to consider of deformity , not as a sign , which is more deceiveable , but as a cause , which seldom ●…ailteh of the effect . deformed persons are extream bold ; first , as in their own defence , as being exposed to scorn ; but in process of time by a general habit. also it stirreth in them industry , and specially of this kind , to watch and observe the weaness of others , that they may have somewhat to repay . they will , if they be of spirit , seek to free themselves from scorn , which must be either by virtue or malice ; and therefore they prove either the best of people , or the worst , or strangly mixed . xviii . of custom , and nature in men. men's thoughts are much according to their inclination , their discourse and speech according to their learning , and in●…used opinions ; but their deeds are after as they have been accustomed . the ingagement of words are not so forceable as custom : a man would wonder to hear men profess , protest , engage , give great words , and then do just as they have done before , as if they were dead images and engines , moved only by the wheels of custom . ' therefore since custom is the principal magistrate of man's life , let men by all means seek to obtain good customs . certainly , custom is more perfect when it begins in young years , this we call education , which is nothing but an early custom . for it is true , that late learners cannot so well take the ply , except it be in some minds that have not ●…uffered themselves to ●…ix , but have kept themselvs open and prepared to receive continual amendment , which is exceeding rare . nature is often hidden , sometimes overcome , seldom extinguished ; force maketh nature more violent in the return : doctrine and discourse make nature less importune , but custom only doth alter and subdue nature . certainly , the great multiplication of virtues upon humane nature , resteth upon societies , well ordained and disciplined . xix . of fortune . i●… cannot be denyed , but outward accidents conduce much to a man's fortune , ●…avour oppertune death of others occasion , fitting virtue ; but chiefly the mould of a man's ●…ortune is in himself . and the most frequent of external causes , is that the folly of one man is the fortune of another ; for no man prospers so suddainly as by others errors . if a man look sharply and accentively , he shall see fortune ; for though she be blind , yet she is not invisible . certainly , there be not two more fortunate porperties , then to have a little of the fool , and not too much of the honest. therefore extream lovers of their country or masters , were never fortunate , neither can they be . for when a man placeth his thoughts without himself , he goeth not his own way . all wise men , to decline the envy of their own virtues , use to ascribe them to providence and fortune , for so they may the better assume them . and besides , it is greatness in a man , to be the care of the higher powers — the poet speaks of ●…ortune thus , fortune [ that blind supposed goddess ] is still rated at , if ought succeed amiss . when this man's barn sinds not her wonted store , fortune's condemned , because she sent no more . if this man dye , or that man live too long , fortune 's accus'd , and she hath done the wrong . ah! foolish dolis , and [ like your goddess ] blind , you make the fault , and call your saint ●…nkind . ●…or when the cause of evil begins in man , the effects ensue from whence the cause began . xx. of studies . studies serve for delight , for ornament , and for ability ; their chief use for delight , is in privateness and retiring : for ornament , is in discourse : and for ability , is in judgment . for expert men can execute men , but learned men are fittest to judge and censure . to spend too much time in them , is 〈◊〉 ; to use them too much for ornament , is affectation . to make judgment wholly by their rules , is the humour of a schollar : they perfect nature , and are perfected by experience . crafty men contemn them , simple men admire them , and wise men use them . ●…or they teach not their own use , but that it is a wisdom without them , and above them , won by observation . read not to contradict , nor to believe , but to weigh and consider . some books are to be tasted , and others to be swallowed . reading makes a full man , conferrence a ready man , and writing an exact man : and therefore if a man write little , he had need have a great memory ; if he confer little , he had need have a present wit ; & if he read little , he had need have much cunning , to know that he doth not . histories make men wise , poets witty , the mathematicks súbtil , natural philosophy deep , morral grave , logick and rhetoricks able to contend . there is no stand or impediment in the wit , but may be brought out by fit stud es , like as diseases of the body may be apropriate exercises . shouting is good for the lungs and breast , gentle walking for the stomach , riding for the head and the like . so if a man's wit be wandring , let him study the mathematick ; if his wit be not apt to distinguish , or find differences , let him study the school-men ; if it be not apt to bear over matters & to find out resemblances ●…et him study lawyers cases . so every defect of the mind have special receipt . xxi . of ceremonies and respects . he that is only real , had need have exceeding great parts of virtue . to attain good forms , it sufficeth not to despise them , for so shall a man observe them in others ; and let him trust himself with the rest . for if he care to express them , he shall lose their grace ; which is to be natural and unaffected . not to use ceremonies at all , is to teach others not to use them again , and so diminisheth respect ; especially they be not to be omitted to strangers , and formal natures . amongst a man's peers , a man shall be sure of familiarity ; and therefore it is good a little to keep state . amongst a man's inferiors one shall be sure of reverence , and therefore it is good a little to be familiar . he that is too much in any thing , so that he giveth another occasion of society , maketh himself cheap . it is a good precept generally in seconding another ; yet to add somewhat of one's own ; as , if you will grant his opinion , let it be with some distinction ; if you will follow his motion , let it be with condition ; if you allow his counsel let it be with alledging further reason . men had need beware how they be too perfect in complements . it is loss in business to be too full of respects , or to be too curious in observing times and seasons . solomon saith he that con●…idereth the wind shall not sow , and he that looketh on the clouds shall not reap . a wise man will make more oppertunities then he finds . xxii . of suits . surely , there is in a sort a right in every suit , either a right of equity , if it be a suit of controversie , or a right of desart , if it be a suit of pet tion . if affection lead a man to favour the wrong side in justice , let him rather use his countenance to compound the matter , then to carry it . if affection lead a man to favour the less worthy in desart , let him do it without depraving or disabling the better deserver . to be ignorant of the value of a suit , is simplicity , as well as to be ignorant of the right thereof , is want of conscience . nothing is thought so easie a request to a great person , as his letter , and yet if it be not in a good cause , it is so much out of his reputation . xxiii . of negotiating . it is generally better to deal by speech , then by letter , and by the mediation of a third , then by a man's self ; letters are good when a man would draw an answer by letters back again , or when it may serve for a man's justification , afterwards to produce his own letter , or where it may be danger to be interrupted , on heard by pieces . to deal in person is good , when a mans face breeds regard ; as commonly with inferiors , or in tender cases , where a mans eye , upon the countenance of him with whom one speaketh , may give him a direction how far to go ; and generally , where a man will reserve to himself liberty , either to disavow or to expound . it is better to sound a person with whom one deal afar off , then to fall upon the point at first , except you mean to surprise him by some short question . it is better dealing with men in appetite , then with those which are where they would be . in choice of instruments [ for dealing ] it is better to chuse men of plainer sort that are like to do that that is committed to them , and to report back again faithfully the success , then those that are cunning , to contrive out of other mens business somewhat to grace themselves , and will help the matter in report for satisfaction sake . all practice is to discover , or to work . men discover themselves in trust , in passion , at unawares and of necessity when they would have somewhat done , and cannot find an apt pretext . if you would work any man , you must either know his manner and fashions , and so lead him or his ends , and so perswade him or his weakness , or disadvantage , and so awe him , and so govern them . in dealing with cunning persons , we must ever consider their ends , to interpret their speeches ; and it is goo●… to say little to them , and that which they least look for . xxiv . of judicature . judges ought to remember that their office is to interpret law , and not to make law , or give law , else will it be like the presumption of the church of rome , which under pretext of exposition of scripture , usurpeth and practiseth an authority to add and alter , and to pronounce that which they do not find , and by colour of antiquity to introduce novelty . judges ought to be more learned , then witty , more reverend then plausible , and more advised then confident . above all things , integrity is their portion and proper virtue . cursed [ saith the law ] is he that removeth the land-marks . the mislayer of a meerstone is to blame ; but it is the unjust judge that is the capital remover of land-marks , when he defineth a miss of lands and property . one foul sentenced doth more hurt then many foul examples , for they do but corrupt the stream ; the other corrupteth the fountains . there be [ saith the scripture ] that turn judgment into wormwood ; and surely there be also , that turn it into vinegar : for injustice maketh it bitter , and delayes maketh it sower . the principal duty of a judge is to suppress force and fraud , whereof ●…orce is the more pernitious , the more open and fraud the more close and disguised . add thereto contentious . suits , which ought to be spued out as the surfeit of courts . a judge ought to prepare his way to a just sentence , as god useth to prepare his way by raising valleys , and taking down hills : so when there appeareth on either side an high hand , violent prosecution , ●…unning advantages taken , combination power , great counsel , then is the virtue of a judge seen to make inequality equal , that he may plant h●…s judgment upon an even ground . judges must beware of hard constructions and stained inferrences ; for there is no worse to turn then the torture of laws , specially in cases of laws penal ; they ought to have a care , that that which was meant for terror be not turned into rigor ; and tha●… they bring not upon the people that shower , whereof the scripture speaketh : piuet super eos laqueo ; ●…or penal laws pressed are as a shower of snares upon the people . in cases of life and death , judges ought [ as far as the law permitteth ] in justice to remember mercyand to cast a severe eye upon the example , but a merciful eye upon the person . patience and gravity of hearing , is an essential part of justice ; and an over-speaking judge is no well tuned cimbal . it is no grace to a judge to find that which he might have heard in due time ●…rom the bar , or to sher●… quickness of conceit in cutting off counsel or evidences too short , or to prevent information b●… questions , though pertinent . the parts of a judge are four ; to direct the evidence , to moderate length of repetition , or impertinency of speech●… to recapitulate and collate the material points of that which ●…ath been said , and to give the rule and sentence : what●…ever is above these , is too much , and proceedeth either of glory , and willingness to speak , or of impatience to hear , or of shortness of memory , or of want of a 〈◊〉 and equal attention . it is a strange thing to see that the boldness of 〈◊〉 should prevail with judges , whereas they should imitate god , in whose seat they sit ; who represseth the presumptious and giveth grace to the modest. but is more strange , that 〈◊〉 custome of the time doth warrant judges to have noted favourites , which cannot but cause 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 , ●…nd suspition of by-wayes . there is due from the judge , to ●…he advocate , some commendation and gracing , where causes are well handled and fair pleaded , especially towards the side which obtaineth not ; for that upholds in the client , the reputation of his counsel , and beats down in him the conceit of his cause . there is likewise due to the publick a civil reprehension of advocates , where there appeareth cunning counsel , gross neglect , slite information , indiscreet pressing , or an over-bold defence . the place of justice is an hallowed place , and therefore not only the bench , but the foot-place , and precincts and purprize thereof , ought to be preserved without scandal and corruption . for certainly : grapes [ as the scripture saith ] will not be gathered of thorns or thistles ; neither can justice yield her fruit with swe●…ss among the bryars and brambles of catching and pulling clerks and ministers . on the other side , an antient clerk , ●…ilful in presidents , wary in proceeding and understanding in the business of the court , is an excellent finger of a court , and doth many times point out the way of the judge himself . lastly , judges ought above all 10 remember the conclusion of the roman twelve tables ; salus populi supreama lex ; and to know that laws , exc●… they be in order to that end , are but things captious , and oracles not well inspired . a●…d let no man weakly conceive , that just laws and true pollicy have any antipathy . i 〈◊〉 they are like the spirits and sinnews that one moves within the other . neither ought judges to be so ignorant of their own right , as to think there is not left to them as a princip●…l 〈◊〉 o●… their o●…ice a wis use and application of laws ; for 〈◊〉 m●…y remember what the apostle saith of a greater l●… then theirs : nos scimus quia lex bona est jude-quia ●…a utatur legitime . xxv . of honour and reputation . the winning of honour is but the revealing of a man's virtue and word without disadvantage ; for some in their actions do a●…ct honour and 〈◊〉 , which sort of men are commonly much talk●… of , but inwardly little admired ; and some darken their virtue in the shew of it , so as they be undervalued in opinion . if a man perform that which hath not been attempted before , or attempted and given over , or hath been atchieved , but not with so good circumstance , he shall purchase more honour than by affecting a matter of greater difficulty or virtue , wherein he is but a follower . a man is an ill husband of his honour that entreth into any action , the failing wherein will disgrace him more then the carrying of it through can honor him . honour hath three things in it ; the vantage ground to do good , the approach to kings and principal persons , and the raising of a man 's own fortunes . he that hath the best of these intentions when he aspireth , is an honest man ; and that prince that can descern of intentions , in one that aspireth , is a wise prince . meditationes sacra . xxvi . of the works of god and man. god beheld all things which his hands had made , and lo , they were all passing good . but when man turned him about , and took a view of the works which his hands had made , he found all to be vanity and vexation of spirit : wherefore if thou shalt work in the works of god , thy sweat shall be as an oyntment of oders , and thy rest as the sabboth of god. thou shalt travel in the sweat of a good conscience , and shalt keep holy-day in the quietness and liberty of the sweetest contemplations . but if thou shalt aspire after the glorious acts of men , thy works shall be accompanied with compunction and strife , and thy remembrance followed with distaste , and upbraidings ; and justly doth it come to thee [ o man ] that since thou which art god's work , dost him no reason in yielding him well-pleasing service , even thine own works should also reward thee with the like fruit of bitterness . xxvii . of the miracles of our saviour . he hath done all things well a true confession and applause : god , the word , in the mircacles which he wrought [ now every miracle is a new creation , and not according to the first creation ] would do nothing which breathed not towards men favour and bounty . moses wrought miracles , and scourged the egyptians with many plague●… . elias wrought miracles , and shut up heaven that no rain should fall upon th●… earth ; and again , brought down ●…rom heaven the ●…ire of god upon the captains and their bands . elisha wrought also and 〈◊〉 bears out of the desert to devour young children . peter struck ananias the sacrilidgious hypocrite with present death . and paul elimas the sorcerer with blindness : but no such thing did jesus ; the spirit of god descended down upon him in the form of a dove , of whom he said , you know not what spirit you are of : the spirit of jesus is the spirit of a dove , those servants of god were as the oxen of god , treading out the corn , and trampling the straw down under their ●…eet , but jesus is the lam●… of god , without wrath or judgment . all his miracles were consumate about man's body , as his doctrine respected the soul of man : the body of man needed these things , sustenance . defence from outward wrongs , and medicine ; it was he that drew a multitude of fishes into the n●…ts , that he might give unto man mo●…e liberal provision . he turned water , a less 〈◊〉 ●…ishment of man●… body , into wine , a more worthy , that glads the h●…art of man. he sentenced the ●…igg-tree to wither for not doing its duty , whereunto it was ordained , which is to bear fruit for mens food ; he multiplyed the scarcity of a few loaves and fishes to a sufficiency to victual an host of people . he rebuked the winds that threatned destruction to the sea-faring men : ●…he restored motion to the lame , light to the 〈◊〉 , speech to the dumb , health to the sick , cleannes●… to the leprous , a right mind to those that are possessed , and life to the dead . no miracle of his is to be found to have been of judgment or revenge , but all of goodness and mercy , and respecting man's body ; for as touching riches , he did not vouchsafe to do any miracle , save only one , that tribute might be given to c●…r . xxviii . of the innocency of the dove , and the wisdom of the serpent the fool re●…iveth not the word of wisdom , except thou discover to him what he hath in his heart . therefore it behoveth him which aspireth to a goodness , [ not retired , or particular to himself , b●… a fructifying and begetting goodness , which sho●… draw on others ] to know those points which be cal●… the deeps of satan , that he may speak with autho●… and true insinuation . hence is the precept , try●… things , and hold fast that which is good ; which endur●… a discerning election out of an examination , whence 〈◊〉 thing at all is excluded ; out of the same fountain ariseth that direction , be you wise as serpents , and 〈◊〉 as doves . there are neither teeth , nor stings , nor venom , nor wreathes and folds of serpents , which ought not to be all known , and as far as examination doth lead , tryed ; neither let any man here fear infection or polution ; for the sun entreth into sinks , and is not defiled . neither let any man think , that herein he tempteth god ; for his diligence and generality of examination is commanded , and god is sufficient to preserve you immaculate and pure . xxix . of the exaltation of charity . i have rejoyced at the overthrow of him that hated me , or took pleasure when adversity did befall him . the detestation or renouncing of job ; for a man to love again where he is loved , it is the charity of publicans , contracted by mutual profit and good offices , but to love a man's enemies is one of the cunningest points of the law of christ , and an imitation of the divine nature . but yet again , of this charity there be divers degrees , whereof the first is to pardon our enemies when they repent , of which charity there is a shadow and image , even in noble beasts : for of lyons it is a received opinion , that their fury and fiercene●…s ceaseth towards any thing that yieldeth and prostrateth it self . the second degree , is to pardon our enemies , though they persist without satisfaction ●…d submissions . the third degree , is not only to 〈◊〉 and forgive , and forbear our enemies , but to 〈◊〉 well of them , and to do them good . but all these 〈◊〉 degrees either have , or may have in them a 〈◊〉 bravery and greatness of the mind , rather then 〈◊〉 charity : for when a man perceiveth virtue to 〈◊〉 from h●…self , it is possible that he is puffed up 〈◊〉 takes contentment rather in the fruit of his own virtue , then in the good of his neighbours : but if any evil overtake the enemy from any other coast , then from thy self , and thou in the inwardest motions of thy heart , art grieved and compassionate and dost no wayes insult , as though thy dayes of right and re●…enge were at last come ; this i interpret to be the height and exaltation of charity . xxx . of goodness , and goodness of nature . goodness i call the habit ; and goodness of nature the inclination . this of all virtues is the ●…reatest , being the character of the divine deity , and without it , man is busie , mischievous , wretched thing no better then a kind of vermine : goodness answers to the theological virture , charity , and admits no excess but error . there was never law , or sect , or opinion , did so much magnifie goodness as the christian religion doth . therefore to avoid the scandal and the danger both , it is good to take knowledge of the errors of an habit so excellent . seek the good of other men , but be not in bondage to their faces of fancies , for that is but facility and softness , which taketh an honest mind prisoner . neither give thou esop's cock a gem , who would be better content if he had a barley corn. the example of god teacheth the lesson truly ; he sendeth his rain , and maketh his son to s●…ine upon the just and unjust ; but he doth not rain vvealth and shine honour and virtues upon men equal . common benefits are to be communicate with all , but peculiar benefits with choice . and beware how in making the portraiture thou breakest the pattern : for divinity maketh the love of our selves the patterns , the love of our neighbour but the portraiture . sell all thou hast , and give it to the poor , and follow me ; but sell not all thou hast , except thou come and follow me , that is , except thou have a vocation , wherein thou mayst do as much good with little means , as with great ; for otherwise , in feeding the stream , thou dryest the fountain . neither is there only a habit of goodness directed by right reason : but there is in some men , even in nature , a disposition towards it ; as on the other side , there is a natural malignity . for there be that do not affect the good of others . xxxi . of religion . the quarrels and divisions for religion were evils unknown to the heathen . but yet the bounds of religious unity are so to be strengthened , as the bonds of human socie●…y be not dissolved . it is better that religion should deface men's understandings then their piety and charity , retaining reason , only as an engine or charriot driver of cruelty and malice . one of the doctors of i●…ly had the confidence to put in writing almost in plain terms , that the christian-religion had given up good men in prey to th●…se that are tyrannical and unjust . it was a great blasphemy when the devil said , i will ascend , and be like the ●…ighest ; but it is a greater blasphemy if they make god to say , i will descend and be like the prince of darkness : and it is no better , when they make the cause of religion descend to the execrable actions of murthering of princes , butchering of people , and firing of states . neither is there such a scandal to their church , as out of the bark of st. peter to set forth the ●…lagg of a bark of pirats and assassines . therefore since these things are the common enemies of human society , princes by their power , churches by their decrees , and all learning christian moral , of whatsoever sect or opinion , ought to joyn in the damning to hell forever these facts and their supports , and in all councils concerning religion , the counsel of the apostle should be perfixed , ira hominis non implet justitium dei. xxxii . of the moderation of cares . sufficient for the day is the evil thereof . there ought to be a mean , sure , in worldly cares , otherwise they are but unprofitable , as those which oppress the mind , and astonish the judgment , and prophane , as those which savour of a mind which promiseth to it self a certain perp●…ity in things of this world ; for we ought to be days men , and not to morrows men , considering the shortness of our time ; and as he saith , laying hold on the present day ; for the future things shall in their turns become present , therefore the care of the present sufficeth , and yet moder●… cares [ whether they concern our particular , or the common-wealth , or our friends ] are not blamed . but there is a two-fold excess , the one when the chain or thred of our cares is extended and spun out to an over-great length , and unto times too far o●… , as if we could bind the divine providence of our provisions , which even with the heathen was always found to be a thing insolent and unlucky . the second excess is , when we dwell longer in our cares then is requisite , for due deliberating , or firm resolving ; for who is there amongst us that careth 〈◊〉 more then sufficeth , ei●…er to resolve of a course , or to conclude upon an implicity , and doth not still chew over the same things , and tread amaze in the same thoughts , and vanisheth in them without issue or conclusion ; which kind of cares are most contrary to all divine and ●…uman respects . xxxiii . of earthly hope . better is the sight of the eye , then the apprehension of the mind . hope seemeth a thing altogether unprofitable ; ●…r to what end serveth this conceit of good ? con●…r and note a little , if the good fall out less then t●…u 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 though it be , yet less , because it is ; it seeemeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 benefit through thy excess of hope ; if the good 〈◊〉 e●…al and proportionable in event to t●…y hope ; yet the 〈◊〉 whereof by the hope is gathered , so as when it comes , the 〈◊〉 of it is gone , and it seems use , and therefore soo●… 〈◊〉 on society ; admit thy success prove better then thy 〈◊〉 , it is true gain seems to be made : but had it not been 〈◊〉 to have gained the principal by hoping for nothing . 〈◊〉 the increase by hoping for less ? and t●…s is the operation of 〈◊〉 in good fortunes , but in mis-fortunes it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 force , constancy and vigour of the mind . notwi●…ing we see that the greatest number of men give 〈◊〉 ●…ver to their imaginations of hope , and appre●… of the mind in such sort , that ungrateful towards things past , and in a manner unmindful of things present , as if they were ●…ver children and beginners , they are still longing for things to come . wherefore all our hope is to be bestowed upon the heavenly life to come . but here on earth the purer our sence is from the inflection and tincture of imagination , the better and wiser soul. the sum of life to little doth amount , and therefore doth forbid a longer count . xxxiv . of hypocrites . i demand mercy , and not sacrifice . all the boasting of the hypocrite is of theworks of the first table of the law , which is of adoration & duty towards god ; whereof the reason is double , both because such works have a greater pomp and demonstration of holiness , and also because they do less cross their affections , & desires , therefore the way to cenvict hypo●…rites , is to send them from 〈◊〉 works of sacrifice to the works of mercy , whence come●… that saying , this is the pure and immaculate relig●…o with god the father , to visit orphans and vviddows in their tribulations ; and that saying , he that 〈◊〉 not his brother , whom he hath seen , how can he love god , whom he hath not seen . now there is another kind of deeper and more extravagant hypocrisie ; for some deceiving themselves , and thinking themselves worthy of a more near access and conversation with god , do neglect the duties of charity towards their neighbour , as inferiour matters , which did not indeed cause originally the beginning of a monastical life [ for the beginnings were good ] but brought in that excess and abuse which are followed after : for it is truly said , that the office of praying is a great office in the church . and it is 〈◊〉 the good of the church that there be consorts of men freed from the cares of this : world , who may with daily and devout supplications and observances , solicite the 〈◊〉 majesty for the causes of the church . but unto this ●…dinance , that other hypocrisie is a nigh neighbour , neither is the general institution to be blamed , but those spirits which exalt themselves too high to be refrained . as to those others , who are so officious towards god ; to them belongeth that question : is thou dost justly , what is that to god ? or what profit doth he take by thy hands ? wherefore the works of mercy are the works of distinction , wherefore to find out hypocrites . but with hereticks it is contrary , for as hypocrites with their dissemling holiness towards god do paliate and cover their injuries towards men ; so hereticks by their morallity and honest carriage towards men , insinuate and make away with their blasphemies against god. xxxv . of impostors . whether we be transported in mind , it is to god-ward , or whether we be sober , it is to you-ward . this is the true image , and true temper of a man and of him that is god's faithful work man , his carriage and conversation towards god is full of passion , of zeal and of transmises , thence proceed groans unspeakable , and exultings , likewise in comfort , ravishmen●… of spirit , and agonies . but contrariwise , his 〈◊〉 and conversation towards men is full of mild 〈◊〉 , sobriety , an applyable demeanour ; hence is tha●…●…aying , i am become all things to all men , and such like contrary it is with hypocrites and impoftors , for they in the church and before the people , set themselve●… 〈◊〉 , and are carried as it were out of themselve●… 〈◊〉 becoming as men inspired with holy furies the 〈◊〉 heaven and earth together : but if a man did 〈◊〉 their solitary and seperate meditations and conversations , whereunto god is only privy , he might towar●… god , find them not only cold , and without 〈◊〉 ●…ut also full of ill nature , and leaven sober enough god , and transported only towards men . xxxvi . of the several kinds of impostors . avoiding prophane strangeness or words and oppositions 〈◊〉 knowledge , falsly so called , avoid sond and 〈◊〉 fables . let no man deceive you by high speechss . there are three forms of speaking , which are as 〈◊〉 were the stile and phrase of impostors ; the 〈◊〉 kind is of them , who , as soon as the●… have gotten any su●…ject or matter , do strait cast it into an art , invent 〈◊〉 new terms of art , reducing all into divisions and distractions , thence draweth assertions or oppositi●…ns , and so framing oppositions by questions and 〈◊〉 hence issucth the cop-webs and clatterings of ●…he school men . the second kind is of them , who out of th of their wit [ as church-poets ] do make a●… all varieties of tales . stories and examp●… they may lead mens minds to a belief ; 〈◊〉 grow the legends , and infinit fabulous 〈◊〉 dreams of the antient hereticks . the third kind is of them , who fill mens mystries , high parables , allegories and illus●… mistical and profound forms , many of the 〈◊〉 also made use of . by the first kind of these 〈◊〉 city and wit of man is fettered and entangled : second , it is trained on and inveigled : by the 〈◊〉 is astonished and enchanted , but by every of 〈◊〉 whole it is seduced and abused . xxxvii . of atheism . i had rather believe all the fa●…les in the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 alca●…on , then that this universal frame is without 〈◊〉 mind : and therefore ●…od never wrought mirac●…e 〈◊〉 convince atheists because his ordinary works 〈◊〉 notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a49980-e550 * the understanding of the thing here called quality , is the foundation of the whole revelation of jacob behme's , and al●… mystries of which his writings are only a description ; for all along the seven qualities are called sometimes 7 sources , 7 sp●…cies , powers , operations or faculties of a thing ; also the qualifying or fountain spirits , which give model , image or frame , the power , virtue , figure , constitution , substance , essence and distinct beeing of all things that ever were or can be , infrom , and to all eternity in god , and all creatures in heaven , hell , or in this world. also the forms or properties of nature , which is the solliter or power of god. and so they are the seven spirits of god , as in the revelations of john 〈◊〉 . 1. notes for div a49980-e10640 hence what may be thought of ireland , where no venomous beast can live ? the historie of the reigne of king henry the seuenth vvritten by the right hon: francis lo: virulam, viscount s. alban. whereunto is now added a very vsefull and necessary table. bacon, francis, 1561-1626. 1629 approx. 504 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 132 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a01483 stc 1161 estc s106900 99842609 99842609 7276 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a01483) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 7276) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 619:05) the historie of the reigne of king henry the seuenth vvritten by the right hon: francis lo: virulam, viscount s. alban. whereunto is now added a very vsefull and necessary table. bacon, francis, 1561-1626. [4], 248, [10] p. printed by i. h[aviland] and r. y[oung] and are to be sold by philemon stephens and christopher meredith, at the signe of the golden lyon in pauls-church-yard, london : 1629. printers' names from stc. includes index. a reissue, with cancel title page, of the 1628 edition. reproduction of the original in cambridge university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng henry -vii, -king of england, 1457-1509. great britain -history -henry vii, 1485-1509 -early works to 1800. 2002-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-03 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-04 tcp staff (oxford) sampled and proofread 2002-04 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-05 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the historie of the reigne of king henry the seventh . written by the right hon : francis lo : virulam , viscount s. alban . whereunto is now added a very vsefull and necessary table . london printed by i. h. and r. y. and are to be sold by philemon stephens and christopher meredith . at the signe of the golden lyon in pauls-church-yard . 1629. to the most illvstriovs and most excellent prince , charles , prince of wales , duke of cornwall , earle of chester , &c. it may please your highnesse , in part of my acknowledgment to your highnesse , i haue endeuoured to doe honour to the memory of the last king of england , that was ancestour to the king your father , and your selfe ; and was that king to whom both unions may in a sort referre : that of the roses beeing in him consummate , and that of the kingdomes by him begunne . besides , his times deserue it . for hee was a wise man , and an excellent king ; and yet the times were rough , and full of mutations , and rare accidents . and it is with times , as it is with wayes . some are more vp-hill and downe-hill , and some are more flat and plaine ; and the one is better for the liuer , and the other for the writer . i haue not flattered him , but took him to life as well as i could , sitting so farre off , and hauing no better light . it is true , your highnesse hath a liuing patterne , incomparable , of the king your father . but it is not amisse for you also to see one of these ancient peeces . god preserue your highnesse . your highnesses most humble and deuoted seruant , francis st. alban . the historie of the reigne of king henry the seuenth . after that richard the third of that name , king in fact onely , but tyrant both in title and regiment , and so commonly termed and reputed in all times since , was by the diuine reuenge , fauouring the designe of an exilde man , ouerthrowne and slaine at bosworth-field : there succeeded in the kingdome the earle of richmond , thence-forth stiled henry the seuenth . the king immediately after the victorie , as one that had beene bred vnder a deuout mother , and was in his nature , a great obseruer of religious formes , caused te deum laudamus to be solemnely sung in the presence of the whole armie vpon the place , and was himselfe with generall applause , and great cries of ioy , in a kind of militar election , or recognition , saluted king. meane-while the body of richard after many indignities and reproches ( the dirigies and obsequies of the common people towards tyrants ) was obscurely buried . for though the king of his noblenesse gaue charge vnto the friers of leicester to see an honourable interrment to be giuen to it , yet the religious people themselues ( being not free from the humors of the vulgar ) neglected it ; wherein neuerthelesse they did not then incurre any mans blame or censure . no man thinking any ignominie or contumely vnworthy of him , that had beene the executioner of king henry the sixth ( that innocent prince ) with his owne hands ; the contriuer of the death of the duke of clarence , his brother ; the murderer of his two nephewes ( one of them his lawfull king in the present , and the other in the future , fayling of him ) and vehemently suspected to haue beene the impoisoner of his wife , thereby to make vacant his bed , for a marriage within the degrees forbidden . and although he were a prince in militar vertue approued , iealous of the honour of the english nation , and likewise a good law-maker , for the ease and solace of the common people : yet his cruelties and parricides in the opinion of all men , weighed downe his vertues and merits ; and in the opinion of wise men , euen those vertues themselues were conceiued to bee rather fained , and affected things to serue his ambition , then true qualities ingenerate in his iudgement or nature . and therfore it was noted by men of great vnderstanding ( who seeing his after acts , looked backe vpon his former proceedings ) that euen in the time of king edward his brother , he was not without secret traines and mines to turne enuie and hatred vpon his brothers gouernement ; as hauing an expectation and a kind of diuination , that the king , by reason of his many disorders , could not be of long life , but was like to leaue his sonnes of tender yeares ; and then hee knew well , how easie a step it was , from the place of a protector , and first prince of the bloud , to the crowne . and that out of this deepe root of ambition it sprang , that aswell at the treatie of peace that pussed betweene edward the fourth , and lewis the eleuenth of france , concluded by enteruiew of both kings at piqueny , as vpon all other occasions , richard then duke of glocester , stood euer vpon the side of honour , raising his owne reputation to the disaduantage of the king his brother , and drawing the eyes of all ( especially of the nobles and souldiours ) vpon himselfe ; as if the king by his voluptuous life and meane marriage , were become effeminate and lesse sensible of honour , and reason of state , then was fit for a king , andras for the politique and wholesome lawes which were enacted in his time , they were interpreted to be but the brocage of an vsurper , therby to wooe , and winne the hearts of the people , as being conscious to himselfe that the true obligations of soueraigntie in him failed , and were wanting . but king henry in the very entrance of his reigne , and the instant of time , when the kingdome was cast into his armes , met with a point of great difficultie , and knotty to solue , able to trouble and confound the wisest king in the newnesse of his estate ; and so much the more , because it could not endure a deliberation , but must be at once deliberated and determined . there were fallen to his lot , and concurrent in his person , three seuerall titles to the imperiall crowne . the first , the title of the lady elizabeth , with whom , by precedent pact with the partie that brought him in , he was to marry . the second , the ancient and long disputed title ( both by plea , and armes ) of the house of lancaster , to which he was inheritour in his owne person . the third , the title of the sword or conquest , for that he came in by victorie of battaile , and that the king in possession was slaine in the field . the first of these was fairest , and most like to giue contentment to the people , who by two and twentie yeares reigne of king edward the fourth , had beene fully made capable of the clearnesse of the title of the white-rose or house of yorke ; and by the milde and plausible reigue of the same king toward his latter time , were become affectionate to that line . but then it lay plaine before his eyes , that if he relied vpon that title , he could be but a king at curtesie , and haue rather a matrimoniall then a regall power : the right remaining in his queene , vpon whose decease , either with issue , or without issue , he was to giue place , and bee remoued . and though he should obtaine by parliament to bee continued , yet hee knew there was a very great difference betweene a king that holdeth his crowne by a cicuill act of estates , and one that holdeth it originally by the law of nature , and descent of bloud . neither wanted there euen at that time secret rumors and whisperings ( which afterwards gathered strength and turned to great troubles ) that the two young sonnes of king edward the fourth , or one of them ( which were said to be destroyed in the tower ) were not indeed murthered , but conueyed secretly away , and were yet liuing : which if it had beene true , had preuented the title of the lady elizabeth . on the other side , if he stood vpon his owne title of the house of lancaster , inherent in his person ; hee knew it was a title condemned by parliament , and generally preiudged in the common opinion of the realme , and that it tended directly to the disinherison of the line of yorke , held then the indubiate heires of the crowne . so that if he should haue no issue by the lady elizabeth , which should bee descendents of the double-line , when the ancient flames of discord and intestine warres vpon the competition of both houses , would againe returne and reuiue . as for conquest notwithstanding , sir william stanley , after some acclamations of the souldiers in the field , had put a crowne of ornament ( which richard wore in the battaile , and was found amongst the spoiles ) vpon king henries head , as if there were his chiefe title ; yet he remembred well vpon what conditions and agreements hee was brought in , and that to claime as conquerour , was to put as well his owne partie , as the rest , into terror and feare ; as that which gaue him power of disanulling of lawes , and disposing of mens fortunes and estates , and the like points of absolute power , being in themselues so harsh and odious , as that william himselfe , commonly called the conquerour , howsoeuer he vsed and exercised the power of a conquerour , to reward his normans , yet he sorbare to vse that claime in the beginning , but mixed it with a titularie pretence grounded vpon the will and designation of edward the confessor . but the king out of the greatnesse of his owne minde , presently cast the die , and the inconueniences appearing vnto him on all parts ; and knowing there could not be any interreigne or suspension of title ; and preferring his affection to his owne line and bloud , and liking that title best which made him independent ; and being in his nature and constitution of minde not very apprehensiue or forecasting of future euents a-farre off , but an intertainer of fortune by the day ; resolued to rest vpon the title of lancaster as the maine , and to vse the other two , that of marriage , and that of battaile , but as supporters , the one to appease secret discontents , and the other to beat downe open murmur and dispute : not forgetting that the same title of lancaster had formerly maintained a possession of three descents in the crowne , and might haue proued a perpetuitie , had it not ended in the weaknesse and inabilitie of the last prince . whereupon the king presently that very day , being the two and twentieth of august , assumed the stile of king in his owne name , without mention of the lady elizabeth at all , or any relation therunto . in which course hee euer after persisted , which did spin him a threed of many seditions and troubles . the king full of these thoughts , before his departure from leicester , dispatched sir robert willovghby to the castle of sheriffe-hutton in yorkeshire , where were kept in safe custodie by king richards commandement , both the lady elizabeth daughter of king edward , and edward plantagenet , sonne and heire to george duke of clarence . this edward was by the kings warrant deliuered from the constable of the castle to the hand of sir robert willovghby ; and by him with all safetie and diligence conueyed to the tower of london , where he was shut vp close-prisoner . which act of the kings ( being an act meerely of policie and power ) proceeded not so much from any apprehension he had of doctor shawes tale at pauls crosse , for the bastarding of edward the fourths issues , in which case this young gentleman was to succeed ( for that fable was euer exploded ) but vpon a serled disposition to depresse all eminent persons of the line of yorke . wherin still the king out of strength of will , or weaknesse of iudgement , did vse to shew a little more of the partie , then of the king. for the lady elizabeth shee receiued also a direction to repaire with all conuenient speed to london , and there to remaine with the queene dowager her mother ; which accordingly she soone after did , accompanied with many noble-men and ladies of honour . in the meane season the king set forwards by easie iourneys to the citie of london , receiuing the acclamations and applauses of the people as he went , which indeed were true and vnfained , as might well appeare in the very demonstrations and fulnesse of the crie . for they thought generally that hee was a prince as ordayned and sent downe from heauen , to vnite and put to an end the long dissentions of the two houses ; which although they had had in the times of henry the fourth , henry the fifth , and a part of henry the sixth on the one side , and the times of edward the fourth on the other , lucide-interuals and happy pauses ; yet they did euer hang ouer the kingdome , readie to breake forth into new perturbations and calamities . and as his victorie gaue him the knee , so his purpose of marriage with the lady elizabeth , gaue him the heart ; so that both knee and heart did truely bow before him . hee on the other side with great wisedome ( not ignorant of the affections and feares of the people ) to disperse the conceit and terrour of a conquest , had giuen order that there should be nothing in his iourney like vnto a warlike march , or manner : but rather like vnto the progresse of a king in full peace and assurance . hee entred the citie vpon a saturday , as hee had also obtained the victorie vpon a saturday , which day of the weeke first vpon an obseruation , and after vpon memorie and fancie , hee accounted and chose as a day prosperous vnto him . the major and companies of the citie receiued him at shore-ditch : whence , with great and honorable attendance and troups of noble-men , and persons of qualitie hee entred the citie ; himselfe not being on horse-backe , or in any open chaire , or throne , but in a close chariot , as one that hauing beene somtimes an enemie to the whole state , and a proscribed person , chose rather to keepe state , and strike a reuerence into the people then to fawne vpon them . he went first into saint paules church , where not meaning that the people should forget too soone that hee came in by battaile , hee made offertorie of his standards , and had orizons and te deum againe sung , and went to his lodging prepared in the bishop of londons palace , where he stayed for a time . during his abode there , he assembled his counsell , and other principall persons , in presence of whom , he did renew againe his promise to marrie with the lady elizabeth . this hee did the rather , because hauing at his comming out of britaine giuen artificially , for seruing of his owne turne some hopes , in cale he obtained the kingdome , to marrie anne inheritresse to the duchie of britaine , whom charles the eight of france soone after married ; it bred some doubt and suspicion amongst diuers , that he was not sincere , or at least not fixed in going on with the match of england so much desired : which conceit also though it were but talke and discourse did much afflict the poore lady elizabeth her selfe . but howsoeuer he both truly intended it , and desired also it should be so beleeued , ( the better to extinguish enuie and contradiction to his other purposes ) yet was he resolued in himselfe not to proceed to the consummation thereof till his coronation and a parliament were past . the one , least a ioynt coronation of himselfe and his queene might giue any countenance of participation of title ; the other , least in the intayling of the crowne to himselfe , which he hoped to obtaine by parliament , the votes of the parliament might any wayes reflect vpon her . about this time in autumne , towards the end of september , there began and reigned in the citie and other parts of the kingdome a disease then new : which of the accidents and manner thereof , they called the sweating sicknesse . this disease had a swift course both in the sicke-body and in the time and period of the lasting therof : for they that were taken with it , vpon foure and twentie houres escaping were thought almost assured . and as to the time of the malice and reigne of the disease ere it ceased ; it began about the one and twentieth of september , and cleared vp before the end of october , insomuch as it was no hinderance to the kings coronation , which was the last of october : nor ( which was more ) to the holding of the parliament , which began but seuen dayes after . it was a pestilent-feuer , but as it seemeth not seated in the veynes or humors , for that there followed no carbuncle , no purple or liuide spots , or the like , the masse of the bodie being not tainted : onely a maligne vapour flew to the heart and seased the vitall spirits ; which stirred nature to striue to send it forth by an extreme sweat . and it appeared by experience that this disease was rather a surprise of nature , than obstinate to remedies , if it were in time looked vnto . for if the patient were kept in an equall temper , both for clothes , fire , and drinke , moderately warme , with temperate cordials , wherby natures worke were neither irritated by heat , nor turned backe by cold , hee commonly recouered . but infinite persons died sodainly of it , before the manner of the cure and attendance was knowne . it was conceiued not to bee an epidemicke disease , but to proceed from a malignitie in the constitution of the aire , gathered by the predispositions of seasons : and the speedie cessation declared as much . on simon and ivdes euen the king dined with thomas bovrchier , arch-bishop of canterburie , and cardinall : and from lambeth went by land ouer the bridge to the tower , where the morrow after hee made twelue knights-bannerets . but for creations hee dispensed them with a sparing hand . for notwithstanding a field so lately fought , and a coronation so neere at hand , hee onely created three : iasper earle of pembroke ( the kings vncle ) was created duke of bedford ; thomas the lord stanley ( the kings father-in-law earle of darbie ; and edward covrtney earle of deuon ; though the king had then neuerthelesse a purpose in himselfe to make more in time of parliament ; bearing a wise and decent respect to distribute his creations , some to honour his coronation , and some his parliament . the coronation followed two dayes after vpon the thirtieth day of october in the yeare of our lord 1485. at which time innocent the eight was pope of rome ; fredericke the third , emperour of almaine ; and maximilian his sonne newly chosen king of the romans ; charles the eight , king of france ; ferdinando and isabella , kings of spain ; and iames the third , king of scotland : with all which kings and states , the king was at that time in good peace and amitie . at which day also ( as if the crowne vpon his head , had put perils into his thoughts ) he did institute for the better securitie of his person a band of fiftie archers vnder a captaine to attend him , by the name of yeomen-of-his guard : and yet that it might be thought to be rather a matter of dignitie , after the imitation of that hee had knowne abroad , then any matter of diffidence appropriate to his owne case , hee made it to be vnderstood for an ordinance not temporarie , but to hold in succession for euer after . the seuenth of nouember the king held his parliament at westminster , which hee had summoned immediately after his comming to london . his ends in calling a parliament ( and that so speedily ) were chiefly three ; first , to procure the crowne to bee entayled vpon himselfe . next , to haue the attaindors of all of his partie ( which were in no small number ) reuersed , and all acts of hostilitie by them done in his quarrell , remitted and discharged : and on the other side to attaine by parliament , the heads and principals of his enemies . the third , to calme and quiet the feares of the rest of that partie by a generall-pardon : not being ignorant in how great danger a king stands from his subiects , when most of his subiects are conscious in themselues , that they stand in his danger . vnto these three speciall motiues of a parliament was added , that hee as a prudent and moderate prince , made this iudgement ; that it was fit for him to hasten to let his people see , that hee meant to gouerne by law , howsoeuer hee came in by the sword : and fit also to reclaime them to know him for their king , whom they had so lately talked of as an enemie or banished-man , for that which concerned the entayling of the crowne ; ( more then that he was true to his owne will , that hee would not endure any mention of the lady elizabeth : no not in the nature of speciall-intaile , ) he carried it otherwise with great wisdome and measure . for he did not presse to haue the act penned by way of declaration or recognition of right : as on the other side , he auoyded to haue it by new law or ordinance ; but chose rather a kind of middle-way , by way of establishment , and that vnder couert and indifferent words ; that the inheritance of the crowne should rest , remaine , and abide in the king , &c. which words might equally be applied ; that the crowne should continue to him : but whether as hauing former right to it , ( which was doubtfull ) or hauing it then in fact and possession ( which no man denied ) was left faire to interpretation eyther way . and againe for the limitation of the entaile , he did not presse it to goe further then to himselfe and to the heires of his body , not speaking of his right heires ; but leauing that to the law to decide : so as the entaile might seeme rather a personall fauour to him , and his children , then a totall dis-inherison to the house of yorke . and in this forme , was the law drawne and passed . which statute hee procured to be confirmed by the popes bull the yeare following , with mention neuerthelesse ( by way of recitall ) of his other titles ; both of descent and conquest . so as now the wreath of three was made a wreath of fiue , for to the three first titles of the two houses , or lines , and conquest , were added two more ; the authorities parliamentarie and papall . the king likewise in the reuersall of the attaindors of his partakers , and discharging them of all offences incident to his seruice and succour , had his will : and acts did passe accordingly . in the passage whereof , exception was taken to diuers persons in the house of commons for that they were attainted , and therby not legall , nor habilitate to serue in parliament , being disabled in the highest degree ; and that it should bee a great incongruitie to haue them to make lawes , who themselues were not inlawed . the truth was , that diuers of those which had in the time of king richard beene strongest and most declared for the kings partie , were returned knights and burgesses for the parliament ; whether by care or recommendation from the state , or the voluntarie inclination of the people : many of which had beene by richard the third attainted by outlawries , or otherwise . the king was somewhat troubled with this . for though it had a graue and specious shew , yet it reflected vpon his partie . but wisely not shewing himselfe at all moued therewith , hee would not vnderstand it but as a case in law ; and wished the iudges to be aduised therupon : who for that purpose were forthwith assembled in the exchequer-chamber ( which is the councell-chamber of the iudges ) and vpon deliberation they gaue a graue and safe opinion and aduice , mixed with law and conuenience ; which was , that the knights and burgesses attainted by the course of law , should forbeare to come into the house , till a law were passed for the reuersall of their attaindors . it was at that time incidently moued amongst the iudges in their consultation , what should be done for the king himselfe , who likewise was attainted ? but it was with vnanimous consent resolued , that the crowne takes away all defects and stops in bloud : and that from the time the king did assume the crowne , the fountaine was cleared , and all attaindors and corruption of bloud discharged . but neuerthelesse for honours sake it was ordained by parliament , that all records wherein there was any memorie , or mention of the kings attaindor , should be defaced , cancelled , and taken off the file . but on the part of the kings enemies there were by parliament attainted ; the late duke of glocester , calling himselfe richard the third , the duke of norfolke , the earle of surrey , viscount lovel , the lord ferrers , the lord zovch , richard ratcliffe , william catesby , and many others of degree and qualitie . in which bills of attaindors , neuerthelesse there were contained many iust and temperate clauses , sauings , and prouisoes , well shewing and fore-tokening the wisdome , stay , and moderation of the kings spirit of gouernment . and for the pardon of the rest , that had stood against the king ; the king , vpon a second aduice , thought it not fit it should passe by parliament , the better ( being matter of grace ) to impropriate the thankes to himselfe : vsing onely the opportunitie of a parliament time , the better to disperse it into the veines of the kingdome . therfore during the parliament , hee published his royall proclamation , offering pardon and grace of restitution , to all such as had taken armes , or beene participant of any attempts against him ; so as , they submitted themselues to his mercie by a day , and tooke the oath of allegeance and fidelitie to him . whereupon many came out of sanctuary , and many more came out of feare , no lesse guiltie then those that had taken sanctuarie . as for money or treasure , the king thought it not seasonable , or fit to demand any of his subiects at this parliament : both because he had receiued satisfaction from them in matters of so great importance : and because hee could not remunerate them with any generall pardon , being preuented therin by the coronation pardon , passed immediatly before : but chiefly , for that it was in euery mans eye , what great forfeitures and confiscations he had at that present to helpe himselfe : wherby those casualties of the crowne might in reason spare the purses of the subiect ; especially in a time when he was in peace with all his neighbours . some few lawes passed at that parliament , almost for forme sake : amongst which there was one , to reduce aliens , being made denizens , to pay strangers customes ; and another , to draw to himselfe the seisures and compositions of italians goods , for not imployment being points of profit to his coffers , whereof from the very beginning he was not forgetfull ; and had beene more happie at the latter end , if his early prouidence ( which kept him from all necessitie of exacting vpon his people ) could likewise haue attemp'red his nature therin . he added during parliament , to his former creations , the innoblement or aduancement in nobilitie of a few others : the lord chandos of brittaine , was made earle of bathe ; and sir giles dawbeny was made lord dawbeny ; and sir robert willovghby lord brooke . the king did also with great noblenesse and bountie ( which vertues at that time had their turnes in his nature ) restore edward stafford ( eldest sonne to henry , duke of buckingham , attainted in the time of king richard ) not onely to his dignities , but to his fortunes and possessions , which were great : to which he was moued also by a kind of gratitude , for that the duke was the man that moued the first stone against the tyrannie of king richard , and indeed madethe king a bridge to the crowne vpon his owne ruines . thus the parliament brake vp . the parliament being dissolued , the king sent forthwith money to redeeme the marquesse dorset , and sir iohn bovrchier , whom hee had left as his pledges at paris , for money which hee had borrowed , when he made his expedition for england . and thereupon hee tooke a fit occasion to send the lord treasurer and master bray ( whom hee vsed as councellor ) to the lord maior of london , requiring of the citie a prest of six thousand markes : but after many parlees , hee could obtaine but two thousand pounds . which neuerthelesse the king tooke in good part ; as men vse to doe , that practise to borrow money , when they haue no need . about this time , the king called vnto his priuie-councell , iohn morton , and richard fox , the one bishop of elie , the other bishop of excester , vigilant men , and secret , and such as kept watch with him almost vpon al men else . they had beene both versed in his affaires , before hee came to the crowne , and were partakers of his aduerse fortune . this morton soone after vpon the death of bovrchier , he made archbishop of canterbury . and for fox , hee made him lord keeper of his priuie-seale , and afterwards aduanced him by degrees , from excester to bathe and wells , thence to durham , and last , to winchester . for although the king loued to imploy and aduance bishops , because hauing rich bishopricks , they carried their reward vpon themselues : yet he did vse to raise them by steps ; that hee might not lose the profit of the first-fruits , which by that course of gradation was multiplied . at last , vpon the eighteenth of ianuarie was solemnized the so long expected and so much desired marriage , betweene the king & the lady elizabeth : which day of marriage was celebrated with greater triumph , and demonstrations ( especially on the peoples part ) of ioy and gladnesse , than the dayes eyther of his entrie , or coronation ; which the king rather noted , than liked . and it is true , that all his life time , while the lady elizabeth liued with him , ( for she died before him ) hee shewed himselfe no very indulgent husband towards her , though shee was beautifull , gentle , and fruitfull . but his auersion towards the house of yorke was so predominant in him , as it found place , not only in his warres and counsells , but in his chamber and bed. towards the middle of the spring , the king , full of confidence and assurance , as a prince that had beene victorious in battaile , and had preuailed with his parliament in all that hee desired , and had the ring of acclamations fresh in his eares , thought the rest of his raigne should bee but play , and the enioying of a kingdome . yet as a wise and watchfull king , hee would not neglect any thing for his safetie ; thinking neuerthelesse to performe all things now , rather as an exercise , then as a labour . so hee being truly informed , that the northerne parts were not onely affectionate to the house of yorke , but particularly had beene deuoted to king richard the third ; thought it would bee a summer well spent to visit those parts , and by his presence and application of himselfe , to reclaime and rectifie those humors . but the king , in his accompt of peace , and calmes , did much ouer-cast his fortunes , which proued for many yeares together full of broken seas , tides , and tempests . for he was no sooner come to lincolne , where he kept his easter , but he receiued newes , that the lord lovel , hvmphrey stafford , and thomas stafford ( who had formerly taken sanctuarie at colchester ) were departed out of sanctuarie , but to what place , no man could tell . which aduertisement , the king despised , and continued his iourney to yorke . at yorke there came fresh and more certaine aduertisement , that the lord lovel was at band with a great power of men , and that the staffords were in armes in worcestershire , and had made their approaches to the citie of worcester , to assaile it . the king , as a prince of great and profound iudgement , was not much moued with it ; for that hee thought it was but a ragge or remnant of bosworth-field , and had nothing in it of the maine partie of the house of yorke . but hee was more doubtfull of the raysing of forces to resist the rebels , then of the resistance it selfe ; for that hee was in a core of people , whose affections he suspected . but the action enduring no delay , hee did speedily leuie and send against the lord lovel to the number of three thousand men , ill armed , but well assured ( being taken some few out of his owne traine , and the rest out of the tenants and followers of such as were safe to bee trusted ) vnder the conduct of the duke of bedford . and as his manner was to send his pardons rather before the sword then after , hee gaue commission to the duke , to proclaime pardon to all that would come in : which the duke , vpon his approach to the lord lovels campe , did performe . and it fell out as the king expected ; the heralds were the great-ordnance . for the lord lovel , vpon proclamation of pardon , mistrusting his men , fled into lancashire , and lurking for a time with sir thomas brovghton , after sailed ouer into flanders , to the ladie margaret . and his men , forsaken of their captaine , did presently submit themselues to the duke . the staffords likewise , and their forces , hearing what had happened to the lord lovel ( in whose successe their chiefe trust was ) despaired , and dispersed . the two brothers , taking sanctuarie at colnham , a village neare abington ; which place , vpon view of their priuiledge in the kings bench , being iudged no sufficient sanctuarie for traitors , hvmphrey was executed at tiburne ; and thomas , as being led by his elder brother , was pardoned . so this rebellion proued but a blast , and the king hauing by this iourney purged a little the dregs and leauen of the northerne people , that were before in no good affection towards him , returned to london . in september following , the queene was deliuered of her first sonne , whom the king ( in honour of the brittish-race , of which himselfe was ) named arthvh , according to the name of that ancient worthie king of the britaines ; in whose acts there is truth enough to make him famous , besides that which is fabulous . the childe was strong and able , though hee was borne in the eight moneth , which the physicians doe preiudge . there followed this yeare , being the second of the kings reigne , a strange accident of state , whereof the relations which wee haue , are so naked , as they leaue it scarce credible ; not for the nature of it ( for it hath fallen out oft ) but for the manner and circumstance of it , especially in the beginnings . therfore wee shall make our iudgement vpon the things themselues , as they giue light one to another , and ( as wee can ) digge truth out of the mine . the king was greene in his estate ; and contrarie to his owne opinion , and desert both , was not without much hatred throughout the realme . the root of all , was the discountenancing of the house of yorke , which the generall bodie of the realme still affected . this did alienate the hearts of the subiects from him daily more and more , especially when they saw , that after his marriage , and after a sonne borne , the king did neuerthelesse not so much as proceed to the coronation of the queene , not vouchsafing her the honour of a matrimoniall crowne ; for the coronation of her was not till almost two yeares after , when danger had taught him what to doe . but much more , when it was spread abroad ( whether by errour , or the cunning of male-contents ) that the king had a purpose to put to death edward plantagenet closely in the tower : whose case was so neerly paralleld with that of edward the fourths children , in respect of the bloud , like age , and the very place of the tower , as it did refresh and reflect vpon the king a most odious resemblance , as if hee would bee another king richard . and all this time it was still whispered euery where , that at least one of the children of edward the fourth was liuing . which bruit was cunningly fomented by such as desired innouation . neither was the kings nature and customes greatly fit to disperse these mists ; but contrariwise hee had a fashion rather to create doubts , then assurance . thus was fuell prepared for the sparke : the sparke that afterwards kindled such a fire , and combustion , was at the first contemptible . there was a subtill priest called richard simon , that liued in oxford , and had to his pupill a bakers sonne named lambert simnell , of the age of some fifteene yeares ; a comely youth , and weli fauoured , not without some extraordinarie dignitie and grace of aspect . it came into this priests fancie ( hearing what men talked , and in hope to raise himselfe to some great bishopricke ) to cause this lad to counterseit and personate the second sonne of edward the fourth , supposed to be murdered ; and afterward ( for he changed his intention in the manage ) the lord edward plantagenet then prisoner in the tower , and accordingly to frame him and instruct him in the part hee was to play . this is that which ( as was touched before ) seemeth scarcely credible ; not that a false person should be assumed to gaine a kingdome , for it hath beene seene in ancient and late times ; nor that it should come into the mind of such an abiect fellow , to enterprise so great a matter ; for high conceits doe sometimes come streaming into the imaginations of base persons , especially when they are drunke with newes , and talke of the people . but heere is that which hath no apparance ; that this priest being vtterly vnacquainted with the true person , according to whose patterne hee should shape his counterfeit , should thinke it possible for him to instruct his player , either in gesture and fashions , or in recounting past matters of his life and education ; or in fit answers to questions , or the like , any wayes to come neare the resemblance of him whom hee was to represent . for this lad was not to personate one , that had beene long before taken out of his cradle , or conueighed away in his infancie , knowne to few ; but a youth that till the age almost of ten yeares had beene brought vp in a court where infinite eyes had beene vpon him . for king edward touched with remorse of his brother the duke of clarences death , would not indeed restore his sonne , ( of whom wee speake ) to bee duke of clarence , but yet created him earle of warwicke , reuiuing his honour on the mothers side , and vsed him honourably during his time , though richard the third afterwards confined him . so that it cannot bee , but that some great person , that knew particularly , and familiarly edward plantagenet , had a hand in the businesse , from whom the priest might take his ayme . that which is most probable , out of the precedent and subsequent acts , is , that it was the queene dowager , from whom this action had the principall source and motion . for certaine it is , shee was a busie negotiating woman , and in her withdrawing chamber had the fortunate conspiracie for the king against king richard the third , beene hatched ; which the king knew , and remembred perhaps but too well ; and was at this time extremely discontent with the king , thinking her daughter ( as the king handled the matter ) not aduanced , but depressed : and none could hold the booke so well to prompt and instruct this stage-play , as she could . neuerthelesse it was not her meaning , nor no more was it the meaning of any of the better and sager sort that fauoured this enterprise and knew the secret , that this disguised idoll should possesse the crowne ; but at his perill to make way to the ouerthrow of the king : and that done , they had their seuerall hopes and waies . that which doth chiefly fortifie this coniecture , is , that as soone as the matter brake forth in any strength , it was one of the kings first acts to cloister the queene dowager in the nunnery of bermondsey , and to take away all her lands and estate ; and this by close councell without any legall proceeding , vpon farre-fetcht pretences ; that shee had deliuered her two daughters out of sanctuarie to king richard contrarie to promise . which proceeding being euen at that time taxed for rigorous and vndue , both in matter and maner ; makes it very probable there was some greater matter against her , which the king vpon reason of policie , and to auoid enuy would not publish . it is likewise no small argument that there was some secret in it , and some suppressing of examinations ; for that the priest simon himselfe , after hee was taken was neuer brought to execution ; no not so much as to publike triall ( as many clergie-men were vpon lesse treasons ) but was only shut vp close in a dungeon . adde to this that the after earle of lincolne ( a principall person of the house of yorke ) was slaine in stoke-field , the king opened himselfe to some of his councell , that he was sorie for the earles death , because by him ( hee said ) hee might haue knowne the bottome of his danger . but to returne to the narration it selfe ; simon did first instruct his scholler for the part of richard duke of yorke , second sonne to king edward the fourth , and this was at such time as it was voiced that the king purposed to put to death edward plantagenet prisoner in the tower , whereat there was great murmur . but hearing soone after a generall bruit that plantagenet had escaped out of the tower , and thereby finding him so much beloued amongst the people , and such reioycing at his escape , the cunning priest changed his copie , and chose now plantagenet to bee the subiect his pupill should personate , because hee was more in the present speech , and votes of the people ; and it pieced better , and followed more close and handsomley vpon the bruit of plantagenets escape . but yet doubting that there would bee too neare looking and too much perspectiue into his disguise , if hee should shew it here in england , hee thought good ( after the manner of scenes in stage-playes and maskes ) to shew it a farre of ; and therfore sailed with his scholler into ireland , where the affection to the house of yorke was most in height . the king had beene a little improuident in the matters of ireland , and had not remoued officers and councellors , and put in their places , or at least intermingled persons , of whom hee stood assured , as he should haue done , since hee knew the strong bent of that countrey towards the house of yorke ; and that it was a ticklish and vnsetled state , more easie to receiue distempers and mutations , then england was . but trusting to the reputation of his victories and successes in england , hee thought hee should haue time enough to extend his cares afterwards to that second kingdome . wherefore through this neglect , vpon the comming of simon with his pretended plantagenet into ireland , all things were prepared for reuolt and sedition , almost as if they had beene set and plotted before hand . simons first addresse was to the lord thomas fitz-gerard , earle of kildare , and deputie of ireland : before whose eyes hee did cast such a mist ( by his owne insinuation , and by the carriage of his youth , that expressed a naturall princely behauiour ) as ioyned perhaps with some inward vapours of ambition and affection in the earles owne minde , left him fully possessed , that it was the true plantagenet . the earle presently communicated the matter with some of the nobles and others there , at the first secretly . but finding them of like affection to himselfe , hee suffered it of purpose to vent and passe abroad ; because they thought it not safe to resolue , till they had a taste of the peoples inclination . but if the great ones were in forwardnesse , the people were in furie , entertayning this airie bodie or phantasme with incredible affection ; partly out of their great deuotion to the house of yorke ; partly out of a proud humour in the nation , to giue a king to the realme of england . neither did the partie in this heat of affection much trouble themselues with the attaindor of george duke of clarence ; hauing newly learned by the kings example , that attaindors doe not interrupt the conueighing of title to the crowne . and as for the daughters of king edward the fourth , they thought king richard had said enough for them : and tooke them to bee but as of the kings partie , because they were in his power and at his disposing . so that with maruellous consent and applause , this counterfeit plantagenet was brought with great solemnitie to the castle of dublin , and there saluted , serued , and honoured as king ; the boy becoming it well , and doing nothing that did bewray the basenesse of his condition . and within a few dayes after hee was proclaimed king in dublin , by the name of king edward the sixt ; there beeing not a sword drawne in king henry his quarrell . the king was much moued with this vnexpected accident , when it came to his eares , both because it strooke vpon that string which euer he most feared , as also because it was stirred in such a place , where hee could not with safetie transferre his owne person , to suppresse it . for partly through naturall valour , and partly through an vniuersall suspition ( not knowing whom to trust ) he was euer readie to wait vpon all his atchieuements in person . the king therefore first called his councell together at the charter-house at shine . which councell was held with great secrecie , but the open decrees thereof , which presently came abroad , were three . the first was , that the queene dowager , for that she , contrarie to her pact , and agreement with those that had concluded with her concerning the mariage of her daughter elizabeth with king henry , had neuerthelesse deliuered her daughters out of sanctuarie into king richards hands ; should be cloistered in the nunnerie of bermondsey , and forfeit all her lands and goods . the next was , that edward plantagenet then close-prisoner in the tower , should be in the most publike and notorious manner , that could be deuised , shewed vnto the people : in part to discharge the king of the enuie of that opinion and bruit , how he had beene put to death priuily in the tower ; but chiefly to make the people see the leuitie and imposture of the proceedings of ireland , and that their plantagenet was indeed but a puppit , or a counterfeit . the third was , that there should be againe proclaimed a generall-pardon to all that would reueale their offences , and submit themselues by a day . and that this pardon should be conceiued in so ample and liberall a manner , as no high-treason ( no not against the kings owne person ) should be excepted . which though it might seeme strange , yet was it not so to a wise king , that knew his greatest dangers were not from the least treasons , but from the greatest . these resolutions of the king and his councell were immediatly put in execution . and first , the queene dowager was put into the monasterie of bermondsey , and all her estate seized into the kings hands , whereat there was much wondering ; that a weake woman , for the yeelding to the menaces and promises of a tyrant , after such a distance of time ( wherein the king had shewed no displeasure nor alteration ) but much more after so happie a mariage , betweene the king and her daughter , blessed with issue-male , should vpon a sodaine mutabilitie or disclosure of the kings mind be so seuerely handled . this lady was amongst the examples of great varietie of fortune . shee had first from a distressed suitor , and desolate widdow , beene taken to the mariage-bed of a batchellour-king , the goodliest personage of his time ; and euen in his reigne she had endured a strange eclipse by the kings flight , and temporarie depriuing from the crowne . shee was also very happie , in that she had by him faire issue , and continued his nuptiall loue ( helping her selfe by some obsequious bearing and dissembling of his pleasures ) to the very end . shee was much affectionate to her owne kindred , euen vnto faction ; which did stirre great enuie in the lords of the kings side , who counted her bloud a disparagement to be mingled with the kings . with which lords of the kings bloud , ioyned also the kings fauorite the lord hastings ; who , notwithstanding the kings great affection to him , was thought at times , through her malice and splene , not to be out of danger of falling . after her husbands death , she was matter of tragedie , hauing liued to see her brother beheaded , and her two sonnes deposed from the crowne , bastarded in their bloud , and cruelly murthered . all this while neuerthelesse shee inioyed her libertie , state , and fortunes . but afterwards againe , vpon the rise of the wheele , when she had a king to her sonne-in-law , and was made grand mother to a grand-child of the best sexe ; yet was she ( vpon darke and vnknowne reasons , and no lesse strange pretences ) precipitated , and banished the world , into a nunnery ; where it was almost thought dangerous to visit her , or see her ; and where not long after she ended her life : but was by the kings commandement buried with the king her husband at windsore . shee was foundresse of queenes-college in cambridge . for this act the king sustained great obloquie , which neuerthelesse ( besides the reason of state ) was somwhat sweetned to him by a great confiscation . about this time also edward plantagenet was vpon a sonday brought throughout all the principall streets of london , to be seene of the people . and hauing passed the view of the streets , was conducted to pavls church , in solemne procession , where great store of people were assembled . and it was prouided also in good fashion , that diuers of the nobilitie , and others of qualitie ( especially of those that the king most suspected , and knew the person of plantagenet best ) had communication with the young gentleman by the way , and entertayned him with speech and discourse ; which did in effect marre the pageant in ireland with the subiects here , atleast with so many , as out of error , and not out of malice , might be mis-led . neuerthelesse , in ireland ( where it was too late to goe backe ) it wrought little or no effect . but contrarivvise , they turned the imposture vpon the king , and gaue out , that the king , to defeat the true inheritor , and to mocke the world , and blinde the eyes of simple man , had tricked vp a boy in the likenesse of edwardplantagenet , and shewed him to the people , not sparing to prophane the ceremony of a procession , the more to countenance the fable . the generall-pardon likewise neere the same time came forth ; and the king therewithall omitted no diligence , in giuing straight order , for the keeping of the ports ; that fugitiues , male-contents , or suspected persons might not passe ouer into ireland , and flanders . meane while the rebels in ireland had sent priuie messengers both into england , and into flanders , who in both places had wrought effects of no small importance . for in england they wonne to their partie iohn , earle of lincolne , sonne of iohn de lapole , duke of suffolke , and of elizabeth , king edward the fourths eldest sister . this earle was a man of great wit and courage , and had his thoughts highly raysed by hopes and expectations for a time . for richard the third had a resolution , out of his hatred to both his brethren , king edward , and the duke of clarence , and their lines , ( hauing had his hand in both their blouds ) to disable their issues vpon false and incompetent pretexts ; the one , of attaindor ; the other , of illegitimation : and to designe this gentleman ( in case himselfe should die without children ) for inheritor of the crowne . neither was this vnknowne to the king , who had secretly an eye vpon him . but the king hauing tasted of the enuie of the people , for his imprisonment of edward plantagenet , was doubtfull to heape vp any more distasts of that kind , by the imprisonment of de lapole also ; the rather thinking it policie to conserue him as a corriuall vnto the other . the earle of lincolne was induced to participate with the action of ireland , not lightly vpon the strength of the proceedings there , which was but a bubble , but vpon letters from the lady margaret of burgundie , in whose succours and declaration for the enterprise ; there seemed to be a more solid foundation , both for reputation and forces . neither did the earle refraine the businesse , for that he knew the pretended plantagenet to be but an idoll . but contrariwise , hee was more glad it should be the false plantagenet then the true : because the false being sure to fall away of himselfe , and the true to be made sure of by the king ; it might open and paue a faire and prepared way to his owne title . with this resolution hee sayled secretly into flanders ; where was a little before arriued the lord lovel , leauing a correspondence here in england with sir thomas brovghton , a man of great power and dependencies in lancashire . for before this time , when the pretended plantagenet was first receiued in ireland , secret messengers had beene also sent to the lady margaret , aduertising her what was passed in ireland , imploring succoures in an enterprise ( as they said ) so pious and iust , and that god had so miraculously prospered the beginning therof ; and making offer , that all things should be guided by her will and direction , as the soueraigne patronesse and protectresse of the enterprise . margaret was second sister to king edward the fourth , and had beene second wife to charles , surnamed the hardy , duke of burgundie ; by whome , hauing no children of her owne , she did with singular care and tendernesse intend the education of philip and margaret , grand-children to her former husband ; which wonne her great loue and authority among the dutch. this princesse ( hauing the spirit of a man , and malice of a woman ) abounding in treasure , by the greatnesse of her dower , and her prouident gouernment , and being childlesse , and without any neerer care , made it her designe and enterprise , to see the maiestie royall of england once againe re-placed in her house , and had set vp king henry as a marke , at whose ouerthrow all her actions should ayme and shoote ; insomuch as all the counsells of his succeeding troubles came chiefly out of that quiuer . and shee bare such a mortall hatred to the house of lancaster , and personally to the king , as she was no wayes mollified by the coniunction of the houses in her neeces marriage , but rather hated her neece , as the meanes of the kings ascent to the crowne , and assurance therein . wherefore with great violence of affection she embraced this ouerture . and vpon counsaile taken with the earle of lincolne , and the lord lovel , and some other of the partie , it was resolued with all speed , the two lords assisted with a regiment of two thousand almaines , being choice and veterane bands , vnder the command of martin swart ( a valiant and experimented captaine ) should passe ouer into ireland to the new king. hoping , that when the action should haue the face of a receiued and setled regalitie ( with such a second person , as the earle of lincolne , and the coniunction and reputation of forraine succours ) the fame of it would imbolden and prepare all the partie of the confederates and malecontents within the realme of england , to giue them assistance , when they should come ouer there . and for the person of the counterfeit , it was agreed , that if all things succeeded well , he should be put downe , and the true plantagenet receiued : wherein neuerthelesse the earle of lincolne had his particular hopes . after they were come into ireland , and that the partie tooke courage , by seeing themselues together in a bodie , they grew very confident of successe , conceiuing and discoursing amongst themselues , that they went in vpon farre better cards to ouerthrow king henry , then king henry had to ouerthrow king richard . and that if there were not a sword drawne against them in ireland , it was a signe the swords in england would be soone sheathed , or beaten downe . and first , for a brauery vpon this accession of power , they crowned their new king in the cathedrall church of dublin ; who formerly had beene but proclaimed onely ; and then sate in councell what should further be done . at which councell though it were propounded by some , that it were the best way to establish themselues first in ireland , and to make that the seat of the warre , and to draw king henry thither in person , by whose absence , they thought there would be great alterations and commotions in england , yet because the kingdome there was poore , and they should not be able to keepe their armie together , nor pay their germane . soldiers , and for that also the sway of the irish-men and generally of the men-of-warre , which ( as in such cases of popular tumults is vsuall ) did in effect gouerne their leaders , was eager , and in affection to make their fortunes vpon england ; it was concluded with all possible speed to transport their forces into england . the king in the meane time , who at the first when he heard what was done in ireland , though it troubled him , yet thought hee should bee well enough able to scatter the irish as a flight of birds , and rattle away this swarme of bees , with their king ; when hee heard afterwards that the earle of lincolne was embarqued in the action , and that the lady margaret was declared for it , he apprehended the danger in a true degree as it was , and saw plainly that his kingdome must againe be put to the stake , and that he must fight for it . and first , he did conceiue , before he vnderstood of the earle of lincolnes sayling into ireland out of flanders , that he should be assailed both vpon the east-parts of the kingdome of england by some impression from flanders , and vpon the north-west out of ireland . and therefore hauing ordered musters to be made in both parts , and hauing prouisionally designed two generals , iasper earle of bedford , and iohn earle of oxford , ( meaning himselfe also to goe in person , where the affaires should most require it ) and neuerthelesse not expecting any actuall inuasion at that time ( the winter being farre on ) he tooke his iourney himselfe towards suffolke and northfolke , for the confirming of those parts . and being come to s. edmonds-bury , hee vnderstood , that thomas , marquesse dorset ( who had beene one of the pledges in france ) was hasting towards him , to purge himselfe of some accusations which had beene made against him . but the king , though hee kept an eare for him , yet was the time so doubtfull , that hee sent the earle of oxford to meet him , and forth with to carry him to the tower ; with a faire message neuerthelesse , that hee should beare that disgrace with patience , for that the king meant not his hurt , but onely to preserue him from doing hurt , either to the kings seruice , or to himselfe ; and that the king should alwayes be able ( when hee had cleared himselfe ) to make him reparation . from s. edmonds-bury he went to norwich , where he kept his christmas . and from thence he went ( in a manner of pilgrimage ) to walsingham , where hee visited our ladies church , famous for miracles , and made his prayers and vowes for helpe and deliuerance . and from thence he returned by cambridge to london . not long after , the rebels , with their king ( vnder the leading of the earle of lincolne , the earle of kildare , the lord lovel , and colonell swart ) landed at fouldrey in lancashire , whither there repaired to them , sir thomas brovghton , with some small companie of english. the king by that time ( knowing now the storme would not diuide , but fall in one place ) had leuied forces in good number ; and in person ( taking with him his two designed generals , the duke of bedford , and the earle of oxford ) was come on his way towards them as farre as couentry , whence he sent forth a troupe of light-horsemen for discouerie , and to intercept some straglers of the enemies , by whom he might the better vnderstand the particulars of their progresse and purposes , which was accordingly done ; though the king otherwise was not without intelligence from espials in the campe. the rebels tooke their way towards yorke , without spoyling the countrie , or any act of hostilitie , the better to put themselues into fauour of the people , and to personate their king : who ( no doubt , out of a princely feeling ) was sparing , and compassionate towards his subiects . but their snow-ball did not gather as it went. for the people came not in to them : neither did any rise or declare themselues in other parts of the kingdome for them , which was caused partly by the good taste that the king had giuen his people of his gouernement , ioyned with the reputation of his felicitie ; and partly for that it was an odious thing to the people of england , to haue a king brought in to them vpon the shoulders of irish and dutch , of which their armie was in substance compounded . neither was it a thing done with any great iudgement on the party of the rebels , for them to take their way towards yorke : considering that howsoeuer those parts had formerly beene a nurserie of their friends ; yet it was there , where the lord lovel had so lately disbanded , and where the kings presence had a little before qualified discontents . the earle of lincolne deceiued of his hopes of the countries concourse vnto him ( in which case he would haue temporized ) and seeing the businesse past retract , resolued to make on where the king was , and to giue him battaile ; and therupon , marched towards newarke , thinking to haue surprized the towne . but the king was somewhat before this time come to nottingham , where he called a councell of warre , at which was consulted , whether it were best to protract time , or speedily to set vpon the rebels . in which councell the king himselfe ( whose continuall vigilancie did sucke in sometimes causelesse suspitions , which few else knew ) inclined to the accelerating a battaile . but this was presently put out of doubt , by the great aides that came in to him in the instant of this consultation , partly vpon missiues , and partly voluntaries from many parts of the kingdome . the principall persons that came then to the kings aide , were the earle of shrewesburie , and the lord strange , of the nobilitie : and of knights and gentlemen to the number of at least threescore and tenne persons , with their companies , making in the whole , at the least six thousand fighting men , besides the forces that were with the king before . wherupon the king , finding his armie so brauely re-enforced , and a great alacritie in all his men to fight , was confirmed in his former resolution , and marched speedily , so as hee put himselfe betweene the enemies campe and newarke ; being loth their armie should get the commoditie of that towne . the earle nothing dismayed , came forwards that day vnto a little village called stoke , and there encamped that night , vpon the brow or hanging of a hill . the king the next day presented him battaile vpon the plaine , the fields there being open and champion . the earle couragiously came downe and ioyned battaile with him . concerning which battaile , the relations that are left vnto vs are so naked , and negligent ( though it be an action of so recent memorie ) as they rather declare the successe of the day , then the manner of the fight . they say , that the king diuided his armie into three battailes , whereof the vant-guard onely well strengthened with wings , came to fight . that the fight was fierce and obstinate , and lasted three houres , before the victorie inclined either way ; saue that iudgement might be made , by that the kings vant-guard of it selfe maintained fight against the whole power of the enemies , ( the other two battailes remaining out of action ) what the successe was like to bee in the end . that martin swart with his germanes performed brauely ; and so did those few english that were on that side , neither did the irish faile in courage or fiercenesse , but being almost naked men , only armed with darts and skeines , it was rather an execution , then a fight vpon them ; insomuch as the furious slaughter of them was a great discouragement and appalement to the rest ; that there died vpon the place all the chiefetaines ; that is , the earle of lincolne , the earle of kildare , francis lord lovel , martin swart , and sir thomas brovghton ; all making good the fight without any ground giuen . onely of the lord lovel there went a report , that he fled and swam ouer trent on horsebacke , but could not recouer the further side , by reason of the steepnesse of the banke , and so was drowned in the riuer . but another report leaues him not there , but that he liued long after in a caue or vault . the number that was slaine in the field , was of the enemies part , foure thousand at the least ; and of the kings part , one halfe of his vant-guard , besides many hurt , but none of name . there were taken prisoners amongst others , the counterfet plantagenet ( now , lambert simnell againe ) and the crastie priest his tutor . for lambert , the king would not take his life , both out of magnanimitie , taking him but as an image of wax , that others had tempered and moulded ; and likewise out of wisdome , thinking that if he suffered death , he would be forgotten too soone ; but being kept aliue , he would be a continuall spectacle , and a kind of remedie against the like inchantments of people , in time to come . for which cause hee was taken into seruice in his court to a base office in his kitchin ; so that ( in a kind of mattacina of humane fortune ) hee turned a broach , that had worne a crowne . whereas fortune commonly doth not bring in a comedie or farce after a tragedy . and afterwards hee was preferred to be one of the kings falconers . as to the priest , he was committed close prisoner , and heard of no more ; the king louing to seale vp his owne dangers . after the battaile , the king went to lincolne , where he caused supplications and thanksgiuings to be made for his deliuerance and victorie . and that his deuotions might goe round in circle , he sent his banner to bee offered to our ladie of walsingham , where before he made his vows . and thus deliuered of this so strange an engine & new inuention of fortune , he returned to his former confidence of minde , thinking now , that all his misfortunes had come at once . but it fell out vnto him according to the speech of the common people in the beginning of his reigne , that said ; it was a token he should reigne in labour , because his reigne began with a sicknesse of sweat. but howsoeuer the king thought himselfe now in a hauen , yet such was his wisdome , as his confidence did seldome darken his fore-sight , especially in things neare hand . and therefore awakened by so fresh , and vnexpected dangers , hee entred into due consideration , aswell how to weed out the partakers of the former rebellion , as to kill the seeds of the like in time to come : and withall to take away all shelters and harbours for discontented persons , where they might hatch and foster rebellions , which afterwards might gather strength and motion . and first , he did yet againe make a progresse from lincolne to the northerne parts , though it were indeed rather an itinerarie circuit of iustice , then a progresse . for all along as he went , with much seueritie and strict inquisition , partly by martiall law , and partly by commission , were punished , the adherents , and ayders of the late rebels . not all by death , ( for the field had drawne much bloud ) but by fines and ransomes which spared life , and raised treasure . amongst other crimes of this nature , there was diligent inquirie made of such as had raised and dispersed abruit and rumour , a little before the field fought , that the rebels had the day ; and that the kings armie was ouerthrowne , and the king fled . whereby it was supposed that many succours , which otherwise would haue come vnto the king , were cunningly put off , and kept backe . which charge and accusation , though it had some ground , yet it was industriously embraced and put on by diuers , who hauing beene in themselues not the best affected to the kings part , nor forward to come to his aid , were glad to apprehend this colour , to couer their neglect and coldnesse , vnder the pretence of such discouragements . which cunning neuerthelesse , the king would not vnderstand , though he lodged it , and noted it in some particulars , as his manner was . but for the extirpating of the roots and causes of the like commotions in time to come , the king began to find where his shooe did wring him , and that it was his depressing of the house of yorke , that did rancle and fester the affections of his people . and therefore being now too wise to disdaine perils any longer , and willing to giue some concentment in that kind ( at least in ceremonie ) he resolued at last to proceed to the coronation of his queene . and therefore at his comming to london , where he entred in state , and in a kind of triumph , and celebrated his victorie , with two dayes of deuotion , ( for the first day he repaired to pauls , and had the hymne of te deum sung , and the morrow after he went in procession , and heard the sermon at the crosse ) the queene was with great solemnitie crowned at westminster , the fiue and twentieth of nouember , in the third yeare of his reigne , which was about two yeares after the marriage ; like an old christning , that had stayed long for godfathers . which strange and vnvsuall distance of time , madeit subiect to euery mans note , that it was an act against his stomacke , and put vpon him by necessitie and reason of state. soone after , to shew that it was now faire weather againe , and that the imprisonment of thomas marquesse dorset , was rather vpon suspicion of the time , then of the man , hee the said marquesse was set at libertie without examination , or other circumstance . at that time also the king sent an ambassadour vnto pope innocent , signifying vnto him this his marriage , and that now ( like another aeneas ) he had passed through the flouds of his former troubles and trauailes , and was arriued vnto a safe hauen : and thanking his holinesse , that he had honoured the celebration of his marriage with the presence of his ambassadour : and offering both his person and the forces of his kingdome vpon all occasions to doe him seruice . the ambassadour making his oration to the pope , in the presence of the cardinals , did so magnifie the king and queene , as was enough to glut the hearers . but then he did againe so exroll and deifie the pope , as made all that he had said in praise of his master and mistresse seeme temperate and passable . but hee was very honourably entertained , and extreamly much made on by the pope . who knowing himselfe to bee lazie and vnprofitable to the christian world , was wonderfully glad to heare that there were such ecchoes of him sounding in remote parts . hee obtained also of the pope a very iust and honorable bull , qualifying the priuiledges of sanctuarie ( wherewith the king had beene extreamely gauled ) in three points . the first , that if any sanstuarie man did by night or otherwise , get out of sanctuarie priuily , and commit mischiefe and trespasse , and then come in againe , hee should lose the benefit of sanctuarie for euer after . the second , that howsoeuer the person of the sanctuarie-man was protected from his creditors , yet his goods out of sanctuarie should not . the third , that if any tooke sanstuarie for case of treason , the king might appoint him keepers to looke to him in sanctuarie . the king also for the better securing of his estate , against mutinous and malecontented subiects ( wherof he saw the realme was full ) who might haue their refuge into scotland , which was not vnder key , as the ports were ; for that cause , rather then for any doubt of hostilitie from those parts , before his comming to london ( when he was at newcastle ) had sent a solemne ambassage vnto iames the third , king of scotland , to treate and conclude a peace with him . the ambassadors were richard foxe bishop of excester , and sir richard edgcombe comptroller of the kings house , who were honourably receiued and entertained there . but the king of scotland labouring of the same disease that king henry did ( though more mortall , as afterwards appeared ) that is , discontented subiects , apt to rise , and raise tumuh , although in his owne affection hee did much desire to make a peace with the king ; yet finding his nobles auerse , and not daring to displease them , concluded onely a truce for seuen yeeres ; giuing neuerthelesse promise in priuate , that it should bee renewed from time to time , during the two kings liues . hitherto the king had beene exercised in setling his affaires at home . but about this time brake forth an occasion that drew him to looke abroad , and to hearken to forraine businesse . charles the eight the french king , by the vertue and good fortune of his two immediate predecessors , charles the seuenth his grand-father , and lewes the eleuenth his father , receiued the kingdome of france in more flourishing and spread estate , than it had beene of many yeares before ; being redintegrate in those principall members , which anciently had beene portions of the crowne of france , and were after disseuered , so as they remained onely in homage , and not in soueraigntie ( being gouerned by absolute princes of their owne ) angeou , normandy , prouence , and burgundie . there remained only brittaine to be revnited , and so the monarchie of france to be reduced to the ancient termes and bounds . king charles was not a little inflamed with an ambition to repurchase , and reannex that duchie . which his ambition was a wise and well weighed ambition ; not like vnto the ambitions of his succeeding enterprizes of italie . for at that time being newly come to the crowne , he was somewhat guided by his fathers counsels ( counsels , not counsellors ) for his father was his owne counsell , and had few able men about him . and that king ( be knew well ) had euer distasted the designes of italie , and in particular had an eye vpon brittaine . there were many circumstances that did feed the ambition of charles , with pregnant and apparant hopes of successe . the duke of britaine old , and entred into a lethargie , and serued with mercenarie counsellors , father of two only daughters , the one sickly and not like to continue . king charles himselfe in the flower of his age , and the subiects of france at that time well trayned for warre , both for leaders and souldiers ; men of seruice being not yet worne out , since the warres of lewis against burgundie . hee found himselfe also in peace with all his neighbour-princes . as for those that might oppose to his enterprise ; maximilian king of romans , his riuall in the same desires , ( as well for the duchy , as the daughter ) feeble in meanes ; and king henry of england aswell somwhat obnoxious to him for his fauours and benefits , as busied in his particular noubles at home . there was also a faire and specious occasion offered him to hide his ambition , and to iustifie his warring vpon britaine , for that the duke had receiued , and succoured lewis duke of orleance , and other of the french nobilitie , which had taken armes against their king. wherfore king charles being resolued vpon that warre , knew well he could not receiue any opposition so potent , as if king henry should either vpon policie of state , in preuenting the growing greatnesse of france : or vpon gratitude vnto the duke of britaine , for his former fauours , in the time of his distresse , espouse that quarrell , and declare himselfe in aide of the duke . therfore hee no sooner heard that king henry was setled by his victorie , but forth with he sent ambassadours vnto him , to pray his assistance , or at the least that hee would stand neutrall . which ambassadours found the king at leicester , and deliuered their ambassage to this effect . they first imparted vnto the king the successe that their master had had a little before against maximilian , in recouerie of certaine townes from him : which was done in a kind of priuacie , and inwardnesse towards the king ; as if the french-king did not esteeme him for an outward or formall confederate , but as one that had part in his affections and fortunes , and with whom he tooke pleasure to communicate his businesse . after this complement , and some gratulation for the kings victorie , they fell to their errand ; declaring to the king , that their master was enforced to enter into a iust and necessarie warre with the duke of britaine , for that hee had receiued and succoured those that were traitors , and declared enemies vnto his person and state. that they were no meane , distressed , and calamitous persons that fled to him for refuge , but of so great qualitie , as it was apparant that they came not thither to protect their owne fortune , but to infest and inuade his ; the head of them being the duke of orleance , the first prince of the bloud , and the second person of france . that therfore , rightly to vnderstand it , it was rather on their masters part a defensiue warre , then an offensiue ; as that , that could not bee omitted or forborne , if he tendred the conseruation of his owne estate ; and that it was not the first blow that made the warre inuasiue , ( for that no wise prince would stay for ) but the first prouocation , or at least the first preparation . nay that this warre was rather a suppression of rebels , then a warre with a iust enemie , where the case is ; that his subiects , traitors , are receiued by the duke of britaine his homager . that king henry knew well what went vpon it in example , if neighbour-princes should patronize and comfort rebels , against the law of nations and of leagues . neuerthelesse that their master was not ignorant , that the king had beene beholding to the duke of britaine in his aduersitie ; as on the other side , they knew he would not forget also the readinesse of their king , in ayding him when the duke of britaine , or his mercenary councellors failed him , and would haue betrayed him ; and that there was a great difference betweene the courtesies receiued from their master , and the duke of britaine ; for that the dukes might haue ends of vtilitie and bargaine ; whereas their masters could not haue proceeded but out of entire affection . for that , if it had beene measured by a politicke line , it had beene better for his affaires , that a tyrant should haue reigned in england , troubled and hated , then such a prince , whose vertues could not saile to make him great and potent , whensoeuer he was come to be master of his affaires . but howsoeuer it stood for the point of obligation , which the king might owe to the duke of britaine , yet their master was well assured , it would not diuert king henry of england from doing that , that was iust , nor euer embarke him in so ill grounded a quarrell . therefore , since this warre which their master was now to make , was but to deliuer himselfe from imminent dangers , their king hoped the king would shew the like affection to the conseruation of their masters estate , as their master had ( when time was ) shewed to the kings acquisition of his kingdome . at the least , that according to the inclination which the king had euer professed of peace , he would looke on , and stand neutrall ; for that their master could not with reason presse him to vndertake part in the warre , being so newly setled and recouered from intestine seditions . but touching the mysterie of reannexing of the duchy of britaine to the crowne of france , either by warre , or by marriage with the daughter of britaine ; the ambassadors bare aloofe from it , as from a rocke , knowing that it made most against them . and therefore by all meanes declined any mention thereof , but contrariwise interlaced in their conference with the king , the assured purpose of their master , to match with the daughter of maximilian ; and entertained the king also with some wandring discourses of their kings purpose , to recouer by armes his right to the kingdome of naples , by an expedition in person ; all to remoue the king from all iealousie of any designe , in these hither parts vpon britaine , otherwise then for quenching of the fire , which hee feared might bee kindled in his owne estate . the king after aduice taken with his coùncell , made answer to the ambassadors . and first returned their complement , shewing hee was right glad of the french kings reception of those townes from maximilian . then hee familiarly related some particular passages of his owne aduentures and victorie passed . as to the businesse of britaine , the king answered in few words ; that the french king and the duke of britaine , were the two persons to whom hee was most obliged of all men ; and that hee should thinke himselfe very vnhappie , if things should goe so betweene them , as he should not be able to acquite himselfe in gratitude towards them both ; and that there was no meanes for him as a christian king and a common friend to them , to satisfie all obligations both to god and man , but to offer himselfe for a mediator of an accord and peace betweene them ; by which course he doubted not but their kings estate and honour both , would be preserued with more safetie and lesse enuis then by a warre , and that hee would spare no cost or paines , no if it were to goe on pilgrimage , for so good an effect ; and concluded , that in this great affaire , which he tooke so much to heart , hee would expresse himselfe more fully by an ambassage , which he would speedily dispatch vnto the french king for that purpose . and in this sort the french ambassadors were dismissed ; the king auoiding to vnderstand any thing touching the re-annexing of britaine , as the ambassadors had auoided to mention it ; saue that hee gaue a little touch of it in the word , enuie . and so it was , that the king was neither so shallow , nor so ill aduertised , as not to perceiue the intention of the french , for the inuesting himselfe of britaine . but first he was vtterly vnwilling ( howsoeuer hee gaue out ) to enter into warre with france . a fame of a warre he liked well , but not an atchieuement ; for the one hee thought would make him richer , and the other poorer : and hee was possessed with many secret feares , touching his owne people , which hee was therfore loth to arme , and put weapons into their hands . yet notwithstanding ( as a prudent and couragious prince ) he was not so auerse from a warre , but that he was resolued to choose it , rather then to haue britaine carried by france , being so great and opulent a duchy , and situate so opportunely to annoy england , either for coast , or trade . but the kings hopes were , that partly by negligence , commonly imputed to the french ( especially in the court of a young king ) and partly by the natiue power of britaine it selfe , which was not small ; but chiefely in respect of the great partie , that the duke of orleance had in the kingdome of france , and therby meanes to stirre vp ciuill troubles , to diuert the french-king from the enterprise of britaine : and lastly , in regard of the power of maximilian , who was corriuall to the french king in that pursuit , the enterprize would eyther bow to a pace , or breake in it selfe . in all which , the king measured and valued things amisse , as afterwards appeared . he sent therefore forth with to the french king , christopher vrswicke , his chaplaine , a person by him much trusted and imployed : choosing him the rather , because he was a church-man , as best sorting with an ambassie of pacification : and giuing him also a commission , that if the french king consented to treat , hee should thence repaire to the duke of britaine , and ripen the treatie on both parts . vrswick made declaration to the french king , much to the purpose of the kings answer to the french ambassadours here ; instilling also tenderly some ouerture of receiuing to grace the duke of orleance , and some taste of conditions of accord . but the french king on the other side proceeded not sincerely , but with a great deale of art and dissimulation , in this treatie ; hauing for his end to gaine time , and so put off the english-succors , vnder hope of peace , till he had got good footing in britaine , by force of armes . wherefore he answered the ambassadour , that hee would put himselfe into the kings hands , and make him arbiter of the peace : and willingly consented , that the ambassadour should straight wayes passe into britaine , to signifie this his consent , and to know the dukes minde likewise ; well fore-seeing , that the duke of orleance , by whom the duke of britaine was wholly led , taking himselfe to be vpon termes irreconcileable with him , would admit of no treatie of peace . whereby hee should in one , both generally abroad veyle ouer his ambition , and winne the reputation of iust and moderate proceedings ; and should withall endeare himselfe in the affections of the king of england , as one , that had committed all to his will : nay , and ( which was yet more fine ) make faith in him , that although he went on with the warre , yet it should be but with his sword in his hand , to bend the stiffenesse of the other party to accept of peace : and so the king should take no vmbrage of his arming and prosecution ; but the treatie to be kept on foot ; to the very last instant , till hee were master of the field . which grounds being by the french king wisely laid , all things fell out as he expected . for when the english ambassadour came to the court of britaine , the duke was then scarcely perfect in his memorie , and all things were directed by the duke of orleance ; who gaue audience to the chaplaine vrswick , and vpon his ambassage deliuered , made answer in somewhat high termes : that the duke of britaine hauing beene an host , and a kind of parent or foster-father to the king , in his tendernesse of age , and weaknesse of fortune , did looke for at this time from king henry ( the renowned king of england ) rather braue troupes for his succours , then a vaine treatie of peace . and if the king could forget the good offices of the duke done vnto him aforetime ; yet he knew well , he would in his wisdome consider of the future , how much it imported his owne safetie , and reputation , both in forraine parts , and with his owne people , not to suffer britaine ( the old confederates of england ) to be swallowed vp by france , and so many good ports , and strong townes vpon the coast , be in the command of so potent a neighbour-king , and so ancient an enemie . and therefore humbly desired the king to thinke of this businesse as his owne ; and therewith brake off , and denied any further conference for treatie . vrswick returned first to the french king , and related to him what had passed . who finding things to sort to his desire , tooke hold of them , and said ; that the ambassadour might perceiue now , that which he for his part , partly imagined before . that considering in what hands the duke of britaine was , there would be no peace , but by a mixt treatie of force and perswasion . and therfore he would goe on with the one , and desired the king not to desist from the other . but for his owne part , he did faithfully promise , to bee still in the kings power , to rule him in the matter of peace . this was accordingly represented vnto the king by vrswick at his returne , and in such a fashion , as if the treatie were in no sort desperate , but rather stayed for a better houre , till the hammer had wrought , and beat the partie of britaine more pliant . whereupon there passed continually packets and dispatches betweene the two kings , from the one out of desire , and from the other out of dissimulation , about the negotiation of peace . the french king meane while inuaded britaine with great forces , and distressed the citie of nantes with a strait siege , and ( as one , who though hee had no great iudgement , yet had that , that hee could dissemble home ) the more he did vrge the prosecution of the warre , the more he did at the same time , vrge the solicitation of the peace . insomuch as during the siege of nantes , after many letters and particular messages , the better to maintaine his dissimulation , and to refresh the treatie ; he sent bernard davbigney ( a person of good qualitie ) to the king , earnestly to desire him , to make an end of the businesse howsoeuer . the king was no lesse readie to reuiue and quicken the treatie ; and therupon sent three commissioners , the abbot of abington , sir richard tvnstal , and chapleine vrswick formerly imployed , to doe their vtmost endeuours , to manage the treatie roundly and strongly . about this time the lord woodvile , ( vncle to the queene ) a valiant gentleman , & desirous of honor , sued to the king , that he might raise some power of voluntaries vnder-hand , and without licence or pasport ( wherein the king might any wayes appeare ) goe to the aide of the duke of britaine . the king denied his request , ( or at least seemed so to doe ) and layed strait commandement vpon him , that hee should not stirre , for that the king thought his honour would suffer therein , during a treatie , to better a partie . neuerthelesse this lord ( either being vnruly , or out of conceipt that the king would not inwardly dislike that , which he would not openly auow ) sailed secretly ouer into the isle of wight , whereof hee was gouernour , and leuied a faire troupe of foure hundred men , and with them passed ouer into brittaine , and ioyned himselfe with the dukes forces . the newes whereof when it came to the french court , put diuers young bloods into such a furie , as the english ambassadors were not without perill to bee outraged . but the french king both to preserue the priuiledge of ambassadors , and being conscious to himselfe that in the businesse of peace , hee himselfe was the greater dissembler of the two , forbade all iniuries of fact or word , against their persons , or followers . and presently came an agent from the king , to purge himselfe touching the lord woodviles going ouer , vsing for a principall argument , to demonstrate that it was without his priuitie , for that the troupes were so small , as neither had the face of a succour by authoritie ; nor could much aduance the brittaine affaires . to which message , although the french king gaue no full credit , yet he made faire weather with the king , and seemed satisfied . soone after the english ambassadors returned , hauing two of them beene likewise with the duke of britaine , and found things in no other termes , then they were before . vpon their returne , they informed the king of the state of the affaires , and how farre the french king was from any true meaning of peace ; and therefore he was now to aduise of some other course . neither was the king himselfe lead all this while with credulity meerely , as was generally supposed : but his error was not so much facility of beleefe , as an ill measuring of the forces of the other partie . for ( as was partly touched before ) the king had cast the businesse thus with himselfe . he tooke it for granted in his owne iudgement , that the warre of britaine , in respect of the strength of the townes , and of the partie , could not speedily come to a period . for he conceiued that the counsels of a warre , that was vndertaken by the french king , then childlesse , against an heire-apparant of france , would be very faint and slow . and besides , that it was not possible , but that the state of france should be imbroiled with some troubles and alterations in fauour of the duke of orleance . hee conceiued likewise , that maximilian , king of the romans , was a prince warlike and potent ; who ( he made account ) would giue succours to the britaine 's roundly . so then iudging it would be a worke of time , hee laide his plot , how hee might best make vse of that time , for his owne affaires . wherein first hee thought to make his vantage vpon his parliament ; knowing that they being affectionate vnto the quarrell of britaine , would giue treasure largely . which treasure , as a noise of warre might draw forth ; so a peace succeeding might cofer vp . and because hee knew his people were hot vpon the businesse , hee chose rather to seeme to bee deceiued , and lulled asleepe by the french , then to be backward in himselfe ; considering his subiects were not so fully capable of the reasons of state , which made him hold backe . wherefore to all these purposes hee saw no other expedient , then to set and keepe on foot a continuall treatie of peace ; laying it downe , and taking it vp againe , as the occurrence required . besides , he had in consideration the point of honour in bearing the blessed person of a pacificator . hee thought likewise to make vse of the enuie , that the french king met with , by occasion of this warre of britaine , in strengthening himselfe with new alliances ; as namely that of ferdinando of spaine , with whom he had euer a consent euen in nature and customes ; and likewise with maximilian , who was particularly interessed . so that in substance hee promised himselfe money , honour , friends , and peace in the end . but those things were too fine to be fortunate , and succeed in all parts ; for that great affaires are commonly too rough and stubborne to be wrought vpon by the finer edges , or points of wit. the king was likewise deceiued in his two main grounds . for although he had reason to conceiue , that the councel of france wold be wary to put the king into a warre against the heire-apparant of france ; yet hee did not consider , that charles was not guided by any of the principall of the bloud or nobilitie , but by meane men , who would make it their master-peece of credit and fauour , to giue venturous counsels , which no great or wise man durst , or would . and for maximilian , he was thought then a greater-matter then he was ; his vnstable and necessitous courses being not then knowne . after consultation with the ambassadors , who brought him no other newes , then he expected before ( though he would not seeme to know it till then ) he presently summoned his parliament , and in open parliament propounded the cause of britaine to both houses , by his chancellor morton arch-bishop of canterburie , who spake to this effect . my lords and masters ; the kings grace our soueraigne lord , hath commanded me to declare vnto you the causes that haue moued him at this time to summon this his parliament ; which i shall doe in few words , crauing pardon of his grace , and you all , if i performe it not as i would . his grace doth first of all let you know , that he retaineth in thankefull memorie the loue and loyaltie shewed to him by you , at your last meeting , in establishment of his royaltie ; freeing and discharging of his partakers , and confiscation of his traytors and rebels : more then which could not come from subiects to their soueraigne , in one action . this he taketh so well at your hands , as he hath made it a resolution to himselfe , to communicate with so louing and well approued subiects , in all affaires that are of publike nature , at home or abroad . two therefore are the causes of your present assembling : the one , a forraigne businesse ; the other , matter of gouernment at home . the french king ( as no doubt yee haue heard ) maketh at this present hot warre vpon the duke of britaine . his armie is now before nantes , and holdeth it straitly besieged being the principall citie ( if not in ceremonte and preheminence , yet in strength and wealth ) of that duchie . yee may guesse at his hopes , by his attempting of the hardest part of the warre first . the cause of this warre he knoweth best . hee alleageth the entertaining and succouring of the duke of orleance , and some other french lords , whom the king taketh for his enemies . others diuine of other matters . both parts haue by their ambassadours diuers times prayed the kings aids : the french king aides , or neutralitie ; the britons aides simply ; for so their case requireth . the king , as a christian prince , and blessed sonne of the holy church , hath offered himselfe as a mediator , to treat a peace betweene them . the french king yeeldeth to treat , but will not stay the prosecution of the warre . the britons , that desire peace most , hearken to it least ; not vpon confidence or stiffenesse , but vpon distrust of true meaning , seeing the warre goes on . so as the king , after as much paines and care to effect a peace , as euer he tooke in any businesse , not being able to remoue the prosecution on the one side , nor the distrust on the other , caused by that prosecution , hath let fall the treatie ; not repenting of it , but desparing of it now , as not likely to succeed . therefore by this narratiue you now vnderstand the state of the question , whereupon the king prayeth your aduice : which is no other , but whether hee shall enter into an auxiliarie and defensiue warre for the britons against france . 〈◊〉 the better to open your vnderstandings in this affaire , the king hath commanded mee to say somewhat to you from him , of the persons that doe interuene in this businesse ; and somewhat of the consequence thereof , as it hath relation to this kingdome ; and somewhat of the example of it in generall : making neuerthelesse no conclusion or judgement of any point , vntill his grace hath receiued your faithfull and politique aduices . first , for the king our soueraigne himselfe , who is the principall person you are to eye in this businesse ; his grace doth professe , that he truly and constantly desireth to reigne in peace . but his grace saith , he will neither buy peace with dishonour , nor take it vp at interest of danger to ensue ; but shall thinke it a good change , if it please god to change the inward troubles and seditions , wherewith he hath beene hitherto exercised , into an honourable forraigne warre . and for the other two persons in this action , the french king , and the duke of britaine , his grace doth declare vnto you , that they be the men , vnto whom be is of all other friends and allies most bounden : the one hauing held ouer him his hand of protection from the tyrant : the other hauing reacht forth vnto him his hand of helpe , for the recouerie of his kingdome . so that his affection toward them in his naturall person , is vpon equall tearmes . and whereas you may haue heard , that his grace was enforced to flie out of britaine into france , for doubts of being betrayed ; his grace would not in any sort haue that reflect vpon the duke of britaine , in defacement of his former benefits : for that hee is throughly informed , that it was but the practice of some corrupt persons about him , during the time of his sicknesse , altogether without his consent or priuitie . but howsoeuer these things doe interesse his grace in his particular , yet hee knoweth well , that the higher bond that tieth him to procure by all meanes the safetie and welfare of his louing subiects , doth dis-interesse him of these obligations of gratitude , otherwise then thus : that if his grace be forced to make a warre , he doe it without passion , or ambition . for the consequence of this action towards this kingdome , it is much as the french kings intention is . for if it be no more , but to range his subiects to reason , who beare themselues stout vpon the strength of the duke of britaine , it is nothing to vs. but if it be in the french kings purpose , or if it should not be in his purpose , yet if it shall follow all one , as if it were sought , that the french king shall make a prouince of britaine , and ioyne it to the crowne of france : then it is worthy the consideration , how this may import england , as well in the increasement of the greatnesse of france , by the addition of such a countrey , that stretcheth his boughes vnto our seas , as in depriuing this nation , and leauing it naked of so firme and assured confederates , as the britons haue alwayes beene . for then it will come to passe , that whereas not long since , this realme was mightie vpon the continent , first in territorie , and after in alliance , in respect of burgundie and britaine , which were confederates indeed , but dependant confederates ; now the one being already cast , partly into the greatnes of france , and partly into that of austria , the other is like wholly to be cast into the greatnesse of france , and this island shall remaine confined in effect within the salt waters , and girt about with the coast-countries of two mightie monarchs . for the example , it resteth likewise vpon the same question , vpon the french kings intent . for if britaine be carried and swallowed vp by france , as the world abroad ( apt to impute and construe the actions of princes to ambition ) conceiue it will ; then it is an example very dangerous and vniuersall , that the lesser neighbour estate should bee deuoured of the greater . for this may bee the case of scotland towards england ; of portugal , towards spaine ; of the smaller estates of italie , towards the greater ; and so of germanie ; or as if some of you of the commons , might not liue and dwell safely , besides some of these great lords . and the bringing in of this example , will be chiefely laid to the kings charge , as to him that was most interested and most able to forbid it . but then on the other side , there is so faire a pretext on the french kings part ( and yet pretext is neuer wanting to power ) in regard the danger imminent to his owne estate is such , as may make this enterprise seeme rather a work of necessitie , then of ambition , as doth in reason correct the danger of the example . for that the example of that which is done in a mans owne defence , cannot be dangerous ; because it is in anothers power to auoid it . but in all this businesse , the king remits himselfe to your graue and mature aduice , whereupon he purposeth to relye . this was the effect of the lord chancellors speech touching the cause of britaine : for the king had commanded him to carrie it so , as to affect the parliament towards the businesse ; but without engaging the king in any expresse declaration . the chancellor went on : for that which may concerne the gouernement at home , the king hath commanded me to say vnto you ; that he thinketh there was neuer any king ( for the small time that hee hath reigned ) had greater and iuster cause of the two contrarie passions of joy , and sorrow , then his grace hath . joy , in respect of the rare and visible fauours of almightie god , in girting the imperiall sword vpon his side , and assisting the same his sword against all his enemies ; and likewise in blessing him with so many good and louing seruants and subiects , which haue neuer fayled to giue him faithfull counsell , readie obedience , and couragious defence . sorrow , for that it hath not pleased god to suffer him to sheathe his sword ( as hee greatly desired otherwise then for administration of justice ) but that he hath beene forced to draw it so oft , to cut off trayterous and disloyall subiects , whom ( it seemes ) god hath left ( a few amongst many good ) as the canaanites among the people of israel , to be thornes in their sides , to tempt and trie them ; though the end hath beene alwayes ( gods name bee blessed therefore ) that the destruction hath fallen vpon their owne heads . wherefore his grace saith ; that hee seeth , that it is not the bloud spilt in the field , that will saue the bloud in the citie ; nor the marshals sword , that will set this kingdome in perfect peace : but that the true way is , to stop the seeds of sedition and rebellion in their beginnings ; and for that purpose to deuise , confirme , and quicken good and holesome lawes , against riots , and vnlawfull assemblies of people , and all combinations and confederacies of them , by liueries , tokens , and other badges of factious dependance ; that the peace of the land may by these ordinances , as by barres of iron , bee soundly bound in and strengthned , and all force both in court , countrey , and priuate houses , be supprest . the care hereof , which so much concerneth your selues , and which the nature of the times doth instantly call for , his grace commends to your wisdomes . and because it is the kings desire , that this peace , wherein he hopeth to gouerne and maintaine you , doe not beare onely vnto you leaues for you to sit vnder the shade of them in safetie ; but also should beare you fruit of riches , wealth and plentie : therfore his grace prayes you , to take into consideration matter of trade , as also the manufactures of the kingdome , and to represse the bastard and barren imployment of moneyes , to usurie and vnlawfull exchanges , that they may be ( as their naturall vse is ) turned vpon commerce , and lawfull and royall trading . and likewise , that our people bee set on worke in arts and handy-crafts ; that the realme may subsist more of it selfe ; that idlenesse be auoided , and the drayning out of our treasure , for forraine manufactures , stopped . but you are not to rest heere onely , but to prouide further , that whatsoeuer merchandize shall bee brought in from beyond the seas , may bee imployed vpon the commodities of this land ; wherby the kingdomes stocke of treasure may be sure to bee kept from being diminished , by any ouer-trading of the forrainer . and lastly , because the king is well assured , that you would not haue him poore , that wishes you rich ; he doubteth not , but that you will haue care , as well to maintaine his reuenues , of customes , and all other natures , as also to supply him with your louing aides , if the case shall so require . the rather , for that you know the king is a good husband , and but a steward in effect for the publike ; and that what comes from you is but as moisture drawne from the earth , which gathers into a cloud , and fals back vpon the earth againe . and you know well , how the kingdomes about you grow more and more in greatnesse , and the times are stirring ; and therefore not fit to finde the king with an emptie purse . more i haue not to say to you ; and wish , that what hath beene said , had beene better exprest : but that your wisdomes and good affections will supply . god blesse your doings . it was no hard matter to dispose and affect the parliament in this businesse ; aswell in respect of the emulation betweene the nations , and the enuie at the late growth of the french monarchie ; as in regard of the danger , to suffer the french to make their approaches vpon england , by obtaining so goodly a maritime prouince , full of sea-townes , and hauens , that might doe mischiefe to the english , either by inuasion or by interruption of traffique . the parliament was also moued with the point of oppression ; for although the french seemed to speake reason , yet arguments are euer with multitudes too weake for suspitions . wherefore they did aduise the king , roundly to embrace the britons quarrell , and to send them speedy aides , and with much alacritie and forwardnesse granted to the king a great rate of subsidie , in contemplation of these aides . but the king both to keepe a decencie towards the french king , to whom he profest himselfe to be obliged , and indeed desirous rather to shew warre , then to make it ; sent new solemne ambassadors to intimate vnto him , the decree of his estates , and to iterate his motion , that the french would desist from hostilitie ; or if warre must follow , to desire him to take it in good part , if at the motion of his people , who were sensible of the cause of the britons as their ancient friends , and confederates , hee did send them succours ; with protestation neuerthelesse , that to saue all treaties and lawes of friendship , hee had limited his force , to proceed in aide of the britons , but in no wise to warre vpon the french , otherwise then as they maintained the possession of britaine . but before this formall ambassage arriued , the partie of the duke had receiued a great blow , and grew to manifest declination . for neere the towne of saint alban in britaine , a battaile had beene giuen , where the britons were ouerthrowne , and the duke of orleance , and the prince of orange taken prisoners , there being slaine on the britons part six thousand men , and amongst them the lord woodvile , and almost all his souldiers , valiantly fighting . and of the french part one thousand two hundred , with their leader , iames galeot , a great commander . when the newes of this battaile came ouer into england , it was time for the king ( who now had no subrerfuge to continue further treatie , and saw before his eyes , that britaine went so speedily for lost , contrarie to his hopes , knowing also that with his people and forreiners both , he sustained no small enuie and disreputation for his former delayes ) to dispatch with all possible speed his succours into britaine ; which hee did vnder the conduct of robert lord brooke to the number of eight thousand choise men , and well armed ; who hauing a faire wind , in few houres landed in britaine , and ioyned themselues forthwith to those briton-forces , that remained after the defeat , and marched straight on to find the enemie , and incamped fast by them . the french wisely husbanding the possession of a victorie , and well acquainted with the courage of the english , especially when they are fresh , kept themselues within their trenches , being strongly lodged , and resolued not to giue battaile . but meane while , to harrasse and wearie the english , they did vpon all aduantages set vpon them with their light-horse ; wherein neuerthelesse they receiued commonly losse , especially by meanes of the english-archers . but vpon these atchieuements francis duke of britaine deceased ; an accident that the king might easily haue foreseene , and ought to haue reckoned vpon , and prouided for , but that the point of reputation , when newes first came of the battaile lost ( that somewhat must bee done ) did ouerbeare the reason of warre . after the dukes decease , the principall persons of britaine , partly bought , partly through faction , put all things into confusion ; so as the english not finding head or bodie with whom to ioyne their forces , and being in iealousie of friends , as well as in danger of enemies , and the winter begun , returned home fiue moneths after their landing . so the battaile of saint alban , the death of the duke , and the retire of the english succours were ( after some time ) the causes of the losse of that duchie ; which action some accounted as a blemish of the kings iudgement ; but most but as the misfortune of his times . but howsoeuer the temporarie fruit of the parliament in their aid and aduice giuen for britaine , tooke not , nor prospered not ; yet the lasting fruit of parliament , which is good and wholsome lawes , did prosper , and doth yet continue to this day . for according to the lord chancellours admonition , there were that parliament diuers excellent lawes ordained , concerning the points which the king recommended . first , the authoritie of the star-chamber , which before subsisted by the ancient common-lawes of the realme , was confirmed in certaine cases by act of parliament . this court is one of the sagest and noblest institutions of this kingdome . for in the distribution of courts of ordinarie iustice ( besides the high-court of parliament ) in which distribution the kings-bench holdeth the pleas of the crowne , the common-place , pleas ciuill , the exchequer pleas concerning the kings reuenue , and the chancery the pretorian power for mitigating the rigour of law , in case of extremitie by the conscience of a good man ; there was neuerthelesse alwaies reserued a high and preheminent power to the kings counsell , in causes that might in example , or consequence , concerne the state of the common-wealth , which if they were criminall , the counsell vsed to sit in the chamber , called the star-chamber ; if ciuill , in the white-chamber , or white-hall . and as the chancery had the pretorian power for equitie ; so the star-chamber had the censorian power for offences , vnder the degree of capitall . this court of star-chamber is compounded of good elements ; for it consisteth of foure kindes of persons : councellors , peeres , prelates , and chief-iudges . it discerneth also principally of foure kinds of causes ; forces , frauds , crimes various of stellionate , and the inchoations or middle acts towards crimes capitall , or hainous , not actually committed or perpetrated . but that which was principally aimed at by this act was force , and the two chiefe supports of force , combination of multitudes , and maintenance or headship of great persons . from the generall peace of the countrie , the kings care went on to the peace of the kings house , and the securitie of his great officers and counsellors . but this law was somwhat of a strange composition and temper . that if any of the kings seruants vnder the degree of a lord , doe conspire the death of any of the kings counsell , or lord of the realme , it is made capitall . this law was thought to bee procured by the lord chancellor , who being a sterne and haughtie man , and finding he had some mortall enemies in court , prouided for his owne safetie ; drowning the enuie of it in a generall law , by communicating the priuiledge with all other councellors and peeres , and yet not daring to extend it further , then to the kings seruants in check-rowle , lest it should haue beene too harsh to the gentlemen , and other commons of the kingdome ; who might haue thought their ancient libertie , and the clemencie of the lawes of england inuaded , if the will in any case of felonie should be made the deed . and yet the reason which the act yeeldeth ( that is to say , that hee that conspireth the death of councellors may be thought indirectly , and by a meane , to conspire the death of the king himselfe ) is indifferent to all subiects , as well as to seruants in court. but it seemeth this sufficed to serue the lord chancellors turne at this time . but yet hee liued to neede a generall law , for that hee grew afterwards as odious to the countrie , as hee was then to the court. from the peace of the kings house , the kings care extended to the peace of priuate houses and families . for there was an excellent morall law moulded thus ; the taking and carrying away of women forcibly , and against their will ( except female-wards and bond-women ) was made capitall . the parliament wisely and iustly conceiuing , that the obtaining of women by force into possession ( howsoeuer afterwards assent might follow by allurements ) was but a rape drawne forth in length , because the first force drew on all the rest . there was made also another law for peace in generall , and repressing of murthers and man-slaughters , and was in amendment of the common lawes of the realme , being this : that wheras by the common law , the kings-suit in case of homicide , did expect the yeare and the day , allowed to the parties suit by way of appeale ; and that it was found by experience , that the partie was many times compounded with , and many times wearied with the suit , so that in the end such suit was let fall , and by that time the matter was in a manner forgotten , and therby prosecution at the kings suit by indictment ( which is euer best , flagrante crimine ) neglected ; it was ordained , that the suit by indictment might bee taken as well at any time within the yeare and the day , as after , not preiudicing neuerthelesse the parties suit. the king began also then , as well in wisdome as in iustice to pare a little the priuiledge of clergie , ordaining , that clarkes conuict should bee burned in the hand , both because they might taste of some corporall punishment , and that they might carry a brand of infamie . but for this good acts sake , the king himselfe was after branded by perkins proclamation , for an execrable breaker of the rites of holy church . another law was made for the better peace of the countrey ; by which law the kings officers and farmors were to forfeit their places and holds , in case of vnlawfull retainer , or partaking in routs and vnlawfull assemblies . these were the lawes that were made for repressing of force , which those times did chiefely require ; and were so prudently framed , as they are found fit for all succeeding times , and so continue to this day . there were also made good and politicke lawes that parliament against vsurie , which is the bastard vse of money ; and against vnlawfull chieuances and exchanges , which is bastard vsurie ; and also for the securitie of the kings customes ; and for the imployment of the procedures of forraine commodities , brought in by merchant-strangers , vpon the natiue commodities of the realme ; together with some other lawes of lesse importance . but howsoeuer the lawes made in that parliament did beare good and holesome fruit ; yet the subsidie granted at the same time , bare a fruit , that proued harsh and bitter . all was inned at last into the kings barne ; but it was after a storme . for when the commissioners entred into the taxation of the subsidie in yorkeshire , and the bishopricke of duresme ; the people vpon a sudaine grew into great mutinie , and said openly , that they had endured of late yeares a thousand miseries , and neither could nor would pay the subsidie . this ( no doubt ) proceeded not simply of any present necessitie , but much by reason of the old humour of those countries , where the memorie of king richard was so strong , that it lies like lees in the bottome of mens hearts ; and if the vessell was but stirred , it would come vp . and ( no doubt ) it was partly also by the instigation of some factious male-contents , that bare principall stroke amongst them . hereupon the commissioners being somewhat astonished , deferred the matter vnto the earle of northumberland , who was the principall man of authoritie in those parts . the earle forthwith wrote vnto the court , signifying to the king plainely enough in what flame hee found the people of those countries , and praying the kings direction . the king wrote backe peremptorily , that hee would not haue one penny abated , of that which had beene granted to him by parliament , both because it might encourage other countries to pray the like release , or mitigation , and chiefely , because hee would neuer endure , that the base multitude should frustrate the authoritie of the parliament , wherein their votes and consents were concluded . vpon this dispatch from court , the earle assembled the principall iustices and free-holders of the countrey ; and speaking to them in that imperious language wherein the king had written to him , which needed not ( saue that an harsh businesse was vnfortunately fallen into the hands of a harsh-man ) did not onely irritate the people , but make them conceiue , by the stoutnesse and haughtinesse of deliuerie of the kings errand ; that himselfe was the author or principall perswader of that counsell . whereupon the meaner sort routed together , and suddenly assayling the earle in his house , slew him , and diuers of his seruants . and rested not there , but creating for their leader sir iohn egremond , a factious person , and one that had of a long time borne an ill talent towards the king ; and being animated also by a base fellow , called iohn a chamber , a very boutefeu , who bare much sway amongst the vulgar and popular , entred into open rebellion , and gaue out in flat termes , that they would goe against king henry , and fight with him for the maintenance of their liberties . when the king was aduertised of this new insurrection ( being almost a feuer , that tooke him euery yeare ) after his manner little troubled therewith , hee sent thomas earle of surrey ( whom hee had a little before not onely released out of the tower , and pardoned , but also receiued to speciall fauour ) with a competent power against the rebels ; who fought with the principall band of them , and defeated them , and tooke aliue iohn a chamber , their firebrand . as for sir iohn egremond , hee fled into flanders , to the ladie margaret of burgundie ; whose palace was the sanctuarie and receptacle of all traitors against the king. iohn a chamber was executed at yorke , in great state ; for he was hanged vpon a gibbet raised a stage higher in the midst of a square gallowes , as a traitor paramount ; and a number of his men that were his chiefe complices , were hanged vpon the lower storie round about him ; and the rest were generally pardoned . neither did the king himselfe omit his custome , to be first or second in all his warlike exploits ; making good his word , which was vsuall with him when he heard of rebels ; that he desired but to see them . for immediatly after he had sent downe the earle of surrey , he marched towards them himselfe in person . and although in his iourney hee heard newes of the victory , yet hee went on as farre as yorke , to pacifie and settle those countryes . and that done returned to london , leauing the earle of surrey for his lieutenant in the northerne parts , and sir richard tvnstall for his principall commissioner , to leuie the subsidie , whereof he did not remit a denier . about the same time that the king lost so good a seruant , as the earle of northumberland , hee lost likewise a faithfull friend and allie of iames the third , king of scotland , by a miserable disaster . for this vnfortunate prince , after a long smother of discontent , and hatred of many of his nobilitie and people , breaking forth at times into seditions and alterations of court , was at last distressed by them , hauing taken armes , and surprised the person of prince iames his sonne , partly by force , partly by threats , that they would otherwise deliuer vp the kingdome to the king of england , to shadow their rebellion , and to bee the titular and painted head of those armes . whereupon the king ( finding himselfe too weake ) sought vnto king henry , as also vnto the pope , and the king of france , to compose those troubles , betweene him and his subiects . the kings accordingly interposed their mediation in a round and princely manner : not only by way of request and perswasion , but also by way of protestation of menace ; declaring , that they thought it to be the common cause of all kings , if subiects should be suffered to giue lawes vnto their soueraigne ; and that they would accordingly resent it , and reuenge it . but the rebels that had shaken off the greater yoke of obedience , had likewise cast away the lesser tye of respect . and furie preuailing aboue feare , made answer , that there was no talking of peace , except the king would resignehis crowne . whereupon ( treatie of accord taking no place ) it came vp to a battaile , at bannocks bourne by striuelin . in which battaile the king transported with wrath and iust indignation , inconsideratly fighting and precipitating the charge , before his whole numbers came vp to him , was ( notwithstanding the contrarie expresse and straight commandement of the prince his sonne ) slaine in the pursuit , being fled to a mill , scituate in the field , where the battaile was fought . as for the popes ambassie , which was sent by adrian de castello an italian legate ) and perhaps as those times were might haue preuailed more ) it came too late for the ambassie , but not for the ambassador . for passing through england , and being honourably entertained , and dreceiued of king henry ; ( who euer applied himselfe with much respect to the see of rome ) hee fell into great grace with the king , and great familiaritie and friendship with morton the chancellor . in so much as the king taking a liking to him , and finding him to his minde , preferred him to the bishopricke of hereford , and afterwards to that of bath and wells , and imployed him in many of his affaires of state , that had relation to rome . hee was a man of great learning , wisedome , and dexteritle in businesse of state ; and hauing not long after ascended to the degree of cardinall , payd the king large tribute of his gratitude , in diligent and iudicious aduertisement of the occurrents of italie . neuerthelesse in the end of his time , hee was partaker of the conspiracie , which cardinall alphonso petrvcci , and some other cardinalls had plotted against the life of pope leo. and this offence in it selfe so hainous , was yet in him aggrauared by the motiue therof , which was not malice or discontent , but an aspiring minde to the papacie . and in this height of impietie there wanted not an intermixture of leuitie and follie ; for that ( as was generally belieued ) hee was animated to expect the papacie , by a fatall mockerie , the prediction of a southsaier , which was ; that one should succeed pope leo , whose name should bee adrian , an aged man of meane birth , and of great learning and wisdome . by which character and figure , hee tooke himselfe to bee described though it were fulfilled of adrian the flemming , sonne of a dutch brewer , cardinall of tortosa , and preceptor vnto charles the fift ; the same that not changing his christen-name , was afterwards called adrian the sixt. but these things happened in the yeare following , which was the fift of this king. but in the end of the fourth yeare the king had called againe his parliament , not as it seemeth for any particular occasion of state. but the former parliament being ended somewhat sodainly , in regard of the preparation for britaine , the king thought hee had not remunerated his people sufficiently with good lawes , which euermore was his retribution for treasure . and finding by the insurrection in the north , there was discontentment abroad , in respect of the subsidie , hee thought it good to giue his subiects yet further contentment , and comfort in that kind . certainly his times for good common-wealths lawes did excell . so as he may iustly be celebrated for the best law giuer to this nation , after king edward the first . for his lawes ( who so markes them well ) are deepe , and not vulgar ; not made vpon the spurre of a particular occasion for the present , but out of prouidence of the future , to make the estate of his people still more and more happie ; after the manner of the legislators in ancient and heroicall times . first therfore he made a law , sutable to his owne acts and times . for as himselfe had in his person and marriage made a finall concord , in the great suit and title for the crowne ; so by this law hee setled the like peace and quiet in the priuate possessions of the subjects . ordaining , that fines thence-forth should bee finall , to conclude all strangers rights ; and that vpon fines leuied , and solemnely proclaimed , the subiect should haue his time of watch for fiue yeares after his title accrued ; which if hee fore-passed , his right should be bound for euer after ; with some exception neuerthelesse , of minors , married-women , and such incompetent persons . this statute did in effect but restore an ancient statute of the realme , which was it selfe also made but in affirmance of the common-law . the alteration had beene by a statute , commonly called the statute of non-claime , made in the time of edward the third . and surely this law was a kind of prognostick of the good peace , which since his time hath ( for the most part ) continued in this kingdome , vntill this day . for statutes of non-claime are fit for times of warre , when mens heads are troubled , that they cannot intend their estate ; but statutes , that quiet possessions , are fittest for times of peace , to extinguish suits and contentions , which is one of the banes of peace . another statute was made of singular policie , for the population apparantly , and ( if it bee throughly considered ) for the souldiery , and militar forces of the realme . inclosures at that time began to be more frequent , whereby arrable land ( which could not be manured without people and families ) was turned into pasture , which was easily rid by a few heards men ; and tenancies for yeares , liues , and at will ( whereupon much of the yeomanrie liued ) were turned into demesnes . this bred a decay of people , and ( by consequence ) a decay of townes , churches , tithes , and the like . the king likewise knew full well , and in no wise forgot , that there ensued with all vpon this a decay and diminution of subsidie and taxes ; for the more gentlemen , euer the lower bookes of subsidies . in remedying of this inconuenience , the kings wisdome was admirable , and the parliaments at that time . inclosures they would not forbid , for that had beene to forbid the improuement of the patrimonie of the kingdome ; nor tillage they would not compell , for that was to striue with nature and vtilitie . but they tooke a course to take away depopulating inclosures , and depopulating pasturage , and yet not by that name , or by any imperious expresse prohibition , but by consequence . the ordinance was , that all houses of husbandry , that were vsed with twentie acres of ground , and vpwards , should bee maintained and kept vp for euer ; together with a competent proportion of land to be vsed and occupied with them ; and in no wise to be seruered from them , as by another statute , made afterwards in his successors time , was more fully declared . this vpon forfeiture to be taken ; not by way of popular action , but by seizure of the land it selfe . by the king and lords of the fee , as to halfe the profits , till the houses and lands were restored . by this meanes the houses being kept vp , did of necessitie inforce a dweller ; and the proportion of land for occupation being kept vp , did of necessitie inforce that dweller ; not to be a begger or cottager , but a man of some substance , that might keepe hiends and seruants , and set the plough on going . this did wonderfully concerne the might and manner-hood of the kingdome , to haue fermes , as it were of a standard sufficient to maintaine an able body out of penurie , and did in effect amortize a great part of the lands of the kingdome vnto the hold and occupation of the yeomanrie or middle-people , of a condition betweene gentlemen , and cottagers , or peasants . now , how much this did aduance the militar power of the kingdome , is apparant by the true principles of warre , and the examples of other kingdomes . for it hath beene held by the generall opinion of men of best iudgement in the warres ( howsoeuer some few haue varied , and that it may receiue some distinction of case ) that the principall strength of an armie consisteth in the infanterie or foot. and to make good infanterie , it requireth men bred , not in a seruile or indigent fashion , but in some free and plentifull manner . therefore if a state runne most to noblemen and gentlemen , and that the husband-men and plough-men be but as their work-folkes and labourers , or else meere cottagers ( which are but housed-beggers ) you may haue a good cauallerie , but neuer good stable bands of foot ; like to coppice-woods , that if you leaue in them staddles too thicke , they will runne to bushes and briars , and haue little cleane vnderwood . and this is to be seene in france , and italie , and lome other parts abroad , where in effect all is noblesse , or pesantrie , i speake of people out of townes , and no middle people ; and therefore no good forces of foot : insomuch , as they are inforced to imploy mercenarie bands , of switzers and the like , for their battalions of foot : whereby also it comes to passe , that those nations haue much people , and few souldiors . whereas the king saw , that contrariwise it would follow , that england though much lesse in territorie , yet should haue infinitly more souldiours of their natiue forces , then those other nations haue . thus did the king secretly sow hidraes teeth , wherevpon ( according to the poets fiction ) should rise vp armed men for the seruice of this kingdome . the king also ( hauing care to make his realme potent , as well by sea as by land ) for the better maintenance of the nauie , ordained ; that wines and woads from the parts of gascoigne and languedocke , should not be brought but in english bottomes ; bowing the ancient policie of this estate , from consideration of plentie , to consideration of power . for that almost all the ancient statutes incite by all meanes merchant-strangers , to bring in all sorts of commodities ; hauing for end cheapnesse , and not looking to the point of state concerning the nauall-power . the king also made a statute in that parliament monitory and minatory , towards iustices of peace , that they should duly execute their office , inuiting complaints against them , first to their fellow-iustices , then to the iustices of assise , then to the king or chancellor ; and that a proclamation , which hee had published of that tenor , should be read in open sessions foure times a yeare , to keepe them awake . meaning also to haue his lawes executed , and therby to reape either obedience or forfeitures ; ( wherein towards his latter times hee did decline too much to the left hand ) he did ordaine remedie against the practice that was growne in vse , to stop and dampe informations vpon penall lawes , by procuring informations by collusion to be put in by the confederates of the delinquents , to be faintly prosecuted , and let fall at pleasure , and pleading them in barre of the informations , which were prosecuted with effect . he made also lawes for the correction of the mint , and counterfaiting of forreine coyne currant . and that no payment in gold , should bee made to any merchant-stranger , the better to keepe treasure within the realme , for that gold was the mettall that lay in leastroome . he made also statutes for the maintenance of draperie , and the keeping of wools within the realme ; and not only so , but for stinting , and limiting the prices of cloth , one for the finer , and another for the courser sort . which i note , both because it was a rare thing to set prices by statute , especially vpon our home-commodities ; and because of the wise modele of this act , not prescribing prices , but stinting them not to exceed a rate , that the clothier might drape accordingly as he might affoord . diuers other good statutes were made that parliament , but these were the principall . and here i doe desire those , into whose hands this worke shall fall , that they do take in good part my long insisting vpon the lawes , that were made in this kings reigne . whereof i haue these reasons ; both because it was the preheminent vertue and merit of this king , to whose memorie i doe honour ; and because it hath some correspondence to my person ; but chiefly , because ( in my iudgement ) it is some defect euen in the best writers of historie , that they doe not often enough summarily deliuer and set downe the most memorable lawes , that passed in the times whereof they write , being indeed the principall acts of peace for though they may bee had in originall bookes of law themselues ; yet that informeth not the iudgement of kings and councellors , and persons of estate , so well as to see them described , and entred in the table and pourtrait of the times . about the same time , the king had a loane from the citie of foure thousand pounds ; which was double to that they lent before , and was duely and orderly payd back at the day , as the former likewise had beene . the king euer choosing rather to borrow too soone , then to pay too late , and so keeping vp his credit . neither had the king yet cast off his cares and hopes touching britaine , but thought to master the occasion by policie , though his armes had beene vnfortunate , and to bereaue the french king of the fruit of his victorie . the summe of his designe was , to encourage maximilian to goe on with his suit , for the marriage of anne , the heire of britaine , and to aide him to the consummation therof . but the affaires of maximilian were at that time in great trouble and combustion , by a rebellion of his subiects in flanders ; especially those of bruges and gaunt , wherof the towne of bruges ( at such time as maximilian was there in person ) had sodainly armed in tumult , and slaine some of his principall officers , and taken himself prisoner , and held him in durance , till they had enforced him , and some of his councellors , to take a solemne oath , to pardon all their offences , and neuer to question and reuenge the same in time to come . neuerthelesse fredericke the emperour would not suffer this reproach and indignitie offered to his sonne to passe , but made sharpe warres vpon flanders , to reclaime and chastise the rebels . but the lord ravenstein , a principall person about maximilian , and one that had taken the oath of abolition with his master , pretending the religion therof , but indeed vpon priuate ambition , and as it was thought ) instigated and corrupted from france , for sooke the emperour and maximilian his lord , and made himselfe an head of the popular partie , and seized vpon the townes of ipre and sluce , with both the castles . and forthwith sent to the lord cordes , gouernour of picardie vnder the french king , to desire aide , and to moue him , that hee on the behalfe of the french king would bee protector of the united towns , and by force of armes reduce the rest . the lord cordes was readie to embrace the occasion , which was partly of his owne setting , and sent forthwith greater forces , then it had beene possible for him to raise on the sodaine , if hee had not looked for such a summons before , in aide of the lord ravenstein , and the flemmings , with instructions to inuest the townes betweene france and bruges . the french forces besieged a little towne called dixmue , where part of the flemmish forces ioyned with them . while they lay at this siege , the king of england , vpon pretence of the safety of the english pale about calice , but in truth being loth that maximilian should become contemptible , and therby bee shaken off by the states of britaine about this marriage , sent ouer the lord morley with a thousand men vnto the lord davbigny , then deputie of calice , with secret instructions to aide maximilian , and to raise the siege of dixmue . the lord davbigny ( giuing it out that all was for the strengthning of the english marches ) drew out of the garrisons of calice , hammes , and guines , to the number of a thousand men more . so that with the fresh succours that came vnder the conduct of the lord morley , they made vp to the number of two thousand , or better . which forces ioyning with some companies of almaines , put themselues into dixmue , not perceiued by the enemies ; and passing through the towne with some re-enforcement ( from the forces that were in the towne ) assailed the enemies campe , negligently guarded , as being out of feare ; where there was a bloudy fight , in which the english and their partakers obtained the victorie , and slew to the number of eight thousand men , with the losse on the english part of a hundred or there abouts ; amongst whom was the lord morley . they tooke also their great ordnance , with much rich spoiles , which they carried to newport , whence the lord davbigny returned to calice , leauing the hurt men , and some other voluntaries in newport . but the lord cordes being at ipre with a great power of men , thinking to recouer the losse and disgrace of the fight at dixmue , came presently on , and sate downe before newport , and besieged it ; and after some dayes siege , hee resolued to trie the fortune of an assault : which hee did one day , and succeeded therein so farre , that hee had taken the principall tower and fort in that citie , and planted vpon it the french banner . whence neuerthelesse they were presently beaten forth by the english , by the helpe of some fresh succours of archers arriuing by good fortune ( at the instant ) in the hauen of newport . whereupon the lord cordes discouraged , and measuring the new succours ( which were small ) by the successe ( which was great ) leuied his siege . by this meanes , matters grew more exasperate betweene the two kings of england and france , for that in the warre of flanders , the auxiliarie forces of french and english were much blouded one against another . which bloud rankled the more , by the vaine words of the lord cordes , that declared himselfe an open enemie of the english , beyond that that appertained to the present seruice ; making it a common by-word of his , that hee could bee content to lie in hell seuen yeares , so hee might winne calice from the english . the king hauing thus vpheld the reputation of maximilian , aduised him now to presse on his marriage with britaine to a conclusion . which maximilian accordingly did , and so farre forth preuayled both with the young lady , and with the principall persons about her , as the marriage was consummate by proxie , with a ceremonie at that time in these parts new . for shee was not onely publikely contracted , but stated as a bride , and solemnly bedded ; and after shee was laid , there came in maximilians ambassadour with letters of procuration , and in the presence of sundry noble personages , men and women , put his legge ( stript naked to the knee ) betweene the espousall sheets ; to the end , that that ceremonie might bee thought to amount to a consummation , and actuall knowledge . this done , maximilian ( whose propertie was to leaue things then , when they were almost come to perfection , and to end them by imagination ; like ill archers , that draw not their arrowes vp to the head : and who might as easily haue bedded the lady himselfe , as to haue made a play and disguise of it ) thinking now all assured , neglected for a time his further proceeding , and intended his warres . meane while , the french king ( consulting with his diuines , and finding that this pretended consummation was rather an inuention of court , then any wayes valide by the lawes of the church ) went more really to worke , and by secret instruments and cunning agents , as well matrons about the young lady as councellors , first sought to remoue the point of religion and honour out of the minde of the lady her selfe , wherein there was a double labour . for maximilian was not onely contracted vnto the lady , but maximilians daughter was likewise contracted to king charles . so as the marriage halted vpon both feet , and was not cleare on either side : but for the contract with king charles , the exception lay plaine and faire ; for that maximilians daughter was vnder yeares of consent , and so not bound by law , but a power of disagreement left to either part . but for the contract made by maximilian with the lady her selfe , they were harder driuen : hauing nothing to alledge , but that it was done without the consent of her soueraigne lord , king charles , whose ward and client shee was , and hee to her in place of a father ; and therfore it was void , and of no force , for want of such consent . which defect ( they sayd ) though it would not euacuate a marriage , after cohabitation , and actuall cosummation ; yet it was enough to make void a contract . for as for the pretended consummation , they made sport with it , and said : that it was an argument , that maximilian was a widdower , and a cold wooer , that could content himselfe to be a bridgrome by deputie , and would not make a little iourney , to put all out of question . so that the young lady , wrought vpon by these reasons , finely instilled by such as the french king ( who spared for no rewards or promises ) had made on his side ; and allured likewise by the present glory and greatnesse of king charles . ( being also a young king , and a batchelor ) and loth to make her countrey the seat of a long and miserable warre ; secretly yeelded to accept of king charles . but during this secret treatie with the ladie , the better to saue it from blasts of opposition and interruption , king charles resorting to his wonted arts , and thinking to carry the marriage , as hee had carried the warres , by entertaining the king of england in vaine beliefe , sent a solemne ambassage by francis lord of luximburge , charles marignian and robert gagvien , generall of the order of the bonnes hommes of the trinitie , to treat a peace and league with the king ; accoupling it with an article in the nature of a request , that the french king might with the kings good will ( according vnto his right of seigniorie and tutelage ) dispose of the marriage of the young duchesse of britaine , as hee should thinke good ; offering by a iudiciall proceeding to make void the marriage of maximilian by proxie . also all this while the better to amuse the world , hee did continue in his court and custodie the daughter of maximilian , who formerly had beene sent vnto him , to bee bred and educated in france ; not dismissing or renvoying her , but contrariwise professing and giuing out strongly , that hee meant to proceed with that match . and that for the duchesse of britaine , hee desired onely to preserue his right of seigniory , and to giue her in marriage to some such allye , as might depend vpon him . when the three commissioners came to the court of england , they deliuered their ambassage vnto the king , who remitted them to his councell ; where some dayes after they had audience , and made their proposition by the prior of the trinitie ( who though hee were third in place , yet was held the best speaker of them ) to this effect . my lords , the king our master , the greatest and mightiest king that raigned in france since charles the great ( whose name he beareth ) hath neuerthelesse thought it no disparagement to his greatnesse , at this time to propound a peace , yea , and to pray a peace with the king of england . for which purpose hee hath sent vs his commissioners , instructed and enabled with full and ample power , to treat and conclude ; giuing vs further in charge , to open in some other businesse the secrets of his owne intentions . these be indeed the precious loue-tokens betweene great kings , to communicate one with another the true state of their affaires , and to passe by nice points of honour , which ought not to giue law vnto affection . this i doe assure your lordships ; it is not possible for you to imagine the true and cordiall loue , that the king our master beareth to your soueraigne , except you were neare him , as we are . he vseth his name with so great respect ; he remembreth their first acquaintance at paris with so great contentment ; nay , hee neuer speakes of him , but that presently he falls into discourse of the miseries of great kings , in that they cannot conuerse with their equalls , but with seruants . this affection to your kings person and vertues , god hath put into the heart of our master , no doubt for the good of christendome , and for purposes yet vnknowne to vs all . for other root it cannot haue , since it was the same to the earle of richmond , that it is now to the king of england . this is therefore the first motiue that makes our king to desire peace , and league with your soueraigne : good affection , and somewhat that hee findes in his owne heart . this affection is also armed with reason of estate . for our king doth in all candour and franknesse of dealing open himselfe vnto you ; that hauing an honourable , yea , and a holy purpose , to make a voyage and warre in remote parts , he considereth that it will be of no small effect , in point of reputation to his enterprise , if it be knowne abroad , that hee is in good peace with all his neighbour princes , and specially with the king of england , whom for good causes he esteemeth most . but now ( my lords ) giue me leaue to vse a few words to remoue all scruples and misse-vnderstandings , betweene your soueraigne and ours , concerning some late actions ; which if they be not cleared , may perhaps hinder this peace . to the end , that for matters past , neither king may conceiue vnkindnesse of other , nor think the other conceiueth vnkindnesse of him . the late actions are two ; that of brittaine , and that of flanders . in both which , it is true , that the subiects swords of both kings , haue encountred and stricken , and the wayes and inclinations also of the two kings , in respect of their confederates and allies , haue seuered . for that of brittaine ; the king your soueraigne knoweth best what hath passed . it was a warre of necessitie on our masters part . and though the motiues of it were sharp and piquant as could be , yet did he make that warre rather with an oliue-branch , then a laurel-branch in his hand , more desiring peace then victorie . besides , from time to time he sent ( as it were ) blank-papers to your king , to write the conditions of peace . for though both his honour and safetie went vpon it , yet he thought neither of them too precious , to put into the king of englands hands . neither doth your king on the other side make any vnfriendly interpretation , of your kings sending of succours to the duke of brittaine ; for the king knoweth well , that many things must bee done of kings for satisfaction of their people , and it is not hard to discerne what is a kings owne . but this matter of brittaine is now ( by the act of god ) ended and passed ; and ( as the king hopeth ) like the way of a ship in the sea , without leauing any impression in either of the kings mindes ; as hee is sure for his part it hath not done in his . for the action of flanders ; as the former of brittaine was a warre of necessitie , so this was a warre of justice ; which with a good king is of equall necessitie , with danger of estate , for else hee should leaue to bee a king. the subiects of burgundie are subiects in chiefe to the crown of france , and their duke the homager and vassall of france . they had wont to bee good subiects , howsoeuer maximilian hath of late distempered them . they fled to the king for justice , and deliuerance from oppression , justice hee could not denie ; purchase hee did not seeke . this was good for maximilian , if he could haue seene it in people mutined , to arrect fury , and preuent despaire . my lords , it may bee this i haue said is needlesse , saue that the king our master is tender in any thing , that may but glance vpon the friendship of england . the amitie betweene the two kings ( no doubt ) stands entire and inuiolate . and that their subiects swords haue clashed , it is nothing vnto the publike peace of the crownes ; it being a thing very vsuall in auxiliarie forces of the best and straitest confederates , to meet and draw bloud in the field . nay , many times there bee aides of the same nation on both sides , and yet it is not ( for all that ) a kingdome diuided in it selfe . it resteth ( my lords ) that jimpart vnto you a matter , that i know your lordships all will much reioyce to heare ; as that which importeth the christian common-weale more , then any action that hath hapned of long time . the king our master hath a purpose and determination , to make warre vpon the kingdome of naples ; being now in the possession of a bastardslip of arragon , but appertaining vnto his maiestie , by cleare and vndoubted right ; which if hee should not by iust armes seeke to recouer , hee could neither acquite his honour , nor answer it to his people . but his noble and christian thoughts rest not here . for his resolution and hope is , to make the re-conquest of naples , but as a bridge , to transport his forces into grecia ; and not to spare bloud or treasure ( if it were to the impawning of his crowne , and dis-peopling of france ) till either hee hath ouerthrowne the empire of the ottomans , or taken it in his way to paradise . the king knoweth well , that this is a designe ; that could not arise in the minde of any king , that did not stedfastly looke vp vnto god , whose quarrell this is , and from whom commeth both the will , and the deed. but yet it is agreeable to the person that hee beareth ( though vnworthy ) of the thrice-christian king , and the eldest sonne of the church . whereunto he is also inuited by the example ( in more ancient time ) of king henrie the fourth of england , ( the first renowned king of the house of lancaster ; ancestour , though not progenitour to your king ) who had a purpose towards the end of his time ( as you know better ) to make an expedition into the holy-land ; and by the example also ( present before his eyes ) of that honourable and religious warre which the king of spaine now maketh , and hath almost brought to perfection , for the recouerie of the realme of granada from the moores . and although this enterprise may seeme vast and vnmeasured , for the king to attempt that by his owne forces , wherein heretofore a coniunction of most of the christian princes hath found worke enough ; yet his maiestie wisely considereth , that sometimes smaller forces being vnited vnder one command , are more effectuall in proofe ( though not so promising in opinion and fame ) then much greater forces , variously compounded by associations and leagues ; which commonly in a short time after their beginnings , turne to dissociations & diuisions . but my ( lords ) that which is as a voice from heauen that called the king to this enterprise , is a rent at this time in the house of the ottomans . i doe not say , but there hath beene brother against brother in that house before , but neuer any that had refuge to the armes of the christians , as now hath gemes , ( brother vnto baiazeth , that reigneth ) the fore brauer man of the two ; the other being betweene a monke and a philosoper and better read in the alcoran and auerroes , then able to weild the scepter of so warlike an empire . this therefore is the king our masters memorable and heroicall resolution for an holy warre . and because he carrieth in this the person of a christian souldiour , as well as of a great temporall monarch ; hee beginneth with humilitie , and is content for this cause , to begge peace at the hands of other christian kings . there remaineth onely rather a ciuill request , then any essentiall part of our negotiation , which the king maketh to the king your soueraigne . the king ( as the world knoweth ) is lord in chiefe of the duchie of britaine . the marriage of the heire belongeth to him as guardian . this is a priuate patrimoniall right , and no businesse of estate : yet neuerthelesse ( to runne a faire course with your king ; whom he desires to make another himselfe , and to bee one and the same thing with him ) his request is , that with the kings fauour and consent , he may dispose of her marriage , as he thinketh good , and make void the intruded and pretended marriage of maximilian , according to justice . this ( my lords ) is all that i haue to say , desiring your pardon for my weakenesse in the deliuerie . thus did the french ambassadors with great shew of their kings affection , and many sugred words seeke to adulce all matters betweene the two kings , hauing two things for their ends ; the one , to keepe the king quiet till the marriage of britaine was past , and this was but a summer fruit , which they thought was almost ripe and would be soone gathered . the other was more lasting ; and that was to put him into such a temper as he might be no disturbance or impediment to the voyage for italie . the lords of the councell were silent ; and said only , that they knew the ambassadors would looke for no answer , till they had reported to the king ; and so they rose from councell . the king could not well tell what to thinke of the marriage of britaine . he saw plainly the ambition of the french king was to impatronize himselfe of the duchie ; but he wondred he would bring into his house a litigious marriage , especially considering who was his successor . but weighing one thing with another , he gaue britaine for lost ; but resolued to make his profit of this businesse of britaine , as a quarrell for warre ; and that of naples , as a wrench and meane for peace ; being well aduertised , how strongly the king was bent vpon that action . hauing therefore conferred diuers times with his councell , and keeping himselfe somewhat close ; he gaue a direction to the chancellor , for a formall answer to the ambassadors , and that hee did in the presence of his councell . and after calling the chancellor to him apart , bade him speake in such language , as was fit for a treatie that was to end in a breach ; and gaue him also a speciall caueat , that he should not vse any words , to discourage the voyage of italie . soone after the ambassadors were sent for to the councell , and the lord chancellor spake to them in this sort . my lords ambassadours , i shall make answer by the kings commandement , vnto the eloquent declaration of you my lord prior , in a briefe and plaine manner . the king forgetteth not his former loue and acquaintance with the king your master . but of this there needeth no repetition . for if it bee betweene them as it was , it is well ; if there bee any alteration , it is not words that will make it vp . for the businesse of britaine , the king findeth it a little strange that the french king maketh mention of it , as matter of well deseruing at his hand . for that deseruing was no more , but to make him his instrument , to surprize one of his best confederates . and for the marriage , the king would not meddle in it if your master would marry by the book , and not by the sword. for that of flanders , if the subiects of burgundie had appealed to your king , as their chiefe lord , at first , by way of supplication ; it might haue had a shew of justice . but it was a new forme of processe , for subiects to imprison their prince first , and to slay his officers , and then to be complainants . the king saith , that sure he is , when the french king , and himselfe sent to the subiects of scotland ( that had taken armes against their king ) they both spake in another stile , and did in princely manner signifie their detestation of popular attentates , vpon the person or authoritie of princes . but my lords ambassadors , the king leaueth these two actions thus : that on the one side , hee hath not receiued any manner of satisfaction from you concerning them ; and on the other , that he doth not apprehend them so deepely , as in respect of them , to refuse to treat of peace , if other things may goe hand in hand . as for the warre of naples , and the designe against the turke ; the king hath commanded me expressely to say , that hee doth wish with all his heart , to his good brother the french king , that his fortunes may succeede according to his hopes , and honourable intentions . and whensoeuer he shall heare , that he is prepared for grecia , as your master is pleased now to say , that he beggeth a peace of the king , so the king will then begge of him a part in that warre . but now my lords ambassadours , i am to propound vnto you somewhat on the kings part . the king your master hath taught our king what to say and demand . you say ( my lord prior ) that your king is resolued to recouer his right to naples , wrongfully detained from him . and that if hee should not thus doe , he could not acquite his honour , nor answere it to his people . thinke ( my lords ) that the king our master saith the same thing ouer againe to you touching normandie , guien , angeou , yea and the kingdome of france it selfe . i cannot expresse it better then in your owne words : if therefore the french king shall consent , that the king our masters title to france ( at least tribute for the same ) be handled in the treatie , the king is content to goe on with the rest ; otherwise he refuseth to treat . the ambassadors being somwhat abashed with this demand , answered in some heat ; that they doubted not , but the king their soueraignes sword would be able to maintaine his scepter : and they assured themselues , he neither could nor would yeeld to any diminution of the crowne of france either in territory or regalitie . but howsoeuer , they were too great matters for them to speake of , hauing no commission . it was replied , that the king looked for no other answer from them ; but would forth-with send his own ambassadors to the french king. there was a question also asked at the table , whether the french king would agree to haue the disposing of the marriage of britaine with an exception & exclusion , that he should not marry her himselfe ? to which the ambassadors answered ; that it was so farre out of their kings thoughts , as they had receiued no instructions touching the same . thus were the ambassadors dismissed , all saue the prior ; and were followed immediatly by thomas earle of ormond , and thomas goldenston prior of christ-church in canterbury ; who were presently sent ouer into france . in the meane space , lionell bishop of concordia , was sent as nuntio from pope alexander the sixth to both kings , to mooue a peace betweene them . for pope alexander finding himselfe pent and lockt vp , by a league and association of the principall states of italie , that hee could not make his way for the aduancement of his owne house ( which he immoderatly thirsted after ) was desirous to trouble the waters in italie , that hee might fish the better ; casting the net , not out of saint peters , but out of borgia's barke . and doubting lest the feares fom england , might stay the french kings voyage into italie , dispatched this bishop to compose all matters betweene the two kings , if he could . who first repaired to the french king , and finding him well inclined ( as he conceiued ) tooke on his iourney towards england , and found the english ambassadors at calice , on their way towards the french king. after some conference with them , he was in honourable manner transported ouer into england , where he had audience of the king. but notwithstanding hee had a good ominous name to haue made a peace , nothing followed . for in the meane time , the purpose of the french king to marry the duchesse could be no longer dissembled . wherefore the english ambassadors ( finding how things went ) took their leaue , and returned . and the prior also was warned from hence , to depart out of england . who when he turned his backe ( more like a pedant , then an ambassadour ) dispersed a bitter libell , in latine verse , against the king ; vnto which the king ( though hee had nothing of a pedant ) yet was content to cause an answer to bee made in like verse ; and that as speaking in his owne person , but in a style of scorne and sport. about this time also was borne the kings second son henry , who afterward reigned . and soone after followed the solemnization of the marriagee between charles , and anne duchesse of britaine , with whom he receiued the duchie of britaine as her dowry ; the daughter of maximilian being a little before sent home . which when it came to the eares of maximilian ( who would neuer beleeue it till it was done , being euer the principall in deceiuing himselfe , though in this the french king did very handsomely second it ) and tumbling it ouer and ouer in his thoughts , that he should at one blowe ( with such a double scorne ) be defeated , both of the marriage of his daughter , and his owne ( vpon both which hee had fixed high imaginations ; ) he lost all patience , and casting of the respects fit to be continued betweene great kings ( euen when their bloud is hottest , and most risen ) fell to bitter inuectiues against the person and actions of the french king. and ( by how much he was the lesse able to do , talking so much the more ) spake all the iniuries he could deuise of charles , saying ; that he was the most perfidious man vpon the earth , and that he had made a marriage compounded between an aduoutry and a rape : which was done ( he said ) by the iust iudgement of god ; to the end , that ( the nullitie thereof being so appparant to all the world ) the race of so vnworthy a person might not reigne in france . and forthwith he sent ambassadors as well to the king of england , as to the king of spaine , to incite them to warre , and to treat a league offensiue against france , promising to concurre with great forces of his owne . hereupon the king of england ( going neuerthelesse his owne way ) called a parliament , it being the seuenth yeere of his reigne ; and the first day of opening thereof ( sitting vnder his cloth of estate ) spake himselfe vnto his lords , and commons in this manner . my lords , and you the commons , when i purposed to make a warre in britaine by my lieutenant , i made declaration thereof to you by my chancellor . but now that i meane to make a warre vpon france in person , i will declare it to you my selfe . that warre , was to desend another mans right , but this is to recouer our owne ; and that ended by accident , but we hope this shall end in victory . the french king troubles the christian world. that which he hath , is not his owne , and yet he seeketh more . he hath inuested himselfe of britaine . hee maintaineth the rebels in flanders ; and he threatneth italy . for our selues , he hath proceeded from dissimulation , to neglect ; and from neglect to contumely . he hath assayled our confederates : he denieth our tribute : in a word , he seekes warre . so did not his father , but sought peace at our hands ; and so perhaps will hee , when good counsell or time , shall make him see as much as his father did . meane while ; let us make his ambition , our aduantage ; and let vs not stand vpon a few crownes of tribute , or acknowledgement , but ( by the fauour of almighty god ) try our right for the crowne of france it selfe ; remembring that there hath beene a french king prisoner in england , and a king of england crowned in france . our confederates are not diminished . burgundie is in a mightier hand then euer , and neuer more prouoked . britaine cannot helpe vs , but it may hurt them . new acquests are more burthen , then strength . the male-contents of his owne kingdome haue not beene base , popular , nor titularie impostors , but of an higher nature . the king of spaine ( doubt yee not ) will ioyne with vs , not knowing where the french kings ambition will stay . our holy father the pope , likes no tramontanes in italie . but howsoeuer it bee , this matter of confederates , is rather to bee thought on , then reckoned on . for god forbid , but england should bee able to get reason of france , without a second . at the battailes of cressy , poictiers , agent-court , wee were of our selues . france hath much people , and few souldiours . they haue no stable bands of foot. some good horse they haue ; but those are forces , which are least fit for a defensiue warre , where the actions are in the assailants choice . it was our discords onely , that lost france ; and ( by the power of god ) it is the good peace which wee now enioy , that will recouer it . god hath hitherto blessed my sword. i haue in this time that i haue reigned , weeded out my bad subiects , and tryed my good . my people and i know one another ; which breeds confidence . and if there should bee any bad bloud left in the kingdome , an honourable forrain warre will vent it , or purifie it . in this great businesse , let me haue your aduice , and aid . if any of you were to make his sonne knight , you might haue aid of your tenants by law. this concernes the knighthood and spurres of the kingdome , whereof i am father ; and bound not only to seeke to maintaine it , but to aduance it . but for matter of treasure , let it not be taken from the poorest sort ; but from those , to whom the benefit of the warre may redound . france is no wildernesse : and i , that professe good husbandrie , hope to make the warre ( after the beginnings ) to pay it selfe . goe together in gods name , and loose no time ; for i haue called this parliament wholly for this cause . thus spake the king ; but for all this , though hee shewed great forwardnesse for a warre , not onely to his parliament and court , but to his priuie-councell likewise , ( except the two bishops and a few more ) yet neuerthelesse in his secret intentions , hee had no purpose to goe through with any warre , vpon france . but the truth was , that hee did but traffique with that warre , to make his returne in money . hee knew well , that france was now entire , and at vnitie with it selfe , and neuer so mightie many yeares before . hee saw by the taste that he had of his forces sent into britaine , that the french knew well enough how to make warre with the english ; by not putting things to the hazard of a battaile , but wearing them by long sieges of townes , and strong fortified encampings . iames the third of scotland , ( his true friend , and confederate ) gone ; and iames the fourth ( that had succeeded ) wholly at the deuotion of france , and ill affected towards him . as for the coniunctions of ferdinando of spaine , and maximilian ; hee could make no foundation vpon them . for the one had power , and not will ; and the other hath will , and not power . besides that , ferdinando had but newly taken breath , from the warre with the moores ; and merchanded at this time with france , for the restoring of the counties of russignon and perpignian , oppignorated to the french. neither was hee out of feare of the discontents , and ill bloud within the realme ; which hauing vsed alwaies to represse and appease in person , hee was loth they should find him at a distance beyond sea , and engaged in warre . finding therfore the inconueniences and difficulties in the prosecution of a warre , hee cast with himselfe how to compasse two things . the one , how by the declaration , and inchoation of a warre , to make his profit . the other , how to come off from the warre , with sauing of his honour . for profit , it was to bee made two wayes ; vpon his subiects for the warre , and vpon his enemies for the peace ; like a good merchant , that maketh his gaine , both vpon the commodities exported , and imported backe againe . for the point of honour , wherein hee might suffer , for giuing ouer the warre ; hee considered well , that as hee could not trust vpon the aides of ferdinando and maximilian for supports of warre : so the impuissance of the one , and the double proceeding of the other , lay faire for him for occasions to accept of peace . these things hee did wisely fore-see , and did as artificially conduct , wherby all things fell into his lappe , as hee desired . for as for the parliament , it presently tooke fire , being affectionate ( of old ) the warre of france ; and desirous afresh to repaire the dishonour , they thought the king sustained by the losse of britaine . therfore they aduised the king ( with great alacritie ) to vndertake the warre of france . and although the parliament consisted of the first and second nobilitie ( together with principall citizens and townesmen ) yet worthily and iustly respecting more the people ( whose deputies they were ) then their owne priuate persons , and finding by the lord chancellours speech the kings inclination that way ; they consented that commissioners should goe forth , for the gathering and leuying of a beneuolence , from the more able sort . this tax ( called beneuolence ) was deuised by edward the fourth , for which hee sustained much enuie . it was abolished by richard the third by act of parliament , to ingratiate himselfe with the people ; and it was now reuiued by the king , but with consent of parliament , for so it was not in the time of king edward the fourth . but by this way hee raised exceeding great summes . insomuch as the citie of london ( in those dayes ) contributed nine thousand pounds and better ; and that chiefly leuied vpon the wealthier sort . there is a tradition of a dilemma , that bishop morton the chancellour vsed , to raise vp the beneuolence to higher rates ; and some called it his forke , and some his crotch. for hee had couched an article in the instructions to the commissioners , who were to leuie the beneuolence ; that if they met with any that were sparing , they should tell them , that they must needs haue , because they laid vp ; and if they were spenders , they must needs haue , because it was seene in their port , and manner of liuing . so neither kinde came amisse . this parliament was meerly a parliament of warre ; for it was in substance , but a declaration of warre against france and scotland , with some statutes conducing thereunto ; as the seuere punishing of mortpayes , and keeping backe of souldiours wages in captaines . the like seueritie for the departure of souldiours without licence ; strengthening of the common-law in fauour of protections , for those that were in the kings seruice ; and the setting the gate open and wide , for men to sell or morgage their lands without fines for alienation , to furnish themselues with money for the warre ; and lastly , the voiding of all scottishmen out of england . there was also a statute , for the dispersing of the standard of the exchequer , throughout england ; therby to size weights and measures ; and two or three more of lesse importance . after the parliament was broken vp ( which lasted not long ) the king went on with his preparations for the warre of france ; yet neglected not in the meane time the affaires of maximilian , for the quieting of flanders , and restoring him to his authoritie amongst his subiects . for at that time , the lord of rauenstein being not onely a subiect rebelled , but a seruant reuolted ( and so much the more malicious and violent , by the aide of bruges and gaunt ) had taken the towne , and both the castles of sluice ; as wee said before . and hauing ( by the commoditie of the hauen ) gotten together certaine ships and barkes , fell to a kind of pyraticall trade ; robbing and spoyling , and taking prisoners the ships and vessels of all nations , that passed alongst that coast , towards the mart of antwerpe , or into any part of brabant , zeland , or freezland ; being euer well victualled from picardie , besides the commoditie of victuals from sluice , and the countrey adjacent , and the auailes of his owne prizes . the french assisted him still vnder-hand ; and hee likewise ( as all men doe , that haue beene of both sides ) thought himselfe not safe , except hee depended vpon a third person . there was a small towne some two miles from bruges , towards the sea , called dam ; which was a fort and approch to bruges , and had a relation also to sluice . this towne the king of the romans had attempted often , ( not for any worth of the towne in it selfe , but because it might choake bruges , and cut it off from the sea ) and euer failed . but therewith the duke of saxonie came downe into flanders , taking vpon him the person of an vmpire , to compose things betweene maximilian and his subiects ; but being ( indeed ) fast and assured to maximilian . vpon this pretext of neutralitie and treatie , hee repaired to bruges ; desiring of the states of bruges , to enter peaceably into their towne , with a retinue of some number of men of armes , fit for his estate ; being somewhat the more ( as hee said ) the better to guard him in a countrey , that was vp in armes : and bearing them in hand , that hee was to communicate with them of diuers matters of great importance , for their good . which hauing obtained of them , hee sent his carriages and harbingers before him , to prouide his lodging . so that his men of warre entred the citie in good array , but in peaceable manner , and he followed . they that went before , enquired still for innes and lodgings , as if they would haue rested there all night , and so went on , till they came to the gate , that leadeth directly towards dam ; and they of bruges only gazed vpon them and gaue them passage . the captaines and inhabitants of dam also suspected no harme , from any that passed through bruges ; and discouering forces a farre off , supposed they had beene some succours , that were come from their friends , knowing some dangers towards them . and so perceiuing nothing but well , till it was too late , suflered them to enter their towne . by which kinde of sleight rather then stratageme , the towne of dam was taken and the town of bruges shrewdly blockt vp , wherby they tooke great discouragement . the duke of saxonie hauing wonne the towne of dam , sent immediatly to the king to let him know that it was sluice chiefely , and the lord ravenstein , that kept the rebellion of flanders in life ; and that if it pleased the king to besiege it by sea , he also would besiege it by land , and so cut out the core of those warres . the king willing to vphold the authoritie of maximilian ( the better to hold france in awe ) and being likewise sued vnto by his merchants , for that the seas were much infested by the barkes of the lord ravenstein ; sent straightwayes sir edward poynings , a valiant man , and of good seruice , with twelue ships , well furnished with souldiers and artillerie , to cleare the seas , and to besiege sluice on that part . the englishmen did not only coupe vp the lord ravenstein , that hee stirred not , and likewise hold in strait siege the maritime part of the towne ; but also assailed one of the castles , and renewed the assault so for twentie dayes space ( issuing still out of their ships at the ebbe ) as they made great slaughter of them of the castle ; who continually fought with them to repulse them , though of the english part also were slaine a brother of the earle of oxfords , and some fiftie more . but the siege still continuing more and more strait , and both the castles ( which were the principall strength of the towne ) being distressed , the one by the duke of saxonie , and the other by the english ; and a bridge of boats , which the lord ravenstein had made betweene both castles , whereby succours and releefe might passe from the one to the other , being on a night set on fire by the english , hco despairing to hold the towne , yeelded ( at the last ) the castles to the english , and the towne to the duke of saxonie , by composition . which done , the duke of saxonie and sir edward poynings treated with them of bruges , to submit themselues to maximilian their lord ; which after some time they did , paying ( in some good part ) the charge of the warre , whereby the almaines and forraigne succours were dismissed . the example of bruges , other of the reuolted townes followed ; so that maximilian grew to be out of danger , but ( as his manner was to handle matters ) neuer out of necessitie . and sir edward poynings ( after he had continued at sluice some good while , till all things were setled ) returned vnto the king , being then before bulleigne . somewhat about this time came letters from ferdinando , and isabella , king and queene of spaino ; signifying the finall conquest of granada from the moores ; which action in it selfe so worthie , king ferdinando ( whose manner was neuer to lose any vertue for the shewing ) had expressed and displayed in his letters at large , with all the particularities , and religious punctoes and ceremonies , that were obserued in the reception of that citie and kingdome : shewing amongst other things , that the king would not by any meanes in person enter the citie , vntill hee had first aloofe seene the crosse set vp vpon the greater tower of granada , whereby it became christian ground : that likewise before hee would enter , he did homage to god aboue , pronouncing by an herauld from the height of that tower , that hee did acknowledge to haue recouered that kingdome , by the helpe of god almightie and the glorious virgin , and the vertuous apostle saint iames , and the holy father innocent the eight , together with the aides and seruices of his prelates , nobles , and commons : that yet he stirred not from his campe , till hee had seene a little armie of martyrs , to the number of seuen hundred and more christians ( that had liued in bonds and seruitude as slaues to the moores ) passe before his eyes , singing a psalme for their redemption , and that he had giuen tribute vnto god by almes , and releefe , extended to them all , for his admission into the citie . these things were in the letters , with many more ceremonies of a kind of holy ostentation . the king euer willing to put himselfe into the consort or quire of all religious actions , and naturally affecting much the king of spaine , ( as farre as one king can affect another ) partly for his vertues , and partly for a counterpoise to france ; vpon the receipt of these letters , sent all his nobles and prelates , that were about the court , together with the maior and aldermen of london , in great solemnitie to the church of pauls ; there to heare a declaration from the lord chancellor , now cardinall . when they were assembled , the cardinall ( standing vpon the vppermost step or halfe-pase before the quire ; and all the nobles , prelates , and gouernours of the citie at the foot of the staires ) made a speech to them ; letting them know , that they were assembled in that consecrate place , to sing vnto god a new-song ; for that ( said he ) these many yeares the christians haue not gayned new ground or territorie vpon the infidels , nor enlarged and set further the bounds of the christian-world : but this is now done , by the prowesse and deuotion of ferdinando and isabella , kings of spaine ; who haue ( to their immortall honour ) recouered the great and rich kingdome of granada , and the populous and mightie citie of the same name , from the moores , hauing beene in possession thereof by the space of seuen hundred yeares , and more . for which , this assembly and all christians are to render laud and thankes vnto god , and to celebrate this noble act of the king of spaine ; who in this is not only victorious , but apostolicall , in the gaining of new prouinces to the christian faith. and the rather , for that this victorie and conquest is obtained , without much effusion of bloud . whereby it is to bee hoped , that there shall bee gained , not only new territorie , but infinite soules , to the church of christ ; whom the almightie ( as it seemes ) would haue liue to bee conuerted . herewithall hee did relate some of the most memorable particulars of the warre and victorie . and after his speech ended , the whole assemblie went solemnely in procession , and te deum was sung . immediately after the solemnitie , the king kept his may day at his palace of sheine , now richmond . where to warme the blood of his nobilitie , and gallants , against the warre , hee kept great triumphs of iusting and tourney , during all that moneth . in which space it so fell our , that sir iames parker , and hvgh vavghah , ( one of the kings gentlemen-vshers ) hauing had a controuersie touching certaine armes , that the king at armes had giuen vavghan , were appointed to runne some courses one against an other . and by accident of a faultie helmet , that parker had on , he was stricken into the mouth at the first course , so that his tongue was borne vnto the hinder part of his head , in such sort that hee died presently vpon the place . which because of the controuersie precedent , and the death that followed , was accounted amongst the vulgar , as a combate or tryall of right . the king , towards the end of this summer , hauing put his forces , where with hee meant to inuade france , in readinesse , ( but so as they were not yet met or mustered together ) sent vrswick ( now made his almoner ) and sir iohn risley , to maximilian ; to let him know , that hee was in armes , ready to passe the seas into france , and did but expect to heare from him , when and where he did appoint to ioyne with him , according to his promise made vnto him by covntebalt , his ambassador . the english ambassadors , hauing repaired to maximilian , did finde his power and promise at a very great distance ; hee being vtterly vnprouided of men , money , and armes , for any such enterprize . for maximilian , hauing neither wing to flie on ( for that his patrimony of austria was not in his hands , his father beeing then liuing : and on the other side , his matrimonial territories of flanders being partly in dowre to his mother-in-law , and partly not seruiceable , in respect of the late rebellions ) was thereby destitute of meanes to enter into warre . the ambassadors saw this well , but wisely thought fit to aduertise the king thereof , rather than to returne themselues till the kings further pleasure were knowne : the rather , for that maximilian himselfe spake as great , as euer hee did before , and entertained them with dilatory answers ; so as the formall part of their ambassage might well warrant and require their further stay . the king hereupon ( who doubted as much before , and saw through his businesse from the beginning ) wrote backe to the ambassadors , commending their discretion in not returning , and willing them to keepe the state wherein they found maximilian , as a secret , till they heard further from him ; and meane while went on with his voyage royall for france , suppressing for a time this aduertisement touching maximilian's pouertie and disabilitie . by this time , was drawne together a great and puissant armie into the citie of london . in which were thomas marquesse dorset , thomas earle of arundell , thomas earle of derby , george earle of shrewsbury , edmond earle of suffolke , edward earle of deuonshire , george earle of kent , the earle of essex , thomas earle of ormond , with a great number of barons , knights , and principall gentlemen ; and amongst them , richard thomas , much noted for the braue troupes that hee brought out of wales ; the armie rising in the whole to the number of fiue and twenty thousand foot , and sixteene hundred horse . ouer which , the king ( constant in his accustomed trust and imployment ) made iasper duke of bedford , and iohn earle of oxford , generals vnder his owne person . the ninth of september , in the eighth yeere of his reigne , he departed from greenwich , towards the sea ; all men wondring , that hee tooke that season ( beeing so neare winter ) to begin the warre ; and some thereupon gathering it was a signe , that the warre would not beelong . neuerthelesse , the king gaue out the contrarie , thus : that he intending not to make a summer businesse of it , but a resolute warre ( without terme prefixed vntill bee recouered france ; it skilled not much when bee began it : especially , hauing calice at his backe ; where he might winter , if the reason of the warre so required . the sixt of october , hee imbarqued at sandwich ; and the same day tooke land at calice : which was the rendezvous , where all his forces were assigned to meet . but in this his iourney towards the sea side ( wherein , for the cause that we shall now speake of , he houered so much the longer ) hee had receiued letters from the lord cordes : who the hotter he was against the english in time of warre , had the more credit in a negociation of peace ; and besides was held a man open , and of good faith . in which letters there was made an ouerture of peace from the french king , with such conditions , as were somewhat to the kings taste : but this was carried at the first with wonderfull secrecie . the king was no sooner come to calice , but the calme windes of peace began to blow . for , first , the english ambassadors returned out of flanders from maximilian , and certified the king , that he was not to hope for any aide from maximilian , for that he was altogether improuided . his will was good ; but he lacked mony . and this was made knowne , and spread through the army . and although the english were therewithall nothing dismaied ; and that it bee the manner of souldiers , vpon bad newes to speake the more brauely : yet neuerthelesse , it was a kind of preparatiue to a peace . instantly in the neck of this ( as the king had laid it ) came newes that ferdinando and isabella , kings of spaine , had concluded a peace with king charles ; and that charles had restored vnto them the counties of russignon and perpignian , which formerly were morgaged by iohn king of arragon ( ferdinandoes father ) vnto france , for three hundred thousand crownes : which debt was also , vpon this peace , by charles clearely released . this came also handsomely to put on the peace : both because so potent a confederate was fallen off , and because it was a faire example of a peace bought ; so as the king should not bee the sole merchant in this peace . vpon these aires of peace , the king was content , that the bishop of excester , and the lord davbigney ( gouernour of calice ) should giue a meeting vnto the lord cordes , for the treatie of a peace . but himselfe neuerthelesse , and his armie , the fifteenth of october , remooued from calice , and in foure dayes march sate him downe before bulloigne . during this siege of bulloigne ( which continued neare a moneth ) there passed no memorable action , no● accident of warre : onely sir iohn savage , a valiant captaine , was slaine , riding about the walls of the towne , to take a view . the towne was both well fortified , and well manned ; yet it was distressed , and ready for an assault . which if it had beene giuen ( as was thought ) would haue cost much bloud ; but yet the towne would haue beene carried in the end . meane while , a peace was concluded by the commissioners , to continue for both the kings liues . where there was no article of importance ; being in effect , rather a bargaine , than a treatie . for , all things remayned as they were : saue that there should bee payed to the king seuen hundred fortie fiue thousand duckats in present , for his charges in that iourney ; and fiue and twentie thousand crownes yearely , for his charges sustained in the aides of the britons . for wich annuall , though he had maximilian bound before for those charges ; yet hee counted the alteration of the hand , as much as the principall debt . and besides , it was left somewhat indefinitely , when it should determine or expire : which made the english esteeme it as a tribute , carried vnder faire tearmes . and the truth is , it was paid both to the king , and to his sonne king henry the eight , longer than it could continue vpon any computation of charges . there were also assigned by the french king , vnto al the king 's principal counsellors , great pensions , besides rich gifts for the present . which whether the king did permit , to saue his owne purse from rewards , or to communicate the enuie of a businesse , that was displeasing to his people , was diuersly interpreted . for certainly , the king had no great fancie to owne this peace . and therefore , a little before it was concluded , he had vnder-hand procured some of his best captaines , and men of warre , to aduise him to a peace vnder their hands , in an earnest manner , in the nature of a supplication . but , the truth is , this peace was welcome to both kings . to charles , for that it assured vnto him the possession of britaine , and freed the enterprise of naples . to henry , for that it filled his coffers ; and that hee foresaw at that time a storme of inward troubles comming vpon him ; which presently after brake forth . but it gaue no lesse discontent to the nobilitie , and principall persons of the armie ; who had many of them sold or engaged their estates , vpon the hopes of the warre . they stucke not to say , that the king cared not to plume his nobilitie and people , to feather himselfe . and some made themselues merrie with that the king had said in parliament : that after the warre was once begun , he doubted not but to make it pay it selfe ; saying hee had kept promise . hauing risen from bulloigne , hee went to calice , where hee stayed some time . from whence also hee wrote letters , ( which was a courtesie that hee sometimes vsed ) to the maior of london , and aldermen his brethren ; halfe bragging , what great summes hee had obtayned for the peace ; knowing well , that full cofers of the king , is euer good newes to london . and better newes it would haue beene , if their beneuolence had beene but a loane . and vpon the seuenteenth of december following , hee returned to westminster , where he kept his christmasse . soone after the kings returne , he sent the order of the garter , to alphonso duke of calabria , eldest sonne to ferdinando king of naples ; an honour sought by that prince , to hold him vp in the eyes of the italians : who , expecting the armes of charles , made great account of the amitie of england , for a bridle to france . it was receiued by alphonso , with all the ceremonie and pomp that could bee deuised ; as things vse to be carried , that are intended for opinion . it was sent by vrswick : vpon whom the king bestowed this ambassage , to helpe him , after many drie employments . at this time the king began againe to be haunted with sprites , by the magicke and curious arts of the lady margaret : who raysed vp the ghost of richard , duke of yorke , second sonne to king edward the fourth , to walke and vex the king. this was a finer counterfeit stone , than lambert symnell , better done , and worne vpon greater hands ; being graced after , with the wearing of a king of france , and a king of scotland , not of a duchesse of burgundie onely . and for simnell , there was not much in him , more than that hee was a handsome boy , and did not shame his robes . but this youth ( of whom wee are now to speake ) was such a mercuriall , as the like hath seldome beene knowne , and could make his owne part , if at any time hee chanced to bee out . wherefore , this being one of the strangest examples of a personation , that euer was in elder or later times ; it deserueth to bee discouered , and related at the full : although the kings manner of shewing things , by peeces and by darke lights , hath so muffled it , that it hath left it almost as a mysterie to this day . the lady margaret ( whom the kings friends called ivno , because shee was to him as ivno was to aeneas , stirring both heauen and hell , to doe him mischiefe ) for a foundation of her particular practices against him , did continually , by all meanes possible , nourish , maintaine , and divulge the flying opinion , that richard , duke of yorke ( second sonne to edward the fourth ) was not murthered in the tower ( as was giuen out ) but saued aliue ; for that those , who were imployed in that barbarous fact , hauing destroyed the elder brother , were stricken with remorse and compassion towards the younger , and set him priuily at libertie , to seeke his fortune . this lure shee cast abroad , thinking that this fame and beleefe ( together with the fresh example of lambert simnell ) would draw at one time , or other , some birds to strike vpon it . shee vsed likewise a further diligence , not committing all to chance . for , she had some secret espials ( like to the turks commissioners for children of tribute ) to looke abroad for handsome and gracefull youths , to make plantagenets , and dukes of yorke . at the last she did light on one , in whom all things met , as one would wish , to serue her turne , for a counterfeit of richard , duke of york . this was perkin warbeck whose aduentures wee shall now describe . for , first , the yeares agreed well . secondly , hee was a youth of fine fauour and shape . but , more than that , hee had such a craftie and bewitching fashion , both to mooue pitie , and to induce beleefe , as was like a kind of fascination , and inchantment , to those that saw him , or heard him . thirdly , he had beene from his child-hood such a wanderer , or ( as the king called him ) such a land-loper , as it was extreme hard to hunt out his nest and parents . neither againe could any man , by companie or conuersing with him , be able to say or detect well what hee was ; he did so flit from place to place lastly , there was a circumstance ( which is mentioned by one that wrote in the same time ) that is very likely to haue made somewhat to the matter ; which is , that king edward the fourth was his god-father . which , as it is somewhat suspicious , for a wanton prince to become gossip in so meane a house ; and might make a man thinke , that hee might indeed haue in him some base bloud of the house of yorke : so at the least ( though that were not ) it might giue the occasion to the boy , in being called king edwards god-sonne , or perhaps in sport , king edwards sonne , to entertaine such thoughts into his head. for , tutor hee had none ( for ought that appeares ) as lambert simnell had , vntill hee came vnto the lady margaret , who instructed him . thus therefore it came to passe : there was a townes-man of tourney , that had borne office in that towne , whose name was iohn osbecke , a convert-iew , married to catherine de faro ; whose businesse drew him , to liue for a time with his wife at london , in king edward the fourths daies . during which time hee had a sonne by her : and being knowne in court , the king either out of a religious noblenesse , because hee was a conuert , or vpon some priuate acquaintance , did him the honour , as to bee godfather to his child , and named him peter . but , afterwards , proouing a dainty and effeminate youth , hee was commonly called by the diminutiue of his name ; peter-kin , or perkin . for , as for the name of warbecke , it was giuen him when they did but guesse at it , before examinations had been taken . but yet hee had been so much talked on by that name ; as it stucke by him after his true name of osbecke was knowne . while hee was a young child his parents returned with him to tourney . then was hee placed in a house of a kinsman of his , called iohn stenbeck , at antwerpe : and so roued vp and down betweene antwerp and tourney , and other townes of flanders , for a good time ; liuing much in english companie , and hauing the english tongue perfect . in which time , beeing growne a comely youth , hee was brought by some of the espialls of the lady margaret vnto her presence . who viewing him well , and seeing that hee had a face and personage , that would beare a noble fortune : and finding him otherwise of a fine spirit , and winning behauiour ; thought she had now found a curious peece of marble , to carue out an image of a duke of yorke . shee kept him by her a great while ; but , with extreme secrecy . the while , shee instructed him , by many cabinet-conferences . first , in princely behauiour and gesture ; teaching him how hee should keepe state , and yet with a modest sense of his misfortunes . then shee informed him of all the circumstances and particulars , that concerned the person of richard duke of yorke , which hee was to act : describing vnto him the personages , lineaments , and features of the king and queen , his pretended parents ; and of his brother , and sisters , and diuers others , that were neerest him in his childhood ; together with all passages , some secret , some common , that were fit for a childs memorie , vntill the death of king edward . then she added the particulars of the time , from the kings death , vntill hee and his brother were committed to the tower , aswell during the time hee was abroad , as while he was in sanctuarie . as for the times while hee was in the tower , and the manner of his brothers death , and his owne escape ; shee knew they were things that a verie few could controll . and therfore she taught him , onely to tell a smooth and likely tale of those matters ; warning him not to vary from it . it was agreed likewise betweene them , what account he should giue of his peregrination abroad ; intermixing many things which were true , and such as they knew others could testifie , for the credit of the rest : but , still making them to hang together , with the part hee was to play . shee taught him likewise how to auoid sundry captious and tempting questions , which were like to bee asked of him . but , in this shee found him of himselfe so nimble and shifting , as shee trusted much to his owne wit and readinesse ; and therefore laboured the lesse in it . lastly , shee raysed his thoughts with some present rewards , and further promises ; setting before him chiefly the glorie , and fortune of a crowne , if things went well ; and a sure refuge to her court , if the worst should fall . after such time as shee thought hee was perfect in his lesson , shee began to cast with herselfe from what coast this blazing-starre should first appeare , and at what time it must bee vpon the horizon of ireland ; for , there had the like meteor strong influence before : the time of the apparition to bee , when the king should bee engaged into a warre with france . but well she knew , that whatsoeuer should come from her , would bee held suspected . and therfore , if hee should goe out of flanders immediately into ireland , shee might bee thought to haue some hand in it . and besides , the time was not yet ripe ; for that the two kings were then vpon tearmes of peace . therefore shee wheel'd about ; and to put all suspicion a far off , and loth to keepe him any longer by her ( for that shee knew secrets are not long liued ) shee sent him vnknowne into portugall , with the lady brampton , an english ladie , that embarqued for portugall at that time ; with some priuado of her owne , to haue an eye vpon him : and there hee was to remaine , and to expect her further directions in the meane time , shee omitted not to prepare things for his better welcome , and accepting , not onely in the kingdome of ireland , but in the court of france . hee continued in portugall about a yeare ; and , by that time , the king of england called his parliament ( as hath beene said ) and declared open warre against france . now did the signe reigne , and the constellation was come , vnder which perkin should appeare . and therefore hee was straight sent vnto by the duchesse , to goe for ireland , according to the first designement . in ireland hee did arriue at the towne of corke . when hee was thither come , his owne tale was ( when hee made his confession afterwards ) that the irish-men , finding him in some good clothes , came flocking about him , and bare him downe , that he was the duke of clarence , that had beene there before , and after , that hee was richard the thirds base sonne ; and lastly , that he was richard duke of yorke , second sonne to edward the fourth : but that hee ( for his part ) renounced all these things , and offered to sweare vpon the holy euangelists , that hee was no such man ; till , at last , thy forced it vpon him , and bade him feare nothing , and so forth . but the truth is , that immediately vpon his comming into ireland , hee tooke vpon him the said person of the duke of york , and drew vnto him complices , and partakers , by all the meanes hee could deuise : insomuch , as hee wrote his letters vnto the earles of desmond and kildare , to come in to his aide , and bee of his partie ; the originalls of which letters are yet extant . somewhat before this time , the duchesse had also gayned vnto her , a neare seruant of king henry's owne , one stephen frion , his secretarie for the french tongue ; an actiue man , but turbulent , and discontented . this frion had fled ouer to charles the french king , and put himselfe into his seruice , at such time as hee began to bee in open enmitie with the king. now king charles , when he vnderstood of the person and attempts of perkin ( readie of himselfe to embrace all aduantages against the king of england ; instigated by frion , and formerly prepared by the ladie margaret ) forthwith dispatched one lvcas , and this frion , in the nature of ambassadors to perkin ; to aduertise him of the kings good inclination to him , and that hee was resolued to aide him , to recouer his right against king henry , an vsurper of england , and an enemie of france ; and wished him , to come ouer vnto him at paris . perkin thought himselfe in heauen , now that hee was inuited by so great a king , in so honourable a manner ; and imparting vnto his friends in ireland for their incouragement , how fortune called him , and what great hopes hee had , sayled presently into france . when hee was come to the court of france , the king receiued him with great honour ; saluted , and stiled him by the name of the duke of yorke ; lodged him , and accommodated him in great state ; and the better to giue him the representation and the countenance of a prince , assigned him a guard for his person , whereof the lord congresall was captaine . the courtiers likewise ( though it bee ill mocking with the french ) applyed themselues to their kings bent , seeing there was reason of state for it . at the same time there repaired vnto perkin diuers englishmen of qualitie ; sir george nevile , sir iohn taylor , and about one hundred more : and amongst the rest , this stephen frion , of whom wee spake ; who followed his fortune both then and for a long time after , and was indeed his principall counsellor , and instrument in all his proceedings . but all this , on the french kings part , was but a tricke , the better to bow king henry to peace . and therefore vpon the first graine of incense , that was sacrificed vpon the altar of peace at bulloigne , perkin was smoked away . yet would not the french king deliuer him vp to king henry ( as hee was laboured to doe ) for his honors sake , but warned him away , and dismissed him . and perkin on his part was as readie to bee gone , doubting hee might bee caught vp vnder hand . hee therefore tooke his way into flanders , vnto the duchesse of burgundie ; pretending , that , hauing beene variously tossed by fortune , hee directed his course thither , as to a safe harbour : no wayes taking knowledge , that he had euer beene there before , but as if that had beene his first addresse . the duchesse , on the other part , made it as new and strange to see him : pretending ( at the first ) that she was taught and made wise by the example of lambert simnell , how shee did admit of any counterfeit stuffe ; though euen in that ( she said ) she was not fully satisfied . shee pretended at the first ( and that was euer in the presence of others ) to pose him and sift him , thereby to trie whether hee were indeed the very duke of yorke , or no. but , seeming to receiue full satisfaction by his answers , shee then fained her selfe to be transported with a kind of astonishment , mixt of ioy and wonder , at his miraculous deliuerance ; receiuing him , as if hee were risen from death to life : and inferring , that god , who had in such wonderfull manner preserued him from death , did likewise reserue him for some great and prosperous fortune . as for his dismission out of france , they interpreted it not , as if hee were detected or neglected for a counterfeit deceiuer ; but contrariwise , that it did shew manifestly vnto the world , that hee was some great matter ; for that it was his abandoning , that ( in effect ) made the peace : being no more but the sacrificing of a poore distressed prince vnto the vtilitie and ambition of two mightie monarchs . neither was perkin for his part wanting to himselfe , either in gracious and princely behauiour , or in ready and apposite answers , or in contenting and caressing those that did applie themselues vnto him , or in prettie scorne and disdaine to those that seemed to doubt of him ; but in all things did notably acquite himselfe : insomuch as it was generally beleeued ( aswell amongst great persons , as amongst the vulgar ) that he was indeed duke richard . nay , himselfe , with long and continuall counterfeiting , and with oft telling a lye , was turned by habit almost into the thing heesee med to bee ; and from a lyer , to a beleeuer . the duchesse therefore ( as in a case out of doubt ) did him all princely honour , calling him alwaies by the name of her nephew , and giuing him the delicate title of the white-rose of england ; and appointed him a guard of thirtie persons , halberdiers , clad in a party-coloured liuerie of murrey and blue , to attend his person . her court likewise , and generally the dutch and strangers in their vsage towards him , expressed no lesse respect . the newes hereof came blazing and thundering ouer into england , that the duke of yorke was sure aliue . as for the name of perkin warbeck , it was not at that time come to light , but all the newes ranne vpon the duke of yorke ; that hee had beene entertayned in ireland , bought and sold in france , and was now plainly auowed , and in great honour in flanders . these fames tooke hold of diuers ; in some vpon discontent , in some vpon ambition , in some vpon leuitie and desire of change , and in some few vpon conscience and beleefe , but in most vpon simplicitie ; and in diuers out of dependance vpon some of the better sort , who did in secret fauour and nourish these bruits . and it was not long , ere these rumours of noueltie , had begotten others of scandall and murmur against the king , and his gouernment ; taxing him for a great taxer of his people , and discountenancer of his nobilitie . the losse of britaine , and the peace with france were not forgotten . but chiefly they fell vpon the wrong that hee did his queene , in that hee did not reigne in her right . wherefore they said , that god had now brought to light a masculine-branch of the house of yorke , that would not bee at his curtesie , howsoeuer hee did depresse his poore ladie . and yet ( as it fareth in things which are currant with the multitude , and which they affect ) these fames grew so generall , as the authors were lost in the generalitie of speakers . they being like running weedes , that haue no certaine root ; or like footings vp and downe , impossible to be traced . but after a while , these ill humours drew to an head , and setled secretly in some eminent persons ; which were sir william stanley lord chamberlaine of the kings houshold , the lord fitz-water , sir simon movntfort , sir thomas thwaites . these entred into a secret conspiracie to fauour duke richards title . neuerthelesse none engaged their fortunes in this businesse openly , but two ; sir robert clifford , and master william barley , who sailed ouer into flanders , sent indeed from the partie of the conspiratours here , to vnderstand the truth of those things , that passed there , and not without some helpe of monies from hence ; prouisionally to bee deliuered , if they found and were satisfied , that there was truth in these pretences . the person of sir robert clifford ( being a gentleman of fame and familie ) was extremely welcome to the ladie margaret . who after shee had conference with him , brought him to the sight of perkin , with whom hee had often speech and discourse . so that in the end wonne either by the duchesse , to affect , or by perkin to beleeue , hee wrote backe into england , that he knew the person of richard duke of yorke , as well as hee knew his owne ; and that this young-man was vndoubtedly hee . by this meanes all things grew prepared to reuolt and sedition here , and the conspiracie came to haue a correspondence betweene flanders and england . the king on his part was not asleepe ; but to arme or leuie forces yet , he thought would but shew feare , and doe this idoll too much worship . neuerthelesse the ports hee did shut vp , or at least kept a watch on them , that none should passe to or fro that was suspected . but for the rest , hee choose to worke by countermine . his purposes were two ; the one , to lay open the abuse . the other , to breake the knot of the conspirators . to detect the abuse , there were but two wayes ; the first , to make it manifest to the world , that the duke of yorke was indeed murthered : the other , to prooue , that were he dead or aliue , yet perkin was a counterfeit . for the first , thus it stood . there were but foure persons that could speake vpon knowledge , to the murther of the duke of yorke : sir iames tirrel ( the employed-man from king richard ) iohn dighton , and miles forrest , his seruants ( the two butchers or tormentors ) and the priest of the tower , that buried them . of which foure , miles forest , and the priest were dead , and there remained aliue onely sir iames tirrel , and iohn dighton . these two the king caused to bee committed to the tower , and examined touching the manner of the death of the two innocent princes . they agreed both in a tale , ( as the king gaue out ) to this effect : that king richard hauing directed his warrant for the putting of them to death to brackenbvrie the lieutenant of the tower , was by him refused . whereupon the king directed his warrant to sir iames tirrel , to receiue the keyes of the tower from the lieutenant ( for the space of a night ) for the kings speciall seruice . that sir iames tirrel accordingly repaired to the tower by night , attended by his two seruants afore-named , whom hee had chosen for that purpose . that himselfe stood at the staire-foot , and sent these two villaines to execute the murther . that they smothered them in their bed ; & that done , called vp their master to see their naked dead bodies , which they had laid forth . that they were buried vnder the staires , and some stones cast vpon them . that when the report was made to king richard , that his will was done , hee gaue sir iames tirrel great thankes ; but tooke exception to the place of their buriall , being too base for them that were kings children . whereupon another night by the kings warrant renued , their bodies were remoued by the priest of the tower , and buried by him in some place , which ( by meanes of the priests death soone after ) could not be knowne . thus much was then deliuered abroad , to be the effect of those examinations . but the king neuerthelesse made no vse of them in any of his declarations ; whereby ( as it seemes ) those examinations left the businesse somewhat perplexed . and a for sir iames tirrel , hee was soone after beheaded in the tower-yard , for other matters of treason . but iohn dighton ( who it seemeth spake best for the king ) was forthwith set at libertie , and was the principall meanes of diuulging this tradition . therefore this kind of proofe being left so naked , the king vsed the more diligence in the latter , for the tracing of perkin . to this purpose , hee sent abroad into seuerall parts , and especially into flanders , diuers secret and nimble scouts and spies ; some faining themselues to flie ouer vnto perkin , and to adhere vnto him ; and some vnder other pretences , to learne , search , and discouer all the circumstances and particulars of perkins parents , birth , person , trauailes vp and downe ; and in briefe , to haue a iournall ( as it were ) of his life and doings . hee furnished these his imployed-men liberally with money , to draw on and reward intelligences : giuing them also in charge , to aduertise continually what they found , and neuerthelesse still to goe on . and euer as one aduertisement and discouerie called vp another , hee employed other new men , where the businesse did require it . others hee employed in a more speciall nature and trust , to be his pioners in the maine counter-mine . these were directed to insinuate themselues into the familiaritie and confidence of the principall persons of the partie in flanders , and so to learne what associates they had , and correspondents , either heere in england , or abroad ; and how farre euery one ingaged , and what new ones they meant afterwards to trie , or board . and as this for the persons ; so for the actions themselues , to discouer to the bottome ( as they could ) the vtmost of perkins and the conspiratours their intentions , hopes , and practices . these latter best-be-trust-spies had some of them further instructions , to practise and draw off the best friends and seruants of perkin , by making remonstrance to them , how weakly his enterprize and hopes were built , and with how prudent and potent a king they had to deale ; and to reconcile them to the king , with promise of pardon , and good conditions of reward . and ( aboue the rest ) to assayle , sappe , and worke into the constancie of sir robert clifford ; and to winne him ( if they could ) being the man that knew most of their secrets , and who being wonne away , would most appall and discourage the rest , and in a manner breake the knot . there is a strange tradition ; that the king being lost in a wood of suspicions , and not knowing whom to trust , had both intelligence with the confessors and chaplaines of diuers great men , and for the better credit of his espialls abroad with the contrarie side , did vse to haue them cursed at pavls ( by name ) amongst the bead-roll of the kings enemies , according to the custome of those times . these espials plyed their charge so roundly , as the king had an anatomie of perkin aliue ; and waslikewise well informed of the particular correspondent conspiratours in england , and many other mysteries were reuealed ; and sir robert clifford in especiall wonne to bee assured to the king , and industrious and officious for his seruice . the king therfore ( receiuing a rich returne of his diligence , and great satisfaction touching a number of particulars ) first diuulged and spred abroad the imposture and iuggling of perkins person and trauailes , with the circumstances therof , throughout the realme . not by proclamation ( because things were yet in examination , and so might receiue the more or the lesse ) but by court-fames , which commonly print better than printed proclamations . then thought hee it also time to send an ambassage vnto archduke philip , into flanders , for the abandoning and dismissing of perkin . heerein hee employed sir edward poynings , and sir william warham , doctor of the canon law. the archduke was then young , and gouerned by his councell : before whom the ambassadours had audience , and doctor warham spake in this manner . my lords , the king our master is very sorie , that england and your countrey here of flanders hauing beene counted as man and wife for so long time , now this countrey of all others should be the stage , where a base counterfeit should play the part of a king of england ; not onely to his graces disquiet and dishonour , but to the scorne and reproach of all soueraigne princes . to counterfeit the dead image of a king in his coyne , is an high offence by all lawes : but to counterfeit the liuing image of a king in his person , exceedeth all falsifications , except it should bee that of a mahomet , or an anti-christ , that counterfeit diuine honour . the king hath too great an opinion of this sage counsell , to thinke that any of you is caught with this fable ( though way may be giuen by you to the passion of some ) the thing in it selfe is so improbable . to set testimonies aside of the death of duke richard , which the king hath vpon record , plaine and infallible ( because they may bee thought to bee in the kings owne power ) let the thing testifie for it selfe . sense and reason no power can command . is it possible ( trow you ) that king richard should damne his soule , and foule his name with so abominable a murther , and yet not mend his case ? or doe you thinke , that men of bloud ( that were his instruments ) did turne to pitty in the middest of their execution ? whereas in cruell and sauage beasts , and men also , the first draught of bloud doth yet make them more fierce , and enraged . doe you not know , that the bloudie executioners of tyrants doe goe to such errands , with an halter about their necke : so that if they performe not , they are sure to die for it ? and doe you thinke , that these men would hazard their owne liues , for sparing anothers ? admit they should haue saued him : what should they haue done with him ? turne him into london streets , that the watch-men or any passenger that should light vpon him , might carry him before a iustice , and so all come to light ? or should they haue kept him by them secretly ? that surely would haue required a great deale of care , charge , and continuall feares . but ( my lords ) i labour too much in a cleare businesse . the king is so wise , and hath so good friends abroad , as now hee knoweth duke perkin from his cradle . and because hee is a great prince , if you haue any good poet here , hee can helpe him with notes to write his life ; and to parallel him with lambert simnell , now the kings faulconer . and therefore ( to speake plainely to your lordships ) it is the strangest thing in the world , that the lady margaret ( excuse vs , if wee name her , whose malice to the king is both causelesse and endlesse ) should now when she is old , at the time when other women giue ouer child-bearing , bring forth two such monsters ; being not the births of nine or tenne moneths , but of many yeares . and whereas other naturall mothers bring forth children weake , and not able to helpe themselues ; she bringeth forth tall striplings , able soone after their comming into the world , to bid battaile to mightie kings . my lords , wee stay vnwillingly vpon this part. wee would to god , that lady would once taste the joyes , which god almightie doth serue up vnto her , in beholding her neece to reigne in such honour , and with so much royall issue , which shee might bee pleased to accompt as her owne . the kings request vnto the archduke , and your lordships , might bee ; that according to the example of king charles , who hath already discarded him , you would banish this vnworthy fellow out of your dominions . but because the king may iustly expect more from an ancient confederate , than from a new reconciled enemie ; hee maketh his request vnto you , to deliuer him vp into his hands . pirates and impostures of this sort , beeing fit to bee accounted the common enemies of mankinde , and no wayes to bee protected by the law of nations . after some time of deliberation , the ambassadours receiued this short answer . that the archduke , for the loue of king henry , would in no sort aide or assist the pretended duke , but in all things conserue the amitie hee had with the king. but for the duchesse dowager , shee was absolute in the lands of her dowrie , and that hee could not let her to dispose of her owne . the king , vpon the returne of the ambassadours , was nothing satisfied with this answer . for well he knew , that a patrimoniall dowrie carried no part of soueraignty , or command of forces . besides , the ambassadors told him plainly , that they saw the duchesse had a great party in the arch-dukes counsell ; & that howsoeuer it was carried in a course of conniuence , yet the arch-duke vnder hand gaue aid and furtherance to perkin . wherefore ( partly out of courage , and partly out of policie ) the king forthwith banished all flemmings ( as wel their persons , as their wares ) out of his kingdom ; commanding his subiects likewise ( and by name his merchants-aduenturers ) which had a resiance in antwerpe , to return ; translating the mart ( which commonly followed the english cloth ) vnto calice , & embarred also all further trade for the future . this the king did , being sensible in point of honour , not to suffer a pretender to the crowne of england , to affront him so neare at hand , and he to keep termes of friendship with the countrie where he did set vp . but he had also a further reach : for that hee knew well , that the subiects of flanders drew so great commoditie from the trade of england , as by this embargo they would soon waxe weary of perkin , and that the tumults of flanders had bin so late & fresh , as it was no time for the prince to displease the people . neuerthelesse for formes sake , by way of requitall , the arch-duke did likewise banish the english out of flanders ; which in effect was done to his hand . the king being well aduertised , that perkin did more trust vpon friends and partakers within the realme , than vpon forraine armes , thought it behooued him to apply the remedy , where the disease lay ; & to proceed with seueritie against some of the principall conspirators here within the realme ; thereby to purge the ill humours in england , & to coole the hopes in flanders . wherefore hee caused to bee apprehended ( almost at an instant ) iohn ratcliffe lord fitz-water , sir simon movntford , sir thomas thwaites , william dawbigney , robert ratcliffe , thomas chressenor , & thomas astwood . all these were arraigned , conuicted and condemned for high-treason , in adhering , and promising aide to perkin . of these , the lord fitzwater was conueighed to calice , and there kept in hold , and in hope of life , vntill soone after ( eyther impatient , or betrayed ) he dealt with his keeper to haue escaped , & thereupon was beheaded . but sir simon movntford , robert ratcliffe , and william dawbigney were beheaded immediately after their condemnation . the rest were pardoned , together with many others clerkes and laikes , amongst which were two dominican friars , and william worseley , deane of paules : which latter sort passed examination , but came not to publike triall . the lord chamberlaine at that time was not touched ; whether it were , that the king would not stir too many humours at once , but ( after the maner of good physitians ) purge the head last ; or that clifford ( from whom most of these discoueries came ) reserued that piece for his own cōming ouer : signifying only to the king in the meane time , that he doubted there were some greater ones in the businesse , whereof he would giue the king further accompt , when he came to his presence . vpon al-hallowes-day-euen being now the tenth yeare of the kings reigne , the kings second sonne henry was created duke of yorke ; & as well the duke , as diuers others , noblemen , knights-batchlours , & gentlemen of quality were made knights of the bath , according to the ceremony . vpon the morrow after twelfth-day , the king remoued from westminster ( where he had kept his christmas ) to the tower of london . this he did as soon as he had aduertisement , that sir robert clifford ( in whose bosom or budget most of perkins secrets were layed vp ) was come into england . and the place of the tower was chosen to that end , that if clifford should accuse any of the great-ones , they might without suspition , or noise , or sending abroad of warrants , be presently attached ; the court & prison being within the cincture of one wal. after a day or two , the king drew vnto him a selected councel , & admitted clifford to his presence ; who first fell downe at his feet , and in all humble manner craued the kings pardon , which the king then granted , though hee were indeed secretly assured of his life before . then commanded to tell his knowledge , he did amongst many others ( of himself , not interrogated ) appeach sir william stanley , the lord chamberlaine of the kings houshold . the king seemed to be much amazed at the naming of this lord , as if he had heard the newes of some strange and fearfull prodigie . to heare a man that had done him seruice of so high a nature , as to saue his life , & set the crown vpon his head ; a man , that enioied by his fauor & aduancement so great a fortune , both in honour & riches ; a man , that was tied vnto him in so near a band of alliance , his brother hauing married the kings mother ; and lastly , a man , to whom he had cōmitted the trust of his person , in making him his chamberlain . that this man , no waies disgraced , no waies discontent , no waies put in feare , should be false vnto him . clifford was required to say ouer again , & againe , the particulars of his accusatiō ; being warned , that in a matter so vnlikely , & that concerned so great a seruant of the kings , he should not in any wise go too far . but the king finding that he did sadly , & constantly ( without hesitation or varying , & with those ciuill protestations that were fit ) stand to that that he had said , offering to iustifie it vpon his soule and life ; he caused him to be remoued . and after he had not a litle bemoaned himself vnto his councel there present , gaue order that sir william stanley should be restrained in his own chamber , where he lay before , in the square tower. and the next day he was examined by the lords . vpō his examination , he denied little of that wherewith he was charged , nor endeauoured much to excuse or extenuate his fault . so that ( not very wisely ) thinking to make his offence lesse by confession , hee made it enough for condemnation . it was conceiued , that he trusted much to his former merits , and the interest that his brother had in the king . but those helpes were ouer weighed by diuers things that made against him , & were predominant in the kings nature and minde . first , an ouer-merit ; for conuenient merit , vnto which reward may easily reach , doth best with kings : next the sense of his power ; for the king thought , that he that could set him vp , was the more dāgerous to pul him down . thirdly , the glimmering of a confiscation ; for he was the richest subiect for value in the kingdome ; there being found in his castle of holt forty thousand marks in ready mony , and plate , besides iewels , houshold-stuffe , stockes vpon his grounds , & other personall estate , exceeding great . and for his reuenue in land and fee , it was three thousand pounds a yeere of old rent , a great matter in those times . lastly , the nature of the time ; for if the king had been out of feare of his own estate , it was not vnlike he would haue spared his life . but the cloud of so great a rebellion hanging ouer his head , made him worke sure . wherefore after some six weekes distance of time , which the king did honorably interpose , both to giue space to his brothers intercession , & to shew to the world , that he had a conflict with himself what he should do ; he was arraigned of high-treason , and condemned , and presently after beheaded . yet is it to this day left but in dark memorie both what the case of this noble person was , for which he suffred ; and what likewise was the ground & cause of his defection , & the alienation of his heart from the king. his case was said to be this : that in discourse between sir robert clifford and him , he had said ; that if he were sure , that that young man were king edwards sonne , hee would neuer beare armes against him . this case seemes somwhat an hard case , both in respect of the conditionall , and in respect of the other words . but for the conditional , it seemes the iudges of that time ( who were learned men , & the three chief of them of the priuy councel ) thought it was a dangerous thing to admit ifs and and 's , to qualifie words of treason ; wherby euery man might expresse his malice , and blanch his danger . and it was like to the case ( in the following times ) of elizabeth barton , the holy-maid of kent : who had said , that if king henry the eighth did not take katherine his wife againe , he should be depriued of his crown , and dye the death of a dogge . and infinite cases may be put of like nature . which ( it seemeth ) the graue iudges taking into consideration , would not admit of treasons vpō condition . and as for the positiue words , that he would not bear arms against king edwards son ; though the words seeme calme , yet it was a plain & direct ouer-ruling of the kings title , either by the line of lancaster , or by act of parliament . which ( no doubt ) pierced the king more , than if stanley had charged his lance vpon him in the fielde . for if stanley would hold that opinion , that a son of king edward had still the better right , he being so principall a person of authoritie , and fauor about the king ; it was to teach all england , to say as much . and therfore ( as those times were ) that speech touched the quicke . but some writers doe put this out of doubt ; for they say , that stanley did expresly promise to aide perkin , & sent him some helpe of treasure . now for the motiue of his falling off from the king ; it is true , that at bosworth field the king was beset , and in a manner inclosed round about by the troupes of king richard , & in manifest danger of his life ; when this stanley was sent by his brother , with three thousand men to his rescue , which he performed so , that king richard was slaine vpon the place . so as the condition of mortal men is not capable of a greater benefit , than the king receiued by the hands of stanley ; being like the benefit of christ , at once to saue , and crowne . for which seruice the king gaue him great gifts , made him his counsellor , & chamberlain ; and ( somwhat cōtrary to his nature ) had winked at the great spoiles of bosworth field , which came almost wholly to this mans hands , to his infinite enriching . yet neuerthelesse blown vp with the conceit of his merit , he did not think he had receiued good measure frō the king , at least not pressing-downe , and runningouer , as he expected . and his ambition was so exorbitant , and vnbounded , as he became sutour to the king for the earledome of chester . which euer beeing a kinde of appennage to the principalitie of wales , and vsing to goe to the kings sonne ; his suit did not only end in a deniall , but in a distaste . the king perceiuing thereby , that his desires were intemperate , and his cogitations vaste , and irregular , and that his former benefits were but cheape , and lightly regarded by him . wherefore the king began not to brook him wel . and as a litle leauen of new distaste doth commonly sowre the whole lumpe of former merits , the kings wit began now to suggest vnto his passion , that stanley , at bosworth field , though he came time enough to saue his life , yet hee stayed long enough to endanger it . but yet hauing no matter against him , he continued him in his places , vntill this his fall. after him was made lord chamberlaine , giles lord dawbeny , a man of great sufficiencie and valour ; the more , because he was gentle and moderate . there was a common opinion , that sir robert clifford ( who now was become the state-informer ) was from the beginning an emissary , and spie of the kings ; and that hee fled ouer into flanders with his consent and priuitie . but this is not probable ; both because hee neuer recouered that degree of grace , which he had with the king before his going ouer ; and chiefly , for that the discouerie which hee had made touching the lord chamberlaine ( which was his great seruice ) grew not from any thing he learn'd abroade , for that hee knew it well before he went. these executions ( and especially that of the lord chamberlaines , which was the chiefe strength of the partie , and by meanes of sir robert clifford , who was the most inward man of trust amongst them ) did extremely quaile the designe of perkin , and his complices , as well through discouragement , as distrust . so that they were now ( like sand without lyme ) ill bound together ; especially as many as were english : who were at a gaze , looking strange one vpon another , not knowing who was faithfull to their side ; but thinking , that the king ( what with his baits , and what with his nets ) would draw them all vnto him , that were anything worth . and indeede it came to passe , that diuers came away by the thred , sometimes one , and sometimes another . barley ( that was ioint-commissioner with clifford ) did hold out one of the longest , till perkin was farre worne ; yet made his peace at the length . but , the fall of this greatman , beeing in so high authoritie and fauour ( as was thought ) with the king ; and the manner of carriage of the businesse , as if there had beene secret inquisition vpon him , for a great time before ; and the cause for which hee suffered , which was little more , than for saying in effect , that the title of yorke was better than the title of lancaster ; which was the case almost of euery man ( at the least in opinion ; ) was matter of great terrour amongst all the kings seruants and subiects : insomuch , as no man almost thought himselfe secure ; and men durst scarce commune or talke one with another : but there was a generall diffidence euery where . which neuerthelesse made the king rather more absolute , than more safe . for , bleeding inwards and shut vapours strangle soonest , and oppresse most . hereupon presently came forth swarmes and volies of libels ( which are the gusts of libertie of speech restrayned , and the females of sedition ) contayning bitter inuectiues , and slanders against the king , and some of the councell . for the contriuing and dispersing whereof ( after great diligence of inquirie ) fiue meane persons were caught , and executed . meane while , the king did not neglect ireland ; being the soyle where the mushromes and upstart-weedes ( that spring vp in a night ) did chiefly prosper . hee sent therefore from hence ( for the better settling of his affaires there ) commissioners of both robes : the prior of lanthony , to bee his chancellour in that kingdome ; and sir edward poynings , with a power of men , and a marshall commission , together with a ciuill power of his lieutenant , with a clause , that the earle of kildare , then deputie , should obey him . but , the wilde-irish ( who were the principall offenders ) fledde into the woods and bogges , after their manner : and those , that knew themselues guilty , in the pale , fledde to them . so that sir edward poynings was enforced to make a wilde-chase vpon the wilde-irish : where ( in respect of the mountaines and fastnesses ) hee did little good . which ( eyther out of a suspicious melancholy vpon his bad successe , or the better to saue his seruice from disgrace ) hee would needes impute vnto the comfort , that the rebels should receiue vnder-hand from the earle of kildare ; euery light suspicion growing vpon the earle , in respect of the kildare that was in the action of lambert simnell , and slaine at stoke-field . wherefore hee caused the earle to bee apprehended , and sent into england ; where , vpon examination , hee cleared himselfe so well , as he was re-placed in his gouernment . but , poynings ( the better to make compensation of the meagernesse of his seruice in the warres , by acts of peace ) called a parliament ; where was made that memorable act , which at this day is called poynings law , whereby all the statutes of england were made to bee of force in ireland . for , before they were not : neither are any now in force in ireland , which were made in england since that time ; which was the tenth yeare of the king. about this time , beganne to be discouered in the king that disposition , which , afterward nourished and whet-on by bad counsellers and ministers , proued the blot of his times ; which was , the course he tooke , to crush treasure out of his subiects purses , by forfeitures vpon penall-lawes . at this , men did startle the more at this time , because it appeared plainely to bee in the king's nature , and not out of his necessitie , hee beeing now in float for treasure ; for that he had newly receiued the peace-money from france , the beneuolence-money from his subiects , and great casualties vpon the confiscations of the lord chamberlaine , and diuers others . the first-noted case of this kinde , was that of sir william capel , alderman of london : who , vpon sundry penall-lawes , was condemned in the summe of seuen and twenty hundred pounds , and compounded with the king for sixteene hundred : and yet after , empson would haue cut another chop out of him , if the king had not dyed in the instant . the summer following , the king , to comfort his mother ( whom he did alwaies tenderly loue and reuere ) and to make demonstration to the world , that the proceedings against sir william stanley ( which was imposed vpon him by necessitie of state ) had not in any degree diminished the affection he bare to thomas , his brother ; went in progresse to latham , to make merry with his mother , and the earle , and lay there diuers dayes . during this progresse , perkin warbecke finding , that time and temporizing , which ( whilest his practices were couert and wrought well in england ) made for him ; did now , when they were discouered and defeated , rather make against him ( for that when matters once goe downe the hill , they stay not without a new force ) resolued to trie his aduenture in some exploit vpon england ; hoping still vpon the affections of the common-people towards the house of yorke . which body of common-people hee thought was not to bee practised vpon , as persons of qualitie are ; but , that the only practice vpon their affections , was , to set vp a standard in the fielde . the place where hee should make his attempt , hee chose to be the coast of kent . the king by this time was growne to sueh an height of reputation for cunning and policie , that euery accident and euent , that went well , was laid and imputed to his foresight , as if hee had set it before : as , in this particular of perkins designe vpon kent . for , the world would not beleeue afterwards , but the king , hauing secret intelligence of perkins intention for kent ( the better to draw it on ) went of purpose into the north , a farre off , laying an open side vnto perkin , to make him come to the close , and so to trip vp his heeles , hauing made sure in kent before hand . but so it was , that perkin had gathered together a power of all nations , neither in number , nor in the hardinesse and courage of the persons , contemptible ; but , in their nature and fortunes , to bee feared as well of friends as enemies ; being bankrupts , and many of them felons , and such as liued by rapine . these hee put to sea , and arriued vpon the coast of sandwich and deale in kent , about iuly . there he cast anchor ; and to prooue the affections of the people , sent some of his men to land , making great boast of the power that was to follow . the kentish-men ( perceiuing that perkin was not followed by any english of name or accompt , and that his forces consisted but of strangers borne , and most of them base people , and free-booters , fitter to spoile a coast , than to recouer a kingdome ) resorting vnto the principall gentlemen of the countrie , professed their loyaltie to the king , and desired to bee directed and commanded for the best of the kings seruice . the gentlemen , entring into consultation , directed some forces in good number , to shew themselues vpon the coast ; and some of them to make signes , to entice perkins souldiers to land , as if they would ioyne with them : and some others to appeare from some other places , and to make semblance as if they fledde from them ; the better to encourage them to land . but , perkin ( who , by playing the prince , or else taught by secretarie frion , had learned thus much , that people vnder command , doe vse to consult , and after to march in order ; and rebells contrariwise runne vpon an head together in confusion ) considering the delay of time , and obseruing their orderly , and not tumultuary arming , doubted the worst . and therefore the wily youth would not set one foote out of his ship , till hee might see things were sure . wherefore the kings forces , perceiuing that they could draw on no more than those that were formerly landed , set vpon them , and cut them in pieces , ere they could fly backe to their ships . in which skirmish ( besides those that fledde , and were slaine ) there were taken about an hundred and fifty persons . which , for that the king thought , that to punish a few for example was gentlemans-play , but for rascall-people , they were to bee cut off euery man , especially in the beginning of an enterprize ; and likewise for that hee saw , that perkins forces would now consist chiefly of such rabble and scumme of desperate people ; hee therefore hanged them all , for the greater terrour . they were brought to london , all rayl'd in ropes , like a teame of horses in a cart ; and were executed some of them at london , and wapping , and the rest at diuers places vpon the sea-coast of kent , sussex , and norfolke , for sea-markes or light-houses , to teach perkins people to auoyd the coast. the king , being aduertised of the landing of the rebels , thought to leaue his progresse : but , being certified the next day , that they were partly defeated , and partly fled , hee continued his progresse , and sent sir richard gvilford into kent in message . who , calling the countrie together , did much commend ( from the king ) their fidelitie , manhood , and well handling of that seruice ; and gaue them all thankes , and ( in priuate ) promised reward to some particulars . vpon the sixteenth of nouember ( this beeing the eleuenth yeare of the king ) was holden the serieants-feast , at elie-place ; there being nine serieants of that call. the king , to honour the feast , was present with his queene at the dinner ; being a prince , that was euer ready to grace and countenance the professors of the law ; hauing a little of that , that as he gouerned his subiects by his lawes , so he gouerned his lawes by his lawyers . this yeare also the king entred into league with the italian potentates , for the defence of italie , against france . for , king charles had conquered the realme of naples , and lost it againe , in a kinde of felicitie of a dreame . hee passed the whole length of italie without resistance : so that it was true which pope alexander was wont to say ; that the frenchmen came into italie , with chalke in their hands , to marke up their lodgings , rather than with swords to fight . hee likewise entred and wonne , in effect , the whole kingdome of naples it selfe , without striking stroke . but , presently thereupon , he did commit and multiply so many errours , as was too great a taske for the best fortune to ouercome . hee gaue no contentment to the barons of naples , of the faction of the angeouines ; but , scattered his rewards according to the mercenarie appetites of some about him . he put all italie vpon their guard , by the seizing and holding of ostia , and the protecting of the libertie of pisa : which made all men suspect that his purposes looked further , than his title of naples . he fell too soone at difference with lvdovico sfortia ; who was the man that carried the keyes which brought him in , and shut him out . hee neglected to extinguish some reliques of the warre . and lastly , in regard of his easie passage through italie without resistance , hee entred into an ouermuch despising of the armes of the italians : whereby he left the realme of naples , at his departure , so much the lesse prouided . so that not long after his returne , the whole kingdome reuolted to ferdinando the younger , and the french were quite driuen out . neuerthelesse , charles did make both great threats , and great preparations , to re-enter italie once againe . wherfore , at the instance of diuers of the states of italie ( and especially of pope alexander ) there was a league concluded , betweene the said pope , maximilian king of romanes , henry king of england , ferdinando and isabella , king and queen of spaine ( for so they are constantly placed in the originall treaty throughout , ) avgvstissimo barbadico , duke of venice , and lvdovico sfortia , duke of millan , for the common defence of their estates . wherein though ferdinando of naples was not named as principall ; yet , no doubt , the kingdome of naples was tacitly included , as a fee of the church . there dyed also this yeare cecile , duchesse of yorke , mother to king edward the fourth , at her castle of barkhamsted , beeing of extreame yeares ; and who had liued to see three princes of her bodie crowned , and foure murthered . shee was buried at foderingham , by her husband . this yeare also the king called his parliament : where many lawes were made , of a more priuate and vulgar nature , than ought to detaine the reader of an historie . and it may bee iustly suspected , by the proceedings following , that as the king did excell in good common-wealth lawes ; so neuerthelesse hee had , in secret , a designe to make vse of them , as well for collecting of treasure , as for correcting of manners ; and so , meaning thereby to harrow his people , did accumulate them the rather . the principall law , that was made this parliament , was a law of a strange nature : rather iust , than legall ; and more magnanimous than prouident . this law did ordaine , that no person , that did assist in armes , or otherwise , the king for the time beeing , should after bee impeached therefore , or attainted , either by the course of the law , or by act of parliament : but , if any such act of attainder did happen to bee made , it should bee voyde , and of none effect ; for that it was agreeable to reason of estate , that the subiect should not enquire of the iustnesse of the kings title , or quarrell ; and it was agreeable to good conscience , that ( whatsoeuer the fortune of the warre were ) the subiect should not suffer for his obedience . the spirit of this law was wonderfull pious and noble : beeing like in matter of warre , vnto the spirit of david in matter of plague , who said , if i haue sinned , strike mee ; but what haue these sheepe done ? neither wanted this law parts of prudent and deepe fore-sight . for , it did the better take away occasion , for the people to busie themselues , to prie into the kings title ; for that howsoeuer it fell , their safety was alreadie prouided for . besides , it could not but greatly draw vnto him , the loue and hearts of the people , because hee seemed more carefull for them , than for himselfe . but yet neuerthelesse , it did take off from his partie , that great tie and spurre of necessity , to fight and goe victors out of the fielde ; considering their liues and fortunes were put in safety , and protected , whether they stood to it or ranne away . but the force and obligation of this law was in it selfe illusorie , as to the latter part of it ; by a precedent act of parliament , to binde or frustrate a future . for a supreme and absolute power cannot conclude it selfe , neither can that which is in nature reuocable bee made fixed ; no more than if a man should appoint or declare by his will , that if hee made any latter will , it should bee voyde . and for the case of the act of parliament , there is a notable president of it in king henrie the eight's time . who doubting hee might dye in the minoritie of his sonne , procured an act to passe , that no statute made during the minoritie of the king , should binde him or his successours , except it were confirmed by the king vnder his great seale , at his full age . but the first act that passed in king edward the sixth his time , was an act of repeale of that former act ; at which time neuerthelesse the king was minor. but things that doe not binde , may satisfie for the time . there was also made a shoaring or vnderpropping act for the beneuolence ; to make the summes which any person had agreed to pay , and neuerthelesse were not brought in , to bee leuiable by course of law. which act did not only bring in the areres , but did indeed countenance the whole businesse , and was pretended to bee made at the desire of those , that had beene forward to pay . this parliament also was made that good law , which gaue the attaint vpon a false uerdict betweene partie and partie , which before was a kinde of euangile , irremediable . it extends not to causes capitall , as well because they are for the most part at the kings suite ; as because in them ( if they bee followed in course of indictment ) there passeth a double iurie , the indictors , and the triers ; and so not twelue men , but foure and twentie . but it seemeth that was not the onely reason ; for this reason holdeth not in the appeale . but the great reason was , lest it should tend to the discouragement of iurors in cases of life and death ; if they should bee subiect to suite and penaltie , where the fauour of life maketh against them . it extendeth not also to any suite , where the demand is vnder the value of fortie pounds ; for that in such cases of pettie value , it would not quite the charge , to goe about againe . there was another law made against a branch of ingratitude in women , who hauing beene aduanced by their husbands , or their husbands ancestors , should alien , and thereby seeke to defeate the heires , or those in remainder , of the lands , whereunto they had bin so aduanced . the remedie was , by giuing power to the next , to enter for a forfeiture . there was also enacted that charitable law , for the admission of poore suiters in forma pauperis , without fee to counsellor , atturney , or clerke , whereby poore men became rather able to vexe , than vnable to sue . there were diuers other good lawes made that parliament , as we said before : but we still obserue our manner , in selecting out those , that are not of a vulgar nature . the king this while , though hee sate in parliament , as in full peace , and seemed to account of the designes of perkin ( who was now returned into flanders ) but as a may game ; yet hauing the composition of a wise king ( stout without , and apprehensiue within ) had giuen order for the watching of beacons vpon the coasts , and erecting more where they stood too thin , and had a carefull eye where this wandering cloude would breake . but perkin aduised to keepe his fire ( which hitherto burned as it were vpon greene wood ) aliue , with continuall blowing ; sailed againe into ireland , whence he had formerly departed , rather vpon the hopes of france , than vpon any vnreadinesse or discouragement hee found in that people . but in the space of time betweene the kings diligence and poynings commission , had so settled things there , as there was nothing left for perkin , but the blustring affection of wilde and naked people . wherefore hee was aduised by his councell , to seeke aide of the king of scotland ; a prince yong , and valourous , and in good termes with his nobles and people , and ill affected to king henry . at this time also both maximilian and charles of france began to beare no good will to the king. the one beeing displeased with the kings prohibition of commerce with flanders : the other holding the king for suspect , in regard of his late entrie into league with the italians . wherefore besides the open aides of the duchesse of burgundy , which did with sayles and oares put on and aduance perkins designes , there wanted not some secret tides from maximilian and charles , which did further his fortunes . in so much as they , both by their secret letters , and messages , recommended him to the king of scotland . perkin therefore comming into scotland vpon those hopes , with a well appointed company , was by the king of scots ( beeing formerly well prepared ) honourably welcommed , and soone after his arriuall admitted to his presence , in a solemne manner . for the king receiued him in state in his chamber of presence , accompanied with diuers of his nobles . and perkin well attended , as well with those that the king had sent before him , as with his owne traine , entered the roome where the king was , and comming neare to the king , and bowing a little to embrace him , hee retired some paces backe , and with a loud voyce ( that all that were present might heare him ) made his declaration in this manner . high and mighty king , your grace , and these your nobles here present , may be pleased benignely to bow your eares , to heare the tragedie of a young man , that by right ought to hold in his hand the ball of a kingdome ; but by fortune is made himselfe a ball , tossed from miserie to miserie , and from place to place . you see here before you the spectacle of a plantagenet , who hath beene carried from the nurserie to the sanctuarie ; from the sanctuarie , to the direfull prison ; from the prison , to the hand of the cruell tormentor ; and from that hand , to the wide wildernesse ( as i may truely call it ) for so the world hath beene to mee . so that hee that is borne to a great kingdome , hath not ground to set his foote vpon , more than this where hee now standeth , by your princely fauour . edward the fourth , late king of england , ( as your grace cannot but haue heard ) left two sonnes ; edward , and richard , duke of yorke , both very young . edward , the eldest succeeded their father in the crowne , by the name of king edward the fift . but richard , duke of glocester , their vnnaturall vnckle , first thirsting after the kingdome , through ambition , and afterwards thirsting for their bloud , out of desire to secure himselfe ; imployed an instrument of his ( confident to him , as hee thought ) to murther them both . but this man that was imployed , to execute that execrable tragedie , hauing cruelly slaine king edward , the eldest of the two , was mooued partly hy remorse , and partly by some other meane , to saue richard his brother ; making a report neuerthelesse to the tyrant , that hee had performed his commandement for both brethren . this report was accordingly beleeued , and published generally . so that the world hath beene possessed of an opinion , that they both were barbarously made away , though euer truth hath some sparkes that flye abroade , vntill it appeare in due time , as this hath had . but almighty god , that stopped the mouth of the lion , and saued little joas from the tyrannie of athaliah , when shee massacred the kings children ; and did saue isaack , when the hand was stretched forth to sacrifice him ; preserued the second brother . for i my selfe , that stand heere in your presence , am that very richard , duke of yorke , brother of that infortunate prince , king edward the fift , now the most rightfull suruiuing heire-male to that uictorious and most noble edward , of that name the fourth , late king of england . for the manner of my escape , it is fit it should passe in silence , or ( at least ) in a more secret relation : for that it may concerne some aliue , and the memorie of some that are dead . let it suffice to thinke , i had then a mother liuing , a queene , and one that expected dayly such a commandement from the tyrant , for the murthering of her children . thus in my tender age escaping by gods mercie out of london , i was secretly conueyed ouer sea. where , after a time , the partie that had mee in charge , ( vpon what new feares , change of minde , or practice , god knoweth ) suddenly forsooke mee . whereby i was forced to wander abroade , and to seeke meane conditions for the sustaining of my life . wherefore distracted betweene seuerall passions , the one of feare to bee knowne , lest the tyrant should haue a new attempt vpon mee , the other of griefe and disdaine to bee vnknowne , and to liue in that base and seruile manner that i did ; i resolued with my selfe , to expect the tyrants death , and then to put my selfe into my sisters hands , who was next heire to the crowne . but in this season , it happened one henrie tidder , sonne to edmond tidder earle of richmond , to come from france , and enter into the realme , and by subtile and foule meanes to obtaine the crowne of the same , which to mee rightfully appertained . so that it was but a change , from tyrant to tyrant . this henrie , my extreame and mortall enemie , so soone as hee had knowledge of my beeing aliue , imagined and wrought all the subtill waies and meanes hee could , to procure my finall destruction . for my mortall enemie hath not onely falsly surmised , mee to bee a fayned person , giuing mee nick-names , so abusing the world ; but also , to deferre and put mee from entrie into england , hath offered large summes of money , to corrupt the princes and their ministers , with whom i haue beene retayned ; and made importune labours to certaine seruants about my person , to murther or poyson mee , and others to forsake and leaue my righteous quarrell , and to depart from my seruice , as sir robert clifford , and others . so that euery man of reason may well perceiue , that henrie , calling himselfe king of england , needed not to haue bestowed such great summes of treasure , nor so to haue busied himselfe with importune and incessant labour and industrie , to compasse my death and ruine , if i had beene such a fained person . but the truth of my cause beeing so manifest , moued the most christian king charles , and the lady duchesse dowager of burgundie , my most deare aunt , not onely to acknowledge the truth thereof , but louingly to assist mee . but it seemeth that god aboue ( for the good of this whole island , and the knitting of these two kingdomes of england and scotland in a strait concord and amitie , by so great an obligation ) had reserued the placing of mee in the imperiall throne of england , for the armes and succours of your grace . neither is it the first time that a king of scotland hath supported them , that were bereft and spoyled of the kingdome of england ; as of late ( in fresh memorie ) it was done in the person of henry the sixth . wherefore for that your grace hath giuen cleare signes , that you are in no noble qualitie inferiour to your royall ancestours ; i , so distressed a prince , was hereby mooued to come and put my selfe into your royall hands , desiring your assistance to recouer my kingdome of england ; promising faithfully to beare my selfe towards your grace no otherwise , than if i were your owne naturall brother , and will vpon the recouerie of mine inheritance , gratefully doe you all the pleasure that is in my vtmost power . after perkin had told his tale , king iames answered brauely and wisely ; that whatsoeuer hee were , hee should not repent him , of putting himselfe into his hands . and from that time forth , though there wanted not some about him , that would haue perswaded him , that all was but an illusion ; yet notwithstanding , either taken by perkins amiable and alluring behauiour , or inclining to the recommendation of the great princes abroade , or willing to take an occasion of a warre against king henry , hee entertained him in all things , as became the person of richard duke of yorke ; embraced his quarrell ; and ( the more to put it out of doubt , that hee tooke him to bee a great prince , and not a representation onely ) hee gaue consent , that this duke should take to wife the lady katherine gordon , daughter to the earle huntley , beeing a neare kinswoman to the king himselfe , and a young uirgin of excellent beautie and vertue . not long after , the king of scots in person , with perkin in his company , entred with a great armie ( though it consisted chiefly of borderers , beeing raysed somewhat suddenly ) into northumberland . and perkin , for a perfume before him as hee went , caused to be published a proclamation of this tenor following , in the name of richard duke of yorke , true inheritor of the crowne of england . it hath pleased god , who putteth downe the mightie from their seate , and exalteth the humble , and suffereth not the hopes of the iust to perish in the end , to giue us meanes at the length , to shew our selues armed vnto our leiges and people of england . but far bee it from us , to intend their hurt and dammage , or to make warre vpon them , otherwise than to deliuer our selfe and them from tyrannie and oppression . for , our mortall enemie henry tidder , a false vsurper of the crowne of england , ( which to vs by naturall and lineall right appertaineth ) knowing in his owne heart our vndoubted right , ( wee being the very richard , duke of yorke , younger sonne , and now suruiuing heire-male of the noble and uictorious edward the fourth , late king of england ) hath not onely depriued us of our kingdome , but likewise by all foule and wicked meanes , sought to betray us , and bereaue us of our life . yet if his tyrannie onely extended it selfe to our person ( although our royall bloud teacheth us to bee sensible of iniuries ) it should bee lesse to our griefe . but this tidder , who boasteth himselfe to haue ouerthrown a tyrant , hath euer since his first entrance into his vsurped reigne , put little in practice , but tyrannie and the feats thereof . for king richard , our vnnaturall uncle , although desire of rule did blinde him , yet in his other actions ( like a true plantagenet ) was noble , and loued the honour of the realme , and the contentment and comfort of his nobles and people . but this our mortall enemie ( agreeable to the meanesse of his birth ) hath troden under foote the honour of this nation ; selling our best confederates for money , and making merchandize of the bloud , estates , and fortunes of our peeres and subiects , by fained warres , and dishonourable peace , onely to enrich his coffers . nor vnlike hath beene his hatefull mis-gouernement , and euill deportments at home . first , hee hath ( to fortifie his false quarrell ) caused diuers nobles of this our realme ( whom hee held suspect , & stood in dread of ) to be cruelly murthred ; as our cousin sir vvilliam stanley lord chamberlain , sir simon movntfort , sir robert ratcliffe , william dawbeney , hvmphrey stafford , and many others , besides such as haue dearely bought their liues with intolerable ransomes . some of which nobles are now in the sanctuary . also hee hath long kept , and yet keepeth in prison , our right entirely welbeloued cosen edward , sonne and heire to our unckle duke of clarence , and others ; with-holding from them their rightfull inheritance , to the intent they should neuer be of might and power , to aide and assist vs at our neede , after the dutie of their liegeances . hee also married by compulsion certaine of our sisters , and also the sister of our said cosen the earle of vvarwicke , and diuers other ladies of the royall bloud , vnto certaine of his kinsmen and friends of simple and low degree ; and putting apart all well-disposed nobles , he hath none in fauour and trust about his person , but bishop fox , smith , bray , lovel , oliver king , david owen , riseley , tvrbervile , tiler , cholmley ; empson , iames hobart , iohn cvt , garth , henry wyat , and such other caitifes and uillaines of birth , which by subtile inuentions and pilling of the people , haue beene the principall finders , occasioners , and counsellors of the mis-rule and mischiefe now reigning in england . wee remembring these premisses , with the great and execrable offences daily committed , and done by our foresaid great enemie , and his adherents , in breaking the liberties and franchises of our mother the holy church , vpon pretences of wicked and heathenish policie , to the high displeasure of almightie god ; besides the manifold treasons , abominable murthers , man-slaughters , robberies , extortions , the dayly pilling of the people , by dismes , taxes , tallages , beneuolences , and other vnlawfull impositions , and grieuous exactions , with many other haynous effects , to the likely destruction and desolation of the whole realme : shall by gods grace ; and the helpe and assistance of the great lords of our bloud , with the counsell of other sad persons , see that the commodities of our realme bee imployed to the most aduantage of the same ; the entercouse of merchandise betwixt realme and realme , to bee ministred and handled , as shall more bee to the common weale , and prosperity of our subiects ; and all such dismes , taxes , tallages , beneuolences , vnlawfull impositions , and grieuous exactions , as bee aboue rehearsed to bee fore-done and layd apart , and neuer from henceforth to bee called vpon , but in such cases as our noble progenitors kings of england , haue of old time bin accustomed to haue the ayde , succour , and helpe of their subiects and true liege-men . and further , wee doe out of our grace and clemencie , hereby as well publish and promise to all our subiects remission and free pardon of all by-past offences whatsoeuer , against our person , or estate , in adhering to our said enemie , by whom ( wee know well ) they haue beene mis-led , if they shall within time conuenient submit themselues vnto us. and for such as shall come with the foremost , to assist our righteous quarrell , wee shall make them so farre partakers of our princely fauour and bountie , as shall bee highly for the comfort of them and theirs , both during their life , and after their death . as also wee shall by all meanes , which god shall put into our hands , demeane our selues to giue royall contentment to all degrees and estates of our people , maintaining the liberties of holy church in their entire , preseruing the honours , priuiledges , and preheminences of our nobles , from contempt or disparagement , according to the dignitie of their bloud . wee shall also vnyoake our people from all heauie burthens , and endurances , and confirme our cities , boroughes , and townes , in their charters & freedoms , with inlargement , where it shal be deserued ; and in all points giue our subiects cause to thinke , that the blessed and debonaire gouernment of our noble father king edward ( in his last times ) is in vs reuiued . and for as much as the putting to death , or taking aliue of our said mortall enemie , may bee a meane to stay much effusion of blood , which otherwise may ensue , if by compulsion or faire promises , hee shall draw after him any number of our subiects to resist vs ; which wee desire to auoyd ( though wee bee certainely informed that our said enemie is purposed and prepared to flye the land , hauing already made ouer great masses of the treasure of our crowne , the better to support him in forraine parts ) wee doe hereby declare , that whosoeuer shall take or distresse our said enemie ( though the party bee of neuer so meane a condition ) hee shall bee by us rewarded with a thousand pound in money , forthwith to bee laid downe to him , and an hundred markes by the yeare of inheritance ; besides that hee may otherwise merit , both toward god and all good people , for the destruction of such a tyrant . lastly , wee doe all men to wit , and herein wee take also god to witnesse , that whereas god hath mooued the heart of our dearest cousin , the king of scotland , to aide vs in person , in this our righteous quarrell ; it is altogether without any pact or promise , or so much as demaund of any thing , that may preiudice our crowne or subiects : but contrariwise with promise on our said cousins part , that whensoeuer hee shall finde vs in sufficient strength to get the vpper hand of our enemie ( which wee hope will bee very suddenly ) hee will forthwith peaceably returne into his owne kingdome ; contenting himselfe onely with the glorie of so honourable an enterprise , and our true and faithfull loue and amitie . which wee shall euer ( by the grace of almightie god ) so order , as shall bee to the great comfort of both kingdomes . bvt perkins proclamation did little edifie with the people of england ; neither was hee the better welcome for the company hee came in . wherefore the king of scotland seeing none came in to perkin , nor none stirred any where in his fauour , turned his enterprise into a rode ; and wasted and destroyed the countrie of northumberland , with fire and sword . but hearing that there were forces comming against him , and not willing that they should finde his men heauie and laden with bootie , hee returned into scotland with great spoyles , deferring further prosecution , till another time . it is said , that perkin acting the part of a prince handsomely , when hee saw the scottish fell to waste the countrey , came to the king in a passionate manner , making great lamentation , and desired , that that might not bee the manner of making the warre ; for that no crowne was so deare to his minde , as that hee desired to purchase it with the bloude and ruine of his countrey . whereunto the king answered halfe in sport ; that hee doubted much , hee was carefull for that that was none of his , and that hee should bee too good a steward for his enemie , to saue the countrie to his vse . by this time , beeing the eleuenth yeare of the king , the interruption of trade betweene the english and the flemmish , beganne to pinch the merchants of both nations very sore . which mooued them , by all meanes they could deuise , to affect and dispose their soueraignes respectiuely , to open the entercourse againe . wherein , time fauoured them . for the arch-duke and his councell beganne to see , that perkin would prooue but a runnagate , and citizen of the world ; and that it was the part of children to fall out about babies . and the king on his part , after the attempts vpon kent and northumberland , beganne to haue the businesse of perkin in lesse estimation ; so as hee did not put it to accompt , in any consultation of state. but that that mooued him most , was , that beeing a king that loued wealth and treasure , hee could not endure to haue trade sicke , nor any obstruction to continue in the gate-veine , which disperseth that bloud . and yet he kept state so farre , as first to bee sought vnto . wherein the merchant-aduenturers likewise , ( beeing a strong companie at that time , and well vnderset with rich men , and good order ) did hold out brauely ; taking off the commodities of the kingdome , though they lay dead vpon their hands for want of vent . at the last , commissioners met at london , to treate . on the kings part ; bishop foxe lord priuy seale , viscount wells , kendal prior of saint iohns , warham master of the rolles , who beganne to gaine much vpon the kings opinion ; vrswick , who was almost euer one ; and risely . on the arch-dukes part , the lord bevers his admirall , the lord vervnsel president of flanders , and others . these concluded a perfect treatie , both of amitie and intercourse , betweene the king and the arch-duke ; contayning articles both of state , commerce , and free-fishing . this is that treatie , which the flemmings call at this day , intercursus magnus ; both because it is more compleat , than the precedent treaties , of the third and fourth yeares of the king : and chiefly to giue it a difference , from the treatie that followed in the one and twentieth yeare of the king : which they call intercursus malus . in this treatie , there was an expresse article against the reception of the rebels of either prince by other ; purporting , that if any such rebell should bee required by the prince whose rebell hee was , of the prince confederate , that forthwith the prince confederate should by proclamation command him to auoyde the countrey . which if hee did not within fifteene daies , the rebell was to stand proscribed , and put out of protection . but neuerthelesse in this article , perkin was not named , neither perhaps contained , because hee was no rebell . but by this meanes his wings were clipt of his followers , that were english. and it was expresly comprised in the treatie , that it should extend to the territories of the duchesse dowager . after the intercourse thus restored , the english merchants came againe to their mansion at antwerpe , where they were receiued with procession and great ioy. the winter following , beeing the twelfth yeare of his reigne , the king called againe his parliament : where hee did much exaggerate both the malice , and the cruell predatory warre lately made by the king of scotland ; that that king , being in amitie with him , and no wayes prouoked , should so burne in hatred towards him , as to drinke of the lees and dreggs of perkins intoxication , who was euery where else detected and discarded : and that when hee perceiued it was out of his reach , to doe the king any hurt , hee had turned his armes vpon vnarmed and vnprouided people , to spoyle onely and depopulate , contrary to the lawes both of warre and peace : concluding , that hee could neither with honour , nor with the safety of his people , to whom he did owe protection , let passe these wrongs vnreuenged . the parliament vnderstood him well , and gaue him a subsidie , limited to the summe of one hundred and twentie thousand pounds , besides two fifteenes . for his warres were alwaies to him as a mine of treasure , of a strange kind of ore ; iron at the top , and gold and siluer at the bottome . at this parliament ( for that there had beene so much time spent in making lawes the yeare before , and for that it was called purposely in respect of the scottish warre ) there were no lawes made to bee remembred . onely there passed a law , at the sute of the merchant-aduenturers of england , against the merchant-aduenturers of london , for monopolizing and exacting vpon the trade : which it seemeth they did , a little to saue themselues , after the hard time they had sustained by want of trade . but those innouations were taken away by parliament . but it was fatall to the king , to fight for his money . and though hee auoyded to fight with enemies abroad , yet hee was still enforced to fight for it with rebels at home . for no sooner beganne the subsidie to bee leuied in corne-wall , but the people there began to grudge and murmure . the cornish being a race of men , stout of stomacke , mighty of bodie and limme , and that liued hardly in a barren countrey , and many of them could ( for a neede ) liue vnder ground , that were tinners ; they muttered extreamely , that it was a thing not to be suffered , that for a little stirre of the scots , soone blowne ouer , they should be thus grinded to powder with payments : and said , it was for them to pay , that had too much , and liued idly . but they would eate the bread they got with the sweat of their browes , and no man should take it from them . and as in the tides of people once vp , there want not commonly stirring windes to make them more rough : so this people did light vpon two ring-leaders , or captaines of the rout. the one was one michael ioseph , a black-smith or farrier of bodmin ; anotable talking fellow , and no lesse desirous to bee talked of . the other was thomas flammocke , a lawyer ; who by telling his neighbours commonly vpon any occasion , that the law was on their side , had gotten great sway amongst them . this man talked learnedly , and as if he could tell how to make a rebellion , and neuer breake the peace . hee told the people , that subsidies were not to be granted nor leuied in this case ; that is , for warres of scotland ( for that the law had prouided another course , by seruice of escuage , for those iourneyes ) much lesse when all was quiet , and warre was made but a pretence to poll and pill the people : and therefore that it was good , they should not stand now like sheepe before the shearers , but put on harnesse , and take weapons in their hands : yet to doe no creature hurt ; but goe and deliuer the king a strong petition , for the laying downe of those grieuous payments , and for the punishment of those that had giuen him that counsell ; to make others beware how they did the like in time to come : and said , for his part hee did not see how they could doe the duetie of true english-men , and good liege-men , except they did deliuer the king from such wicked ones that would destroy both him and the countrey . their ayme was at arch-bishop morton , and sir reginold bray , who were the kings skreens in this enuy. after that these two , flammocke and the blacke-smith , had , by ioynt and seuerall pratings , found tokens of consent in the multitude , they offered themselues to leade them , vntill they should heare of better men to be their leaders ; which they said would be ere long : telling them further , that they would be but their seruants , and first in euery danger ; but doubted not but to make both the west-end and the east-end of england to meete in so good a quarrell ; and that all ( rightly vnderstood ) was but for the kings seruice . the people , vpon these seditious instigations , did arme ( most of them with bowes , and arrowes , and bills , and such other weapons of rude and countrey people ) and forthwith vnder the command of their leaders ( which in such cases is euer at pleasure ) marched out of corne-wall , through deuonshire , vnto taunton in somersetshire , without any slaughter , violence , or spoyle of the countrey . at taunton they killed , in furie , an officious and eager commissioner for the subsidie , whom they called the prouost of perin . thence they marched to wells : where the lord avdley ( with whom their leaders had , before , some secret intelligence ) a noble-man of an ancient family , but vnquiet and popular , and aspiring to ruine , came-in to them , and was by them ( with great gladnesse and cries of ioy ) accepted as their generall ; they beeing now proud , that they were ledde by a noble-man . the lord avdley ledde them on from wells to salisbury , and from salisbury to winchester . thence the foolish people , who ( in effect ) led their leaders , had a minde to beeled into kent ; fansying , that the people there would ioyne with them , contrary to all reason or iudgement ; considering , the kentish-men had shewed great loyaltie and affection to the king so lately before . but the rude people had heard fdammocke say , that kent was neuer conquered , and that they were the freest people of england . and , vpon these vaine noises , they looked for great matters at their hands , in a cause which they conceited to be for the libertie of the subiect . but when they were come into kent , the countrey was so well settled , both by the kings late kind vsage towards them , and by the credit and power of the earle of kent , the lord abergavennie , and the lord cobham , as neither gentleman nor yeoman came-in to their aide ; which did much dampe and dismay many of the simpler sort : insomuch , as diuers of them did secretly flie from the army , and went home . but the sturdier sort , and those that were most engaged , stood by it , and rather waxed proud , than failed in hopes and courage . for as it did somewhat appall them , that the people came not in to them ; so it did no lesse encourage them , that the kings forces had not set vpon them , hauing marched from the west vnto the east of england . wherefore they kept on their way , and encamped vpon blacke-heath , betweene greenwich and eltham ; threatning either to bid battell to the king ( for now the seas went higher than to morton , and braie ) or to take london within his view ; imagining with themselues , there to finde no lesse feare , than wealth . but to returne to the king. when first hee heard of this commotion of the cornish-men , occasioned by the subsidie ; he was much troubled therewith : not for it selfe , but in regard of the concurrence of other dangers , that did hang ouer him at that time . for hee doubted lest a warre from scotland , a rebellion from corne-wall , and the practices and conspiracies of perkin and his partakers , would come vpon him at once ; knowing well , that it was a dangerous triplicitie to a monarchie , to haue the armes of a forreiner , the discontents of subiects , and the title of a pretender , to meete . neuerthelesse , the occasion tooke him in some part well prouided . for as soone as the parliament had broken vp , the king had presently raysed a puissant armie , to warre vpon scotland . and king iames of scotland likewise , on his part , had made great preparations eyther for defence , or for new assayling of england . but as for the kings forces , they were not onely in preparation , but in readinesse presently to set forth , vuder the conduct of dawbeney , the lord chamberlaine . but as soone as the king vnderstood of the rebellion of cornwall , hee stayed those forces , retaining them for his owne seruice and safetie . but therewithall hee dispatched the earle of surrey into the north , for the defence and strength of those parts , in case the scots should stirre . but for the course hee held towards the rebels , it was vtterly differing from his former custome , and practice ; which was euer full of forwardnesse and celeritie , to make head against them , or to set vpon them as soone as euer they were in action . this hee was wont to doe . but now , besides that hee was attempered by yeares , and lesse in loue with dangers , by the continued fruition of a crowne ; it was a time when the various appearance to his thoughts of perils of seuerall natures , and from diuers parts , did make him iudge it his best and surest way , to keepe his strength together , in the seate and centre of his kingdome . according to the ancient indian embleme ; in such a swelling season , to hould the hand vpon the middle of the bladder , that no side might rise . besides , there was no necessitie put vpon him , to alter this counsell . for neither did the rebels spoyle the countrey ; in which case it had beene dishonour to abandon his people : neyther on the other side , did their forces gather or encrease , which might hasten him to precipitate and assayle them , before they grew too strong . and lastly , both reason of estate and warre seemed to agree with this course ; for that insurrections of base people are commonly more furious in their beginnings . and by this meanes also hee had them the more at vantage , beeing tyred and harrassed with a long march ; and more at mercie , being cut off farre from their countrey , and therefore not able by any sudden flight to get to retrait , and to renew the troubles . when therefore the rebels were encamped on blacke-heath , vpon the hill , whence they might behold the citie of london , and the faire valley about it : the king knowing well , that it stood him vpon , by how much the more hee had hitherto protracted the time in not encountring them , by so much the sooner to dispatch with them , that it might appeare to haue beene no coldnesse in foreslowing , but wisedome in choosing his time ; resolued with all speede to assayle them , and yet with that prouidence , and suretie , as should leaue little to venture or fortune . and hauing very great and puissant forces about him , the better to master all euents and accidents , hee diuided them into three parts . the first was ledde by the earle of oxford in chiefe , assisted by the earles of essex and suffolke . these noblemen were appointed , with some cornets of horse , and bands of foot , and good store of artillerie wheeling about , to put themselues beyond the hill , where the rebels were encamped ; and to beset all the skirts and descents thereof , except those that lay towards london ; whereby to haue these wilde beasts ( as it were ) in a toyle . the second part of his forces ( which were those that were to bee most in action , and vpon which hee relyed most for the fortune of the day ) hee did assigne to bee ledde by the lord chamberlaine , who was appointed to set vpon the rebels in front , from that side which is toward london . the third part of his forces ( beeing likewise great and braue forces ) hee retained about himselfe , to bee ready , vpon all euents , to restore the fight , or consummate the victorie ; and meane while , to secure the citie . and for that purpose hee encamped in person in saint georges fields , putting himselfe betweene the citie , and the rebels . but the citie , of london ( specially at the first ) vpon the neare encamping of the rebels , was in great tumult : as it vseth to bee with wealthy and populous cities ( especially those , which , for greatnesse and fortune , are queenes of their regions ) who seldome see out of their windowes , or from their towers , an armie of enemies . but that which troubled them most , was the conceit , that they dealt with a rout of people , with whom there was no composition , or condition , or orderly treating , if neede were ; but likely to bee bent altogether vpon rapine and spoyle . and although they had heard that the rebels had behaued themselues quietly and modestly , by the way as they went ; yet they doubted much , that would not last , but rather make them more hungry , and more in appetite , to fall vpon spoyle in the end . wherefore there was great running to and fro of people , some to the gates , some to the walles , some to the water-side ; giuing themselues alarmes , and panick feares continually . neuerthelesse , both tate the lord maior , and shaw , and haddon , the sheriffs , did their parts stoutly and well , in arming and ordering the people . and the king likewise did adioyne some captaines of experience in the wartes , to aduise and assist the citizens . but soone after , when they vnderstood that the king had so ordered the matter , that the rebels must winne three battells , before they could approach the citie , and that hee had put his own person betweene the rebels and them , and that the great care was rather how to impound the rebels , that none of them might escape , than that any doubt was made to vanquish them ; they grew to bee quiet and out of feare . the rather , for the confidence they reposed ( which was not small ) in the three leaders , oxford , essex , and dawbeney ; all , men famed and loued amongst the people . as for iasper duke of bedford , whom the king vsed to employ with the first in his wars , he was then sicke , and dyed soone after . it was the two and twentieth of iune , and a saturday ( which was the day of the weeke the king fansied ) when the battaile was fought ; though the king had , by all the art hee could deuise , giuen out a false day , as if hee prepared to giue the rebells battaile on the monday following , the better to find them vnprouided , and in disarray . the lords , that were appointed to circle the hill , had some daies before planted themselues ( as at the receipt ) in places conuenient . in the afternoone towards the decline of the day ( which was done , the better to keepe the rebells in opinion that they should not fight that day ) the lord dawbeney marched on towards them , and first beat some troups of them from detford-bridge , where they fought manfully ; but beeing in no great number were soone driuen backe , and fled vp to their maine armie vpon the hill. the armie , at that time hearing of the approach of the kings forces , were putting themselues in array , not without much confusion . but neither had they placed vpon the first high-ground towards the bridge , any forces to second the troupes below , that kept the bridge ; neither had they brought forwards their maine battaile ( which stood in array farre into the heath ) neare to the ascent of the hill. so that the earle with his forces mounted the hill , and recouered the plaine , without resistance . the lord dawbeney charged them with great furie ; insomuch , as it had like ( by accident ) to haue brandled the fortune of the day . for , by inconsiderate forwardnesse in fighting in the head of his troupes , he was taken by the rebells ; but , immediately rescued , and deliuered . the rebells maintained the fight for a small time , and for their persons shewed no want of courage : but beeing ill armed , and ill led , and without horse or artillerie , they were with no great difficultie cut in peeces , and put to flight . and for their three leaders ; the lord avdley , the black-smith , and flammocke ( as , commonly the captaines of commotions are but halfe-couraged men ) suffered themselues to bee taken aliue . the number slaine on the rebells part , were some two thousand men ; their armie amounting ( as it is said ) vnto the number of sixteene thousand . the rest were ( in effect ) all taken ; for that the hill , as was said , was encompassed with the kings forces round about . on the kings part there dyed about three hundred ; most of them shot with arrowes , which were reported to bee of the length of a taylors yard : so strong and mighty a bow the cornish-men were said to draw . the victorie thus obtained , the king created diuers bannerets , as well vpon black-heath , where his lieutenant had wonne the fielde ( whither hee rode in person to performe the said creation ) as in saint georges fieldes , where his owne person had bin encamped . and for matter of liberalitie , he did ( by open edict ) giue the goods of all the prisoners , vnto those that had taken them ; either to take them in kinde , or compound for them as they could . after matter of honour and liberalitie , followed matter of seueritie and execution . the lord avdley was led from newgate to tower-hill , in a paper coate painted with his own armes ; the armes reuersed , the coate torne , and hee at tower-hill beheaded . flammocke , and the black-smith vvere hanged , drawn , and quartered at tiburne ; the black-smith taking pleasure vpon the hurdle ( as it seemeth by vvords that hee vttered ) to thinke that hee should be famous in aftertimes . the king was once in minde to haue sent downe flammocke , and the blac-smith , to haue beene executed in corne-wall , for the more terrour . but , beeing aduertised , that the countrey was yet vnquiet and boyling , hee thought better not to irritate the people further . all the rest were pardoned by proclamation , and to take out their pardons vnder seale , as many as would . so that , more than the bloud drawn in the field , the king did satisfie himselfe with the liues of onely three offenders , for the expiation of this great rebellion . it was a strange thing , to obserue the varietie and inequalitie of the kings executions and pardons . and a man would thinke it , at the first , a kinde of lotterie or chance . but , looking into it more nearely , one shall find there was reason for it ; much more perhaps , than ( after so long a distance of time ) wee can now discerne . in the kentish commotion ( which was but an landfull of men ) there were executed to the number of one hundred and fiftie ; and , in this so mighty a rebellion , but three : whether it were , that the king put go accompt the men that wereslaine in the fielde : or that hee was not willing to bee seuerein a popular cause ; or that the harmelesse behauiour of this people ( that came from the west of england , to the east , without mischiefe almost , or spoyle of the countrey ) did somewhat mollifie him , and mooue him to compassion , or lastly , that he made a great difference betwoene people , that did rebell vpon wantonnesse , and them that did rebell vpon want. after the cornish-men were defeated , there came from , calice to the king , an honourable ambassage from the french king , which had arriued at calice a moneth before , and there was stayed in respect of the troubles , but honourably entertained and defrayed . the king , at their first comming , sent vnto them , & prayed them to haue patience , till a little smoake , that was raised in his countrie , were ouer ; which would sonne bee : slighting ( as his manner was ) that openly , which neuerthelesse he intended seriously . this ambassage concerned no great affaire ; but only the prolongation of dayes for payment of monies , and some other particulars of the frontiers . and it was ( indeed ) but a wooing ambassage ; with good respects to entertaine the king in good affection : but nothing was done , or handled , to the derogation of the kings late treatie with the italians . but , during the time that the cornish-men were in their march towards london , the king of scotland ( wel aduertised of all that passed , and knowing himselfe sure of warre from england , whensoeuer those stirs were appeased ) neglected not his opportunitie ; but , thinking the king had his hands full , entred the frontiers of england againe with an armie , and besieged the castle of norham in person , with part of his forces , sending the rest to forrage the countrie . but fox , bishop of duresme ( a wise man , and one that could see through the present , to the future ) doubting as much before , had caused his castle of norham to bee strongly fortified , and furnished , with all kinde of munition : and had manned it likewise , with a very great number of tall souldiours , more than for the proportion of the castle ; reckoning rather vpon a sharpe assault , than a long siege . and for the countrey likewise , hee had caused the people to withdraw their cattell and goods into fast places , that were not of easie approach ; and sent in post to the earle of surrey ( who was not farre off , in yorkeshire ) to come in diligence to the succour . so as the scottish king both failed of doing good vpon the castle , and his men had but a catching haruest of their spoyles . and when hee vnderstood , that the earle of surrey was comming on with great forces , hee returned backe into scotland . the earle finding the castle freed , and the enemie retired , pursued with all celeritie into scotland ; hoping to haue ouer-taken the scottish king , and to haue giuen him battaile ; but not attaining him in time , sate downe before the castle of aton ( one of the strongest places , then esteemed , betweene barwicke and edenborough ) which in a small time hee tooke . and soone after , the scottish king retyring further into his countrey , and the weather being extraordinarie foule and stormie , the earle returned into england . so that the expeditions on both parts were ( in effect ) but a castle taken , and a castle distressed ; not answerable to the puissance of the forces , nor to the heat of the quarrell , nor to the greatness of the expectation . amongst these troubles both ciuill and externall , came into england from spaine peter hialas , some call him elias ( surely hee was the forerunner of the good hap , that we enioy at this day . for , his ambassage set the truce betweene england and scotland ; the truce drew on the peace ; the peace the marriage ; and the marriage the union of the kingdomes ) a man of great wisedome , and ( as those times were ) not vnlearned ; sent from ferdinando and is abella kings of spaine vnto the king , to treate a marriage betweene katherine their second daughter , and prince arthvr . this treatie was by him set in a very good way , and almost brought to perfection . but it so fell out by the way , that vpon some conference which hee had with the king touching this businesse , the king ( who had a great dexteritie in getting sodainely into the bosome of ambassadours of forraine princes , if he liked the men ; insomuch as he would many times communicate with them of his owne affaires , yea and employ them in his seruice ) fell into speech and discourse incidently , concerning the ending of the debates and differences with scotland . for the king naturally did not loue the barren warres with scotland , though he made his profit of the noise of them . and he wanted not in the councell of scotland those that would aduise their king to meet him at the halfe way , and to giue ouer the war with england ; pretending to bee good patriots ; but indeede fauouring the affaires of the king. onely his heart was too great to beginne with scotland for the motion of peace . on the other side , he had met with an allie of ferdinando of arragon , as fit for his turne as could bee . for after that king ferdinando had , vpon assured confidence of the marriage to succeed , taken vpon him the person of a fraternall allie to the king , hee would not let ( in a spanish grauitie ) to counsell the king in his owne affaires . and the king on his part not being wanting to himselfe , but making vse of euery mans humours , made his aduantage of this in such things as hee thought either not decent , or not pleasant to proceede from himselfe ; putting them off as done by the counsell of ferdinando . wherefore hee was content that hialas ( as in a matter mooued and aduised from hialas himselfe ) should goe into scotland , to treate of a concord betweene the two kings . hialas tooke it vpon him : and comming to the scottish king , after hee had with much art brought king iames to hearken to the more safe and quiet counsells , wrote vnto the king , that hee hoped that peace would with no great difficultie cement and close , if hee would send some wise and temperate counsellour of his owne , that might treate of the conditions . whereupon the king directed bishop fox ( who at that time was at his castle of norham ) to conferre with hialas , and they both to treate with some commissioners , deputed from the scottish king. the commissioners on both sides met . but after much dispute vpon the articles and conditions of peace , propounded vpon eyther part , they could not conclude a peace . the chiefe impediments thereof was the demand of the king , to haue perkin deliuered into his hands , as a reproach to all kings , and a person not protected by the law of nations . the king of scotland , on the other side , peremptorily denied so to doe ; saying , that he ( for his part ) was no competent iudge of perkins title : but that he had receiued him as a suppliant , protected him as a person fled for refuge , espoused him with his kinswoman , and aided him with his armes , vpon the beleefe that hee was a prince ; and therefore that hee could not now with his honour so vnrippe and ( in a sort ) put a lye vpon all that hee had said and done before , as to deliuer him vp to his enemies . the bishop likewise ( who had certaine proud instructions from the king , at the least in the front , though there were a pliant clause at the foote , that remitted all to the bishops discretion , and required him by no meanes to breake off in ill tearmes ) after that he had fayled to obtaine the deliuerie of perkin , did mooue a second point of his instructions ; which was , that the scottish king would giue the king an enteruiew in person at newcastle . but this being reported to the scottish king , his answer was ; that he meant to treate a peace , and not to goe a begging for it . the bishop also ( according to another article of his instructions ) demanded restitution of the spoyles taken by the scottish , or damages for the same . but the scottish commissioners answered ; that that was but as water spilt vpon the ground , which could not bee gotten vp againe ; and that the kings people were better able to beare the losse , than their master to repaire it . but in the end ( as persons capable of reason ) on both sides they made rather a kinde of recesse , than a breach of treaty , & concluded vpon a truce for some moneths following . but the king of scotland , though hee would not formally retract his iudgement of perkin , wherein he had engaged himselfe so farre ; yet in his priuate opinion , vpon often speech with the english-men , and diuers other aduertisements , began to suspect him for a counterfeit . wherefore in a noble fashion hee called him vnto him , and recounted the benefits and fauours that he had done him , in making him his allie , and in prouoking a mighty and opulent king by an offensiue warre in his quarrell , for the space of two yeares together . nay more , that he had refused an honourable peace , whereof he had a faire offer , if he would haue deliuered him ; and that to keepe his promise with him , he had deepely offended both his nobles and people , whom he might not hold in any long discontent . and therefore required him to thinke of his own fortunes , and to choose out some fitter place for his exile : telling him withall , that he could not say , but the english had forsaken him before the scottish ; for that vpon two seueral trials , none had declared themselues on his side . but neuerthelesse hee would make good what he said to him at his first receiuing , which was ; that hee should not repent him , for putting himselfe into his hands ; for that he would not cast him off , but helpe him with spipping and meanes , to transport him where he should desire . perkin , not descending at all from his stage-like greatnesse , answered the king in few words ; that he saw his time was not yet come : but whatsoeuer his fortunes were , he should both thinke and speake honour of the king. taking his leaue , hee would not thinke on flanders , doubting it was but hollow ground for him , since the treatie of the arch-duke concluded the yeare before ; but tooke his ladie , and such followers as would not leaue him , and sailed ouer into ireland . this twelfth yeare of the king , a little before this time , pope alexander ( who loued best those princes that were furthest off , and with whom he had least to doe ) taking very thankefully the kings late entrance into league , for the defence of italie , did remunerate him with an hallowed-sword , and cap-of maintenance sent by his nuncio . pope innocent had done the like , but it was not receiued in that glory . for the king appointed the maior and his brethren to meet the popes orator at london-bridge , and all the streets between the bridge-foote and the palace of paules ( where the king then lay ) were garnished with the citizens , standing in their liueries . and the morrow after ( being all-hallowes day ) the king , attended with many of his prelates , nobles , and principall courtiers , went in procession to paules , and the cap and sword were borne before him . and after the procession , the king himselfe remaining seated in the quire , the lord archbishop vpon the greece of the quire , made a long oration , setting forth the greatnesse and eminencie of that honour , which the pope ( in these ornaments and ensignes of benediction ) had done the king ; and how rarely , and vpon what high deserts they vsed to bee bestowed . and then recited the kings principall acts and merits , which had made him appeare worthy in the eyes of his holinesse of this great honour . all this while the rebellion of cornewall ( whereof wee haue spoken ) seemed to haue no relation to perkin ; saue that perhaps perkins proclamation had stricken vpon the right veine , in promising to lay downe exactions and payments , and so had made them now and then haue a kind-thought on perkin . but now these bubbles by much stirring began to meete , as they vse to doe vpon the top of water . the kings lenitie ( by that time the cornish rebels , who were taken and pardoned , and ( as it was said ) manie of them sold by them that had taken them , for twelue pence and two shillings a-peece , were come downe into their countrey ) had rather imboldened them , than reclaymed them . insomuch , as they stucke not to say to their neighbours and countrey-men , that the king did well to pardon them , for that hee knew hee should leaue few subiects in england , if hee hanged all that were of their minde : and beganne whetting and inciting one another to renew the commotion . some of the subtilest of them , hearing of perkins being in ireland , found meanes to send to him , to let him know , that if hee would come ouer to them , they would serue him . when perkin heard this newes , hee beganne to take heart againe , and aduised vpon it with his councell , which were principally three ; herne a mercer , that had fledde for debt ; skelton a taylor , and astley a scriuener : for , secretarie frion was gone . these told him , that hee was mightily ouerseene , both when hee went into kent , and when hee went into scotland : the one being a place so neare london , and vnder the kings nose ; and the other , a nation so distasted with the people of england , that if they had ioued him neuer so well , yet they would neuer haue taken his part in that companie . but if hee had beene so happie , as to haue beene in cornewall at the first , when the people began to take armes there , hee had beene crowned at westminster before this time . for , these kings ( as hee had now experience ) vvould sell poore princes for shooes : but hee must relye wholly vpon people ; and therefore aduised him to sayle ouer with all possible speede into cornewall . which , accordingly hee did ; hauing in his companie foure small barks , with some sixe score or seuen score fighting men . hee arriued in september at whitsand-bay ; and forthwith came to bodmin , the black-smiths town : where there assembled vnto him to the number of three thousand men of the rude people . there he set forth a new proclamation , stroaking the people with faire promises , and humouring them with inuectiues against the king and his gouernment . and , as it fareth with smoke , that neuer loseth it selfe till it bee at the highest ; hee did now before his end raise his stile , intituling himself no more richard , duke of york ; but richard the fourth , king of england . his councell aduised him , by all meanes , to make himselfe master of some good walled towne ; as well to make his men finde the sweetnesse of rich spoyles , and to allure to him all loose and lost people , by like hopes of bootie ; as to bee a sure retrait to his forces , in case they should haue any ill day , or vnluckie chance in the field . wherefore they tooke heart to them , and went on , and besieged the citie of excester , the principall towne for strength and wealth in those parts . when they were comne before excester , they forbare to vse any force at the first ; but made continuall shouts and out-cries , to terrifie the inhabitants . they did likewise in diuers places call and talke to them from vnder the walls , to ioyne with them , and be of their partie ; telling them , that the king would make them another london , if they would bee the first towne that should acknowledge him . but they had not the wit to send to them , in any orderly fashion , agents or chosen men , to tempt them , and to treat with them . the citizens on their part shewed themselues stout and loyall subiects . neyther was there so much as any tumult or diuision amongst them : but all prepared themselues for a valiant defence , and making good the towne . for , well they saw , that the rebels were of no such number or power , that they needed to feare them as yet : and well they hoped , that before their numbers encreased , the kings succours would come-in . and , howsoeuer , they thought it the extreamest of euils , to put themselues at the mercy of those hungry and disorderly people . wherefore , setting all things in good order within the towne , they neuerthelesse let-downe with cords , from seuerall parts of the walls priuily , seuerall messengers ( that , if one came to mischance , another might passe-on ) which should aduertise the king of the state of the towne , and implore his aide . perkin also doubted , that succours would come ere long ; and therefore resolued to vse his vtmost force to assault the towne : and for that purpose , hauing mounted scaling-ladders in diuers places vpon the walls , made at the same instant an attempt to force one of the gates . but , hauing no artillery nor engines , and finding that hee could doe no good by ramming with logges of timber , nor by the vse of iron barres and iron crowes , and such other meanes at hand , hee had no way left him , but to set one of the gates on fire : which hee did . but the citizens , well perceiuing the danger , before the gate could bee fully consumed , blocked vp the gate , and some space about it on the inside , with fagots and other fuell : which they likewise set on fire , and so repulsed fire with fire ; and , in the meane time , raised vp rampiers of earth , and cast vp deep trenches , to serue in stead of wall and gate . and for the escaladaes , they had so bad successe , as the rebels were driuen from the wals , with the losse of two hundred men . the king , when hee heard of perkins siege of excester , made sport with it , and said to them that were about him , that the king of rake-hells was landed in the west , and that hee hoped now to haue the honour to see him , which hee could neuer yet doe . and it appeared plainely to those that were about the king , that he was indeed much ioied with the newes of perkins being in english ground , where hee could haue no retrait by land ; thinking now , that hee should bee cured of those priuie stitches , which hee had long had about his heart , and had sometimes broken his sleeps in the middest of all his felicitie . and , to set all mens hearts on fire , hee did by all possible meanes let it appeare , that those , who should now doe him seruice to make an end of these troubles , should bee no lesse accepted of him , than hee that came vpon the eleuenth houre , and had the whole wages of the day . therefore now ( like the end of a play ) a great number came vpon the stage at once . he sent the lord chamberlaine , and the lord brook , and sir riceap thomas , with expedite forces to speed to excester , to the rescue of the towne , and to spread the fame of his owne following in person with a royall army . the earle of deuonshire , and his son , with the caroes , and the fvlfordes , and other principall persons of deuonshire ( vncalled from the court , but hearing that the kings heart was so much bent vpon this seruice ) made haste with troupes , that they had raysed , to bee the first that should succour the citie of excester , and preuent the kings succours . the duke of buckingham likewise , with many braue gentlemen , put themselues in armes , not staying eyther the kings or the lord chamberlaines comming on , but making a bodie of forces of themselues , the more to indeare their merit ; signifying to the king their readinesse , and desiring to know his pleasure . so that according to the prouerbe , in the comming downe , euerie saint did helpe . perkin , hearing this thunder of armes , and preparations against him from so many parts , raised his siege , and marched to taunton ; beginning already to squint one eye vpon the crowne , and another vpon the sanctuarie : though the cornish-men were become , like metall often fired and quenched , churlish , and that would sooner breake than bow ; swearing and vowing not to leaue him , till the vttermost drop of their blood were spilt . hee was at his rising from excester betweene sixe and seuen thousand strong , many hauing come vnto him , after he was set before excester , vpon fame of so great an enterprise , and to partake of the spoyle ; though vpon the raysing of his siege , some did slippe away . when hee was come neare taunton ; hee dissembled all feare , and seemed all the day to vse diligence in preparing all things ready to fight . but about midnight , hee fled with threescore horse to bewley in the new-forrest , where hee and diuers of his companie registred themselues sanctuarie-men , leauing his cornish-men to the foure windes ; but yet thereby easing them of their vow , and vsing his wonted compassion , not to bee by when his subiects bloud should bee spilt . the king , as soone as he heard of perkins flight , sent presently fiue hundred horse to pursue and apprehend him , before hee should get either to the sea , or to that same little island , called a sanctuary . but they came too late for the latter of these . therefore all they could doe , was to beset the sanctuary , and to maintaine a strong watch about it , till the kings pleasure were further knowne . as for the rest of the rebels , they ( beeing destituted of their head ) without stroke stricken , submitted themselues vnto the kings mercie . and the king , who commonly drew bloud ( as physitians doe ) rather to saue life than to spill it , and was neuer cruell when he was secure ; now he saw the danger was past , pardoned them all in the end , except some few desperate persons which hee reserued to bee executed , the better to set of his mercie towards the rest . there were also sent with all speede some horse to saint michaels mount in cornwall , where the ladie katherine gordon was left by her husband , whom in all fortunes shee entirely loued ; adding the vertues of a wife , to the vertues of her sexe . the king sent in the greater diligence , not knowing whether she might be with childe ; whereby the businesse would not haue ended in perkins person . when shee was brought to the king , it was commonly said , that the king receiued her not onely with compassion , but with affection ; pitie giuing more impression to her excellent beautie . wherefore comforting her ( to serue as well his eye , as his fame ) he sent her to his queene , to remaine with her ; giuing her very honourable allowance for the support of her estate : which shee enioyed both during the kings life , and many yeares after . the name of the white-rose ( which had beene giuen to her husbands false-title ) was continued in common speech to her true beautie . the king went forwards on his iourney , and made a ioyfull entrance into excester , where hee gaue the citizens great commendations and thankes : and taking the sword hee wore , from his side , he gaue it to the maior , and commanded it should bee euer after carried before him . there also hee caused to bee executed some of the ring-leaders of the cornish-men , in sacrifice to the citizens , whom they had putin feare , and trouble . at excester the king consulted with his councell , whether he should offer life to perkin , if hee would quit the sanctuarie , and voluntarily submit himselfe . the councell were diuided in opinion . some aduised the king to take him out of sanctuary perforce , and to put him to death , as in a case of necessity , which in it selfe dispenseth with consecrated places and things . wherein they doubted not also , but the king should find the pope tractable to ratifie his deed , either by declaration , or ( at least ) by indulgence . others were of opinion ( since all was now safe , and no further hurt could bee done ) that it was not worth the exposing of the king to new scandall and enuy. a third sort fell vpon the opinion that it was not possible for the king euer , either to satisfie the world well touching the imposture , or to learne out the bottome of the conspiracie , except by promise of life and pardon , and other faire meanes , hee should get perkin into his hands . but they did all in their preambles much bemone the kings case , with a kind of indignation at his fortune ; that a prince of his high wisedome and vertue , should haue beene so long , and so oft exercised and vexed with idols . but the king said ; that it was the vexation of god almightie himselfe , to be vexed with idols , and therefore that that was not to trouble any of his friends . and that for himselfe , hee alwayes despised them ; but was grieued that they had put his people to such trouble and misery . but ( in conclusion ) hee leaned to the third opinion , and so sent some to deale with perkin . who seeing himselfe prisoner , and destitute of all hopes , hauing tried princes and people , great and small , and found all either false , faint , or vnfortunate , did gladly accept of the condition . the king did also ( while hee was at excester ) appoint the lord darcie , and others , commissioners , for the fining of all such , as were of any value , and had any hand or partaking in the aide or comfort of perkin or the cornish-men , either in the field or in the flight . these commissioners proceeded with such strictnesse and seueritie , as did much obscure the kings mercie in sparing of bloud , with the bleeding of so much treasure . perkin was brought vnto the kings court , but not to the kings presence ; though the king ( to satisfie his curiositie ) saw him sometimes out of a window , or in passage . hee was in shew at libertie , but guarded with all care and watch that was possible , and willed to follow the king to london . but from his first appearance vpon the stage , in his new person of a sycophant or iugler , in stead of his former person of a prince , all men may thinke how he was exposed to the derision , not onely of the courtiers , but also of the common-people , who flocked about him as hee went along ; that one might know a farre off , where the owle was , by the flight of birdes . some mocking , some wondring , some cursing , some prying and picking matter out of his countenance and gesture , to talke of . so that the false honour and respects which hee had so long enioyed , was plentifully repaied in scorne and contempt . as soone as hee was come to london , the king gaue also the citie the solace of this may-game . for hee was conueighed leasurely on horse-backe ( but not in any ignominious fashion ) through cheape-side , and cornwall , to the tower ; and from thence backe againe vnto westminster , with the churme of a thousand taunts and reproches . but to amend the show , there followed a little distance of perkin , an inward councellour of his , one that had beene seruant farrier to the king. this fellow when perkin tooke sanctuarie , chose rather to take an holy-habit , than an holy-place , and clad him selfe like an hermite , and in that weede wandered about the countrie , till hee was discouered , and taken . but this man was bound hand and foote vpon the horse , and came not backe with perkin , but was left at the tower , and within few dayes after executed . soone after , now that perkin could tell better what himselfe was , he was diligently examined ; and after his confession taken , an extract was made of such parts of them , as were thought fit to be divulged , which was printed and dispersed abroad . wherein the king did himselfe no right . for as there was a laboured tale of particulars , of perkins father , and mother , and grandsire , and grand-mother , and unckles , and cosens , by names and sirnames , and from what places hee trauailed vp and downe ; so there was little or nothing to purpose of any thing concerning his designes , or any practises that had beene held with him ; nor the duchesse of burgundie her selfe ( that all the world did take knowledge of , as the person that had put life and beeing into the whole businesse ) so much as named or pointed at . so that men missing of that they looked for , looked about for they knew not what , and were in more doubt than before . but the king chose rather not to satisfie , than to kindle coales . at that time also it did not appeare by any new examinations or commitments , that any other person of qualitie was discouered or appeached , though the kings closenesse made that a doubt-dormant . about this time , a great fire in the night time sodainely began at the kings pallace of shyne , neare vnto the kings owne lodgings , whereby a great part of the building was consumed , with much costly houshold-stuffe ; which gaue the king occasion of building from the ground that fine pile of richmond , which is now standing . somewhat before this time also , there fell out a memorable accident . there was one sebastian gabato , a venetian , dwelling in bristow , a man seene and expert in cosmographie and nauigation . this man seeing the successe , and emulating perhaps the enterprise of christophervs colvmbvs in that fortunate discouerie towards the southwest , which had beene by him made some sixe yeares before ; conceited with himselfe , that lands might likewise bee discouered towards the northwest . and surely it may bee hee had more firme and pregnant coniectures of it , than colvmbvs had of this at the first . for the two great islands of the old and new world , beeing ( in the shape and making of them ) broad towards the north , and pointed towards the south ; it is likely , that the discouerie first beganne where the lands did nearest meet . and there had beene before that time a discouerie of some lands , which they tooke to bee islands , and were indeed the continent of america , towards the northwest . and it may bee , that some relation of this nature comming afterwards to the knowledge of colvmbvs , and by him suppressed , ( desirous rather to make his enterprise the child of his science and fortune , than the follower of a former discouerie ) did giue him better assurance , that all was not sea , from the west of europe and africke vnto asia , than either seneca's prophesie , or plato's antiquities , or the nature of the tides , and land-winds , and the like , which were the coniectures that were giuen out , whereupon hee should haue relyed . though i am not ignorant , that it was likewise laid vnto the casuall and wind-beaten discouerie ( a little before ) of a spanish pilot , who died in the house of colvmbvs . but this gabato bearing the king in hand , that hee would find out an island endued with rich commodities , procured him to man and victuall a ship at bristow , for the discouerie of that island , with whom ventured also three small shippes of london-merchants , fraught with some grosse and sleight wares , fit for commerce with barbarous people . hee sayled ( as hee affirmed at his returne , and made a card thereof ) very farre westwards , with a quarter of the north , on the north-side of tierra de labrador , vntill hee came to the latitude of sixtie seuen degrees and an halfe , finding the seas still open . it is certaine also , that the kings fortune had a tender of that great empire of the west-indies . neither was it a refusall on the kings part , but a delay by accident , that put by so great an acquest . for christophervs colvmbvs refused by the king of portugall ( who would not embrace at once both east and west ) imployed his brother bartholomevs colvmbvs vnto king henry , to negotiate for his discouerie . and it so fortuned , that hee was taken by pirats at sea , by which accidentall impediment hee was longere hee came to the king . so long , that before hee had obtained a capitulation with the king for his brother , the enterprise by him was atchieued , and so the west-indies by prouidence were then reserued for the crowne of castilia . yet this sharpned the king so , that not onely in this voyage , but againe in the sixteenth yeare of his raigne , and likewise in the eighteenth thereof , hee granted forth new commissions , for the discouerie and inuesting of vnknowne lands . in this fourteenth yeare also ( by gods wonderfull prouidence , that boweth things vnto his will , and hangeth great weights vpon small wyers ) there fell out a trifling and vntoward accident , that drew on great and happie effects . during the truce with scotland , there were certaine scottish young gentlemen , that came into norham towne , and there made merrie with some of the english of the towne . and hauing little to doe , went sometimes forth , and would stand looking vpon the castle . some of the garrison of the castle , obseruing this their doing twice or thrice and hauing not their minds purged of the late ill bloud of hostilitie , either suspected them , or quarrelled them for spies . whereupon they fell at ill words , and from words to blowes ; so that many were wounded of either side , and the scottish-men ( beeing strangers in the towne ) had the worst . in so much as some of them were slaine , and the rest made haste home . the matter beeing complained on , and often debated before the wardens of the marches of both sides , and no good order taken , the king of scotland tooke it to himselfe , and beeing much kindled , sent a herald to the king to make protestation , that if reparation were not done , according to the conditions of the truce , his king did denounce warre . the king ( who had often tryed fortune , and was inclined to peace ) made answer ; that what had been done , was vtterly against his will , and without his priuitie . but if the garrison-souldiers had been in fault , he would see them punished , and the truce in all points to bee preserued . but this answer seemed to the scottish king but a delay , to make the complaint breathe out with time ; and therefore it did rather exasperate him , than satisfie him . bishop fox , vnderstanding from the king , that the scottish king was still discontent and impatient , beeing troubled that the occasion of breaking of the truce should grow from his men , sent many humble and deprecatorie letters to the scottish king to appease him . whereupon king iames , mollified by the bishops submisse and eloquent letters , wrote back vnto him ; that though he were in part moued by his letters , yet he should not bee fully satisfied , except hee spake with him ; as well about the compounding of the present differences , as about other matters , that might concerne the good of both kingdomes . the bishop aduising first with the king , tooke his iourney for scotland . the meeting was at melrosse , an abbey of the cestersians , where the king then abode . the king first roundly vttered vnto the bishop his offence conceiued for the insolent breach of truce , by his men of norham castle . whereunto bishop fox made such an humble and smooth answer , as it was like oyle into the wound , whereby it began to heale . and this was done in the presence of the king and his councell . after , the king spake with the bishop apart , and opened himselfe vnto him , saying ; that these temporarie truces and peaces were soone made , and soone broken : but that hee desired a straiter amitie with the king of england , discouering his mind ; that if the king would giue him in mariage , the ladie margaret , his eldest daughter , that indeede might bee a knot indissoluble . that hee knew well what place and authoritie the bishop deseruedly had with his master . therefore , if hee would take the businesse to heart , and deale in it effectually , hee doubted not but it would succeed well . the bishop answered soberly , that hee thought himselfe rather happie , than worthy , to bee an instrument in such a matter ; but would doe his best endeauour . wherefore the bishop returning to the king , and giuing account what had passed , and finding the king more than well disposed in it , gaue the king aduice ; first to proceed to a conclusion of peace , and then to goe on with the treatie of marriage , by degrees . hereupon a peace was concluded , which was published a little before christmasse , in the fourteenth yeare of the kings raigne , to continue for both the kings liues , and the ouer-liuer of them , and a yeare after . in this peace there was an article contained , that no english-man should enter into scotland , and no scottish-man into england , without letters commendatorie from the kings of eyther nation . this at the first sight might seeme a meanes to continue a strangenesse betweene the nations ; but it was done , to locke in the borderers . this yeare there was also borne to the king a third sonne , who was christned by the name of edmvnd , and shortly after dyed . and much about the same time came newes of the death of charles the french-king ; for whom there were celebrated solemne and princely obsequies . it was not long , but perkin ( who was made of quick-siluer , which is hard to hold or imprison ) began to stirre . for deceiuing his keepers , hee tooke him to his heeles , and made speede to the sea-coasts . but presently all corners were laid for him , and such diligent pursuit and search made , as hee was faine to turne backe , and get him to the house of bethleem , called the priorie of shyne , ( which had the priuiledge of sanctuarie ) and put himselfe into the hands of the prior of that monasterie . the prior was thought an holy man , and much reuerenced in those dayes . hee came to the king , and besought the king for perkins life only , leauing him otherwise to the kings discretion . many about the king were againe more hot than euer , to haue the king to take him forth , and hang him . but the king ( that had an high stomacke , and could not hato any that hee despised ) bid , take him forth , and set the knaue in the sockes . and so promising the prior his life , hee caused him to bee brought forth . and within two or three daies after , vpon a scaffold , set vp in the palace-court at westminster , he was fettered and set in the stockes , for the whole day . and the next day after , the like was done by him at the crosse in cheape-side , and in both places he read his confession , of which we made mention before ; and was from cheap-side conueighed and layed vp in the tower. notwithstanding all this , the king was ( as was partly touched before ) growne to be such a partner with fortune , as no body could tell what actions the one , and what the other owned . for it was beleeued generally , that perkin was betrayed , and that this escape was not without the kings priuitie , who had him all the time of his flight in a line ; and that the king did this , to picke a quarrell to him to put him to death , and to be ridde of him at once . but this is not probable . for that the same instruments who obserued him in his flight , might haue kept him from getting into sanctuary . but it was ordained , that this winding-iuie of a plantagenet , should kill the true tree it selfe . for perkin , after hee had beene a while in the tower , began to insinuate himselfe into the fauour and kindnesse of his keepers , seruants to the lieutenant of the tower , sir iohn digbie , being foure in number ; strangvvaies , blevvet , astvvood , and long-roger . these varlets , with mountaines of promises , hee sought to corrupt , to obtaine his escape . but knowing well , that his owne fortunes were made so contemptible , as hee could feede no mans hopes ( and by hopes hee must worke , for rewards he had none ) he had contriued with himselfe a vast and tragicall plot ; which was , to draw into his companie edvvard plantagenet earle of warwicke , then prisoner in the tower ; whom the wearie life of a long imprisonment , and the often and renewing feares of being put to death , had softned to take any impression of councell for his libertie . this young prince hee thought these seruants would looke vpon , though not vpon himselfe . and therefore after that by some message by one or two of them , hee had tasted of the earles consent ; it was agreed , that these foure should murder their master the lieutenant , secretly in the night , and make their best of such money and portable goods of his , as they should finde readie at hand , and get the keyes of the tower , and presently let forth perkin and the earle . but this conspiracie was reuealed in time , before it could bee executed . and in this againe the opinion of the kings great wisedome did surcharge him with a sinister fame , that perkin was but his bait , to entrap the earle of warwicke . and in the very instant while this conspiracy was in working ( as if that also had been the kings industrie ) it was fatall , that there should breake forth a connuerfeit earle of warwicke , a cordwainers sonne , whose name was ralph wilford ; a young man , taught and set on by an augustine friar , called patricke . they both from the parts of suffolke , came forwards into kent , where they did not onely priuily and vnderhand giue out , that this wilford was the true earle of warwicke , but also the friar finding some light credence in the people , tooke the boldnesse in the pulpit to declare as much , and to incite the people to come in to his aide . whereupon they were both presently apprehended , and the young fellow executed , and the friar condemned to perpetuall imprisonment . this also hapning so opportunely , to represent the danger to the kings estate , from the earle of warwicke , and thereby to colour the kings seueritie that followed ; together with the madnesse of the friar , so vainely and desperately to divulge a treason , before it had gotten any manner of strength ; and the sauing of the friars life , which neuerthelesse was ( indeed ) but the priuiledge of his order ; and the pitie in the common people ( which if it runne in a strong streame , doth euer cast vp scandal and enuie ) made it generally rather talked , than belieued , that all was but the kings deuice . but howsoeuer it were , hereupon perkin ( that had offended against grace now the third time ) was at the last proceeded with , and by commissioners of oyer and determiner , arraigned at westminster , vpon diuers treasons committed and perpetrated after his comming on land within this kingdome ( for so the iudges aduised , for that he was a forreiner ) and condemned , and a few dayes after executed at tiburne . where hee did againe openly read his comfession , and take it vpon his death to bee true . this was the end of this little cockatrice of a king , that was able to destroy those that did not espie him first . it was one of the longest playes of that kind , that hath beene in memorie ; and might perhaps haue had another end , if hee had not met with a king both wise , stout , and fortunate . as for perkins three councellors , they had registred themselues sanctuarie-men when their master did . and whether vpon pardon obtained , or continuance within the priuiledge , they came not to bee proceeded with . there was executed with perkin the maior of corke , and his sonne , who had beene principall abettors of his treasons . and soone after were likewise condemned eight other persons , about the tower-conspiracie , whereof foure were the lieutenants men . but of those eight but two were executed . and immediatly after was arraigned before the earle of oxford ( then for the time high-steward of england ) the poore prince the earle of warwicke ; not for the attempt to escape simply ( for that was not acted ; and besides , the imprisonment not beeing for treason , the escape by law could not bee treason ) but for conspiring with perkin to raise sedition , and to destroy the king. and the earle confessing the inditement had iudgement , and was shortly after beheaded on tower-hill . this was also the end not onely of this noble and commiserable person edvvard the earle of warwicke , eldest sonne to the duke of clarence , but likewise of the line-male of the plantagenets , which had flourished in great royaltie and renowne , from the time of the famous king of england king henrie the second . howbeit it was a race often dipped in their owne bloud . it hath remained since onely transplanted into other names , as well of the imperiall line , as of other noble houses . but it was neither guilt of crime , nor reason of state , that could quench the enuie that was vpon the king for this execution . so that hee thought good to export it out of the land , and to lay it vpon his new allie ferdinando king of spaine . for these two kings vnderstanding one another at halfe a word , so it was that there were letters shewed out of spaine , whereby in the passages concerning the treatie of the marriage , ferdinando had written to the king in plaine termes , that hee saw no assurance of his succession , as long as the earle of warwicke liued ; and that hee was loth to send his daughter to troubles and dangers . but hereby , as the king did in some part remoue the enuie from himselfe ; so hee did not obserue , that hee did withall bring a kind of malediction and infausting vpon the marriage , as an ill prognosticke . which in euent so farre proued true , as both prince arthvr enioyed a verie small time after the marriage , and the ladie katherine , her selfe ( a sad and a religious woman ) long after , when king henrie the eight his resolution of a diuorce from her was first made knowne to her , vsed some words ; that shee had not offended : but it was a iudgment of god , for that her former marriage was made in bloud ; meaning that of the erale of warwicke this fifteenth yeare of the king there was a great plague , both in london and in diuers parts of the kingdome . wherefore the king after often change of places ( whether to auoide the danger of the sickenesse or to giue occasion of an enteruiew with the arch-duke , or both ) sayled ouer with his queene to calice . vpon his comming thither , the arch-duke sent an honourable ambassage vnto him , aswell to welcome him into those parts , as to let him know , that ( if it pleased him ) hee would come and doe him reuerence . but it was said withall ; that the king might bee pleased to appoint some place , that were out of any walled towne or fortresse , for that hee had denied the same vpon like occasion to the french king . and though hee said , he made a great difference betweene the two kings , yet hee would bee loth to giue a president , that might make it after to bee expected at his hands , by another whom hee trusted lesse . the king accepted of the courtesie , and admitted of his excuse , and appointed the place to be at saint peters church without calice . but withall hee did visit the arch-duke with ambassadors sent from himselfe , which were the lord saint iohn , and the secretarie ; vnto whom the arch-duke did the honour , as ( going to masse at saint omers ) to set the lord saint iohn on his right hand , and the secretarie on his left , and so to ride betweene them to church the day appointed for the enteruiew , the king went on horse backe some distance from saint peters church , to receiue the arch-duke . and vpon their approaching , the arch-duke made hast to light , and offered to hold the kings stirrope at his alighting ; which the king would not permit , but descending from horse backe , they embraced with great affection , and withdrawing into the church to a place prepared , they had long conference , not onely vpon the confirmation of former treaties , and the freeing of commerce , but vpon crosse marriages , to bee had betweene the duke of yorke the kings second sonne , and the arch-dukes daughter ; and againe betweene charles the arch-dukes sonne and heire , and marie the kings second daughter . but these blossoms of vnripe marriages , were but friendly wishes , & the aires of louing entertainement ; though one of them came afterwards to conclusion in treatie , though not in effect . but during the time that the two princes conuersed and communed together in the suburbs of calice , the demonstrations on both sides were passing heartie and affectionate , especially on the part of the arch-duke . who ( besides that hee was a prince of an excellent good nature ) beeing conscious to himselfe , how driely the king had beene vsed by his councell in the matter of perkin , did striue by all meanes to recouer it in the kings affection . and hauing also his eares continually beaten with the councels of his father and father-in-law , who ( in respect of their iealous hatred against the french king ) did alwayes aduise the arch-duke to anchor himselfe vpon the amitie of king henry of england ; was glad vpon this occasion , to put in vre and practice their precepts , calling the king patron , and father , and protector , ( these very words the king repeates ; when he certified of the louing behauiour of the arch-duke to the citie ) and what else hee could deuise , to expresse his loue and obseruance to the king. there came also to the king the gouernour of picardie , and the bailiffe of amiens , sent from lewis the french king to doe him honour , and to giue him knowledge of his victorie and winning of the duchie of millan . it seemeth the king was well pleased with the honours hee receiued from those parts , while hee was at calice . for hee did himselfe certifie all the newes and occurrents of them in euerie particular , from calice , to the maior and aldermen of london , which ( no doubt ) made no small talke in the citie . for the king , though hee could not entertaine the good will of the citizens , as edvvard the fourth did ; yet by affabilitie and other princely graces , did euer make very much of them , and apply himselfe to them . this yeare also did iohn morton , arch-bishop of canterburie , chancellor of england , and cardinall . he was a wise man , and an eloquent , but in his nature harsh , and haughtie ; much accepted by the king , but enuied by the nobilitie , and hated of the people . neither was his name left out of perkins proclamation for any good will , but they would not bring him in amongst the kings casting-counters , because hee had the image and superscription vpon him of the pope , in his honour of cardinall . hee wanne the king with secrecie and diligence , but chiefly because hee was his olde seruant in his lesse fortunes : and also for that ( in his affections ) hee was not without an inueterate malice against the house of yorke , vnder whom hee had beene in trouble . he was willing also to take enuie from the king , more than the king was willing to put vpon him . for the king cared not for subterfuges , but would stand enuy , and appeare in any thing that was to his mind ; which made enuie still grow vpon him more vniuersall , but lesse daring . but in the matter of exactions , time did after shew , that the bishop in feeding the kings humour , did rather temper it . he had beene by richard the third committed ( as in custody ) to the duke of buckingham , whom hee did secretly incite to reuolt from king richard . but after the duke was engaged , and thought the bishop should haue beene his chiefe pilot in the tempest , the bishop was gotten into the cocke-boat , and fled ouer beyond seas . but whatsoeuer else was in the man , hee deserueth a most happie memorie , in that hee was the principall meane of ioyning the two roses . hee died of great yeares , but of strong health and powers . the next yeare , which was the sixteenth yeare of the king , and the yeare of our lord one thousand fiue hundred , was the yeare of iubile at rome . but pope alexander , to saue the hazzard and charges of mens iourneys to rome , thought good to make ouer those graces by exchange , to such as would pay a conuenient rate , seeing they could not come to fetch them . for which purpose was sent into england iasper pons , a spaniard , the popes commissioner , better chosen than were the commissioners of pope leo , afterwards imployed for germanie ; for hee carried the businesse with great wisedome , and semblance of holinesse . in so much as hee leuied great summes of money within this land to the popes vse , with little or no scandall . it was thought the king shared in the money . but it appeareth by a letter which cardinall adrian , the kings pensioner , wrote to the king from rome some few yeares after , that this was not so . for this cardinall , beeing to perswade pope ivlivs on the kings behalfe , to expedite the bull of dispensation for the marriage betweene prince henrie and the ladie katherine , finding the pope difficile in granting thereof , doth vse it as a principall argument concerning the kings merit towards that sea , that hee had touched none of those deniers , which had beene leuied by pons in england . but that it might the better appeare ( for the satisfaction of the common people ) that this was consecrate money , the same nuntio brought vnto the king a briefe from the pope ; wherein the king was exhorted and summoned to come in person against the turke . for that the pope ( out of the care of an uniuersall father ) seeing almost vnder his eyes the successes and progresses of that great enemie of the faith , had had in the conclane , and with the assistance of the ambassadours of forraine princes , diuers consultations about an holy warre , and a generall expedition of christian princes against the turke . wherein it was agreed , and thought fit , that the hungarians , polonians , and ●●●●nians should make a warre vpon thracid ; the french and spaniards vpon grecia ; and that the pope ( willing to sacrifice himselfe in so good a cause ) in person and in companie of the king of england , the venetians , and such other states as were great in maritime power , would saile with a puissant nauie through the mediterrane vnto constantinople . and that to this end , his holinesse had sent nuncio's to all christian princes ; aswell for a cessation of all quarrels and differences amongst themselues , as for speedie preparations and contributions of forces and treasure for this sacred enterprize . to this the king , ( who vnderstood well the court of rome ) made an answer rather solemne , than serious . signifying , that no prince on earth should bee more forward and obedient , both by his person , and by all his possible forces , and fortunes , to enter into this sacred vvarre , than himselfe . but that the distance of place was such , as no forces that hee should raise for the seas , could be leuied or prepared , but with double the charge , and double the time ( at the least ) that they might be from the other princes , that had their territories nearer adioyning . besides , that neither the manner of his ships ( hauing no gallies ) nor the experience of his pilots and mariners could bee so apt for those seas , as theirs . and therefore that his holinesse might doe well , to mooue one of those other kings , who lay fitter for the purpose , to accompany him by sea. whereby both all things would be sooner put in readinesse , and with lesse charge , and the emulation and diuision of command , which might growe betweene those kings of france and spaine , if they should both ioyne in the vvarre by land vpon grecia , might bee wisely auoyded . and that for his part , hee would not bee wanting in aydes and contribution . yet notwithstanding , if both these kings should refuse , rather than his holinesse should goe alone , hee would waite vpon him , as soone as hee could bee readie . alwaies prouided , that hee might first see all differences of the christian princes amongst themselues , fully laide downe and appeased ( as for his owne part hee was in none . ) and that hee might haue some good townes vpon the coast in italie put into his hands , for the retrait and safeguard of his men. with this answer iasper pons returned , nothing at all discontented . and yet this declaration of the king ( as superficiall as it was ) gaue him that reputation abroad , as hee was not long after elected by the knights of the rhodes , protector of their order ; all things multiplying to honour in a prince , that had gotten such high estimation for his wisedome and sufficiencie . there were these two last yeares some proceedings against her etiques , which was rare in this kings reigne , and rather by penances , than by fire . the king had ( though hee were no good schooleman ) the honour to conuert one of them by dispute at canterburie . this yeare also , though the king were no more haunted with sprites , for that by the sprinckling partly of bloud , and partly of water , hee had chased them away ; yet neuerthelesse hee had certaine apparitions , that troubled him , still shewing themselues from one region , which was the house of yorke . it came so to passe , that the earle of suffolke , sonne to elizabeth , eldest sister to king edvvard the fourth , by iohn duke of suffolke , her second husband , and brother to iohn earle of lincolne , that was slaine at stocke-field , being of an hastie and cholericke disposition , had killed a man in his furie ; whereupon the king gaue him his pardon . but either willing to leaue a cloud vpon him , or the better to make him feele his grace , produced him openly to plead his pardon . this wrought in the earle , as in a haughtie stomacke it vseth to doe ; for the ignominie printed deeper than the grace . wherefore hee beeing discontent , fled secretly into flanders , vnto his aunt the duchesse of burgundie . the king startled at it . but being taught by troubles , to vse fare and timely remedies , wrought so with him by messages , ( the ladie margaret also growing by often failing in her alchymie , wearie of her experiments , and partly being a little sweetned , for that the king had not touched her name in the confession of perkin ) that hee came ouer againe vpon good termes , and was reconciled to the king . in the beginning of the next yeare , beeing the seuenteenth of the king , the ladie katherine , fourth daughter of ferdinando and isabella , king and queene of spaine , arriued in england , at plimouth , the second of october and was married to prince arthvr in pavles , the foureteenth of nouember following . the prince being then about fifteene yeares of age , and the ladie about eighteene . the manner of her receiuing , the manner of her entrie into london , and the celebritie of the marriage were performed with great and true magnificence , in regard of cost , shew , and order . the chiefe man that tooke the care was bishop fox ; who was not onely a graue councellor for warre or peace , but also a good surueyour of workes , and a good master of ceremonies , and any thing else that was fit for the actiue part , belonging to the seruice of court , or state of a great king. this marriage was almost seuen yeares in treatie ; which was in part caused by the tender yeares of the marriage-couple , especially of the prince . but the true reason was , that these two princes , being princes of great policie and profound iudgement , stood a great time looking one vpon anothers fortunes , how they would goe ; knowing well that in the meane time , the verie treatie it selfe gaue abroad in the world a reputation of a straite coniunction , and amitie betweene them ; which serued on both sides to many purposes , that their seuerall affaires required , and yet they continued still free . but in the end when the fortunes of both the princes did grow euerie day more and more prosperous and assured , and that looking all about them , they saw no better conditions , they shut it vp . the marriage monie the princesse brought ( which was turned ouer to the king by act of renunciation ) was two hundred thousand ducats whereof one hundred thousand were payable ten dayes after the solemnization , and the other hundred thousand at two payments annuall ; but part of it to bee in iewels and plate , and a due course set downe to haue them iustly and indifferently prized . the ioynture or aduancement of the lady , was the third part of the principality of wales , and of the dukedome of cornewall , and of the earledome of chester ; to be after set forth in seueraltie . and in case shee came to bee queeene of england , her aduancement was left indefinite , but thus ; that it should bee as great , as euer any former queene of england had . in all the deuises and conceits of the triumphs of this marriage , there was a great deale of astronomie . the ladie beeing resembled to hespervs , and the prince to arctvrvs , and the old king alphonsvs ( that was the greatest astronomer of kings , and was ancestor to the ladie ) was brought in to bee the fortune-teller of the match . and whosoeuer had those toyes in compiling , they were not altogether pedanticall . but you may bee sure that king arthvr , the britton , and the descent of the ladie katherine from the house of lancaster , was in no wise forgotten . but ( as it should seem ) it is not good to fetch fortunes from the starres . for this young prince ( that drew vpon him at that time , not onely the hopes and affections of his countrie , but the eyes and expectation of forreiners ) after a few moneths , in the beginning of aprill , deceased at ludlow castle , where he was sent to keepe his resiance and court , as prince of wales . of this prince , in respect hee died so young , and by reason of his fathers manner of education , that did cast no great lustre vpon his children , there is little particular memorie . onely thus much remaineth , that hee was very studious and learned , beyond his yeares , and beyond the custome of great princes . there was a doubt ripped vp in the times following , when the diuorce of king henrie the eighth from the ladie katherine did so much busie the world , whether arthvr was bedded with his ladie or no , whereby that matter in fact ( of carnall knowledge ) might bee made part of the case . and it is true , that the ladie her selfe denied it , or atleast her counsell stood vpon it , and would not blaunch that aduantage , although the plenitude of the popes power of dispensing was the maine question . and this doubt was kept long open , in respect of the two queenes that succeeded marie and elizabeth , whose legitimations were incompatible one with another , though their succession was settled by act of parliament . and the times that fauoured queene maries legitimation would haue it beleeued , that there was no carnall knowledge betweene arthvr and katherine . not that they would seeme to derogate from the popes absolute power , to dispence euen in that case ; but onely in point of honour , and to make the case more fauourable and smooth . and the times that fauoured queene elizabeths legitimation ( which were the longer , and the latter ) maintained the contrarie . so much there remayneth in memorie , that it was halfe a yeares time betweene the creation of henry prince of wales , and prince arthvrs death ; which was construed to bee , for to expect a full time , whereby it might appeare , whether the ladie katherine were with child by prince arthvr , or no. againe , the ladie her selfe procured a bull , for the better corroboration of the marriage , with a clause of ( vel forsan cognitam ) which was not in the first bull. there was giuen in euidence also , when the cause of the diuorce was handled , a pleasant passage , which was ; that in a morning prince arthvr , vpon his vp-rising from bed with her , called for drinke , which hee was not accustomed to doe , and finding the gentleman of his chamber that brought him the drinke to smile at it , and to note it , hee said merrily to him ; that hee had been in the middest of spaine , which was an hot region , and his iourney had made him drie , and that if the other had beene in so hot a clime , hee would haue been drier than hee . besides , the prince was vpon the point of sixteene yeares of age when hee died , and forward , and able in bodie . the februarie following , henry duke of yorke was created prince of wales , and earle of chester and flint . for the dukedome of cornewall deuolued to him by statute . the king also beeing fast handed , and loath to part with a second dowrie , but chiefly being affectionate both by his nature , and out of politicke considerations to continue the alliance with spaine , preuailed with the prince ( though not without some reluctation , such as could bee in those yeares , for hee was not twelue yeares of age ) to bee contracted with the princesse katherine . the secret prouidence of god ordaining that marriage , to bee the occasion of great euents and changes . the same yeare were the espousals of iames king of scotland , with the ladie margaret , the kings eldest daughter ; which was done by proxie , and published at pavles crosse , the fiue and twentieth of ianuarie , and te deum solemnly sung . but certaine it is , that the ioy of the citie thereupon shewed , by ringing of bells , and bon-fires , and such other incence of the people , was more than could be expected , in a case of so great and fresh enmitie betweene the nations ; especially in london , which was farre enough off from feeling any of the former calamities of the warre . and therefore might bee truely attributed to a secret instinct and inspiring ( which many times runneth not onely in the hearts of princes , but in the pulse and veines of people ) touching the happinesse thereby to ensue in time to come . this marriage was in august following consummate at edenborough . the king bringing his daughter as farre as colli-weston on the way , and then consigning her to the attendance of the earle of northumberland ; who with a great troupe of lords and ladies of honour , brought her into scotland , to the king her husband . this marriage had beene in treatie by the space of almost three yeares , from the time that the king of scotland did first open his mind to bishop fox . the summe giuen in marriage by the king , was ten thousand pounds . and the iointure and aduancement assured by the king of scotland , was two thousand pounds a yeare , after king iames his death , and one thousand pounds a yeare in present , for the ladies allowance or maintenance . this to be set forth in lands , of the best and most certaine reuenue . during the treatie , it is reported , that the king remitted the matter to his counsell ; and that some of the table in the freedome of counsellors ( the king beeing present ) did put the case ; that if god should take the kings two sonnes without issue , that then the kingdome of england would fall to the king of scotland , which might preiudice the monarchie of england . whereunto the king himselfe replied ; that if that should bee , scotland would bee but an accession to england , and not england to scotland , for that the greater would draw the lesse . and that it was a safer vnion for england , than that of france . this passed as an oracle , and silenced those that moued the question . the same yeare was fatall , as well for deaths , as marriages , and that with equall temper . for the ioyes and feasts of the two marriages , were compensed with the mournings , and funerals of prince arthvr ( of whom wee haue spoken ) and of queene elizabeth , who died in child-bed in the tower , and the child liued not long after . there dyed also that yeare sir reginold bray , who was noted to haue had with the king the greatest freedome of any counsellor ; but it was but a freedome , the better to set off flatterie . yet hee bare more than his iust part of enuie , for the exactions . at this time the kings estate was verie prosperous , secured by the amitie of scotland , strengthened by that of spaine , cherished by that of burgundie , all domesticke troubles quenched , and all noyse of warre ( like a thunder afarre off ) going vpon italie . wherefore nature , which many times is happily contayned , and refrained by some bands of fortune , beganne to take place in the king ; carrying ( as with a strong tide ) his affections and thoughts vnto the gathering and heaping vp of treasure . and as kings doe more easily find instruments for their will and humour , than for their seruice and honour ; hee had gotten for his purpose , or beyond his purpose , two instruments , empson and dvdley , ( whom the people esteemed as his horse-leeches and shearers ) bold men , and carelesse of fame , and that tooke toll of their masters grist . dvdley was of a good family , eloquent , and one that could put hatefull businesse into good language . but empson , that was the sonne of a sieue-maker , triumphed alwayes vpon the deede done , putting off all other respects whatsoeuer . these two persons beeing lawyers in science , and priuie councellors in authoritie ( as the corruption of the best things is the worst ) turned law and iustice into worme-wood and rapine . for first , their manner was to cause diuers subiects to bee indicted of sundrie crimes , and so farre forth to proceed in forme of law ; but when the bils were found , then presently to commit them . and neuerthelesse not to produce them to any reasonable time to their answer , but to suffer them to languish long in prison , and by sundrie artificiall deuices and terrours , to extort from them great fines and ransomes , which they termed compositions and mitigations . neither did they ( towards the end ) obserue so much as the halfe-face of iustice , in proceeding by indictment ; but sent forth their precepts to attache men , and conuent them before themselues and some others , at their priuate houses , in a court of commission , and there vsed to shuffle vp a summarie proceeding by examination , without tryall of iurie ; assuming to themselues there , to deale both in pleas of the crowne , and controuersies ciuill . then did they also vse to enthrall and charge the subiects lands with tenures in capite , by finding false offices , and thereby to worke vpon them for ward-ships , liueries , primier seisines , and alienations , ( being the fruites of those tenures ) refusing vpon diuers pretexts and delayes , to admit men to trauerse those false offices , according to the law. nay , the kings wards after they had accomplished their full age , could not bee suffered to haue liuerie of their lands , without paying excessiue fines , farre exceeding all reasonable rates . they did also vexe men with informations of intrusion vpon scarce colourable titles . vvhen men were out-lawed in personall actions , they would not permit them to purchase their charters of pardon , except they paid great and intolerable summes ; standing vpon the strict point of law , which vpon out-lawries giueth forfeiture of goods . nay , contrarie to all law and colour , they maintained , the king ought to haue the halfe of mens lands and rents , during the space of full two yeares , for a paine in case of out-lawrie . they would also ruffle with iurors , and inforce them to finde as they would direct , and ( if they did not ) conuent them , imprison them , and fine them . these and many other courses , fitter to be buried than repeated , they had of preying vpon the people ; both like tame hawkes for their master , and like wild hawkes for themselues ; in so much as they grew to great riches and substance . but their principall working was vpon penall lawes , wherein they spared none , great nor small ; nor considered whether the law were possible , or impossible , in vse or obsolete . but raked ouer all old and new statutes , though many of them were made with intention rather of terrour , than of rigour ; hauing euer a rabble of promoters , questmongers , and leading iurors at their command , so as they could haue any thing found either for fact , or valuation . there remayneth to this day a report , that the king was on a time entertained by the earle of oxford ( that was his principall seruant , both for warre and peace ) nobly and sumptuously , at his castle at henningham . and at the kings going away , the earles seruants stood ( in a seemely manner ) in their liuerie coats , with cognisances , ranged on both sides , and made the king a lane. the king called the earle to him , and said ; my lord , i have heard much of your hospitalitie , but i see it is greater than the speech . these handsome gentlemen and teomen , which i see on both sides of me , are sure your meniall seruants . the earle smiled , and said ; it may please your grace , that were not for mine ease . they are most of them my retainers , that are come to doe me seruice at such a time as this , and chiefly to see your grace . the king started a little , and said ; by my faith ( my lord ) i thanke you for my good cheare , but i may not endure to haue my lawes broken in my sight . my atturney must speake with you . and it is part of the report , that the earle compounded for no lesse than fifteene thousand markes . and to shew further the kings extreme diligence ; i doe remember to haue seene long since a booke of accompt of empsons , that had the kings hand almost to euery leafe , by way of signing , and was in some places postilled in the margent with the kings hand likewise , where was this remembrance . item , receiued of such a one , fiue markes , for the pardon to be procured ; and if the pardon doe not passe , the monie to bee repaied ; except the partie bee some other-wayes satisfied . and ouer against this memorandum ( of the kings owne hand ) otherwise satisfied . which i doe the rather mention , because it shewes in the king a nearenesse , but yet with a kind of iustnesse . so these little sands and graines of gold and siluer ( as it seemeth ) helped not a little to make vp the great heape and banke . but meanewhile ( to keepe the king awake ) the earle of suffolke hauing beene too gay at prince arthvrs marriage , and sunke himselfe deepe in debt , had yet once more a mind to bee a knight-errant , and to seeke aduentures in forraine parts . and taking his brother with him , fled againe into flanders . that ( no doubt ) which gaue him confidence , was the great murmur of the people against the kings gouernement . and beeing a man of a light and rash spirit , he thought euerie vapour would bee a tempest . neither wanted hee some partie within the kingdome . for the murmur of people awakes the discontents of nobles , and againe , that calleth vp commonly some head of sedition . the king resorting to his wonted and tried arts , caused sir robert cvrson , captaine of the castle at hammes ( beeing at that time beyond sea , and therefore lesse likely to bee wrought vpon by the king ) to flie from his charge , and to faine himselfe a seruant of the earles . this knight , hauing insinuated himselfe into the secrets of the earle , and finding by him vpon whom chiefly hee had either hope or hold , aduertised the king thereof in great secrecie . but neuerthelesse maintained his owne credit and inward trust with the earle . vpon whose aduertisements , the king attached william covrtney , earle of deuonshire , his brother-in-law , married to the ladie katherine , daughter to king edvvard the fourth ; william de-la-pole , brother to the earle of suffolke ; sir iames tirrel , and sir iohn windham , and some other meaner persons , and committed them to custodie . george , lord abergavennie , and sir thomas greene , were at the same time apprehended ; but as vpon lesse suspition , so in a freer restraint , and were soone after deliuered . the earle of deuonshire , being interessed in the bloud of yorke , that was rather feared than nocent ; yet as one , that might bee the obiect of others plots and designes , remained prisoner in the tower , during the kings life . williaam de-la-pole , was also long restrained , though not so straitly . but for sir iames tirrel ( against whom the bloud of rhe innocent princes , edvvard the fifth , and his brother , did still crie from vnder the altar ) and sir iohn windham , and the other meaner ones , they were attainted and executed ; the two knights beheaded . neuerthelesse , to confirme the credit of cvrson ( who belike had not yet done all his feates of actiuitie ) there was published at pavles crosse , about the time of the said executions , the popes bull of excommunication and curse , against the earle of suffolke , and sir robert cvrson , & some others by name , and likewise in generall against all the abettors of the said earle . wherein it must be confessed , that heauen was made too much to bow to earth , and religion to policie . but soone after , cvrson ( when hee saw time ) returned into england , and withall into wonted fauour with the king , but worse fame with the people . vpon whose returne the earle was much dismayed , and seeing himselfe destitute of hopes ( the ladie margaret also by tract of time , and bad successe , being now become coole in those attempts ) after some wandering in france , and germanie , and certaine little proiects , no better than squibbs of an exiled man , being tired out , retired againe into the protection of the arch-duke philip in flanders , who by the death of isabella was at that time king of castile , in the right of ioan his wife . this yeare ( beeing the nineteenth of his raigne ) the king called his parliament . wherein a man may easily guesse , how absolute the king tooke himselfe to bee with his parliament , when dvdley that was so hatefull , was made speaker of the house of commons . in this parliament , there were not made any statutes memorable , touching publike gouernement . but those that were , had still the stampe of the kings wisedome and policie . there was a statute made for the disanulling of all patents of lease , or grant , to such as came not vpon lawfull summons , to serue the king in his warres , against the enemies or rebels , or that should depart without the kings license ; with an exception of certaine persons of the long-robe . prouiding neuerthelesse , that they should haue the kings wages , from their house , till their returne home againe . there had beene the like made before for offices , and by thin statute it was extended to lands . but a man may easily see by many statutes made in this kings time , that the king thought it safest , to assist martiall law , by law of parliament . another statute was made , prohibiting the bringing in of manufactures of silke wrought by it selfe , or mixt with any other threed . but it was not of stuffes of whole piece ( for that the realme had of them no manufacture in vse at that time ) but of knit-silke , or texture of silke ; as ribbands , laces , caules , points , and girdles , &c. which the people of england could then well skill to make . this law pointed at a true principle ; that where forraine materials are but superfluities , forraine manufactures should bee prohibited . for that will either banish the superfluitie , or gaine the manufacture . there was a law also of resumption of patents of gaoles , and the reannexing of them to the sherifwicks ; priuiledged officers beeing no lesse an interruption of iustice , than priuiledged places . there was likewise a law to restraine the by-lawes or ordinances of corporations , which many times were against the prerogatiue of the king , the common-law of the realme , and the libertie of the subiect , beeing fraternities in euill . it was therefore prouided , that they should not bee put in execution , without the allowance of the chancellor , treasurer , and the two chiefe-iustices , or three of them , or of the two iustices of circuit where the corporation was . another law was ( in effect ) to bring in the siluer of the realme to the mint , in making all clipped , minished , or impayred coines of siluer , not to bee currant in payments ; without giuing any remedie of weight , but with an exception onely of a reasonable wearing , which was as nothing in respect of the incertaintie ; and so ( vpon the matter ) to set the mint on worke , and to giue way to new coines of siluer , which should bee then minted . there likwise was a long statute against vagabonds , wherein two things may bee noted ; the one the dislike the parliament had of gaoling of them , as that which was chargeable , pesterous , and of no open example . the other , that in the statutes of this kings time , ( for this of the nineteenth yeare is not the onely statute of that kind ) there are euer coupled , the punishment of uagabonds , and the forbidding of dice , and cards , and vnlawfull games vnto seruants and meane people , and the putting downe and suppressing of ale-houses , as strings of one roote together , and as if the one were vnprofitable , without the other . as for riot and retainers , there passed scarce any parliament in this time without a law against them , the king euer hauing an eye to might , and multitude . there was granted also that parliamemt a subsidie , both for the temporaltie and the clergie . and yet neuerthelesse , ere the yeare expired , there went out commissions for a generall beneuolence , though there were no warres ; no feares . the same yeare the citty gaue fiue thousand markes , for confirmation of their liberties ; a thing fitter for the beginnings of kings raignes , than the latter ends. neither was it a small matter , that the mint gained vpon the late statute , by the recoinage of groats and halfe-groats , now twelue-pences and six-pences . as for empson and dvdley's mills , they did grinde more than euer . so that it was a strange thing , to see what golden showres powred downe vpon the kings treasurie at once . the last paiments of the marriage-money from spaine ; the subsidie ; the beneuolence ; the recoinage ; the redemption of the cities liberties ; the casualties . and this is the more to bee marueiled at , because the king had then no occasions at all of warres or troubles . hee had now but one sonne , and one daughter vnbestowed . hee was wise ; hee was of an high mind ; hee needed not to make riches his glorie . hee did excell in so many things else ; saue that certainely auarice doth euer finde in it selfe matter of ambition . belike hee thought to leaue his sonne such a kingdome , and such a masse of treasure , as hee might choose his greatnesse where hee would . this yeare was also kept the serieants feast , which was the second call in this kings dayes . about this time isabella , queene of castile , deceased ; a right noble ladie , and an honour to her sexe , and times , and the corner-stone of the greatnesse of spaine , that hath followed . this accident the king tooke not for newes at large , but thought it had a great relation to his owne affaires ; especially in two points . the one , for example ; the other for consequence . first , hee conceiued that the case of ferdinando of arragon , after the death of queene isabella , was his owne case , after the death of his owne queene : and the case of ioan the heire vnto castile , was the case of his owne sonne prince henry . for if both of the kings had their kingdomes , in the right of their wiues , they descended to the heires , and did not accrew to the husbands . and although his owne case had both steele and parchment , more than the other ( that is to say , a conquest in the field , and an act of parliament ) yet notwithstanding , that naturall title of descent in bloud , did ( in the imagination euen of a wise-man ) breed a doubt , that the other two were not safe nor sufficient . wherefore he was wonderfull diligent , to inquire and obserue what became of the king of arragon , in holding and continuing the kingdome of castile . and whether he did hold it in his owne right , or as administrator to his daughter ; and whether he were like to hold it in fact , or to bee put out by his sonne-in-law . secondly , hee did reuolue in his minde , that the stateof christendome might by this late accident haue a turne . for whereas before time himselfe , with the coniunction of arragon and castile ( which then was one ) and the amitie of maximilian and philip his sonne the arch-duke , was farre too strong a partie for france ; hee beganne to feare , that now the french king ( who had great interest in the affections of philip the young king of castile ) and philip himselfe , now king of castile , ( who was in ill termes with his father-in-law about the present gouernment of castile ) and thirdly maximilian , philips father ( who was euer variable , and vpon whom the surest aime that could bee taken , was that hee would not be long , as hee had beene last before ) would , all three being potent princes , enter into some strait league and confederation amongst themselues . whereby though hee should not be endangered , yet hee should be left to the poore amitie of arragon . and whereas he had beene heretofore a kind of arbiter of europe , he should now goe lesse , and bee ouer-topped by so great a coniunction . hee had also ( as it seemes ) an inclination to marrie , and bethought himselfe of some fit conditions abroad . and amongst others , hee had heard of the beautie and vertuous behauiour of the young queene of naples , the widdow of ferdinando the younger , being then of matronall yeares of seuen and twentie . by whose marriage he thought that the kingdome of naples ( hauing beene a gole for a time betweene the king of arragon , and the french king , and being but newly setled ) might in some part be deposited in his hands , who was so able to keepe the stakes . therefore hee sent in ambassage or message three confident persons ; francis marsin , iames bray-brooke , and iohn stile , vpon two seuerall inquisitions rather than negotiations . the one , touching the person and condition of the young queene of naples . the other touching all particulars of estate , that concerned the fortunes and intentions of ferdinando . and because they may obserue best , who themselues are obserued least , hee sent them vnder colourable pretexts ; giuing them letters of kindnesse and complement from katherine the princesse , to her aunt , and neece , the olde and young queene of naples , and deliuering to them also a booke of new articles of peace ; which notwithstanding it had beene deliuered vnto doctor de pvebla , the leigier ambassadour of spaine here in england , to be sent ; yet for that the king had beene long without hearing from spaine , hee thought good those messengers , when they had beene with the two queenes , should likewise passe on to the court of ferdinando , and take a copie of the booke with them . the instructions touching the queene of naples were so curious and exquisite , beeing as articles whereby to direct a suruey , or framing a particular of her person , for complexion , fauour , feature , stature , health , age , customes , behauiour , conditions , and estate , as if the king had beene young , a man would haue iudged him to bee amorous ; but being ancient , it ought to be interpreted , that sure he was verie chaste , for that hee meant to finde all things in one woman , and so to settle his affections , without ranging but in this match hee was soone cooled , when hee heard from his ambassadors , that this young queene had had a goodly ioynture in the realme of naples , well answered during the time of her vnckle fredericke , yea , and during the time of levvis the french king , in whose diuision her reuenue fell ; but since the time that the kingdome was in ferdinando's hands , all was assigned to the armie , and garrisons there , and shee receiued only a pension or exhibition out of his coffers . the other part of the inquirie had a graue and diligent returne , informing the king at full of the present state of king ferdinando . by this report it appeared to the king , that ferdinando did continue the gouernment of castile as administrator vnto his daughter ioan , by the title of queene isabella's will , and partly by the custome of the kingdome , as he pretended . and that all mandates and grants were expedited in the name of ioan his daughter , and himselfe as administrator , without mention of philip , her husband . and that king ferdinando , howsoeuer hee did dismisse himselfe of the name of king of castile , yet meant to hold the kingdome , without accompt , and in absolute command . it appeareth also , that hee flattered himselfe with hopes , that king philip would permit vnto him the gouernement of castile during his life ; which hee had layed his plot to worke him vnto , both by some councellors of his about him , which ferdinando had at his deuotion , and chiefly by promise , that in case philip gaue not way vnto it , hee would marrie some young ladie , whereby to put him by the succession of arragon and granada , in case hee should haue a sonne . and lastly , by representing vnto him that the gouernement of the burgundians , till philip were by continuance in spaine made as naturall of spaine , would not bee indured by the spaniards . but in all those things ( though wisely layed downe and considered ) ferdinando failed ; but that plvto was better to him , than pallas . in the same report also , the ambassadours beeing meane men , and therefore the more free , did strike vpon a string which was somewhat dangerous . for they declared plainely , that the people of spaine , both nobles and commons , were better affected vnto the part of philip ( so hee brought his wife with him ) than to ferdinando ; and expressed the reason to bee , because hee had imposed vpon them many taxes , and tallages , whith was the kings owne case betweene him and his sonne . there was also in this report a declaration of an ouerture of marriage , which amason the secretarie of ferdinando had made vnto the ambassadours in great secret , betweene charles prince of castile and marie the kings second daughter ; assuring the king , that the treatie of marriage then on foot , for the said prince and the daughter of france , would breake ; and that shee the said daughter of france should bee married to angolesme , that was the heire apparant of france . there was a touch also of a speech of marriage betweene ferdinando and madame de fois , a ladie of the bloud of france , which afterwards indeed succeeded . but this was reported as learned in france , and silenced in spaine . the king by the returne of this ambassage , which gaue great light vnto his affaires , was well instructed , and prepared how to carrie himselfe betweene ferdinando king of arragon , and philip his sonne-in-law , king of castile ; resoluing with himselfe , to doe all that in him lay to keepe them at one within themselues ; but howsoeuer that succeeded , by a moderate carriage and bearing the person of a common-friend , to loose neither of their friendships ; but yet to runne a course more entire with the king of arragon , but more laboured and officious with the king of castile . but hee was much taken with the ouerture of marriage with his daughter marie ; both because it was the greatest marriage of christendome , and for that it tooke hold of both allies . but to corroborate his alliance with philip , the windes gaue him an enter-view . for philip choosing the winter-season , the better to surprise the king of arragon , set forth with a great nauie out of flanders for spaine in the moneth of ianuarie , the one and twentieth yeare of the kings raigne . but himselfe was surprised with a cruell tempest , that scattered his ships vpon the seuerall coasts of england . and the ship wherein the king and queene were ( with two other small barkes onely ) torne , and in great perill to escape the furie of the weather , thrust into waymouth . king philip himselfe , hauing not beene vsed ( as it seemes ) to sea , all wearied and extreame sicke , would needes land ro refresh his spirits , though it was against the opinion of his councell , doubting it might breed delay , his occasions requiring celeritie . the rumour of the arriuall of a puissant nauie vpon the coast , made the countrie arme. and sir thomas trenchard with forces suddenly raised , not knowing what the matter might bee , came to waymouth . where vnderstanding the accident , hee did in all humblenesse and humanitie inuite the king and queene to his house ; and forthwith dispatched posts to the court. soone after came sir iohn caroe likewise , with a great troupe of men well armed ; vsing the like humblenesse and respect towards the king , when hee knew the case . king philip doubting that they , being but subiects , durst not let him passe away againe , without the kings notice and leaue , yeelded to their entreatie● , to staie till they heard from the court. the king as soone as hee heard the newes , commanded presently the earle of arundell , to goe to visite the king of castile , and let him vnderstand ; that as hee was verie sorrie for his mishap , so hee was glad that hee had escaped the danger of the seas , and likewise of the occasion himselfe had to doe him honour ; and desiring him , to thinke himselfe as in his owne land ; and that the king made all hast possible to come and imbrace him . the earle came to him in great magnificence , with a braue troupe of three hundred horse ; and ( for more state ) came by torch-light . after hee had done the kings message , king philip seeing how the world went , the sooner to get away , went vpon speed to the king at windsore , and his queene followed by easie iourneys . the two kings at their meeting vsed all the caresses , and louing demonstrations , that were possible . and the king of castile said pleasantly to the king ; that hee was now punished , for that he would not come within his walled towne of calice , when they met last . but the king answered , that walles and seas were nothing , where hearts were open ; and that hee was here no otherwise , but to bee serued . after a day or two's refreshing , the kings entred into speech of renewing the treatie ; the king saying , that though king philips person were the same , yet his fortunes and state were raised . in which case a renouation of treatie was vsed amongst princes . but while these things were in handling , the king choosing a fit time , and drawing the king of castile into a roome , where they two onely were priuate , and laying his hand ciuilly vpon his arme , and changing his countenance a little from a countenance of intertainment , said to him ; sir , you haue beene saued vpon my coast , i hope you will not suffer mee to wracke vpon yours . the king of castile asked him , what hee meant by that speech ? i meane it ( saith the king ) by that same harebraine wilde fellow , my subiect , the earle of suffolke , who is protected in your countrie , and begins to play the foole , when all others are wearie of it . the king of castile answered ; i had thought ( sir ) your felicitie had beene aboue those thoughts . but if it trouble you , i will banish him . the king replied ; those hornets were best in their nest , and worst then when they did stie abroad , that his desire was , to haue him deliuered to him . the king of castile here with a little confused , and in a studie , said ; that can i not doe with my honour , and lesse with yours ; for you will bee thought to haue vsed mee as a prisoner . the king presently said ; then the matter is at an end . for i will take that dishonour vpon me , and so your honour is saued . the king of castile , who had the king in great estimation , and besides remembred where hee was , and knew not what vse hee might haue of the kings amitie , for that himselfe was new in his estate of spaine , and vnsetled , both with his father-in-law , and with his people , composing his countenance , said ; sir , you giue law to mee ; but so will i to you . you shall haue him , but ( vpon your honour ) you shall not take his life . the king embracing him , said ; agreed . saith the king of castile , neither shall it dislike you , if i send to him in such a fashion , as hee may partly come with his owne good will. the king said ; it was well thought of ; and if it pleased him , hee would ioyne with him , in sending to the earle a message to that purpose . they both sent seuerally , and meane while they continued feasting and pastimes . the king beeing ( on his part ) willing to haue the earle sure before the king of castile went ; and the king of castile beeing as willing to seeme to bee inforced . the king also with many wise and excellent perswasions , did aduise the king of castile , to bee ruled by the councell of his father-in-law ferdinando ; a prince so prudent , so experienced , so fortunate . the king of castile ( who was in no verie good termes with his said father-in-law ) answered ; that if his father-in-law would suffer him to gouerne his kingdomes , hee should gouerne him . there were immediatly messengers sent from both kings to recall the earle of suffolke : who vpon gentle wordes vsed to him was soone charmed , and willing enough to returne ; assured of his life , and hoping of his libertie . hee was brought through flanders to calice , and thence landed at douer , and with sufficient guard deliuered and receiued at the tower of london . meane while king henry ( to draw out the time ) continued his feastings and entertainments , and after hee had receiued the king of castile into the fraternitie of the garter , and for a reciprocall had his sonne the prince admitted to the order of the golden-fleece , hee accompainied king philip and his queene to the citie of london ; where they were entertayned with the greatest magnificence and triumph , that could bee vpon no greater warning . and as soone as the earle of suffolke had beene conueyed to the tower ( which was the serious part ) the iollities had an end , and the kings tooke leaue . neuerthelesse during their beeing heere , they in substance concluded that treatie , which the flemings terme intercursus malus , and beares date at windsore ; for that there bee some things in it , more to the aduantage of the english , than of them ; especially , for that the free-fishing of the dutch vpon the coasts and seas of england , granted in the treatie of undecimo , was not by this treatie confirmed . all articles that confirme former treaties beeing precisely and warily limitted and confirmed to matter of commerce onely , and not otherwise it was obserued , that the great tempest which draue philip into england , blew downe the golden eagle , from the spire of pavles , and in the fall it fell vpon a signe of the blacke eagle , which was in pavles church-yard , in the place where the schoole-house now standeth , and battered it , and brake it downe . which was a strange stooping of a hawke vpon a fowle . this the people interpreted to bee an ominous prognosticke vpon the imperiall house , which was ( by interpretation also ) fulfilled vpon philip the emperours sonne , not onely in the present disaster of the tempest , but in that that followed . for philip arriuing into spaine , and attaining the possession of the kingdome of castile without resistance , ( insomuch as ferdinando , who had spoke so great before , was with difficultie admitted to the speech of his sonne-in-law ) sickned soone after , and deceased . yet after such time as there was an obseruation by the wisest of that court , that if hee had liued , his father would haue gained vpon him in that sort , as hee would haue gouerned his councells , and designes , if not his affections . by this all spaine returned into the power of ferdinando in state as it was before ; the rather , in regard of the infirmitie of ioan his daughter , who louing her husband ( by whom shee had many children ) dearely well , and no lesse beloued of him ( howsoeuer her father , to make philip ill beloued of the people of spaine , gaue out that philip vsed her not well ) was vnable in strength of minde to beare the griefe of his decease , and fell distracted of her wittes . of which maladie her father was thought no wayes to endeuour the cure , the better to hold his regall power in castile . so that as the felicitie of charles the eighth was said to bee a dreame ; so the aduersitie of ferdinando was said likewise to bee a dreame , it passed ouer so soone . about this time the king was desirous to bring into the house of lancaster celestiall honour , and became suitor to pope ivlivs , to canonize king henry the sixt for a saint ; the rather , in respect of that his famous prediction of the kings owne assumption to the crowne . ivlivs referred the matter ( as the manner is ) to certaine cardinalls , to take the verification of his holy acts and miracles . but it died vnder the reference . the generall opinion was , that pope ivlivs was too deare , and that the king would not come to his rates . but it is more probable , that that pope ( who was extremely iealous of the dignitie of the sea of rome , and of the actes thereof ) knowing that king henry the sixth was reputed in the world abroad but for a simple man , was affraide it would but diminish the estimation of that kinde of honour , if there were not a distance kept betweene iunocents and saints . the same yeare likewise there proceeded a treatie of marriage betweene the king and the ladie margaret duchesse dowager of sauoy , onely daughter to maximilian , and sister to the king of castile ; a ladie wise , and of great good fame . this matter had beene in speech betweene the two kings at their meeting , but was soone after resumed ; and therein was imployed for his first piece the kings then chaplaine , and after the great prelate thomas wolsey . it was in the end concluded , with great and ample conditions for the king , but with promise de futuro only . it may be the king was the rather induced vnto it , for that he heard more and more of the marriage to goe on betweene his great friend and allie ferdinando of arragon , and madame de fois , whereby that king beganne to piece with the french king , from whom hee had beene alwayes before seuered . so fatall a thing it is , for the greatest and straitest amities of kings , at one time or other to haue a little of the wheele . nay thereis a further tradition ( in spaint , though not with vs ) that the king of arragon , after hee knew that the marriage betweene charles , the young prince of castile , and marie the kings second daughter went roundly on ( which though it was first mooued by the king of arragon , yet it was afterwards wholly aduanced and brought to perfection by maximilian , and the friends on that side ) entred into a iealousie , that the king did aspire to the gouernment of castilia , as administrator during the minoritie of his sonne-in-law ; as if there should haue beene a competition of three for that gouernment ; ferdinando , grand-father on the mothers side ; maximilian , grand-father on the fathers side ; and king henrie ; father-in-law to the young prince . certainely , it is not vnlike , but the kings gouernment ( carrying the young prince with him ) would haue beene perhaps more welcome to the spaniards , than that of the other two. for the nobilitie of castilia , that so lately put out the king of arragon , in fauour of king philip , and had discouered themselues so farre , could not bee but in a secret distrust and distaste of that king. and as for maximilian , vpon twentie respects hee could not haue beene the man. but this purpose of the kings seemeth to mee ( considering the kings safe courses , neuer found to bee enterprizing or aduenturous ) not greatly probable , except hee should haue had a desire to breathe warmer , because hee had ill lunger . this marriage with margaret was protracted from time to time , in respect of the infirmitie of the king , who now in the two and twentieth of his raigne beganne to bee troubled with the goute . but the defluxion taking also into his brest , wasted his lungs , so that thrice in a yeare ( in a kinde of returne , and especially in the spring , ) hee had great fitts and labours of the tissicke . neuerthelesse , hee continued to intend businesse with as great diligence , as before in his health . yet so , as vpon this warning , hee did likewise now more seriously thinke of the world to come , and of making himselfe a saint , aswell as king henrie the sixth , by treasure better imployed , than to bee giuen to pope ivlivs . for this yeare hee gaue greater almes than accustomed , and discharged all prisoners about the citie , that lay for fees or debts , vnder fortie shillings . hee did also make haste with religious foundations ; and in the yeare following ( which was the three and twentieth ) finished that of the sauoy . and hearing also of the bitter cryes of his people against the oppressions of dvdley and empson , and their complices ; partly by deuout persons about him , and partly by publicke sermons ( the preachers doing their dutie therein ) hee was touched with great remorse for the same . neuerthelesse , empson and dvdley , though they could not but heare of these scruples in the kings conscience ; yet as if the kings soule and his money were in seuerall offices , that the one was not to intermeddle with the other , went on with as great rage as euer . for the same three and twentieth yeare was there a sharpe prosecution against sir vvilliam capel now the second time ; and this was for matters of misgouernment in his maioraltie . the great matter beeing , that in some payments hee had taken knowledge of false moneys , and did not his diligence to examine , and beate it out , who were the offendours . for this and some other things layed to his charge , hee was condemned to pay two thousand pounds ; and beeing a man of stomacke , and hardened by his former troubles , refused to pay 2 mite ; and bee like vsed some vntoward speeches of the proceedings , for which hee was sent to the tower , and there remayned till the kings death . knesvvorth likewise , that had beene lately maior of london , and both his sheriffes , were , for abuses in their offices , questioned , and imprisoned , and deliuered , vpon one thousand foure hundred pounds payed . havvis , an alderman of london , was put in trouble , and died with thought , and anguish , before his businesse came to an end . sir lavvrence ailmer , who had likewise beene maior of london , and his two sheriffes , were put to the fine of one thousand pounds . and sir lavvrence , for refusing to make payment , was committed to prison , where hee stayed till empson himselfe was committed in his place . it is no marueile ( if the faults were so light , and the rates so heauie ) that the kings treasure of store , that hee left at his death , most of it in secret places , vnder his owne key and keeping , at richmond , amounted ( as by tradition it is reported to haue done ) vnto the summe of neare eighteene hundred thousand pounds sterling ; a huge masse of money , euen for these times . the last act of state that concluded this kings temporall felicitie , was the conclusion of a glorious match betweene his daughter marie , and charles prince of castile , afterwards the great emperour , both beeing of tender yeares which treatie was perfected by bishop foxe , and other his commissioners at calice , the yeare before the kings death . in which alliance , it seemeth hee himselfe tooke so high contentment , as in a letter which hee wrote thereupon to the citie of london ( commaunding all possible demonstrations of ioy to bee made for the same ) hee expresseth himselfe , as if hee thought hee had built a wall of brasse about his kingdome . when hee had for his sonnes-in-law , a king of scotland , and a prince of castile and burgundie . so as now there was nothing to bee added to this great kings felicitie , beeing at the top of all worldly blisse , ( in regard of the high marriages of his children , his great renowne throughout europe , and his scarce credible riches , and the perpetuall constancie of his prosperous successes ) but an opportune death , to withdraw him from any future blowe of fortune . which certainely ( in regard of the great hatred of his people , and the title of his sonne , being then come to eighteene yeares of age , and being a bold prince , and liberall , and that gained vpon the people by his very aspect and presence ) had not beene impossible to haue come vpon him . to crowne also the last yeare of his raigne , as well as his first , hee did an act of pietie , rare , and worthy to bee taken into imitation . for hee granted forth a generall pardon , as expecting a second coronation in a better kingdome . hee did also declare in his will , that his minde was , that restitution should bee made of those summes , which had beene vniustly taken by his officers . and thus this salomon of england ( for salomon also was too heauie vpon his people in exactions ) hauing liued two and fiftie yeares , and thereof raigned three and twentie yeares , and eight moneths , beeing in perfect memorie , and in a most blessed minde , in a great calme of a consuming sickenesse passed to a better world , the two and twentieth of aprill , 1508. at his palace of richmond , which himselfe had built . this king ( to speake of him in tearmes equall to his deseruing ) was one of the best sort of vvonders ; a wonder for vvisemen . hee had parts ( both in his vertues , and his fortune ) not so fit for a common-place , as for obseruation . certainly hee was religious , both in his affection , and obseruance . but as hee could see cleare ( for those times ) through superstition , so he would be blinded ( now and then ) by humane policie . hee aduanced church-men ; hee was tender in the priuiledge of sanctuaries , though they wrought him much mischiefe . hee built and endowed many religious foundations , besides his memorable hospitall of the sauoy . and yet was hee a great almes-giuer in secret ; which shewed , that his vvorkes in publique were dedicated rather to gods glorie , than his owne . hee professed alwaies to loue and seeke peace ; and it was his vsuall preface in his treaties ; that when christ came into the world , peace was sung ; and when hee went out of the world , peace was bequeathed . and this vertue could not proceede out of feare , or softnesse ; for he was valiant and actiue , and therefore ( no doubt ) it was truely christian and morall . yet hee knew the way to peace , was not to seeme to bee desirous to auoyde warres . therefore would be make cffers , and fames of warres , till hee had mended the conditions of peace . it was also much , that one that was so great a louer of peace , should be so happie in vvarre . for his armes ( eyther in forraine or ciuill vvarres ) were neuer infortunate ; neyther did be know what a disaster meant . the vvarre of his comming in , and the rebellions of the earle of lincolne , and the lord awdley were ended by victorie . the vvarres of france and scotland , by peaces sought at his hands . that of brittaine , by accident of the dukes death . the insurrection of the lord lovel , and that of perkin at excester , and in kent , by flight of the rebells , before they came to blowes . so that his fortune of armes was still inuiolate . the rather sure , for that in the quenching of the commotions of his subiects , hee euer went in person , sometimes reseruing himselfe to backe and second his lieutenants , but euer in action ; and yet that was not meerely forwardnesse , but partly distrust of others . hee did much maintaine and countenance his lawes . which ( neuerthelesse ) was no impediment to him to worke his vvill. for it was so handled , that neyther prerogatiue , nor profit went to diminution . and yet as hee would sometimes straine vp his lawes to his prerogatiue , so would hee also let downe his prerogatiue to his parliament . for minte , and warres , and marshall discipline , ( things of absolute power ) hee would neuerthelesse bring to parliament . iustice was well administred in his time , saue where the king was partie : saue also , that the councell-table intermedled too much with meum and tuum . for it was a very court of iustice during his time , especially in the beginning . but in that part both of iustice and policie , which is the durable part , and cut ( as it were ) in brasse or marble ( which is the making of good lawes ) he did excell . and with his iustice , hee was also a mercifull prince . as in whose time , there were but three of the nobilitie that suffered ; the earle of warwicke , the lord chamberlaine , and the lord awdley . though the first two were in stead of numbers , in the dislike and obloquie of the people . but there were neuer so great rebellions , expiated with so little bloud , drawne by the hand of iustice , as the two rebellions of black-heath and excester . as for the seueritie vsed vpon those which were taken in kent , it was but vpon a scumme of people . his pardons went euer both before , and after his sword. but then hee had withall a strange kinde of interchanging of large and inexpected pardons , which seuere executions . which ( his wisedome considered ) could not bee imputed to any inconstancie , or inequalitie ; but either to some reason which we do not now know , or to a principle hee had set vnto himselfe , that hee would varie , and try both wayes in turne . but the lesse bloud hee drew , the more hee tooke of treasure . and ( as some construed it ) hee was the more sparing in the one , that hee might bee the more pressing in the other ; for both would haue beene intollerable . of nature assuredly hee coueted to accumulate treasure , and was a little poore in admiring riches . the people ( into whom there is infused , for the preseruation of monarchies , a naturall desire to discharge their princes , though it bee with the vniust charge of their councellours and ministers ) did impute this vnto cardinall morton , and sir reginold bray. who ( as it after appeared ) as councellours of ancient authoritie with him , did so second his humours , as neuerthelesse they did temper them . whereas empson , and dvdley that followed , beeing persons that had no reputation with him ( otherwise than by the seruile following of his bent ) did not giue way onely ( as the first did ) but shape him way to those extreamities , for which himselfe was touched with remorse at his death , and which his successour renounced , and sought to purge . this excesse of his , had at that time many glosses and interpretations . some thought the continuall rebellions wherewith hee had beene vexed , had made him grow to hate his people . some thought it was done to pull downe their stomackes , and to keep them low . some , for that hee would leaue his sonne a golden fleece . some suspected he had some high designe vpon forraine parts . but those perhaps shall come nearest the truth , that fetch not their reasons so far off ; but rather impute it to nature , age , peace , and a minde fixed vpon no other ambition or pursuit . whereunto i should adde , that hauing euery day occasion to take notice of the necessities and shifts for money of other great princes abroad , it did the better ( by comparison ) set of to him the felicitie of full cofers . as to his expending of treasure , he neuer spared charge which his affaires required ; and in his buildings was magnificent , but his rewards were very limitted . so that his liberalitie was rather vpon his owne state and memorie , than vpon the deserts of others . hee was of an high minde , and loued his owne will , and his owne vvay ; as one that reuered himselfe , and would reigne indeed . had hee beene a priuate-man , hee would haue beene termed proud. but in a wise prince , it was but keeping of distance , which indeede hee did towards all ; not admitting any neare or full approach , neither to his power or to his secrets . for hee was gouerned by none . his queene ( notwithstanding shee had presented him with diuers children , and with a crowne also , ( though hee would not acknowledge it ) could doe nothing with him . his mother hee reuerenced much , heard little . for any person agreeable to him for societie ( such as was hastings to king edward the fourth , or charles brandon after to king henry the eight ) hee had none : except wee should account for such persons , foxe , and bray , and empson , because they were so much with him . but it was but as the instrument is much with the vvorke-man . hee had nothing in him of vaine-glorie , but yet kept state and maiestie to the height ; being sensible , that maiestie maketh the people how , but vaine-glorie boweth to them . to his confederates abroade he was constant and iust , but not open. but rather such was his inquirie , and such his closenesse , as they stood in the light towards him , and hee stood in the darke to them . yet vvithout strangenesse , but with a semblance of mutuall communication of affaires . as for little enuies or emulations vpon forraine princes ( which are frequent with many kings ) hee had neuer any ; but went substantially to his owne businesse . certaine it is , that though his reputation was great at home , yet it was greater abroad . for forrainers that could not see the passages of affaires , but made their iudgements vpon the issues of them , noted that hee was euer in strife , and euer a loft . it grew also from the aires , which the princes and states abroad receiued from their ambassadours and agents here ; which were attending the court in great number . whom hee did not onely content with courtesie , reward , and priuatenesse ; but ( vpon such conferences as passed with them ) put them in admiration , to finde his vniuersall insight into the affaires of the world. which though hee did sucke chiefely from themselues ; yet that which hee had gathered from them all , seemed admirable to euery one . so that they did write euer to their superiours in high tearmes , concerning his wisedome and art of rule , nay , when they were returned , they did commonly maintaine intelligence with him . such a dexteritie hee had to impropriate to himselfe all forraine instruments . hee was carefull and liberall to obtaine good intelligence from all parts abroad . wherein hee did not onely vse his interest in the leigers here , and his pensioners which hee had both in the court of rome , and other the courts of christendome ; but the industrie and vigilancie of his owne ambassadours in forraine parts . for which purpose , his instructions were euer extroame , curious , and articulate ; and in them more articles touching inquisition , than touching negotiation . requiring likewise from his ambassadours an answer , in particular distinct articles , respectiuely to his questions . as for his secret spialls , which hee did imploy both at home and abroade , by them to discouer what practices and conspiracies were against him , surely his case required it : he had such moles perpetually working and casting to vndermine him . neither can it bee reprehended . for if spialls bee lawfull against lawfull enemies , much more against conspirators , and traitors . but indeede to giue them credence by othes or curses , that cannot bee well maintayned ; for those are too holy vestments for a disguise . yet surely there was this further good in his employing of these flies and familiars ; that as the vse of them was cause that many conspiracies were reuealed , so the fame and suspition of them kept ( no doubt ) many conspiracies from being attempted . towards his queene hee was nothing vxorious , nor scarce indulgent ; but companiable , and respectiue , and without iealousie . towards his children bee was full of paternall affection , carefull of their education , aspiring to their high aduancement , regular to see that they should not want of any due honour and respect , but not greatly willing to cast anie popular lustre vpon them . to his councell hee did referre much , and sate oft in person ; knowing it to bee the way to assist his power , and informe his iudgement . in which respect also hee vvas fairely patient of libertie , both of aduise , and of vote , till himselfe were declared . hee kept a strait hand on his nobilitie , and chose rather to aduance clergie-men and lawyers , which were more obsequious to him , but had lesse interest in the people ; which made for his absolutenesse , but not for his safetie . in so much as ( i am perswaded ) it was one of the causes of his troublesome raigne : for that his nobles , though they were loyall and obedient , yet did not co-operate with him , but let euery man goe his owne way . hee was not affraid of an able man , as lewis the eleuenth was . but contrariwise , hee was serued by the ablest men that were to bee found ; vvithout which his affaires could not haue prospered as they did . for vvare , bedford , oxford , svrrey , dawbeney , brooke , poynings . for other affaires , morton , foxe , bray , the prior of lanthony , warham , vrsvvicke , hvssey , frowicke , and others . neyther did hee care how cunning they were , that hee did imploy ; for hee thought himselfe to haue the master-reach . and as hee chose well , so hee held them vp well . for it is a strange thing , that though hee were a darke prince , and infinitely suspicious , and his times full of secret conspiracies and troubles ; yet in twentie foure yeares raigne , hee neuer put downe , or discomposed counsellor , or neare seruant , saue onely stanley , the lord chamberlaine . as for the disposition of his subiects in generall towards him , it stood thus with him ; that of the three affections , which naturally tye the hearts of the subiects to their soueraignes , loue , feare , and reuerence ; hee had the last in height , the second in good measure , and so little of the first , as he was beholding to the other two. hee was a prince , sad , serious , and full of thoughts , and secret obseruations , and full of notes and memorialls of his owne hand , especially touching persons . as , whom to employ , whom to reward , whom to enquire of , whom to beware of , what were the dependencies , what were the factions , and the like ; keeping ( as it were ) a iournall of his thoughts . there is to this day a merrie tale ; that his monkey ( set on as it was thought by one of his chamber ) tore his principall note-booke all to pieces , when by chance it lay forth . whereat the court ( which liked not those pensiue accompts ) was almost tickled with sport . hee was indeed full of apprehensions and suspitions . but as he did easily take them , so hee did easily checke them , and master them ; whereby they were not dangerous , but troubled himselfe more than others . it is true , his thoughts were so many , as they could not well alwayes stand together ; but that which did good one way , did hurt another . neither did bee at some times waigh them aright in their proportions . certainely ; that rumour which did him so much mischiefe ( that the duke of yorke should be saued , and aliue ) was ( at the first ) of his owne nourishing ; because hee would haue more reason not to raigne in the right of his wife . hee was affable , and both well and faire-spoken ; and would vse strange sweetnesse and blandishments of words , where bee desired to effector perswade any thing that he tooke to heart . he was rather studious than learned ; reading most bookes that were of any worth in the french-tongue . yet he vnderstood the latine , as appeareth in that cardinall 〈◊〉 , and others , who could very well haue written french , did vse to write to him in latine . for his pleasures , there is no newes of them . and yet by his instructions to marsin and sti●● , touching the queene of naples , it seemeth hee could interrogate vvell touching beau●●●● hee did by pleasures , as great princes doe by banquets , come and looke 〈◊〉 vpon them , and turne away . for neuer prince was more wholly giuen to his affaires , 〈◊〉 them more of himselfe . in so much , as in triumphs of iusts , and tourneyes , and balles , and masques ( which they then called disguises ) hee was rather a princely and gentle spectator , than seemed much to bee delighted . no doubt , in him as in all men ( and most of all in kings ) his fortune wrought vpon his nature , and his nature vpon his fortune . hee attained to the crowne , not onely from a priuate fortune , which might indow him with moderation ; but also from the fortune of an exiled man , which had quickned in him all seedes of obseruation and industrie . and his times being rather prosperous , than calme , had raysed his confidence by successe , but almost marred his nature by troubles . his wisedome , by often euading from perils , was turned rather into a dexteritie to deliuer himselfe from dangers , when they pressed him , than into a prouidence to preuent and remoue them a farre off . and euen in nature , the sight of his minde was like some sights of eyes ; rather strong at hand , than to carrie a farre off . for his vvitt increased vpon the occasion ; and so much the more , if the occasion were sharpened by danger . againe , whether it were the shortnesse of his foresight , or the strength of his vvill , or the dazeling of his suspitions , or what it was ; certaine it is , that the perpetuall troubles of his fortunes ( there being no more matter out of which they grew ) could not haue beene without some great defects , and maine errours in his nature , customes , and proceedings , which hee had enough to doe to saue and helpe , with a thousand little industries and vvatches . but those doe best appeare in the storie it selfe . yet take him with all his defects , if a man should compare him with the kings his concurrents , in france and spaine , he shall finde him more politique than lewis the twelfth of france , and more entire and syncere than ferdinando of spaine . but if you shall change levvis the twelfth , for levvis the eleuenth , who liued a little before , then the consort is more perfect . for that levvis the eleuenth , ferdinando , and henry , may be esteemed for the tres magi of kings of those ages . to conclude , if this king did no greater matters , it was long of himselfe ; for what he minded , he compassed . hee was a comoly personage , a little aboue iust stature , well and straight limmed , but flander . his countenance was reuerend , and a little like a church-man : and as it was not strange or darke , so neyther was it winning or pleasing , but as the face of one well disposed . but it was to the disaduantage of the painter ; for it was best when he spake . his vvorth may beare a tale or two , that may put vpon him somewhat that may seeme diuine . when the ladie margaret his mother had diuerse great sutors for marriage , shee dreamed one night , that one in the likenesse of a bishop , in pontificall habit , did tender her edmvnd earle of richmond ( the kings father ) for her husband . neyther had she euer any child but the king , though shee had three husbands . one day when king henry the sixth ( whose innocencie gaue him holines ) was washing his hands at a great feast , and cast his eye vpon king henry , then a young youth , he said ; this is the lad , that shall possesse quietly that , that wee now striue for . but that that was truely diuine in him , was , that hee had the fortune of a true christian , as well as of a great king , in liuing exercised , and dying repentant . so as hee had an happie warrefare in both conflicts , both of sinne , and the crosse. hee was borne at pembrooke castle , and lyeth buried at vvestminster , in one of the statelyest and daintiest monuments of europe , both for the chappell , and for the sepulchre . so that hee dwelleth more richly dead , in the monument of his tombe , than hee did aliue in richmond , or any of his palaces . i could wish he did the like , in this monument of his fame . finis . an index alphabeticall , directing to the most obserueable passages in the foregoing historie . a an accident , in it selfe triuiall , great in effect . pag. 189 aduice desired from the parliament . 53. 57. 98 a emulation of the english to the french , with the reasons of it . 61 affabilitie of the king to the citie of london . 198 affection of k. henry to the king of spaine . 105 affection of the king to his children 241 aide desired by the duke of brittaine . 53 aide sent to brittaine 62 aiders of rebels punished . 37 almes deeds of the king . 229 ambassadors to the pope . 38 into scotland . 39 ambassadours from the french king. 41 ambassadors in danger in france . 49 ambassadors into france . 94 ambition exorbitant in sir william stanley . 135 answer of the archduke to the kings ambassadors . 129 appeach of sir william stanley . 132 armes of king henries still victorious . 234 arrows of the cornishmen , the length of them . 171 articles betweene the king and the archduke . 162 arthur prince married to the ladie katherine . 203 arthur prince dyes at ludlow . 218 aton castle in scotland taken by the earle of surrey . 174 attainted persons in parliament , excepted against . 12 attaindor and corruption of bloud reacheth not to the crown . 13. 24 auarice of king henry . 236 audley generall of the cornish rebels 165 b banishment of flemings out of the kingdome . 130 battaile at bosworth field . 1 at stokefield . 35 at s. albans in brittain . 62 bannocks bourne in scotland . 70 at blacke heath . 168 behauiour of king henry towards his children . 205 beneuolence to the king for his warres . 100 beneuolence , who the first author . ibid. beneuolence abolished by act of parliament . ibid. beneuolence reuiued by act of parliament . 100 a beneuolence generall to the king . 216 birth of hen. 8. 95 bishops why imployed by the king . 16 bloud not vnreuenged . 196. 213 brittain duchie distressed . 62 three causes of the losse of the duchie of brittaine . 63 brittaine vnited to france by marriage . 95 brackenbury refused to murder king edw. 2. sonnes . 123 broughton sir thomas , ioyned with the rebels . 32 a bull procured from the pope by the king , for what causes . 39 bulloigne besieged by king henry . 110 c cardinall morton dyeth . 198 capel sir william fined . 139. 229 capp of maintenance from the pope . 178 ceremony of marriage new in these parts . 80 chauncery power , and description of that court. 64 clifford sir robert flyes to perkin . 122 reuolts to the king . 125 clergie priuiledges abridged . 66 christendome enlarged . 106 columbus christopher & bartholomeus inuite the king to a discouery of the west indies . 189 confiscation aymed a by the king . 133 conference betweene king henry and the king of castile , by casualtie landing at waymouth . 223 conquest , the title vnpleasing to the people , declined by william the conq. 5. and by the king . 7 conspirators for perkin . 121 contraction of prince hen. and lady katherine . 207 conditionell speech doth not qualifie words of treason . 134 commissioners into ireland . 138 commissioners about trading . 161 coronation of king henry . 10 coronation of the queene . 38 counsell the benefite of good . 40 counsell of what sort the french king vsed . 51 counsell of meane men , what and how different from that of nobles . ibidem . lord cordes enuie to england . 79 cottagers but housed beggars . counterfeits . 74 lambert proclaimed in ireland . 24 crowned at dublin . 31 taken in battell . 35 put into the kings kitchin. 36 made the kings fawlconer . ibid. duke of yorke counterfeit . see perkin . wilford another counterfeit , earle of warwick . 194 courage of the english , when . 62 court , what pleas belong to euerie court. 64 court of starre-chamber confirmed . ibid. creations . 10 crowne confirmed to king henry by parliament . 11 cursing of the kings enemies at pauls crosse , a custome of those times . 125. 213 d dam , a towne in flanders , taken by a slight . 103 lord dawbeny . 170 deuices at prince arthurs marriage . 203 deuice of the king to diuert enuie . 111 decay of trade doth punish merchants 161 decay of people , how it comes to passe . 73 declaration by perkin to the scottish king. 148 desires intemperate of sir william stanley . 136 dighton a murderer of k. edw. 2. children . 124 dilemma , a pleasant one of bishop morton . 101 diligence of the king to heap treasures . 211 displacing of no councellers , nor seruants in all k. henries reigne saue of one . 242 dissimulation of the french king. 46. 48. 81 dissimulation of k. henrie in pretending warre . 99 a doubt long kept open , and diuersly determined , according to the diuersitie of the times . 206 dowry of l. katherine . how much 204 dowrie of lady margaret into scotland , how much . 208 drapery maintained , how . 76 dudley one of the kings horseleeches . 209 duke of yorke counterfet . see perkin . e earle of suffolke flyes into flanders , 212. returnes . 225 earle of northumberland slaine by the people in collecting the subsidie somewhat harshly . 68 earle of warwick executed . 195 earle of warw. counterfeit . 21. 194 earle of surrey enters scotland . 174 edmund a third sonne borne to king henry , but died . 191 edward the fift murthered . 149 enuie towards the king , vnquenchable : the cause of it . 196 enuie of lord cordes to england . 79 enteruiew between the king & arch-duke , with the respectiue carriage of the arch-duke to the king . 197 enteruiew betweene the king and the king of castile . 223 embleme . 167 empson one of the kings horseleeches 209 errors of the french king in his businesse for the kingdome of naples . 143 errors of king henry , occasioning his many troubles . 264 escuage seruice . 164 espials in the rebels campe . 33 espousals of iames king of scotland and lady margaret . 207 exchanges vnlawfull prohibited . 66 exeter besieged by perkin . 181 the loyaltie of the towne . ibid the towne rewarded with the kings owne sword . 184 execution of humphrey stafford . 18 iohna chamber , and his fellow rebels at yorke . 68 sir iames tyrril , murderer of king edw. 2. sonnes . 124 of diuers others 131 sir william stanley 134 for rebels 138 perkins companie 141 audley and cornish rebels . 171 another counterfeit earle of warw. 194 perkin warbeck . ibid the mayor of corke and his son . 195 earle of warwick . 195 f fame ill affected . 172 fame entertained by diuers : the reasons of it . 121 fame neglected by empson & dudley 209 feare , not safe to the king . 137 fines . 72 without fines , statute to sell land . 101 flammock a lawyer , a rebell 164 flemmings banished 130 flight of king henry out of brittaine into france , wherefore . 55 forfeitures and confiscations furnish the kings wants . 14. 27 forfeitures aimed at 75. 133 forfeitures vpon penall lawes taken by the king , which was the blot of his times 139 fortune various 26. 36 forwardnesse inconsiderate . 170 foxe made priuie counsellor 16 made l. keeper of the priuie seal . ibid. his prouidence 173 free fishing of the dutch 225 title to france renewed by the king in parliament 98 frion ioynes with perkin 118 first fruits 16 in forma pauperis , a law enacted for it . 146 g gabato sebastian makes a voyage for discouerie 187 gordon lady katherine , wife to perkin 153 granado vindicated from the moores 105 guard yeomen first instituted 10 gifts of the french king to king hen. counsellors and souldiers . 111 gratitude of the popes legat to king henry 70 h hallowed sword from the pope . 178 hatred of the people to the king , with the maine reason of it . 19 heartie acclamations of the people to the king 7 k. henry his description . 233. &c. his pietie 1. 105 hee hath three titles to the kingdome 3 heretickes prouided against , a rare thing in those times . 202 herne , a counsellor to perkin . 179 hialas , otherwise elias to england , how 174 holy warre 200 hopes of gaine by warre 111 hostages redeemed by the king. 15 houses of husbandry to be maintained to preuent the decay of people 75 histories , defects in them , what . 76 i iames the third , king of scotland , his distresse and death . 70 idols vexe god and king h. 185 iohn egremond leader of the rebels . 68 inclosures , their manifest inconueniencies , and how remedied . 73 ingratitude of women punished . 146 innouation desired 20 incense of the people , what 207 instructions of lady margaretto perkin 115 intercursus magnus . 162 intercursus malus ib 225 inuectiues of maximilian against the french king 95 inuectiues against the king and counsell 137 improuidence of k. henry to preuent his troubles 20. 23 improuidence of the french 142 ioynture of la. katherine , how much 204 ioynture of lady margaret in scotlland , how much 208 ioseph a rebell 164 ireland fauoureth yorke title . 23 ireland receiueth simon the priest of oxford , with his counterfeit . 23 irish adhere to perkin 117 iubile at rome . 199 iuno , i. e. the lady margaret , so called by the kings friends 113 k katherine gordon perkins wife , royally entertained by k. henry . 184 kent loyall to the king 141. 166 the king the publick steward . 60 kings , their miseries 83 king of rakehels , perkin so called by king henry 181 the kings skreene , who 164 king of france protector of k. henry in his trouble 54 kingdome of france restored to its integritie 40 king of france buyes his peace of k. henry 111 king of scots enters england . 153. againe 173 knights of the bath 132 knights of rhodes elect king henry protector of the order . 202 l lancaster title condemned by parliament 4 lancaster house in possession of the crowne for three descents together . 6 lambert simnel , 20. see counterfeit . lawes enacted in parliament . 63 diuers lawes enacted 215 law charitable enacted 146 a good law enacted 145 a law of a strange nature 144 a law against carrying away of women by violence , the reasons of it . 65 law of poynings 138 lawes penall put in execution . 139 a legate from the pope 70 preferred to be bishop in england by king henry ibid. his gratitude to k. h. 70 lenitie of the k. abused 179 letters from the king out of france to the mayor of london . 112 a libell 94 libels , the causes of them 137 libels , the femals of sedition ibid libels , the authors executed 138 a loane from the citie to the king , repaid 76 london entred by king hen. in a close chariot , wherefore 8 london in a tumult because of the rebels . 169 london purchase confirmation of their liberties . 216 m male contents , their effects . 67 margaret of burgundy the fountaine of all the mischiefe to k , henry 29 shee entertains the rebels . 68. 119 shee a iuno to the king 113 shee instructs perkin 115 lady margaret desired in marriage by the scottish king 191 manufacture forraine , how to bee kept out 60. 215 marriage of king henry with ladie elizabeth 16 of the french king with the duchesse of brittaine 95 of prince arthur 203 mart translated to calice , the reasons of it 130 maintenance prohibited by law 64 merchants of england receiued at antwerpe with procession & great ioy 162 a memorable memorandum of the king. 212 military power of the kingdome aduanced , how . 73 mills of empson and dudley , what , and the gains they brought in . 216 mitigations . 209 money , bastard imployments thereof repressed 59 money left at the kings death , how much 230 morton made priuie councellor . 16 made archbish. of canterbury . ib. his speech to the parliament 57 mortons forke 101 morton authour of the vnion of the two roses 199 moores expelled granado 106 murmuring 22 murmurs of the people against the k. 121 murther & manslaughter , a law concerning it , in amendment of the common law 65 murther of king edw. 5. 149 murther of a commissioner for the subsidie 165 n nauigation of the kingdome , how aduanced 75 neighbour ouerpotent , dangerous , 56 57 bad newes , the effect thereof in souldiers 109 nobilitie neglected in counsell , the ill effects of it 51 nobilitie , few of them put to death in king henries time 235 north , the kings iourney thither , for what reasons 17 o oath of allegeance taken 14 oath enforced vpon maximilian by his subiects 77 oath kept ibid. obedience neglected , what followes . 70 first occasion of a happy vnion 191 obsequies for the french king , performed in england 192 obsequies to tyrants , what 2 an ominous answer of the king . 208 an ominous prognostick 226 opinions diuerse what was to be done with perkin 184 orator from the pope met at london bridge by the mayor 178 order of the garter sent to alphonso . 112 ostentation of religion by the king of spaine 105 ouer merit preiudicial to sir william stanley 133 outlawrics how punished 210 oxford earle fined for breach of the law 211 p pacificator , k henry betweene the french king & duke of brittaine 50 pardon proclaimed by the king . 14. 18. 25 a parliament called speedily 11 a parliament called for two reasons . 52 another 16. 214 parliaments aduice desired by the k. 53. 57. 98 passions contrary in k. henry , ioy and sorrow , with the reasons of both . 58 peace pretended by the french king . 47 peace to be desired , but with two conditions 54 peace concluded betweene england and france 111 people , how brought to decay , the redresse of it by the king 73 pensions giuen by the king of france . 111 a personation somewhat strange . 113 a great plague 196 edw. plantagenet sonne and heire of george duke of clarence 6 edw. plantagenet shewed to the people . 27 plantagenets race ended 195 perkin warbeck . history of him 112 his parentage 114 godsonne to king edw. 4. 115 his crafty behauiour 114. 120 fauoured by the french king . 118 by him discarded 119 fauoured by the scottish king 47 he yeeldeth , and is brought to the court 186 set in the stockes 192 executed at tiburne 194 a pleasant passage of prince arthur . 206 policie to preuent warre 42 a point of policie to defend the duchie of brittaine against the french 47. 56 policie of state 41 pope sowes seeds of warre 94 pope , ambassadour to him 38 poynings law in ireland 118 priest of oxford , simon 20 pretence of the french king . 45. 46 prerogatiue how made vse of 235 price of cloth limitted 75 prisoners edw. plantagenet 6 prince of orenge & duke of orleance 62 maximilian by his subiects 77 priuiledges of clergie abridged 66 priuiledges of sanctuary qualified in three points 39 proclamation of perkin , what effect . 160 protection for being in the kings seruice limited 101 prouerbe 182 prouidence for the future 72 q qveene dowager , 21. enclosed in the monastery of bermondsey 26. her variety of fortune 26 queenes colledge founded in cambridge . 27 queene elizabeth crowned after two yeares 38 queene elizabeths death 208 r rebellion of lord louel and staffords 17 rebellion iu yorkeshire . 68 rebellion how to be preuented 59 rebellion how frequent in k. henries time 68 rebellion of the cornishmen 163 rebels but halfe couraged men . 171 religion abused to serue policie 213 remorse of the king for oppression of his people 229 restitution to be made by the kings will. 231 returne of the king from france . 112 retribution of k. henry for treasure receiued of his subiects 71 reuenge diuine 1 reuenge of bloud 213 reward proposed by perkin 159 richard the third a tyrant 1 richard slaine at bosworth field . ibid. his ignominious buriall 2 murder of his two nephews . ib. iealous to maintaine his honour and reputation 3 hopes to win the people by making lawes ibid. his vertues ouerswayed by his vices . 2. yet fauoured in yorksh. 67 riches of k. henry at his death 230 riches of sir william stanley 133 richmond built , vpon what occasion . 187 riot and retainers suppressed by act of parliament . 216 rome euer respected by king h. 70 a rumour false , procuring much hatred to the king 19 rumour false enquired after to be punished 37 rumour that the d. of york was aliue , first of the k. own nourishing . 244 s sanctuary at colneham could not protect traytors 18 sanctuary priuiledges qualified by a bull from the pope in three points . 39 saturday obserued and fansied by k. henry 7. 170 saying of the king when hee heard of rebels 69 scottish men voyded out of england . 101 seruice of escuage 164 simon the priest 20 skreenes to the king , who 164 a sleight ingenuous , and taking good effect in warre 103 sluce besieged and taken ibid. southsayers prediction mistaken . 71 speeches 51. 82. 91 speech of the king to parliament 96 speech of perkin 148 speech conditionall doth not qualifie words of treason 134 speeches bitter against the king . 111 sparkes of rebellion neglected , dangerous 20 spies from the king 124 sprites , of what kinde , vexed k. h. 112 stanley sir william stanley crownes k. henry in the field 5 motiues of his falling from the k. 135 sir will. stanley appeached of treason 132. is confined , and examined , and confesseth , 133. is beheaded , 134. reasons which alienated the kings affections . 136 starre chamber court confirmed in certaine cases . 63 starre chamber court described , what causes belong to it . 64 statute of non claime 72 steward publick the k. 60 strength of the cornishmen 171 spoyles of bosworth field 135 spoyles as water spilt on the ground . 176 subsidie denyed by the inhabitants of yorkshire and durham , the reason wherefore . 67 subsidies denyed by the cornishmen 163 subsidie commissioner killed . 165 subsidie , how much 163 swart martin 30 sweating sicknesse 9 the maner of the cure of it . 9 sweating sicknesse , the interpretation the people made of it . 36 t atale pleasant concerning the k. 243 terror among the kings seruants and subiects 137 tirrill sir iames , a murderer of k. edw. 2. sonnes 123 tirrill executed 213 thanks of the king to the parliament 52 thanksgiuing to god for the victorie 1. 36. 38. 106 three titles to the kingdome meete in king hen. 3 title to france stirred 93 by the king himselfe 98 treasure to bee kept in the kingdome 75 treasure raised by the king , how . 37 50. 209 treasure inordinately affected by the king 211 treasure how increased 216 treasure left at the kings death , how much 230 trade , the increase therof considered 59 trade in decay pincheth 161 traytors taken out of sanctuary , 18 tower the kings lodging , wherefore . 132 a triplicity dangerous 166 triumph at the marriage of the ladie elizab. to k. h. 16 truce with scotland 40 tyrants , the obsequies of the people to them 2 v victory wisely husbanded by the french 62 victory at black heath 171 vnion of england and scotland , its first originall 174 voyage of k. henry into france . 109 voyage for discouerie 188. 189 vrswick ambassador 112 vsury 66 w walsingbam lady vowed to by k. henry 32 wards wronged 210 warre betweene the french king and the duke of brittain 48 warre , the fame thereof aduantagious to king henry 49. 50 warre gainfull to the king 163 warre pretended to get money 99 warre of fraunce ended by a peace , wherat the souldiers murmur , 111 white rose of england 120. 184 wilford counterfeit earle of warw. 194 a wifes affection 226 wooduile voluntarily goes to aide the duke of brittaine 49 wooduile slaine at s. albans in brittaine 62 wolsey employed by the king . 227 women carried away by violence , a law enacted against it : the reasons . 65 womens ingratitude punished by law . 146 y yeomen of the guard first instituted . 10 yeomanrie how maintained . 73 yorke house and title fauoured by the people . 4. 19 yorke title and line depressed by k. henry 6. 16 yorke title fauoured in ireland . 23 yorkeshire and durham deny to pay the subsidie . 67 finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a01483-e570 the originall of this proclamation remaineth with sir robert cotton , a worthy preseruer and treasurer of rare antiquities : from whose manuscripts i haue had much light for the furnishing of this worke. the tvvoo bookes of francis bacon. of the proficience and aduancement of learning, diuine and humane to the king. of the proficience and advancement of learning bacon, francis, 1561-1626. 1605 approx. 509 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 170 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a01516 stc 1164 estc s100507 99836346 99836346 611 this keyboarded and encoded 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a01516) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 611) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 650:7) the tvvoo bookes of francis bacon. of the proficience and aduancement of learning, diuine and humane to the king. of the proficience and advancement of learning bacon, francis, 1561-1626. [1], 45; 118 [i.e. 121], [3] leaves printed [by thomas purfoot and thomas creede] for henrie tomes, and are to be sould at his shop at graies inne gate in holborne, at london : 1605. later expanded as "de augmentis scientiarum". purfoot printed book 1 and kk-rr of book 2; creede printed aa-ii and eee-hhh of book 2; another compositor set the rest (stc). 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proofread 2002-07 apex covantage rekeyed and resubmitted 2002-08 olivia bottum sampled and proofread 2002-08 olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the tvvoo bookes of francis bacon . of the proficience and aduancement of learning , diuine and humane . to the king. at london , ¶ printed for henrie tomes , and are to be sould at his shop at graies inne gate in holborne . 1605. the first booke of francis bacon ; of the proficience and aduancement of learning diuine , and humane . to the king. there were vnder the lawe ( excellent king ) both dayly sacrifices , and free will offerings ; the one proceeding vpon ordinarie obseruance ; the other vppon a deuout cheerefulnesse : in like manner there belongeth to kings from their seruants , both tribute of dutie , and presents of affection : in the former of these , i hope i shal not liue to be wanting , according to my most humble dutie , and the good pleasure of your maiesties employments : for the later , i thought it more respectiue to make choyce of some oblation , which might rather referre to the proprietie and excellencie of your indiuiduall person , than to the businesse of your crowne and state. wherefore representing your maiestie many times vnto my mind , and beholding you not with the inquisitiue eye of presumption , to discouer that which the scripture telleth me is inscrutable ; but with the obseruant eye of dutie and admiration : leauing aside the other parts of your vertue and fortune , i haue been touched , yea and possessed with an extreame woonder at those your vertues and faculties , which the philosophers call intellectuall : the largenesse of your capacitie , the faithfulnesse of your memorie , the swiftnesse of your apprehension , the penetration of your iudgement , and the facilitie and order of your elocution ; and i haue often thought , that of all the persons liuing , that i haue knowne , your maiestie were the best instance to make a man of platoes opinion , that all knowledge is but remembrance , and that the minde of man by nature knoweth all things , and hath but her owne natiue and originall motions ( which by the strangenesse and darkenesse of this tabernacle of the bodie are sequestred ) againe reuiued and restored such a light of nature i haue obserued in your maiestie , and such a readinesse to take flame , and blaze from the least occasion presented , or the least sparke of anothers knowledge deliuered . and as the scripture sayth of the wisest king : that his heart was as the sands of the sea , which though it be one of the largest bodies , yet it cōsisteth of the smallest & finest portions ; so hath god giuen your maiestie a cōposition of vnderstanding admirable , being able to compasse & comprehend the greatest matters , & neuerthelesse to touch and apprehend the least : wheras it should seeme an impossibility in nature , for the same instrument to make it selfe fit for great and small workes . and for your gift of speech , i call to minde what cornelius tacitus sayth of augustus caesar : augusto profluens & quae principem deceret , eloquentia fuit : for if we note it well , speech that is vttered with labour and difficultie , or speech that sauoreth of the affectation of art and precepts , or speech that is framed after the imitation of some patterne of eloquence , though neuer so excellent : all this hath somewhat seruile , and holding of the subiect . but your maiesties manner of speech is indeed prince-like , flowing as from a fountaine , and yet streaming & branching it selfe into natures order , full of facilitie , & felicitie , imitating none & ininimitable by any . and as in your ciuile estate there appeareth to be an emulation & contentiō of your maiesties vertue with your fortune , a vertuous disposition with a fortunate regiment , a vertuous expectation ( when time was ) of your greater fortune , with a prosperous possession thereof in the due time ; a vertuous obseruation of the lawes of marriage , with most blessed and happie fruite of marriage ; a vertuous and most christian desire of peace , with a fortunate inclination in your neighbour princes thereunto , so likewise in these intellectuall matters , there seemeth to be no lesse contention betweene the excellencie of your maiesties gifts of nature , and the vniuersalitie and profection of your learning . for i am well assured , that this which i shall say is no amplification at all , but a positiue and measured truth : which is , that there hath not beene since christs time any king or temporall monarch which hath ben so learned in all literature & erudition , diuine & humane . for let a man seriously & diligently reuolue and peruse the succession of the emperours of rome , of which caesar the dictator , who liued some yeeres before christ , and marcus antoninus were the best learned : and so descend to the emperours of grecia , or of the west , and then to the lines of fraunce , spaine , england , scotland and the rest , and he shall finde this iudgement is truly made . for it seemeth much in a king , if by the compendious extractions of other mens wits and labours , he can take hold of any superficiall ornaments and shewes of learning , or if he countenance and preferre learning and learned men : but to drinke indeed of the true fountaines of learning , nay , to haue such a fountaine of learning in himselfe , in a king , and in a king borne , is almost a miracle . and the more , because there is met in your maiesty a rare coniunction , aswell of diuine and sacred literature , as of prophane and humane ; so as your maiestie standeth inuested of that triplicitie , which in great veneration , was ascribed to the ancient hermes ; the power and fortune of a king ; the knowledge and illumination of a priest ; and the learning and vniuersalitie of a philosopher . this propriety inherent and indiuiduall attribute in your maiestie deserueth to be expressed , not onely in the same and admiration of the present time , nor in the historie or tradition of the ages succeeding ; but also in some solide worke , fixed memoriall , and immortall monument , bearing a character or signature , both of the power of a king , and the difference and perfection of such a king . therefore i did conclude with my selfe , that i could not make vnto your maiesty a better oblation , then of some treatise tending to that end , whereof the summe will consist of these two partes : the former concerning the excellencie of learning and knowledge , and the excellencie of the merit and true glory , in the augmentation and propagation thereof : the latter , what the particuler actes and workes are , which haue been imbraced and vndertaken for the aduancement of learning : and againe what defects and vndervalewes i finde in such particuler actes : to the end , that though i cannot positiuely or affirmatiuelie aduise your maiestie , or propound vnto you framed particulers ; yet i may excite your princely cogitations to visit the excellent treasure of your owne mind , and thence to extract particulers for this purpose , agreeable to your magnanimitie and wisedome . in the entrance to the former of these ; to cleere the way , & as it were to make silence , to haue the true testimonies concerning the dignitie of learning to be better heard , without the interruption of tacite obiections ; i thinke good to deliuer it from the discredites and disgraces which it hath receiued ; all from ignorance ; but ignorance seuerally disguised , appearing sometimes in the zeale and iealousie of diuines ; sometimes in the seueritie and arrogancie of politiques , and sometimes in the errors and imperfections of learned men themselues . i heare the former sort say , that knowledge is of those things which are to be accepted of with great limitation and caution , that th' aspiring to ouermuch knowledge , was the originall temptation and sinne , whereupon ensued the fal of man ; that knowledge hath in it somewhat of the serpent , and therefore where it entreth into a man , it makes him swel . scientia inflat . that salomon giues a censure , that there is no end of making bookes , and that much reading is wearinesse of the flesh . and againe in another place , that in spatious knowledge , there is much contristation , and that he that encreaseth knowledge , encreaseth anxietie : that saint paul giues a caueat , that we be not spoyled through vaine philosophie : that experience demonstrates , how learned men , haue beene arch-heretiques , how learned times haue been enclined to atheisme , and how the contemplation of second causes doth derogate frō our dependance vpon god , who is the first cause . to discouer then the ignorance & error of this opinion , and the misunderstanding in the grounds thereof , it may well appeare these men doe not obserue or cōsider , that it was not the pure knowledg of nature and vniuersality , a knowledge by the light whereof man did giue names vnto other creatures in paradise , as they were brought before him , according vnto their proprieties , which gaue the occasion to the fall ; but it was the proude knowledge of good and euill , with an intent in man to giue law vnto himselfe , and to depend no more vpon gods commaundements , which was the fourme of the temptation ; neither is it any quantitie of knowledge how great soeuer that can make the minde of man to swell ; for nothing can fill , much lesse extend the soule of man , but god , and the contemplation of god ; and therfore salomon speaking of the two principall sences of inquisition , the eye , and the eare , affirmeth that the eye is neuer satisfied with seeing , nor the eare with hearing ; and if there be no fulnesse , then is the continent greater , than the content ; so of knowledge it selfe , and the minde of man , whereto the sences are but reporters , he defineth likewise in these wordes , placed after that kalender or ephemerides , which he maketh of the diuersities of times and seasons for all actions and purposes ; and concludeth thus : god hath made all thinges beautifull or decent in the true returne of their seasons . also hee hath placed the world in mans heart , yet cannot man finde out the worke which god worketh from the beginning to the end : declaring not obscurely , that god hath framed the minde of man as a mirrour , or glasse , capable of the image of the vniuersall world , and ioyfull to receiue the impression thereof , as the eye ioyeth to receiue light , and not onely delighted in beholding the varietie of thinges and vicissitude of times , but raysed also to finde out and discerne the ordinances and decrees which throughout all those changes are infallibly obserued . and although hee doth insinuate that the supreame or summarie law of nature , which he calleth , the worke which god worketh from the beginning to the end , is not possible to be found out by man ; yet that doth not derogate from the capacitie of the minde ; but may bee referred to the impediments as of shortnesse of life , ill coniunction of labours , ill tradition of knowledge ouer from hand to hand , and many other inconueniences , whereunto the condition of man is subiect . for that nothing parcell of the world , is denied to mans enquirie and inuention : hee doth in another place rule ouer ; when hee sayth , the spirite of man is as the lampe of god , wherewith hee searcheth the inwardnesse of all secrets . if then such be the capacitie and receit of the mind of man , it is manifest , that there is no daunger at all in the proportion or quantitie of knowledge howe large soeuer ; least it should make it swell or outcompasse it selfe ; no , but it is meerely the qualitie of knowledge , which be it in quantitie more or lesse , if it bee taken without the true correctiue thereof , hath in it some nature of venome or malignitie , and some effects of that venome which is ventositie or swelling . this correctiue spice , the mixture whereof maketh knowledge so soueraigne , is charitie , which the apostle imediately addeth to the former clause , for so he sayth , knowledge bloweth vp , but charitie buildeth vp ; not vnlike vnto that which hee deliuereth in another place : if i spake ( sayth hee ) with the tongues of men and angels , and had not charitie , it were but as a tinckling cymball ; not but that it is an excellent thinge to speake with the tongues of men and angels , but because if it bee seuered from charitie , and not referred to the good of men and mankind , it hath rather a sounding and vnworthie glorie , than a meriting and substantiall vertue . and as for that censure of salomon concerning the excesse of writing and reading bookes , and the anxietie of spirit which redoundeth from knowlegde , and that admonition of saint paule , that wee bee not seduced by vayne philosophie ; let those places bee rightly vnderstoode , and they doe indeede excellently sette foorth the true bounds and limitations , whereby humane knowledge is confined and circumscribed : and yet without any such contracting or coarctation , but that it may comprehend all the vniuersall nature of thinges : for these limitations are three : the first , that wee doe not so place our felicitic in knowledge , as wee forget our mortalitie . the second , that we make application of our knowledge to giue our selues repose and contentment , and not distast or repining . the third : that we doe not presume by the contemplation of nature , to attaine to the misteries of god ; for as touching the first of these , salomon doth excellently expound himselfe in another place of the same booke , where hee sayth ; i sawe well that knowledge recedeth as farre from ignorance , as light doth from darkenesse , and that the wise mans eyes keepe watch in his head whereas the foole roundeth about in darkenesse : but withall i learned that the same mortalitie inuolueth them both . and for the second , certaine it is , there is no vexation or anxietie of minde , which resulteth from knowledge otherwise than meerely by accident ; for all knowledge and wonder ( which is the seede of knowledge ) is an impression of pleasure in it selfe ; but when men fall to framing conclusions out of their knowledge , applying it to their particuler , and ministring to themselues thereby weake feares , or vast desires , there groweth that carefulnesse and trouble of minde , which is spoken of : for then knowledge is no more lumen sic●…um , whereof heraclitus the profound sayd , lumen siccum optima anima , but it becommeth lumen madidum , or maceratum , being steeped and infused in the humors of the affections . and as for the third point , it deserueth to be a little stood vpon , and not to be lightly passed ouer : for if any man shall thinke by view and enquiry into these sensible and material things to attaine that light , whereby he may reueale vnto himselfe the nature or will of god : then indeed is he spoyled by vaine philosophie : for the contemplation of gods creatures and works produceth ( hauing regard to the works and creatures themselues ) knowledge , but hauing regard to god , no perfect knowledg , but wonder , which is brokē knowledge : and therefore it was most aptly sayd by one of platoes schoole , that the sence of man caryeth a resemblance with the sunne , which ( as we see ) openeth and reuealeth all the terrestriall globe ; but then againe it obscureth and concealeth the stars & celestiall globe : so doth the sence discouer naturall thinges , but it darkeneth and shutteth vp diuine . and hence it is true that it hath proceeded that diuers great learned men haue beene hereticall , whilest they haue sought to flye vp to the secrets of the deitie by the waxen winges of the sences : and as for the conceite that too much knowledge should encline a man to atheisme , and that the ignorance of second causes should make a more deuoute dependance vppon god , which is the first cause ; first , it is good to aske the question which iob asked of his friends ; will you lye for god , as one man will doe for another , to gratifie him ? for certaine it is , that god worketh nothing in nature , but by second causes , and if they would haue it otherwise beleeued , it is meere imposture , as it were in fauour towardes god ; and nothing else , but to offer to the author of truth , the vncleane sacrifice of a lye . but further , it is an assured truth , and a conclusion of experience , that a little or superficiall knowledge of philosophie may encline the minde of man to atheisme , but a further proceeding therein doth bring the mind backe againe to religion : for in the entrance of philosophie , when the second causes , which are next vnto the sences , do offer themselues to the minde of man , if it dwell and stay there , it may induce some obliuion of the highest cause ; but when a man passeth on further , and seeth the dependance of causes , and the workes of prouidence ; then according to the allegorie of the poets , he will easily beleeue that the highest linke of natures chaine must needes be tyed to the foote of iupiters chaire . to conclude therefore , let no man vppon a weake conceite of sobrietie , or an ill applyed moderation thinke or maintaine , that a man can search too farre , or bee too well studied in the booke of gods word , or in the booke of gods workes ; diuinitie or philosophie ; but rather let men endeauour an endlesse progresse or proficience in both : only let men beware that they apply both to charitie , and not to swelling ; to vse , and not to ostentation ; and againe , that they doe not vnwisely mingle or confound these learnings together . and as for the disgraces which learning receiueth from politiques , they bee of this nature ; that learning doth soften mens mindes , and makes them more vnapt for the honour and exercise of armes ; that it doth marre and peruert mens dispositions for matter of gouernement and policie ; in making them too curious and irresolute by varietie of reading ; or too peremptorie or positiue by stricktnesse of rules and axiomes ; or too immoderate and ouerweening by reason of the greatnesse of examples ; or too incompatible and differing from the times , by reason of the dissimilitude of examples ; or at least , that it doth diuert mens trauailes from action and businesse , and bringeth them to a loue of leasure and priuatenesse ; and that it doth bring into states a relaxation of discipline , whilst euerie man is more readie to argue , than to obey and execute . out of this conceit , cato surnamed the censor , one of the wisest men indeed that euer liued , when carneades the philosopher came in embassage to rome , and that the young men of rome began to flocke about him , being allured with the sweetnesse and maiestie of his eloquence and learning , gaue counsell in open senate , that they should giue him his dispatch with all speede , least hee should infect and inchaunt the mindes and affections of the youth , and at vnawares bring in an alteration of the manners and customes of the state. out of the same conceite or humor did virgill , turning his penne to the aduantage of his countrey , and the disaduantage of his owne profession , make a kind of separation betweene policie and gouernement , and betweene arts and sciences , in the verses so much renowned , attributing and challenging the one to the romanes , and leauing & yeelding the other to the grecians , turegere imperio populos romane mem●…to , hae tibi erūt artes , &c. so likewise we see that anytus the accuser of socrates layd it as an article of charge & accusation against him , that he did with the varietie and power of his discourses and disputations withdraw young men from due reuerence to the lawes and customes of their countrey : and that he did professe a dangerous and pernitious science , which was to make the worse matter seeme the better , and to suppresse truth by force of eloquence and speech . but these and the like imputations haue rather a countenance of grauitie , than any ground of iustice : for experience doth warrant , that both in persons and in times , there hath beene a meeting , and concurrence in learning and armes , flourishing and excelling in the same men , and the same ages . for as for men , there cannot be a better nor the like instance , as of that payre alexander the great , and iulius caesar the dictator , whereof the one was aristotles scholler in philosophie , and the other was ciceroes riuall in eloquence ; or if any man had rather call for schollers , that were great generals , then generals that were great schollers ; let him take epaminondas the thebane , or xenophon the athenian , whereof the one was the first that abated the power of sparta ; and the other was the first that made way to the ouerthrow of the monarchie of persia : and this concurrence is yet more visible in times than in persons , by how much an age is greater obiect than a man. for both in aegypt , assyria , persia , grecia , and rome the same times that are most renowned for armes , are likewise most admired for learning ; so that the greatest authors and philosophers , and the greatest captaines and gouernours haue liued in the same ages : neither can it otherwise be ; for as in man , the ripenesse of strength of the bodie and minde commeth much about an age , saue that the strength of the bodie commeth somewhat the more early ; so in states , armes and learning , whereof the one correspondeth to the bodie , the other to the soule of man , haue a concurrence or nere sequence in times . and for matter of policie and gouernement , that learning should rather hurt , than inable thereunto , is a thing verie improbable : we see it is accounted an errour , to commit a naturall bodie to emperique phisitions , which commonly haue a fewe pleasing receits , whereupon they are confident and aduenturous , but know neither the causes of diseases , nor the complexions of patients , nor perill of accidents , nor the true methode of cures ; we see it is a like error to rely vpon aduocates or lawyers , which are onely men of practise , and not grounded in their bookes , who are many times easily surprised , when matter falleth out besides their experience , to the preiudice of the causes they handle : so by like reason it cannot be but a matter of doubtfull consequence , if states bee managed by emperique statesmen , not well mingled with men grounded in learning . but contrary wise , it is almost without instance contradictorie , that euer any gouernement was disastrous , that was in the hands of learned gouernors . for howsoeuer it hath beene ordinarie with politique men to extenuate and disable learned men by the names of pedantes : yet in the records of time it appeareth in many particulers , that the gouernements of princes in minority ( notwithstanding the infinite disaduantage of that kinde of state ) haue neuerthelesse excelled the gouernement of princes of mature age , euen for that reason , which they seek to traduce , which is , that by that occasion the state hath been in the hands of pedantes : for so was the state of rome for the first fiue yeeres , which are so much magnified , during the minoritie of nero , in the handes of seneca a pedanti : so it was againe for ten yeres space or more during the minoritie of gordianus the younger , with great applause and contentation in the hands of misi●…heus a pedanti : so was it before that , in the minoritie of alexander seuerus in like happinesse , in hands not much vnlike , by reason of the rule of the women , who were ayded by the teachers and preceptors . nay , let a man looke into the gouernement of the bishops of rome , as by name , into the gouernement of pius quintus , and sex●… quintus in out times , who were both at their entrance esteemed , but as pedanticall friers , and he shall find that such popes doe greater thinges , and proceed vpon truer principles of estate , than those which haue ascended to the papacie from an education & breeding in affaires of estate , and courts of princes ; for although men bred in learning , are perhaps to seeke in points of conuenience , and accommodating for the present which the italians call ragioni di 〈◊〉 , whereof the same pius quintus could not heare spoken with patience , tearming them inuentions against religion and the morall vertues ; yet on the other side to recompence that , they are perfite in those same plaine grounds of religion , iustice , honour , and morall vertue ; which if they be well and watchfully pursued , there will bee seldome vse of those other , no more than of phisicke in a sound or well dieted bodie ; neither can the experience of one mans life , furnish examples and presidents for the euents of one mans life . for as it happeneth sometimes , that the graund child , or other descendent , resembleth the ancestor more than the sonne : so many times occurrences of present times may sort better with ancient examples , than with those of the later or immediate times ; and lastly , the wit of one man , can no more counteruaile learning , than one mans meanes can hold way with a common purse . and as for those particular seducements or indispositions of the minde for policie and gouernement , which learning is pretended to insinuate ; if it be graunted that any such thing be , it must be remembred withall , that learning ministreth in euery of them greater strength of medicine or remedie , than it offereth cause of indisposition or infirmitie ; for if by a secret operation , it make men perplexed and irresolute , on the other side by plaine precept , it teacheth them when , and vpon what ground to resolue : yea , and how to carrie thinges in suspence without preiudice , till they resolue : if it make men positiue and reguler , it teacheth them what thinges are in their nature demonstratiue , & what are coniecturall ; and aswell the vse of distinctions , and exceptions , as the latitude of principles and rules . if it mislead by disproportion , or dissimilitude of examples , it teacheth men the force of circumstances , the errours of comparisons , and all the cautions of application : so that in all these it doth rectifie more effectually , than it can peruert and these medicines it conueyeth into mens minds much more forcibly by the quicknesse and penetration of examples : for let a man looke into the errours of clement the seuenth , so liuely described by guicciardine , who serued vnder him , or into the errours of cicero painted out by his owne pensill in his epistles to atticus , and he will flye apace from being irresolute . let him looke into the errors of p●…ion and he will beware how he be obstinate or inflexible let him but read the fable of ixion , and it will hold him from being vaporous or imaginatiue ; let him look into the errors of cato the second , and he will neuer be one of the antipodes , to tread opposite to the present world . and for the conceite that learning should dispose men to leasure and priuatenesse , and make men slouthfull : it were a strange thing if that which accustometh the minde to a perpetuall motion and agitation , should induce slouthfulnesse , whereas contrariwise it may bee truely affirmed , that no kinde of men loue businesse for it selfe , but those that are learned ; for other persons loue it for profite ; as an hireling that loues the worke for the wages ; or for honour ; as because it beareth them vp in the eyes of men , and refresheth their reputation , which otherwise would weare ; or because it putteth them in mind of their fortune , and giueth them occasion to pleasure and displeasure ; or because it exerciseth some faculty , wherein they take pride , and so entertaineth them in good humor , and pleasing conceits toward themselues ; or because it aduanceth any other their ends . so that as it is sayd of vntrue valors , that some mens valors are in the eyes of them that look on ; so such mens industries are in the eyes of others , or at least in regard of their owne designements ; onely learned men loue businesse , as an action according to nature , as agreable to health of minde , as exercise is to health of bodie , taking pleasure in the action it selfe , & not in the purchase : so that of all men , they are the most indefatigable , if it be towards any businesse , which can hold or detaine their minde . and if any man be laborious in reading and study , and yet idle in busines & action , it groweth frō some weakenes of body , or softnes of spirit ; such as seneca speaketh of : quidam tam sunt vmbratiles , vt putent in turbido esse , quicquid in luce est ; and not of learning ; wel may it be that such a point of a mans nature may make him giue himselfe to learning , but it is not learning that breedeth any such point in his nature . and that learning should take vp too much time or leasure , i answere , the most actiue or busie man that hath been or can bee , hath ( no question ) many vacant times of leasure , while he expecteth the tides and returnes of businesse ( except he be either tedious , and of no dispatch , or lightly and vnworthily ambitious , to meddle in thinges that may be better done by others ) and then the question is , but how those spaces and times of leasure shall be filled and spent : whether in pleasures , or in studies ; as was wel answered by demosthenes to his aduersarie aeschynes , that was a man giuen to pleasure , and told him , that his orations did smell of the lampe : indeede ( sayd demosthenes ) there is a great difference betweene the thinges that you and i doe by lampe-light ; so as no man neede doubt , that learning will expulse businesse , but rather it will keepe and defend the possession of the mind against idlenesse and pleasure , which otherwise , at vnawares , may enter to the preiudice of both . againe , for that other conceit , that learning should vndermine the reuerence of lawes and gouernement , it is assuredly a meere deprauation and calumny without all shadowe of truth : for to say that a blind custome of obedience should be a surer obligation , than dutie taught and vnderstood ; it is to affirme that a blind man may tread surer by a guide , than a seeing man can by a light : and it is without all controuersie , that learning doth make the minds of men gentle , generous , maniable , and pliant to gouernment whereas ignorance makes them churlish , thwart , and mutinous ; and the euidence of time doth cleare this assertion , considering that the most barbarous , rude , and vnlearned times haue beene most subiect to tumults , seditions , and changes . and as to the iudgement of cato the censor , he was well punished for his blasphemie against learning in the same kinde wherein hee offended ; for when he was past threescore yeeres old , he was taken with an extreame desire to goe to schoole againe , and to learne the greeke tongue , to the end to peruse the greeke authors ; which doth well demonstrate , that his former censure of the grecian learning , was rather an affected grauitie , than according to the inward sence of his owne opinion . and as for virgils verles , though it pleased him to braue the world in taking to the romanes , the art of empire , and leauing to others the arts of subiects : yet so much is manifest , that the romanes neuer ascended to that height of empire , till the time they had ascended to the height of other arts : for in the time of the two first caesars , which had the art of gouernement in greatest perfection ; there li●…ed the best poet virgilius maro , the best hifforiographer titus liuius , the best antiquarie marcus varro , and the best or second orator marcus cicero , that to the memorie of man are knowne . as for the accusation of socrates , the time must be remembred , when it was prosecuted ; which was vnder the thirtie tyrants , the most base , bloudy , and enuious persons that haue gouerned ; which reuolution of state was no sooner ouer , but socrates , whom they had made a person criminall , was made a person heroycall , and his memorie accumulate with honors diuine and humane ; and those discourses of his which were then tearmed corrupting of manners , were after acknowledged for soueraigne medicines of the minde and manners , and so haue beene receiued euer since till this day . let this therefore serue for answere to politiques , which in their humorous seueritie , or in their fayned grauitie haue presumed to throwe imputations vpon learning , which redargution neuerthelesse ( saue that wee know not whether our labours may extend to other ages ) were not needefull for the present , in regard of the loue and reuerence towards learning , which the example and countenance of twoo so learned princes queene elizabeth , and your maiestie ; being as castor and pollux , lucida sydera , starres of excellent light , and most benigne influence , hath wrought in all men of place and authoritie in our nation . now therefore , we come to that third sort of discredite , or diminution of credite , that groweth vnto learning from learned men themselues , which commonly cleaueth fastest ; it is either from their fortune , or frō their manners , or from the nature of their studies : for the first , it is not in their power ; and the second is accidentall ; the third only is proper to be hādled : but because we are not in hand with true measure , but with popular estimation & conceit , it is not amisse to speak somwhat of the two former . the derogations therefore , which grow to learning from the fortune or condition of learned men , are either in respect of scarsity of meanes , or in respect of priuatenesse of life , and meanesse of employments . concerning want , and that it is the case of learned men , vsually to beginne with little , and not to growe rich so fast as other men , by reason they conuert not their labors chiefely to luker , and encrease ; it were good to leaue the common place in commendation of pouertie to some frier to handle , to whom much was attributed by macciauell in this point , when he sayd , that the kingdome of the cleargie had beene long before at an end , if the reputation and reuerence towards the pouertie of friers had not borne out the scandall of the superfluities and excesses of bishops and prelates . so a man might say , that the felicitie and delicacie of princes and great persons , had long since turned to rudenes and barbarisme , if the pouertie of learning had not kept vp ciuilitie and honor of life ; but without any such aduantages , it is worthy the obseruation , what a reuerent and honoured thing pouertie of fortune was , for some ages in the romane state , which neuerthelesse was a state without paradoxes . for we see what titus liuius sayth in his introduction . caeterum aut me amor neg●… 〈◊〉 , aut 〈◊〉 vnquam respublica , nec ma●…or , nec sanctior , nec bonis exemplis ditior fuit ; nec in quamt●…m serae 〈◊〉 luxuri●…que immigra●… , nec vbitantus ac tam diu paupertati ac parsimoniae honos fuerit . we se●… likewise after that the state of rome was not it selfe , but did degenerate ; how that person that tooke vpon him to be counsellor to iulius caesar , after his victori●… , where to begin his restauration of the state , maketh it of all points the most summarie to take away the estimation of wealth . verum haec & omnia mala pariter cum honore 〈◊〉 desinent ; si neque magistratus , neque alia v●…lgo ●…pienda venalia e●…unt . to conclude this point , as it was truely sayd , that ru●…or est virtutis color , though sometime it come from vice : so it may be ●…itly sayd , that poupertas est virtutis fortun●… . though sometimes it may proceede from misgouernement and accident . surely salomon hath pronounced it both in censure , qui fes●…inat ad diu●…tias non erit insons ; and in precept : buy the truth , and sell it not : and so of wisedome and knowledge ; iudging that meanes were to be spent vpon learning , and not learning to be applyed to meanes . and as for the priuatenesse or obscurenesse ( as it may be in vulgar estimation accounted ) of life of contemplatiue men ; it is a theame so common , to extoll a priuatelife , not taxed with sensualitie and sloth in comparison , and to the disaduantage of a ciuile life , for safety , libertie , pleasure and dignitie , or at least freedome from indignitie , as no man handleth it , but handleth it well : such a consonancie it hath to mens conceits in the expressing , and to mens consents in the allowing : this onely i will adde ; that learned men forgotten in states , and not liuing in the eyes of men , are like the images of cassius and brutus in the funerall of iunia ; of which not being represented , as many others were tacitus sayth , eo ipso prefulgebant , quod non visebantur . and for meanesse of employment , that which is most traduced to contempt , is that the gouernment of youth is commonly allotted to them , which age , because it is the age of least authoritie , it is transferred to the disesteeming of those employments wherin youth is conuersant , and which are conuersant about youth . but how vniust this traducement is , ( if you will reduce thinges from popularitie of opinion to measure of reason ) may appeare in that we see men are more curious what they put into a new vessell , than into a vessell seasoned ; and what mould they lay about a young plant , than about a plant corroborate ; so as the weakest termes and times of all things vse to haue the best applications and helpes . and will you hearken to the hebrew rabynes ? your young men shall see visions , and your old men shal dreame dreames , say they youth is the worthier age , for that visions are neerer apparitions of god , than dreames ? and let it bee noted , that how soeuer the conditions of life of pedantes hath been scorned vpon theaters , as the ape of tyrannie ; and that the modern loosenes or negligence hath taken no due regard to the choise of schoolemasters , & tutors ; yet the ancient wisdome of the best times did alwaies make a iust complaint ; that states were too busie with their lawes , and too negligent in point of education : which excellent part of ancient discipline hath been in some sort reuiued of late times , by the colledges of the iesuites : of whom , although in regard of their superstition i may say , quo meliores , eo deteriores , yet in regard of this , and some other points concerning humane learning , and morall matters , i may say as agesilaus sayd to his enemie farnabasus , talis quum sis , vtinam noster esses . and thus much touching the discredits drawn from the fortunes of learned men . as touching the manners of learned men , it is a thing personall and indiuiduall , and no doubt there be amongst them , as in other professions , of all temperatures ; but yet so as it is not without truth , which is sayd , that abeunt studia in mores , studies haue an influence and operation , vpon the manners of those that are conuersant in them . but vpon an attentiue , and indifferent reuiew ; i for my part , cannot find any disgrace to learning , can proceed frō the manners of learned men ; not inherent to them as they are learned ; except it be a fault , ( which was the supposed fault of demosthenes , cicero , cato the second ; seneca , and many moe ) that because the times they read of , are commonly better than the times they liue in ; and the duties taught , better than the duties practised : they contend somtimes too farre , to bring thinges to perfection ; and to reduce the corruption of manners , to honestie of precepts , or examples of too great height ; and yet hereof they haue caueats ynough in their owne walkes : for solon , when he was asked whether he had giuen his citizens the best laws , answered wisely , y ea of such , as they would receiue : and plato finding that his owne heart , could not agree with the corrupt manners of his country , refused to beare place or office , saying : that a mans countrey was to be vsed as his parents were , that is , with humble per swasions , and not with contestations . and caesars counsellor put in the same caueat , non ad vetera instituta reuocans quae iampridem corruptis moribus ludibrio sunt ; and cicero noteth this error directly in cato the second , when he writes to his friend atticus ; cato optimè sentit , sed nocet interdum reipublicae ; lo quitur enim tanquam in repub : platonis , non tanquam in foece romuli ; and the same cicero doth excuse and expound the philosophers for going too far , and being too exact in their prescripts , when he saith ; isti ipsi praeceptores virtutis & magistri , videntur fines officiorum paulo longius quam natura vellet protulisse , vt cū ad vltimū animo contendissemus , ibi tamen , vbi oportet , consisteremus : and yet himself might haue said : monitis sū minor ipse meis , for it was his own fault , thogh not in so extream a degre . another fault likewise much of this kind , hath beene incident to learned men ; which is that they haue esteemed the preseruation , good , and honor of their countreys or maisters before their owne fortunes or safeties . for so sayth demosthenes vnto the athenians ; if it please you to note it , my counsels vnto you , are not such , whereby i should grow great amongst you , and you become little amongst the gre●…ians : but they be of that nature as they are sometimes not good for me to giue , but are alwaies good for you to follow . and so seneca after he had consecrated that quinquennium neronis to the eternall glorie of learned gouernors , held on his honest and loyall course of good and free counsell , after his maister grew extreamely corrupt in his gouernment ; neither can this point otherwise be : for learning endueth mens mindes with a true sence of the ●…railtie of their persons , the casualtie of their fortun̄es , and the dignitie of their soule and vocation ; so that it is impossible for them to esteeme that any greatnesse of their owne fortune can bee , a true or worthy end of their being and ordainment ; and therefore are desirous to giue their account to god , and so likewise to their maisters vnder god ( as kinges and the states that they serue ) in these words ; ecce tibi lucrifeci , and not ●…cce mihi lucrifeci : whereas the corrupter sort of meere politiques , that haue not their thoughts established by learning in the loue and apprehension of dutie , nor neuer looke abroad into vniuersalitie ; doe referre all thinges to themselues , and thrust themselues into the center of the world , as if all lynes should meet in them and their fortunes ; neuer caring in all tempests what becoms of the shippe of estates , so they may saue themselues in the cocke-boat of their owne fortune , whereas men that seele the weight of dutie , and know the limits of selfe-loue , vse to make good their places & duties , though with perill . and if they stand in seditious and violent alterations ; it is rather the reucrence which many times both aduerse parts doegiue to honestie , than any versatile aduantage of their owne carriage . but for this point of tender sence , and ●…ast obligation of dutie , which learning doth endue the minde withall , howsoeuer fortune may taxe it , and many in the depth of their corrupt principles may despise it yet it will receiue an open allowance , and therefore needes the lesse di●…proofe or excusation . another fault incident commonly to learned men , which may be more probably defended , than truely denyed , is ; that they fayle sometimes in ap●…lying themselus to particular persons , which want of exact application ar●…eth from two causes : the one because the largenesse of their minde can hardly confine it selfe to dwell in the exquisite obseruation or examination of the nature and customes of one person : for it is a speech for a louer , & not for a wise man : satis magnum alter alteri theat●…um sumus●… : neuerthelesse i shall yeeld , that he that cannot contract the sight of his minde , aswell as disperse and dilate it , wanteth a great sacultie . but there is a second cause , which is no inabilitie , but a rejection vpon choise and iudgement . for the honest and iust bounds of obseruation , by one person vpon another , extend no further , but to vnderstand him sufficiently , whereby not to giue him offence , or wherby to be able to giue him faithfull counsel , or wherby to stand vpon reasonable guard and caution in respect of a mans selfe : but to be speculatiue into another man , to the end to know how to worke him , or winde him , or gouerne him , proceedeth from a heart that is double and clouen , and not entire and ingenuous ; which as in friendship it is want of integritie , so towards princes or superiors , is want of dutie . for the custome of the leuant , which is , that subiects doe forbeare to gaze or fixe their eyes vpon princes , is in the outward ceremonie barbarous ; but the morall is good : for men ought not by cunning and bent obseruations to pierce and penetrate into the hearts of kings , which the scripture hath declared to be inscrutable . there is yet another fault ( with which i will conclude this part ) which is often noted in learned men , that they doe many times fayle to obserue decencie , and discretion in their behauiour and carriage , and commit errors in small and ordinarie points of action ; so as the vulgar sort of capacities , doe make a iudgement of them in greater matters , by that which they finde wanting in them , in smaller . but this consequence doth oft deceiue men , for which , i doe referre them ouer to that which was sayd by themistocles arrogantly , and vnciuily , being applyed to himselfe out of his owne mouth , but being applyed to the generall state of this question pertinently and iustly ; when being inuited to touch a lute , he sayd : he could not fiddle , but he could make a small towne , a great state . so no doubt , many may be well seene in the passages of gouernement and policie , which are to seeke in little , and punctuall occasions ; i referre them also to that , which plato sayd of his maister socrates , whom he compared to the gally-pots of apothecaries , which on the out side had apes and owles , and antiques , but contained with in soueraigne and precious liquors , and confections ; acknowledging that to an externall report , he was not without superficiall leuities , and deformities ; but was inwardly replenished with excellent vertues and powers . and so much touching the point of manners of learned men . but in the meane time , i haue no purpose to giue allowance to some conditions and courses base , and vnworthy , wherein diuers professors of learning , haue wronged themselues , and gone too farre ; such as were those trencher philosophers , which in the later age of the romane state , were vsually in the houses of great persons , being little better than solemne parasites ; of which kinde , lucian maketh a merrie description of the philosopher , that the great ladie tooke to ride with her in her coach , and would needs haue him carie her little dogge , which he doing officiously , and yet vncomely , the page scoffed . and sayd : that he doubted , the philosopher of a stoike , would turne to be a cynike . but aboue all the rest , the grosse and palpable flatterie , whereunto many ( not vnlearned ) haue abbased & abused their wits and pens , turning ( as du bartas saith , ) hecuba into helena , and faustina into lucretia , hath most diminished the price and estimation of learning neither is the morall dedications of bookes and writings , as to patrons to bee commended : for that bookes ( such as are worthy the name of bookes ) ought to haue no patrons , but truth and reason : and the ancient custome was , to dedicate them only to priuate and equall friendes , or to intitle the bookes with their names , or if to kings and great persons , it was to some such as the argument of the booke was fit and proper for ; but these and the like courses may deserue rather reprehension , than defence . not that i can taxe or condemne the morigeration or application of learned men to men in fortune . for the answere was good that diogenes made to one that asked him in mockerie , how it came to passe that philosophers were the followers of rich men , and not rich men of philosophers ? he answered soberly , and yet sharpely ; because the one sort knew what they had need of , & the other did not ; and of the like nature was the answere which aristippus made , when hauing a petition to dionisius , and no eare giuen to him , he fell downe at his feete , wheupon dionisius stayed , and gaue him the hearing , and graunted it , and afterward some person tender on the behalfe philosophie , reprooued aristippus , that he would offer the profession of philosophie such an indignitie , as for a priuat suit to fall at a tyrants feet : but he answered ; it was not his fault , but it was the fault of dionisius , that had his eares in his feete . neither was it accounted weakenesse , but discretion in him that would not dispute his best with adrianus caesar ; excusing himselfe , that it was reason to yeeld to him , that commaunded thirtie legions . these and the like applications and stooping to points of necessitie and conuenience cannot bee disallowed : for though they may haue some outward basenesse ; yet in a iudgement truely made , they are to bee accounted submissions to the occasion , and not to the person . now i proceede to those errours and vanities , which haue interueyned amongst the studies themselues of the learned ; which is that which is principall and proper to the present argument , wherein my purpose is not to make a iustification of the errors , but by a censure and separation of the errors , to make a iustificatiō of that which is good & sound ; and to deliuer that from the aspersion of the other . for we see , that it is the manner of men , to scandalize and depraue that which retaineth the state , and vertue , by taking aduantage vpon that which is corrupt and degenerate ; as the heathens in the primitiue church vsed to blemish and taynt the christians , with the faults and corruptions of heretiques : but neuerthelesse , i haue no meaning at this time to make any exact animaduersion of the errors and impediments in matters of learning , which are more secret and remote from vulgar opinion ; but onely to speake vnto such as doe fall vnder , or neere vnto , a popular obseruation . there be therfore chiefely three vanities in studies , whereby learning hath been most traduced : for those things we do esteeme vaine , which and either false or friuolous , those which either haue no truth , or no vse : & those persons we esteem vain , which are either credulous or curious , & curiositie is either in mater or words ; so that in reason , as wel as in experience , there fal out to be these 3. distēpers ( as i may tearm thē ) of learning ; the first fantastical learning : the second contentious learning , & the last delicate learning , vaine imaginations , vaine altercations , & vain affectatiōs : & with the last i wil begin , martin luther conducted ( no doubt ) by an higher prouidence , but in discourse of reason , finding what a prouince he had vndertaken against the bishop of rome , and the degenerate traditions of the church , and finding his owne solitude , being no waies ayded by the opinions of his owne time , was enforced to awake all antiquitie , and to call former times to his succors , to make a partie against the present time : so that the ancient authors , both in diuinitie , and in humanitie , which had long time slept in libraries , began generally to be read and reuolued . this by consequence , did draw on a necessitie of a more exquisite trauaile in the languages originall , wherin those authors did write : for the better vnderstāding of those authors , and the better aduantage of pressing and applying their words : and thereof grew againe , a delight in their manner of stile and phrase , and an admiration of that kinde of writing ; which was much furthered & precipitated by the enmity & opposition , that the propounders of those ( primitiue , but seeming new opinions ) had against the schoole-men : who were generally of the contrarie part : and whose writings were altogether in a differing stile and fourme , taking libertie to coyne , and frame new tearms of art , to expresse their own sence , and to auoide circuite of speech , without regard to the purenesse , pleasantnesse , and ( as i may call it ) lawfulnesse of the phrase or word : and againe , because the great labour that then was with the people ( of whome the pharisees were wont to say : execrabilis ista turba quae non nouit legem ) for the winning and perswading of them , there grewe of necessitie in cheefe price , and request , eloquence and varietie of discourse , as the fittest and forciblest accesse into the capacitie of the vulgar sort : so that these foure causes concurring , the admiration of ancient authors , the hate of the schoole-men , the exact studie of languages : and the efficacie of preaching did bring in an affectionate studie of eloquence , and copie of speech , which then began to flourish . this grew speedily to an excesse : for men began to hunt more after wordes , than matter , and more after the choisenesse of the phrase , and the round and cleane composition of the sentence , and the sweet falling of the clauses , and the varying and illustration of their workes with tropes and figures : then after the weight of matter , worth of subiect , soundnesse of argument , life of inuention , or depth of iudgement . then grew the flowing , and watrie vaine of osorius the portugall bishop , to be in price : then did sturmius spend such infinite , and curious paines vpon cicero the orator , and hermog●…nes the rhetorican , besides his owne bookes of periods , and imitation , and the like : then did car of cambridge , and as●…am with their lectures and writings , almost diefie cicero and demosthenes , and allure , all young men that were studious vnto that delicate and pollished kinde of learning . then did erasmus take occasion to make the scoffing eccho ; decem annos consumpsi in legendo cicerone : and the eccho answered in greeke , oue ; asine . then grew the learning of the schoole-men to be vtterly despised as barbarous . in summe , the whole inclination and bent of those times , was rather towards copie , than weight . here therefore , the first distemper of learning , when men studie words , and not matter : whereof though i haue represented an example of late times : yet it hath beene , and will be secundum maius & minus in all time . and how is it possible , but this should haue an operation to discredite learning , euen with vulgar capacities , when they see learned mens workes like the first letter of a patent , or limmed booke : which though it hath large flourishes , yet it is but a letter . it seemes to me that pigmalions frenzie is a good embleme or portraiture of this vanitie : for wordes are but the images of matter , and except they haue life of reason and inuention : to fall in loue with them , is all one , as to fall in loue with a picture . but yet notwithstanding , it is a thing not hastily to be condemned , to cloath and adorne the the obscuritie , euen of philosophie it selfe , with sensible and plausible elocution . for hereof we haue great examples in xenophon , cicero , seneca , plutarch , and of plato also in some degree , and hereof likewise there is great vse : for surely , to the seuere inquisition of truth , and the deepe progresse into philosophie , it is some hindrance ; because it is too early satisfactorie to the minde of man , and quencheth the desire of further search , before we come to a iust periode . but then if a man be to haue any vse of such knowledge in ciuile occasions , of conference , counsell , perswasion , discourse , or the like : then shall he finde it prepared to his hands in those authors , which write in that manner . but the excesse of this is so iustly contemptible , that as hercules , when hee saw the image of adonis , venus mig●…on in a temple , sayd in disdaine , nil sacri es . so there is none of hercules followers in learning , that is , the more seuere , and laborious sort of enquirers into truth , but will despise those delicacies and affectations , as indeede capable of no diuinesse . and thus much of the first disease or distemper of learning . the second which followeth is in nature ; worse then 〈◊〉 the former : for as substance of matter is better than beautie of words : so contrariwise vaine matter is worse , than vaine words : wherein it seemeth the reprehension of saint paule , was not onely proper for those times , but prophetical for the times following , and not only respectiue to diuinitie , but extensiue to all knowledge . deuita prophanas vocum nouitates & oppositiones falsinominis scientiae . for he assigneth two markes and badges of suspected and falsified science ; the one , the noueltie and strangenesse of tearmes ; the other , the strictnesse of positions , which of necessitie doth induce oppositions , and so questions and altercations . surely , like as many substances in nature which are solide , do putrifie and corrupt into wormes : so it is the propertie of good and sound knowledge , to putrifie and dissolue into a number of subtile , idle , vnholesome , and ( as i may tearme them ) vermiculate questions ; which haue indeede a kinde of quicknesse , and life of spirite , but no soundnesse of matter , or goodnesse of qualitie . this kinde of degenerate learning did chiefely raigne amongst the schoole-men , who hauing sharpe and stronge wits , and aboundance of leasure , and smal varietie of reading ; but their wits being shut vp in the cels of a few authors ( chiefely aristotle their dictator ) as their persons were shut vp in the cells of monasteries and colledges , and knowing little historie , either of nature or time , did out of no great quantitie of matter , and infinite agitation of wit , spin out vnto vs those laboriouswebbes of learning which are extant i●… their bookes . for the wit and minde of man , if it worke vpon matter , which is the contēplation of the creatures of god worketh according to the stuffe , and is limited thereby ; but if it worke vpon it selfe , as the spider worketh his webbe , then it is endlesse , 〈◊〉 and brings forth indeed copwebs of learning , admirable for the finesse of thread and worke , but of no substance or profite . this same vnprofitable subtilitie or curiositie is of two sorts : either in the subiect it selfe that they handle , when it is a fruitlesse speculation or controuersie ; ( whereof there are no small number both in diuinity & philosophie ) or in the maner or method of handling of a knowledge ; which amongst them was this ; vpon euerie particular position or assertion to frame obiections , and to those obiectious , solutions : which solutions were for the most part not confutations , but distinctions : whereas indeed the strength of all sciences , is as the strength of the old mans faggot in the bond . for the harmonie of a science supporting each part the other , is and ought to be the true and briefe confutation and suppression of all the smaller sort of obiections : but on the other side , if you take out euerie axiome , as the stickes of the faggot one by one , you may quarrell with them , and bend them and breake them at your pleasure : so that as was sayd of seneca : verborum minutijs rerum frangit pondera : so a man may truely say of the schoole men quaestionum minutijs scien●…arum frangunt sodilitatem . for were it not better for a man in a faire roome , to set vp one great light , or braunching candlesticke of lights , than to goe about with a small watch candle into euerie corner ? and such is their methode , that rests not so much vppon euidence of truth prooued by arguments , authorities , similitudes , examples ; as vpon particular confutations and solutions of euerie scruple , cauillation & obiection : breeding for the most part one questiō as fast as it solueth another ; euē as in the former resemblance , when you carry the light into one corner , you darken the rest : so that the fable and fiction of scylla seemeth to be a liuely image of this kinde of philosophie or knowledge , which was transformed into a comely virgine for the vpper parts ; but then ; candida succinctam , latran●…ibus inguina monstris : so the generalities of the schoolemen are for a while good and proportionable ; but then when you descend into their distinctions and decisions , in stead of a fruitfull wombe , for the vse and benefite of mans life ; they end in monstrous altercations and barking questions . so as it is not possible but this qualitie of knowledge must fall vnder popular contempt , the people being apt to contemne truth vpō occasion of controuersies & altercations , and to thinke they are all out of their way which neuer meete , and when they see such digladiation about subtilties , and matter of no vse nor moment , they easily fall vpon that iudgement of dionysius of siracusa , verba ista sunt senum ctiosorum . notwithstanding certaine it is , that if those schoole men to their great thirst of truth , and vnwearied trauaile of wit , had ioyned varietie and vniuersalitie of reading and contemplation , they had prooued excellent lights , to the great aduancement of all learning and knowledge : but as they are , they are great vndertakers indeed , and fierce with darke keeping . but as in the inquirie of the diuine truth , their pride enclined to leaue the oracle of gods word , and to vanish in the mixture of their owne inuentions : so in the inquisition of nature , they euer left the oracle of gods works , and adored the deceiuing and deformed images , which the vnequall mirrour of their owne minds , or a few receiued authors or principles , did represent vnto them . and thus much for the second disease of learning . for the third vice or disease of learning , which concerneth deceit or vntruth , it is of all the rest the fowlest ; as that which doth destroy the essentiall fourme of knowledge ; which is nothing but a representation of truth ; for the truth of being , and the truth of knowing are one , differing no more than the direct beame , and the beame reflected . this vice therefore brauncheth it selfe into two sorts ; delight in deceiuing , and aptnesse to be deceiued , imposture and credulitie : which although they appeare to be of a diuers nature , the one seeming to proceede of cunning , and the other of simplicitie ; yet certainely , they doe for the most part concurre : for as the verse noteth . percontatorem fugito , nam garrulus idem est : an inquisiti●…e man is a pratler : so vpon the like reason , a credulous man is a deceiuer : as we see it in same , that hee that will easily beleeue rumors , will as easily augment rumors , and adde somewhat to them of his owne , which tacitus wisely noteth , when he sayth : fingunt simul creduntque so great an affinitie hath fiction and beleefe . this facilitie of credite , and accepting or admitting thinges weakely authorized or warranted , is of two kindes , according to the subiect : for it is either a beleefe of historie , ( as the lawyers speake , matter of fact : ) or else of matter of art and opinion ; as to the former , wee see the experience and inconuenience of this errour in ecclesiasticall historie , which hath too easily receiued and registred reports and narrations of miracles wrought by martyrs , hermits , or monkes of the desert , and other holymen ; and there reliques , shrines , chappels , and images : which though they had a passage for time , by the ignorance of the people , the superstitious simplicitie of some , and the politique tolleration of others , holding them but as diuine poesies : yet after a periode of time , when the mist began to cleare vp , they grew to be esteemed , but as old wiues fables , impostures of the cleargie illusions of spirits , and badges of antichrist , to the great scandall and detriment of religion . so in naturall historie , wee see there hath not beene that choise and iudgement vsed , as ought to haue beene , as may appeare in the writings of plinius , cardanus , albertus , and diuers of the arabians , being fraught with much fabulous matter , a great part , not onely vntryed , but notoriously vntrue , to the great derogation of the credite of naturall philosophie , with the graue and sober kinde of wits ; wherein the wisedome and integritie of aristotle is worthy to be obserued , that hauing made so diligent and exquisite a historie of liuing creatures , hath mingled it sparingly with any vaine or fayned matter , and yet on thother sa●…e , hath cast all prodigious narrations , which he thought worthy the recording into one booke : excellently discerning that matter of manifest truth , such wherevpon obseruation and rule was to bee built , was not to bee mingled or weakened with matter of doubtfull credite : and yet againe that rarities and reports , that seeme vncredible , are not to be suppressed or denyed to the memorie of men . and as for the facilitie of credite which is yeelded to arts & opinions , it is likewise of two kinds , either when too much beleefe is attributed to the arts themselues , or to certaine authors in any art. the sciences themselues which haue had better intelligence and confederacie with the imagination of man , than with his reason , are three in number ; astrologie , naturall magicke , and alcumy : of which sciences neuerthelesse the ends or pretences are noble . for astrologie pretendeth to discouer that correspondence or concatenation , which is betweene the superiour globe and the inferiour . naturall magicke pretendeth to cal & reduce natural philosophie from variety of speculations to the magnitude of works ; and alcumy pretendeth to make separation of all the vnlike parts of bodies , which in mixtures of nature are incorporate . but the deriuations and prosecutions to these ends , both in the theories , and in the practises are full of errour and vanitie ; which the great professors themselues haue sought to vaile ouer and conceale by euigmaticall writings , and referring themselues to auricular traditions , and such other deuises , to saue the credite of impostures ; and yet surely to alcumy this right is due , that it may be compared to the husband man whereof aesope makes the fable ; that when he died , told his sonnes , that he had left vnto them gold , buried vnder ground in his vineyard ; and they digged ouer all the ground , and gold they found none , but by reason of their stirring and digging the mold about , the rootes of their vines , they had a great vintage the yeare following : so assuredly the search and stirre to make gold hath brought to light a great number of good and fruitfull inuentions and experiments , as well for the disclosing of nature ; as for the vse of mans life . and as for the ouermuch credite that hath beene giuen vnto authors in sciences , in making them dictators , that their wordes should stand , and not counsels to giue aduise ; the dammage is infinite that sciences haue receiued thereby , as the principall cause that hath kept them lowe , at a stay without groweth or aduancement . for hence it hath comen , that in arts mechanicall , the first deuiser coms shortest , and time addeth and perfecteth : but in sciences the first author goeth furthest , and time leeseth and corrupteth . so we see , artillerie , sayling , printing , and the like , were grossely managed at the first and by time accommodated and refined : but contrary wise the philosophies and sciences of aristotle , plato , democritus , hypocrates , euclid●…s , archimedes , of most vigor at the first , and by time degenerate and imbased , whereof the reason is no other , but that in the former many wits and industries haue 〈◊〉 contributed in one ; and in the later many wits and industries haue ben spent about the wit of some one ; whom many times they haue rather depraued than illustrated . for as water will not ascend higher , than the leuell of the first spring head , from whence it descendeth : so knowledge deriued from aristotle , and exempted from libertie of examination , will not rise againe higher , than the knowledge of aristotle . and therfore although the position be good : oportet discentem credere : yet it must bee coupled with this , oportet edoctum iudicare : for disciples doe owe vnto maisters onely a temporarie beleefe , and a suspension of their owne iudgement , till they be fully instructed , and not an absolute resignation , or perpetuall captiuitie : and therefore to conclude this point , i will say no more , but ; so let great authors haue theire due , as time which is the author of authors be not depriued of his due , which is furder and furder to discouer truth . thus haue i gone ouer these three diseasses of learning , besides the which there are some other rather peccant humors , then fourmed diseases , which neuertheles are not so secret and intrinsike , but that they fall vnder a popular obseruation and traducement ; and therefore are not to be passed ouer . the first of these is the extreame affecting of two extreamities ; the one antiquity , the other nouelty ; wherein it seemeth the children of time doe take after the nature and mallice of the father . for as he deuowreth his children ; so one of them seeketh to deuoure and suppresse the other ; while antiquity enuieth there should be new additions ; and nouelty cannot be content to add , but it must deface ; surely the aduise of the prophet is the true direction in this matter , state super vias antiquas , & videte quaenam sit via recta & bona , & ambulate in ea . antiquity deserueth that reuerēce , that men should make a stand thereupon , and discouer what is the best way , but when the discouery is well taken then to make progression . and to speake truly , antiquita seculi iuuentus mundi . these times are the ancient times when the world is ancient , & not those which we count antient ordine retrogrado , by a computacion backward from our selues . another error induced by the former is a distrust that any thing should bee now to bee found out which the world should haue missed and passed ouer so long time , as if the same obiection were to be made to time , that lucian maketh to iupiter , and other the heathen gods , of which he woondreth , that they begot so many children in old time , and begot none in his time , and asketh whether they were become septuagenarie , or whether the lawe pappia made against old mens mariages had restrayned them . so it seemeth men doubt , least time is become past children and generation ; wherein contrary wise , we see commonly the leuitie and vnconstancie of mens iudgements , which till a matter bee done , wonder that it can be done ; and assoone as it is done , woonder againe that it was no sooner done , as we see in the expedition of alexander into asia , which at first was preiudged as a vast and impossible enterprize ; and yet afterwards it pleaseth liuye to make no more of it , than this , nil aliud quam bene ausus vana contemnere . and the same happened to columbus in the westerne nauigation . but in intellectuall matters , it is much more common ; as may be seen in most of the propositions of euclyde , which till they bee demonstrate , they seeme strange to our assent ; but being demonstrate , our mind accepteth of them by a kind of relation ( as the lawyers speak ) as if we had knowne them before . another errour that hath also some affinitie with the former , is a conceit that of former opinions or sects after varietie and examination , the best hath still preuailed ; and suppressed the rest ; so as if a man should beginne the labour of a newe search , hee were but like to light vppon somewhat formerly reiected ; and by reiection , brought into obliuion ; as if the multitude , or the wisest for the multitudes sake , were not readie to giue passage , rather to that which is popular and superficiall , than to that which is substantiall and profound ; for the truth is , that time seemeth to be of the nature of a riuer , or streame , which carryeth downe to vs that which is light and blowne vp ; and sinketh and drowneth that which is weightie and solide . another errour of a diuerse nature from all the former , is the ouer-early and peremptorie reduction of knowledge into artsand methodes : from which time , commonly sciences receiue small or no augmentation . but as young men , when they knit and shape perfectly , doeseldome grow to a further stature : so knowledge , while it is in aphorismes and obseruations , it is in groweth ; but when it once is comprehended inexact methodes ; it may perchance be further pollished and illustrate , and accommodated for vse and practise ; but it encreaseth no more in bulke and substance . another errour which doth succeed that which we last mentioned , is , that after the distribution of particular arts and sciences , men haue abandoned vniuersalitie , or philosophia prima ; which cannot but cease , and stoppe all progression . for no perfect discouerie can bee made vppon a slatte , or a leuell . neither is it possible to discouer the more remote , and deeper parts of any science , if you stand but vpon the leuell of the same science , and ascend not to a higher science . another error hath proceeded from too great a reuerence , and a kinde of adoration of the minde and vnderstanding of man●… by meanes whereof , men haue withdrawne themselues too much from the contemplation of nature , and the obseruations of experience : and haue tumbled vp and downe in their owne reason and conceits : vpon these intellectuallists , which are notwithstanding commonly taken for the most sublime and diuine philosophers ; heraclitus gaue a iust censure , saying : men sought truth in their owne little worlds , and not in the great and common world : for they disdaine to spell , and so by degrees to read in the volume of gods works , and contrarywise by continuall meditation and agitation of wit , doe vrge , and as it were inuocate their owne spirits , to diuine , and giue oracles vnto them , whereby they are deseruedly deluded . another error that hath some connexion with this later , is , that men haue vsed to infect their meditations , opinions , and doctrines with some conceits which they haue most admired , or some sciences which they haue most applyed ; and giuen all things else a tincture according to them , vtterly vntrue and vnproper . so hath plato intermingled his philosophie with theologie , and aristotle with logicke , and the second schoole of plato , proclus , and the rest , with the mathematiques . for these were the arts which had a kinde of primo geniture with them seuerally . so haue the alchymists made a philosophie out of a few experiments of the furnace ; and gilbertus our countrey man hath made a philosophie out of the obseruations of a loadstone . so cicero , when reciting the seuerall opinions of the nature of the soule , he found a musitian , that held the soule was but a harmonie , sayth pleasantly : hic ab arte sua non recessit , &c. but of these conceits aristotle speaketh seriously and wisely , when he sayth : qui respiciunt ad pauca'de facili pronuntiant . another errour is an impatience of doubt , and hast to assertion without due and mature suspention of iudgement . for the two wayes of contemplation are not vnlike the two wayes of action , commonly spoken of by the ancients . the one plain and smooth in the beginning , and in the end impassable : the other rough and troublesome in the entrance , but after a while faire and euen , so it is in cotemplation , if a man will begin with certainties , hee shall end in doubts ; but if he will be content to beginne with doubts , he shall end in certainties . another error is in the manner of the tradition and deliuerie of knowledge , which is for the most part magistrall and peremptorie ; and not ingenuous and faithfull , in a sort , as may be soonest beleeued ; and not easilest examined . it is true , that in compendious treatises for practise , that fourme is not to bee disallowed . but in the true handling of knowledge , men ought not to fall either on the one side into the veyne of velleius the epicurean : nil tam metuen●… , quam ne dubitare aliqua de re videretur ; nor on the other side into socrates his irronicall doubting of all things , but to propound things sincerely , with more or lesse asseueration : as they stand in a mans owne iudgement , prooued more or lesse . other errors there are in the scope that men propound to themselues , whereunto they bend their endeauours : for whereas the more constant and deuote kind of professors of any science ought to propound to themselues , to make some additions to their science ; they conuert their labours to aspire to certaine second prizes ; as to be a profound interpreter or cōmenter ; to be a sharpe champion or defender ; to be a methodicall compounder or abridger ; and so the patrimonie of knowledge commeth to be sometimes improoued : but seldome augmented . but the greatest error of all the rest , is the mistaking or misplacing of the last or furthest end of knowledge : for men haue entred into a desire of learning and knowledge , sometimes vpon a naturall curiositie , and inquisitiue appetite ; sometimes to entertaine their mindes with varietie and delight ; sometimes for ornament and reputation ; and sometimes to inable them to victorie of wit and contradiction , and most times for lukar and profession , and seldome sincerely to giue a true account of their guist of reason , to the benefite and vse of men : as if there were sought in knowledge a cowch , whervpon to rest a searching and restlesse spirite ; or a tarras●…e for a wandring and variable minde , to walke vp and downe with a faire prospect ; or a tower of state for a proude minde to raise it selfe vpon ; or a fort or commaunding ground for strife and contention , or a shoppe for profite or sale ; and not a rich store-house for the glorie of the creator , and the reliefe of mans estate . but this is that , which will indeed dignifie and exalt knowledge ; if contemplation and action may be more neerely and straightly conioyned and vnited together , than they haue beene ; a coniunction like vnto that of the two highest planets , saturne the planet of rest and contemplation ; and iupiter the planet of ciuile societie and action . howbeit , i doe not meane when i speake of vse and action , that end before mentioned of the applying of knowledge to ●…uker and profession ; for i am not ignorant howe much that diuerteth and interrupteth the prosecution and aduauncement of knowledge ; like vnto the goulden ball throwne before atalanta , which while shee goeth aside , and stoopeth to take vp , the race is hindred , declinat cursus , aurumque volubile tollit : neither is my meaning as was spoken of socrates , to call philosophy down from heauē to conuerse vpon the earth , that is , to leaue natural philosophy aside , & to applye knowledge onely to manners , and policie . but as both heauen and earth doe conspire and contribute to the vse and benesite of man : so the end ought to bee from both philosophies , to separate and reiect vaine speculations , and whatsoeuer is emptie and voide , and to preserue and augment whatsoeuer is solide and fruitfull : that knowledge may not bee as a curtezan for pleasure , & vanitie only , or as a bond-woman to acquire and gaine to her masters vse , but as a spouse , for generation , fruit , and comfort . thus haue i described and opened as by a kinde of dissection , those peccant humors ( the principall of them ) which hath not onely giuen impediment to the proficience of learning , but haue giuen also occasion , to the traducement thereof : wherein if i haue beene too plaine , it must bee remembred ; fideli●… vulnera amantis , sed dolosa oscula malignantis . this i thinke i haue gained , that i ought to bee the better beleeued , in that which i shall say pertayning to commendation : because i haue proceeded so freely , in that which concerneth censure . and yet i haue no purpose to enter into a laudatiue of learning , or to make a hymne to the muses ( though i am of opinion , that it is long since their rites were duely celebrated ) but my intent is without varnish or amplification , iustly to weigh the dignitie of knowledge in the ballance with other things , and to take the true value thereof by testimonies and arguments diuine , and humane . first therefore , let vs seeke the dignitie of knowledge in the arch-tipe or first plat forme , which is is in the attributes and acts of god , as farre as they are reuealed to man , and may be obserued with sobrietie , wherein we may not seeke it bythe name of learning , for all learning is knowledge acquired , and all knowledge in god is originall . and therefore we must looke for it by another name , that of wisedome or sapience , as the scriptures call it . it is so then , that in the worke of the creation , we see a double emanation of vertue frō god : the one referring more properly to power , the other to wisedome , the one expressed in making the subsistence of the mater , & the other in disposing the beauty of the fourme . this being supposed , it is to bee obserued , that for any thing which appeareth in the historie of the creation , the confused masse , and matter of heauen and earth was made in a moment , and the order and disposition of that chaos or masse , was the work of sixe dayes , such a note of difference it pleased god to put vppon the workes of power , and the workes of wisedome : wherewith concurreth that in the former , it is not sette downe , that god sayd , let there be heauen and earth , as it is set downe of the workes following , but actually , that god made heauen and earth : the one carrying the stile of a manufacture , and the other of a lawe , decree , or councell . to proceede to that which is next in order from god to spirits : we finde as farre as credite is to bee giuen to the celestiall hierarchye , of that supposed dionysius the senator of athens the first place or degree is giuen to the angels of loue , which are tearmed seraphim , the second to the angels of light , which are tearmed cherubim , and the third ; and so following places to thrones , principalities , and the rest , which are all angels of power and ministry ; so as the angels of knowledge and illumination , are placed before the angels of office and domination . to descend from spirits and intellectuall sormes to sensible and materiall fourmes , wee read the first fourme that was created , was light , which hath a relation and correspondence in nature and corporall thinges , to knowledge in spirits and incorporall thinges . so in the distribution of dayes , we see the day wherin god did rest , & contēplate his owne works , was blessed aboue all the dayes , wherein he did effect and accomplish them . after the creation was finished , it is sette downe vnto vs , that man was placed in the garden to worke therein , which worke so appointed to him , could be no other than worke of contemplation , that is , when the end of worke is but for exercise and experiment , not for necessitie , for there being then no reluctation of the creature , nor sweat of the browe , mans employment must of consequence haue ben matter of delight in the experiment and not matter of labor for the vse . againe the first acts which man persourmed in paradise , consisted of the two summarie parts of knowledge , the view of creatures , and the imposition of names . as for the knowledge which induced the fall , it was , as was touched before , not the naturall knowledge of creatures , but the morall knowledge of good and euill , wherein the supposition was , that gods commaundements or prohibitions were not the originals of good and euill , but that they had other beginnings which man aspired to know , to the end , to make a totall defection from god , and to depend wholy vpon himselfe . to passe on , in the first euent or occurrence after the fall of man ; wee see ( as the scriptures haue infinite mysteries , not violating at all the truth of the storie or letter ) an image of the two estates , the contemplatiue state , and the actiue state , figured in the two persons of abell and cain , and in the two simplest and most primitiue trades of life : that of the shepheard ( who by reason of his leasure , rest in a place , and liuing in view of heauen , is a liuely image of a contemplatiue life ) and that of the husbandman ; where we see againe , the fauour and election of god went to the shepheard , and not to the tiller of the ground . so in the age before the floud , the holy records within those few memorials , which are there entred and registred , haue vouchsafed to mention , and honour the name of the inuentors and authors of musique , and works in mettall . in the age after the floud , the first great iudgement of god vppon the ambition of man , was the confusion of tongues ; whereby the open trade and intercourse of learning and knowledge , was chiefely imbarred . to descend to moyses the law-giuer , and gods first penne ; hee is adorned by the scriptures with this addition , and commendation : that he was seene in all the learning of the aegyptians ; which nation we know was one of the most ancient schooles of the world : for , so plato brings in the egyptian priest , saying vnto solon : you grecians are euer children , you haue no knowledge of antiquitie , nor antiquitie of knowledge . take a view of the ceremoniall law of moyses ; you shall find besides the prefiguration of christ , the badge or difference of the people of god , the excercise and impression of obedience , and other diuine vses and fruits thereof , that some of the most learned rabynes haue trauailed profitably , and profoundly to obserue , some of them a naturall , some of them a morall sence , or reduction of many of the ceremonies and ordinances : as in the lawe of the leprousie , where it is sayd : if the whitenesse hau●… ouer spread the fl●…sh , the patient may passe abroad for clean ; but if there be any whole fl●…sh remayning , he is to be shut vp for vncleane : one of them noteth a principle of nature , that putrefaction is more contagious before maturitie than after : and another noteth a position of morall philosophie , that men abandoned to vice , doe not so much corrupt manners , as those that are halfe good , and halfe euill , so , in this and verie many other places in that lawe , there is to bee found besides the theologicall sence , much aspersion of philosophie . so likewise in that excellent booke of iob , if it be re●…olued with diligence , it will be found pregnant , and swelling with naturall philosophie ; as for example , cosmographie , and the roundnesse of the world : qui extendit aquilonem super vacuum , & appendit terram super nihilum : wherein the pensilenesse of the earth , the pole of the north , and the finitenesse , or conuexitie of heauen are manifestly touched . so againe matter of astronomie ; spiritus eius ornauit coelos & obstetricante manu eius eductus est coluber tortuosus : and in another place , nunquid coniungere valebis micantes stellds pleyadas , aut gyrum arcturi poteris dissipare ? where the fixing of the starres , euer standing at equall distance , is with great elegancie noted : and in another place , qui fa●…arcturum , & ●…ona , & hyadas , & interiora austri , where againe hee takes knowledge of the depression of the southerne pole , calling it the secrets of the south , because the southerne starres were in that climate vnseene . matter of generation , annon si ut lac mulsisti me , & sicut caseum coagulasti me , &c. matter of mynerals , habet argentum venarum suarum principia & aurolocus est in quo con●…latur ferr●…m de t●…rra tollitur , & lapis solutus calore in 〈◊〉 verti●…r : and so forwards in that chapter . so likewise in the person of salomon the king , wee see the guist or endowment of wisedome and learning both in salomons petition , and in gods assent thereunto preferred before all other terrene and temporall selicitie . by vertue of which grant or donatiue of god , salomon became inabled , not onely to write those excellent parables , or aphorismes concerning diuine and morall philosophie ; but also to compile a naturall historie of all verdor , from the cedar vpon the mountaine , to the mosse vppon the wall , ( which is but a rudiment betweene putrefaction , and an hearbe ) and also of all things , that breath or moone . nay the same salomon the king , although he excelled in the glorie of treasure and magnificent buildings of shipping and nauigation , of seruice and attendance , of same and renowne , and the like ; yet hee maketh no claime to any of those glories ; but onely to the glorie of inquisition of truth : for so he sayth expressely : the glorie of god is to conceale a thing , but the glorie of the king is to find it out , as if according to the innocent play of children the diuine maiestie tooke delight to hide his workes , to the end to haue them sound out , and as if kinges could not obtaine a greater honour , than to bee gods play-fellowes in that game , considering the great commaundement of wits and meanes , whereby nothing needeth to be hidden from them . neither did the dispensation of god varie in the times after our sauiour came into the world ; for our sauiour himselfe did first shew his power to subdue ignorance , by his conference with the priests and doctors of the lawe ; before he shewed his power to subdue nature by his miracles . and the comming of the holy spirite , was chiefely figured and expressed in the similitude and guist of tongues ; which are but vehicula scientiae . so in the election of those instruments , which it pleased god to vse for the plantation of the faith , notwithstanding , that at the first hedid employ persons altogether vnlearned , otherwise than by inspiration , more euidently to declare his immediate working , and to abbase all humane wisedome or knowledge ; yet neuerthelesse , that counsell of his was no sooner perfourmed , but in the next vicissitude and succession , he did send his diuine truth into the world , wayted on with other learnings as with seruants or handmaides : for so we see saint paule , who was only learned amongst the apostles , had his penne most vsed in the scriptures of the new testament . so againe , we finde that many of the ancient bishops and father of the church , were excellently redde , & studied in all the learning of the heathen , insomuch , that the edict of the emperour iulianus ( whereby it was interdicted vnto christians to bee admitted into schooles , lectures , or exercises of learning ) was esteemed and accounted a more pernitious engine and machination against the christian faith ; than were all the sanguinarie prosecutions of his predecessors ; neither could the emulation and iealousie of gregorie the first of that name , bishop of rome , euer obtaine the opinion of pietie or deuotion : but contrarywise receiued the censure of humour , malignitie , and pusillanimitie , euen amongst holy men : in that he designed to obliterate and extinguish the memorie of heathen antiquitie and authors . but contrarewise it was the christian church , which amidst the inundations of the scythians , on the one side from the northwest : and the saracens from the east , did preserue in the sacred lappe and bosome thereof , the pretious reliques , euen of heathen learning , which otherwise had beene extinguished , as if no such thing had euer beene . and wee see before our eyes , that in the age of our selues , and our fathers , when it pleased god to call the church of rome to account , for their degenerate manners and ceremonies : and sundrie doctrines , obnoxious , and framed to vphold the same abuses : at one and the same time , it was ordayned by the diuine prouidence , that there should attend withall a renouation , and new spring of all other knowledges : and on the other side , we see the iesuites , who partly in themselues , and partly by the emulation and prouocation of their example , haue much quickned and strengthned the state of learning : we see ( isay ) what notable seruice and reparation they haue done to the romane sea. wherefore to conclude this part , let it bee obserued , that there be two principall duties and seruices besides ornament & illustration , which philosophie and humane learning doe perfourme to faith and religion . the one , because they are an effectuall inducement to the exaltation of the glory of god. for as the psalmes , and other scriptures doe often inuite vs to consider , and magnifie the great and wonderfull workes of god so if we should rest onely in the contemplation of the exterior of them , as they first offer themselues to our sences ; we should do a like iniurie vnto the maiestie of god , as if wee should iudge or construe of the store of some excellent ieweller , by that onely which is set out toward the streete in his shoppe . the other , because they minister a singuler helpe and preseruatiue against vnbeleefe and error ; for our sauiour saith , you erre not knowing the scriptures , nor the power of god : laying before vs two bookes or volumes to studie , if we will be secured from errour : first the scriptures , reuealing the will of god ; and then the creatures expressing his power ; whereof the later is a key vnto the former ; not onely opening our vnderstanding to conceiue the true sence of the scriptures , by the generall notions of reason and rules of speech ; but chiefely opening our beleefe , in drawing vs into a due meditation of the omnipotencie of god , which is chiefely signed and ingrauen vppon his workes . thus much therefore for diuinetestimonie and euidence , concerning the true dignitie , and value of learning . as for humane proofes , it is so large a field , as in a discourse of this nature and breuitie , it is fit rather to vse choise of those things , which we shall produce , than to embrace the variety of them . first therfore in the degrees of humane honour amongst the heathen , it was the highest , to obtain to a veneration & adoration as a god. this vnto the christians is as the forbidden fruit . but we speake now separately of humane testimonie ; according to which , that which the grecians call apotheosis , and the latines , relatio inter diues , was the supreame honour , which man could attribute vnto man ; specially when it was giuen , not by a formall decree or act of state , as it was vsed amongst the romane emperours ; but by an inward assent and beleefe ; which honour being so high , had also a degree or middle tearme : for there were reckoned aboue humane honours , honour heroycall and diuine : in the attribution , and distribution of which honours ; wee see antiquitie made this difference : that whereas founders and vniters of states and cities , law-giuers , extirpers of tyrants , fathers of the people , and other eminent persons in ciuile merite , were honoured but with the titles of worthies or demy-gods : such as were hercules , theseus , minos , romulus , and the like : on the other side , such as were inuentors and authors of new arts , endowments , and commodities towards mans life , were euer consecrated amongst the gods themselues , as was ceres , bacchus , mercurius , apollo , and others , and iustly : for the merit of the former is confined within the circle of an age , or a nation : and is like fruitfull showers , which though they be profitable and good : yet serue but for that season , and for a latitude of ground where they fall : but the other is indeed like the benefits of heauen , which are permanent and vniuersall . the former againe is mixt with strife and perturbation ; but the later hath the true caracter of diuine presence comin aura leni , without noise or agitation . neither is certainely that other merite of learning , in repressing the inconueniences which grow from man to man ; much inferiour to the former , of relieuing the necessities which arise from nature ; which merite was liuely set forth by the ancients in that fayned relation of orpheus theater ; where all beasts and birds assembled 〈◊〉 and forgetting their seuerall appetites ; some of pray , some of game , some of quarrell , stood all sociably together listening vnto the ayres and accords of the harpe ; the sound whereof no sooner ceased , or was drowned by some lowder noyse ; but euerie beast returned to his owne nature ; wherein is aptly described the nature and condition of men ; who are full of sauage and vnreclaymed desires ; of profite , of lust , of reuenge ; which as long as they giue eare to precepts , to lawes , to religion , swee●… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 eloquence and perswasion of bookes , of sermons , of haranges ; so long is societie and peace maintained ; but if these instruments bee silent ; or that sedition and tumult make them not audible ; all thinges dissolue into anarchie and confusion . but this appeareth more manifestle , when kings themselues , or persons of authoritie vnder them or other gouernours in common wealthes , and popular estates , are endued with learning . for although he might be thought partiall to his owne profession , that sayd , then should people and estates be happie , when either kings were philosophers , or philosophers kings : yet so much is verified by experience ; that vnder learned princes and gouernours , there haue been euer the best times ; for howsoeuer kinges may haue their imperfections in their passions and customes ; yet if they be illuminate by learning , they haue those notions of religion , policie , and moralitie ; which doe preserue them , and refraine them from all ruinous and peremptory errors & excesses ; whispering euermore in their eares , when counsellors and seruants stand mute , and silent ; and senators , or counsellours likewise , which bee learned , doe proceede vpon more safe and substantiall principles ; then counsellors which are onely men of experience ; the one sort keeping dangers a farre off ; whereas the other discouer them not , till they come neere hand : and then trust to the agilitie of their wit , to ward or auoide them . which felicitie of times , vnder learned princes , ( to keepe still the lawe of breuitie , by vsing the most eminent and selected examples ) doth best appeare in the age , which passed from the death of domitianus the emperour , vntill the raigne of commodus : comprehending a succession of sixe sciences , all learned or singuler fauourers and aduancers of learning : which age for temporall respects , was the most happie and flourishing , that euer the romane empire , ( which then was a modele of the world ) enioyed : a matter reuealed and prefigured vnto do●…itian in a dreame , the night before he was slaine ; for hee thought there was growne behinde vpon his shoulders , a necke and a head of gould , which came accordingly to passe , in those golden times which succeeded ; of which princes , we will make some commemoration : wherein although the matter will bee vulgar , and may be thought fitter for a declamation , then agreeable to a treatise infolded as this is ; yet because it is pertinent to the point in hand , neque semper arcum tendit apollo , & to name them onely were too naked and cursorie , i will not omit it altogether . the first was nerua , the excellent temper of whose gouernement , is by a glaunce in cornelius tacitus touched to the life : postquam diuus ne●…res olim insociab●…les mis●…uisset , imperiū & libertatem : and in token of his learning , the last act of his short raigne lest to memorie , was a missiue to his adopted sonne traian , proceeding vpon some inward discontent , at the ingratitude of the times , comprehended in a verse of homers , telis phoebe , ●…uis , lachrymas ulciscere nostras . traian , who succeeded , was for his person not learned : but if wee will hearken to the speech of our sauiour , that sayth , hee that receiueth a prophet in the name of a prophet , shall haue a prophets reward , hee deserueth to bee placed amongest the most learned princes : for there was not a greater admirer of learning or benefactor of learning , a founder of famous libraries , a perpetuall aduancer of learned men to office , and a familiar conuerser with learned professors and preceptors , who were noted to haue then most credite in court. on the other side , how much traians vertue and gouernement was admired & renowned , surely no testimonie of graue and faithfull history doth more liuely set forth , than that legend tale of gregorius magnus , bishop of rome , who was noted for the extream enuy he bare towards all heathen excellencie : and yet he is reported out of the loue and estimation of traians morall vertues , to haue made vnto god , passionate and feruent prayers , for the deliuerie of his soule out of hell : and to haue obtained it with a caueat that he should make no more such petitions . in this princes time also , the persecutions against the christians receiued intermission , vpon the certificate of plin us secundus , a man of excellent learning , and by traian aduanced . adrion his successor , was the most curious man that liued , and the most vniuersal enquirer : insomuch as it was noted for an errour in his mind : that he desired to comprehend all thinges , and not to reserue himselfe for the worthyest thinges , falling into the like humour that was long before noted in phillip and macedon , who when hee would needs ouer-rule and put downe an excellent musitian , in an argument touching musique , was well answered by him againe , god forbid sir ( saith hee ) that your for tune should be so bad , as to know these things better than i ; it pleased god likewise to vse the curiositie of this emperour , as an inducement to the peace of his church in those dayes : for hauing christ in veneration , not as a god or sauiour , but as a wonder or noueltie : and hauing his picture in his gallerie , matched with apollon●…us ( with whom in his vaine imagination , he thought he had some conformitie ) yet it serued the turne to allay the bitter hatred of those times against the christian name : so as the church had peace during his time , and for his gouernement ciuile , although he did not attaine to that of traians , in glorie of armes , or perfection of iustice : yet in deseruing of the weale of the subiect , he did exceede him . for traianc erected many famous monuments and buildings , insomuch as constantine the great , in emulation was woont to call him parietaria , wall flower , because his name was vppon so many walles : but his buildings and workes were more of glorie and tryumph , than vse and necessitie : but adrian spent his whole raigne , which was peaceable in a perambulation , or suruey of the romane empire , giuing order and making assignation , where he went for reedifying of cities , townes , and forts decayed : and for cutting of riuers , and streames : and for making bridges and passages , and for pollicing of cities , and commonalties , with new ordinances and constitutions : and graunting new franchises and incorporations : so that his whole time was a very restauration of all the lapses and decayes of former times . antonius pius , who succeeded him , was a prince excellently learned ; and had rhe patient and subtile witte of a schoole man : insomuch as in common speech , ( which leaues no vertue vntaxed ) hee was called cymini sector , a caruer , or a diuider of comine seede , which is one of the least seedes : such a patience hee had and setled spirite , to enter into the least and most exact differences of causes : a fruit no doubt of the exceeding tranquillitie , and serenitie of his minde ; which being no wayes charged or incombred , either with feares , remorses , or scruples , but hauing been noted for a man of the purest goodnesse without all fiction or affectation , that hath raigned or liued : made his minde contitinually present and entier : he likewise approached a degree neerer vnto christianitie , and became as agrippa sayd vnto s. paule , halfe a christian ; holding their religion and law in good opinion : and not only ceasing persecution , but giuing way to the aduancement of christians . there succeeded him the first diui fratres , the two adoptiue brethren , lucius commodus verus , sonne to elius verus , who delighted much in the softer kind of learning : and was wont to call the poet martiall his virgill : and marcus aurelius antoninus , whereof the later , who obscured his colleague , and suruiued him long , was named the philosopher : who as he excelled all the rest in learning , so he excelled them likewise in perfection of all royall vertues : insomuch as iulianus the emperor in his booke intituled , caesares , being as a pasquill or satyre , to deride all his predecessors , fayned that they were all inuited to a banquet of the gods , and sylenus the iester sate at the neather end of the table , and bestowed a scoffe on euerie one as they came in , but when marcus philosophus came in , sylenus was grauelled , and out of countenance , not knowing where to carpe at him , saue at the last , he gaue a glaunce at his patience towards his wife . and the vertue of this prince continued with that of his predecessor made the name of antoninus so sacred in the world , that though it were extreamely dishonoured in commodus , carocolla , and haeliogabalus , who all bare the name , yet when alexander seuerus refused the name , because he was a stranger to the familie , the senate with one acclamation sayd , quomodo augustus sic & antoninus . in such renowne and veneration , was the name of these two princes in those dayes , that they would haue had it as a perpetuall addition in all the emperours stile . in this emperours time also , the church for the most part was in peace , so as in this sequence of sixe princes , we doe see the blessed effects of learning in soueraigntie , painted forth in the greatest table of world . but for a tablet or picture of smaller volume ( not presuming to speake of your maiestie that liueth ) in my iudgement the most excellent , is that of queene elizabeth , your immediate predecessor in this part of brittaine , a prince , that if plutarch were now aliue to write lynes by parallells , would trouble him i thinke , to find for her a parallell amongst women . this ladie was endued with learning in her sexe singuler ; and grace euen amongst masculine princes : whether we speake of learning , of language , or of science , moderne , or ancient : diuinitie or humanitie . and vnto the verie last yeare of her life , she accustomed to appoint set houres for reading , scarcely any young student in an vniuersitie , more dayly , or more duly . as for the gouernement , i assure my selfe , i shall not exceed , if i doe affirme , that this part of the iland , neuer had 45. yeres of better times ; and yet not through the calmnesse of the season ; but through the wisedom of her regimēt . for if there be considered of the one side , the truth of religion established ; the constant peace and securitie : the good administration of iustice , the temperate vse of the prerogatiue , not slackened , nor much strayned : the flourishing state of learning , sortable to so excellent a patronesse ; the conuenient estate of wealth and meanes , both of crowne and subiect : the habite of obedience , and the moderation of discontents : and there be considered on the other side , the differences of religion , the troubles of neighbour countreys , the ambition of spaine , and opposition of rome , and then , that shee was solitary , and of her selfe : these things i say considered : as i could not haue chosen an instance so recent and so proper : so , i suppose , i could not haue chosen one more remarqueable , or eminent , to the purpose nowe in hand ; which is concerning the coniunction of learning in the prince , with felicitie in the people . neither hath learning an influence and operation onely vpon ciuile merit and morall vertue ; and the arts or temperature of peace , and peaceable gouernement ; but likewise it hath no lesse power and efficacie in inablement towards martiall and militarie vertue and prowesse ; as may be notably represented in the examples of alexander the great , and caesar the dictator mentioned before , but now in fit place to bee resumed , of whose vertues and acts in warre , there needes no note or recitall , hauing beene the wonders of time in that kind . but of their affections towardes learning , and perfections in learning , it is pertinent to say somewhat . alexander was bred and taught vnder aristotle the great philosopher ; who dedicated diuers of his bookes of philosophie vnto him ; he was attended with callisthenes , and diuers other learned persons , that followed him in campe , throughout his iourneyes and conquests : what price and estimation hee had learning in , doth notably appeare in these three particulars : first , in the enuie he vsed to expresse , that he bare towards achilles , in this , that he had so good a trumpet of his prayses as homers verses : secondly , in the iudgement or solution he gaue touching that precious cabinet of darius which was found among his iewels , whereof question was made , what thing was worthy to be put into it , and he gaue his opinion for homers workes . thirdly , in his letter to aristotle after hee had set sorth his bookes of nature ; wherein he expostulateth with him for publishing the secrets or misteries of philosophie , and gaue him to vnderstand that himselfe esteemed it more to excell other men in learning & knowledge , than in power and empire . and what vse he had of learning , doth appeare , or tather shine in all his speeches and answeres , being full of science and vse of science , and that in all varietie . and herein againe , it may seeme a thing scholasticall , and somewhat idle to recite things that euery man knoweth ; but yet , since the argument i handle leadeth mee thereunto , i am glad that men shall perceiue i am as willing to flatter ( if they will so call it ) an alexander , or a caesar , or an antoninus , that are dead many hundreth yeeres since , as any that now liueth : for it is the displaying of the glorie of learning in soueraigntie that i propound to my selfe , and not an humour of declayming in any mans praises . obserue then the speech hee vsed of diogenes , and see if it tend not to the true state of one of the greatest questions of morall philosophie ; whether the enioying of outward thinges , or the contemning of them be the greatest happinesse ; for when he saw diogenes so perfectly contented with so little : he sayd to those that mocked at his condition : were i not alexander , i would wish to be diogenes . but seneca inuerteth it , and sayth ; plus erat , quod hic nollet accipere , quam quod ille posset dare . there were more things which diogenes would haue refused , thā those were which alexander could haue giuen or enioyed . obserue again that speech which was vsuall with him , that hee felt his mortality chiefely in two thinges , sleepe & lust : & see if it were not a speech extracted out of the depth of naturall philosophie , and liker to haue comen out of the mouth of aristotle , or democritus , than from alexander . see againe that speech of humanitie and poesie : when vppon the bleeding of his wounds , he called vnto him one of his flatterers , that was wont to ascribe to him diuine honor , and said , looke , this is very blood : this is not such a liquor as homer speaketh of , which ran from venus hand , when it was pierced by diomedes . see likewise his readinesse in reprehension of logique , in the speech hee vsed to cassander , vppon a complaint that was made against his father antipater : for when alexander happed to say : doe you thinke these men would haue come from so farre to complaine , except they had iust cause of griefe ? and cassander answered , yea , that was the matter , because they thought they should not be disprooued ; sayd alexander laughing : see the subtil●…ies of aristotle , to take a matter both wayes , pro & contra , &c. but note againe how well he could vse the same art , which hee reprehended to serue his owne humor , when bearing a secret grudge to callisthenes , because he was against the new ceremonie of his adoration : feasting one night , where the same callisthenes was at the table : it was mooued by some after supper , for entertainement sake , that callisthenes who was an eloquent man , might speake of some theame or purpose at his owne choise , which callisthenes did ; chusing the praise of the macedonian nation for his discourse , & performing the same with so good maner , as the hearers were much rauished : whereupon alexander nothing pleased , sayd : it was easie to be eloquent , vpon so good a subiect : but saith hee , turne your stile , and let vs heare what you can say against vs : which callisthenes presently vndertooke , and did with that stinge & life ; that alexander interrupted him , & sayd : the goodnesse of the cause made him eloquent before : and dispig●…t made him cloquent then againe . consider further , for tropes of rhetorique , that excellent vse of a metaphor or translation , wherewith he taxed antipater , who was an imperious and tyrannous gouernor : for when one of antipaters friends commended him to alexander for his moderation ; that he did not degenerate , as his other lieftenants did into the persian pride , in vse of purple ; but kept the anciēt habit of macedon , of black ; true ( saith alexander ) but antipater is all purple within . or that other , when parmenio came to him in the plaine of arbella , and shewed him the innumerable multitude of his enemies , specially as they appeared by the infinite number of lights ; as it had beene a new firmament of starres ; and thereupon aduised him to assayle them by night ; whereupon he answered , that he would not steale the victorie . for matter of policie , weigh that significant distinction so much in al ages embraced , that he made between his two friends ephestion and craterus , whē he sayd , that the one loued alexander , and the other loued the king ; describing the principall difference of princes best seruants , that some in affection loue their person , and other in dutie loue their crowne . weigh also that excellent taxation of an errour ordinarie with counsellors of princes , that they counsell their maisters according to the modell of their owne mind and fortune , and not of their masters , when vpon darius great offers parmenio had said : surely , i would accept these offers were i as alexander : sayth alexander , so would i , were i as parmenio . lastly , weigh that quicke and acute reply , which he made when he gaue so large gifts to his friends , & seruants , and was asked what he did reserue for himselfe , and he answered , hope : weigh i say , whether he had not cast vp his account aright , because hope must bee the portion of all that resolue vppon great enterprises . for this was caesars portion , when he went first into gaule , his estate being then vtterly ouerthrowne with largesses : and this was likewise the portion of that noble prince , howsoeuer transported with ambition , henry duke of guise , of whom it was vsually sayd : that he was the greatest vsurer in fraunce , because he had turned all his estate into obligations . to conclude therefore , as certaine critiques are vsed to say hyperbolically : that if all sciences were lost , they might bee found in virgill : so certainely this may be sayd truely ; there are the prints , and footesteps of learning in those fewe speeches , which are reported of this prince . the admiration of whom , when i consider him , not as alexander the great , but as aristotles scholler , hath carryed me too farre . as for iulius caesar , the excellencie of his learning , needeth not to be argued from his education , or his companie , or his speeches : but in a further degree doth declare it selfe in his writinges and workes , whereofsome are extant , and permanent , and some vnfortunately perished : for , first we see there is left vnto vs that excellent historie of his owne warres , which he entituled onely a commentarie , wherin all succeeding times haue admired the solide weight of matter , and the reall passages , and liuely images of actions , and persons expressed in the greatest proprietie of words , and perspicuitie of narration that euer was : which that it was not the effect of a naturall guift , but of learning and precept , is well witnessed by that worke of his , entituled de analogia , being a grammaticall philosophie , wherein hee did labour to make this same vox ad placitum , to become vox ad licitum : and to reduce custome of speech , to congruitie of speech , and tooke as it were the pictures of wordes , from the life of reason . so wee receiue from him as a monument , both of his power and learning , the then reformed computation of the yeare , well expressing , that he tooke it to be as great a glorie to himselfe , to obserue and know the law of the heauens , as to giue law to men vpon the earth . so likewise in that booke of his anticato , it may easily appeare that he did aspire as well to victorie of of wit , as victory of warre : vndertaking therein a conflict against the greatest champion with the pen that then liued , cicero the orator . so againe in his booke of apothegmes , which he collected , we see that he esteemed it more honour to make himselfe , but a paire of tables , to take the wise and pithy words of others , than to haue euery word of his owne to be made an apothegme , or an oracle ; as vaine princes , by custome of flatterie , pretend to doe . and yet if i should enumerate diuers of his speeches ; as i did those of alexander , they are truely such as salomon noteth , when hee sayth ; verba sapientum tanquam aculei , & tanquam claui in altum defixi ; whereof i will only recite three , not so delectable for elegancie , but admirable for vigor and efficacie . as first , it is reason hee bee thought a master of words , that could with one word appease a mutinie in his armie ; which was thus . the romanes when their generals did speake to their armie , did vse the word milites ; but when the magistrates spake to the people , they did vse the word , quirites : the souldiers were in tumult , and seditiously prayed to bee cassiered : not that they so meant , but by expostulation thereof , to drawe caesar to other conditions ; wherein hee being resolute , not to giue way , after some silence , hee beganne his speech , ego quirites , which did admit them alreadie cassiered ; wherewith they were so surprised , crossed , and confused , as they would not suffer him to goe on in his speech , but relinquished their demaunds , and made it their suit , to be againe called by the name of milites . the second speech was thus : caesar did extreamly affect the name of king ; and some were set on as he passed by , in popular acclamation to salute him king ; whereupon finding the crie weake and poore ; he put it off thus , in a kind of iest , as if they had mistaken his surname ; non rex sum , sed caesar , a speech , that if it be searched , the life and fulnesse of it , can scarce be expressed : for first it was a resusall of the name , but yet not serious : againe it did signifie an infinite confidence and magnanimitie , as if he presumed caesar was the greater title ; as by his worthinesse , it is come to passe till this day : but chiefely , it was a speech of great allurement toward his owne purpose : as if the state did striue with him , but for a name ; whereof meane families were vested : for rex was a surname with the romanes , aswell as king is with vs. the last speech , which i will mention , was vsed to metellus : when caesar , after warre declared , did possesse himselfe of the citie of rome , at which time entring into the inner treasurie , to take the the monney there accumulate , metellus being tribune forbad him : whereto caesar sayd , that if hee did not desist , hee would laye him dead in the place : and presently taking himselfe vp , hee added : young man it is harder for me to speake it , than to doe it ; adolescens , durius est mihi , hoc dicere , quàm facere . a speech compounded of the greatest terrour , and greatest clemencie , that could proceede out of the mouth of man. but to returne and conclude with him , it is euident himselfe knewe well his owne perfection in learning , and tooke it vpon him ; as appeared , when vpon occasion , that some spake , what a strange resolution it was in lucius sylla , to resigne his dictature ; he scoffing at him , to his owne aduantage , answered ; that sylla could not skill of letters , and therefore knew not how to dictate . and here it were fit to leaue this point , touching the concurrence of m●…litarie vertue and learning ; ( for what example should come with any grace , after those two , of alexander and caesar ) were it not in regard of the rarenesse of circumstance , that i finde in one other particular ; as that which did so sodenly passe , from extreame scorne , to extreame wonder : and it is of xenophon the philosopher , who went from socrates schoole into asia , in the expedition of cyrus the younger , against king artax●…xes : this xenop●…on at that time , was verie yong , and neuer had seene the warres before : neither had any commaund in the armie , but onely followed the warre , as a voluntarie , for the loue and conuersation of proxenus his friend : hee was present when falinus came in message from the great king , to the grecians ; after that cyrus was slaine in the field ; and they a handfull of men left to themselues in the middest of the kings territories , cut off from their country by many nauigable riuers , and many hundred miles : the message imported , that they should deliuer vp their armes , and submit themselues to the kings mercy : to which message before answere was made , diuers of the army cōferred familiarly with falinus ; and amongst the rest xenophon happened to say : why falinus , we haue now but these two thinges left ; our armes , and our vertue : and if we yeeld vp our armes , how shall we make vse of our vertue ? whereto falinus smiling on him , sayd ; if i be not deceiued , young gentleman , you are an athenian ; and i beleeue , you studie philosophie , and it is pretty that you say ; but you are much abused , if you thinke your vertue can withstand the kings power : here was the scorne ; the wonder followed ; which was , that this young scholler , or philosopher , after all the captaines were murthered in parlye by treason , conducted those ten thousand foote , through the heart of all the kinges high countreys from babilon to grecia in safetie , in despight of all the kings forces , to the astonishment of the world , and the encouragement of the grecians in times succeeding to make inuasion vpon the kings of persia ; as was after purposed by iason the thessalian ; attempted by agesi●…aus the spartan , and atchieued by alexander the macedonian ; all , vpon the ground of the act of that young scholler . to proceede now from imperiall and militarie vertue , to morall and priuate vertue ; first , it is an assured truth , which is contained in the verses ; scilicet ingenuas didicisse fideliter artes , emollit mores nec sinit esse feros . it taketh away the wildnesse and barbarisme and fiercenesse of mens minds : but indeed the accent had need be vpon , fideliter . for a little superficiall learning doth rather worke a contrary effect . it taketh away all leuitie , temeritie , and insolencie , by copious suggestion of all doubts and difficulties , and acquainting the minde to ballance reasons on both sides , and to turne backe the first offers and conceits of the minde , and to accept of nothing but examined and tryed . it taketh away vaine admiration of any thing , which is the roote of all weakenesse . for all things are admired , either because they are new , or because they are great . for nouelty , no man that wadeth in learning or contemplation throughly , but will find that printed in his heart , nil noui super terram : neither can any man maruaile at the play of puppets , that goeth behinde the curtaine , and aduiseth well of the motion . and for magnitude , as alexander the great , after that hee was vsed to great armies , and the great conquests of the spatious prouinces in asia , when hee receiued letters out of greece , of some fights and seruices there , which were commonly for a passage , or a fort , or some walled towne at the most , he sayd ; it seemed to him , that he was aduertised of the battailes of the frogs , and the mise , that the ould tales went of . so cettainely , if a man meditate much vppon the vniuersall frame of nature , the earth with men vppon it ( the diuinesse of soules except ) will not seeme much other , than an ant-hill , whereas some ants carrie corne , and some carrie their young : and some goe emptie , and all too and fro , a little heape of dust . it taketh away , or mitigateth feare of death , or aduerse fortune : which is one of the greatest impediments of vertue , and imperfections of manners . for if a mans minde , be deepely seasoned with the consideration of the mortalitie and corruptible nature of thinges , hee will easily concurre with epictetus , who went foorth one day , and sawe a woman weeping for her pitcher of earth , that was broken ; and went foorth the next day , and sawe a woman weepinge for her sonne that was deade , and thereuppon sayde : heri , vidi fragilem frangi , hodiè vidi mortalem mori . and therefore virgill did excellently , and profoundlye couple the knowledge of causes , and the conquest of all feares , together , as concomitantia . foelix qui potuit rerum cognoscere causas , quique metus omnes , & inexorabile fatum subiecit pedibus , strepitumque acherontis auari . it were too long to goe ouer the particular remedies , which learning doth minister , to all the diseases of the minde , sometimes purging the ill humours , sometimes opening the obstructions , sometimes helping digestion , sometimes encreasing appetite , somtimes healing the wounds and exulcerations thereof , and the like ; and therefore i will conclude with that which hath rationem totius ; which is , that it disposeth the constitution of the minde , not to be fixed or setled in the defects thereof ; but still to be capable , and susceptible of growth and reformation . for the vnlearned man knowes not , what it is to descend into himselfe , or to cal himselfe to account , nor the pleasure of that suauissima vita , indies sentire se fieri meliorem : the good parts hee hath , hee will learne to shew to the full , and vse them dexterously , but not much to encrease them : the faults he hath , he will learne how to hide and colour them , but not much to amend them ; like an ill mower , that mowes on still , and neuer whets his syth : whereas , with the learned man , it fares otherwise , that he doth euer intermix the correction and amendment of his minde , with the vse and employment thereof : nay further in generall and in sum : certain it is , that veritas , and bonitas differ , but as the seale and the print : for truth prints goodnesse , and they be the cloudes of error , which descend in the stormes of passions and perturbations . from morall vertue , let vs passe on to matter of power and commandement , and consider whether in right reason , there be any comparable with that , wherewith knowledge inuesteth and crowneth mans nature . we see the dignitie of the commandement , is according to the dignitie of the commaunded : to haue commaundement ouer beasts , as heard-men haue , is a thing contemptible : to haue commandement ouer children , as schoole-masters haue , is a matter of small honor : to haue commandement ouer gally-slaues , is a disparagement , rather than an honour . neither is the commaundement of tyrants , much better ouer people , which haue put off the generositie of their mindes : and therefore it was euer holden , that honors in free monarchies and common-wealths , had a sweetnesse more , than in tyrannies , because the commandement extendeth more ouer the wils of men , and not only ouer their deeds and seruices . and therefore when virgill putteth himselfe forth to attribute to augustus caesar the best of humane honours , hee doth it in these wordes : victorque volentes per populos , dat iura , viamque affectat olympo : but yet the commandement of knowledge , is yet higher , than the commandement ouer the will : for it is a commaundement ouer the reason , beleefe , and vnderstanding of man , which is the highest part of the minde , and giueth law to the will it selfe . for there is no power on earth , which setteth vp a throne or chaire of estate in the spirits , and soules of men , and in their cogitations , imaginations , opinions , and beleefes : but knowledge and learning . and therefore wee see the detestable and extreame pleasure , that arch-heretiques , and false prophets , and impostors are transported with , when they once finde in themselues , that they haue a superioritie in the faith and conscience of men ; so great , as if they haue once tasted of it , it is seldome seene , that any torture or persecution can make them relinquish or abandone it . but as this is that which the author of the reuelation , calleth the depth or profoundnesse of sathan : so by argument of contraries , the iust and lawfull soueraignetie ouer mens vnderstanding , by face of truth rightly interpreted , is that which approacheth neerest to the similitude of the diuine rule . as for fortune and aduancement , the beneficence of learning , is not so cōfined to giue fortune only to states and common-wealthes : as it doth not likewise giue fortune to particular persons . for it was well noted long agoe , that homer hath giuen more men their liuings , than either sylla , or caesar , or augustus euer did , notwithstanding their great largesses , and donatiues , and distributions of lands to so many legions . and no doubt , it is hard to say , whether armes or learning haue aduanced greater numbers . and in case of soueraigntie , wee see , that if armes or descent haue carried away the kingdome : yet learning hath carryed the priest-hood , which euer hath been in some competicion with empire . againe , for the pleasure and delight of knowledge and learning , it farre surpasseth all other in nature : for shall the pleasures of the affections so exceede the sences , as much as the obtayning of desire or victorie , exceedeth a song , or a dinner ? and must not of consequence , the pleasures of the intellect or vnderstanding exceede the pleasures of the affections ? we see in all other pleasures , there is sacietie ; and after they be vsed , their verdour deparreth ; which sheweth well , they be but deceits of pleasure , and not pleasures ; and that it was the noueltie which pleased , and not the qualitie . and therfore we see , that voluptuous men turne friers ; and ambitious princes turne melancholy . but of knowledge there is no sacietie , but satisfaction and appetite , are perpetually interchangeable ; and therefore appeareth to be good in it selfe simply , without fallacie or accident . neither is that pleasure of small efficacie , and contentment to the minde of man , which the poet lucretius describeth elegantly , suaue marimagno , turbantibus aequora ventis : &c. it is a view of delight ( sayth he ) to stand or walke vppon the shoare side , and to see a shippe tossed with tempest vpon the sea ; or to bee in a fortified tower , and to see two battailes ioyne vppon a plaine . but it is a pleasure incomparable for the minde of man to bee setled , landed , and fortified in the certaintie of truth ; and fromth once to descrie and behould the errours , perturbations , labours , and wanderings vp and downe of other men . lastly , leauing the vulgar arguments , that by learning , man excelleth man in that , wherein man excelleth beasts ; that by learning man ascendeth to the heauens and their motions ; where in bodie he cannot come ; and the like ; let vs conclude with the dignitie , and excellency of knowledge and learning , in that whereunto mans nature doth most aspire ; which is immortalitie or continuance ; for to this tendeth generation , and raysing of houses and families ; to this buildings , foundations , and monuments , to this tendeth the desire of memorie , fame , and celebration ; and in effect , the strength of all other humane desires ; wee see then howe farre the monuments of wit and learning , are more durable , than the monuments of power , or of the hands . for haue not the verses of homer continued 25. hundred yeares , or more , without the losse of a sillable , or letter : during which time , infinite pallaces , temples , castles , cities haue been decayed , and demolished ? it is not possible to haue the true pictures or statuaes of cyrus , alexander , caesar , no nor of the kings , or great personages of much later yeares ; for the originals cannot last ; and the copies cannot but leese of the life and truth . but the images of mens wits and knowledges remaine in bookes , exempted from the wrong of time , and capable of perpetuall renouation : neither are they fitly to be called images , because they generate still , and cast their seedes in the mindes of others , prouoking and causing infinit actions and opinions , in succeeding ages . so that if the inuention of the shippe was thought so noble , which carryeth riches , and commodities from place to place , and consociateth the most remote regions in participation of their fruits : how much more are letters to bee magnified , which as shippes , passe through the vast seas of time , and make ages so distant , to participate of the wisedome , illuminations , and inuentions the one of the other ? nay further wee see , some of the philosophers which were least diuine , and most immersed in the sences , and denyed generally the immortality of the soule ; yet came to this point , that whatsoeuer motions the spirite of man could act , and perfourme without the organs of the bodie , they thought might remaine after death ; which were only those of the vnderstanding , and not of the affection ; so immortall and incorruptible a thing did knowledge seeme vnto them to be . but we that know by diuine reuelation , that not onely the vnderstanding , but the affections purified , not onely the spirite , but the bodie changed shall be aduanced to immortalitie , doe disclaime in these rudiments of the sences . but it must be remēbred , both in this last point , and so it may likewise be needfull in other places , that in probation of the dignitie of knowledge , or learning i did in the beginning separate diuine testimonie , from humane ; which methode , i haue pursued , and so handled them both apart . neuerthelesse , i doe not pretend , and i know it will be impossible for me by any pleading of mine , to reuerse the iudgement , either of aesops cocke , that preferred the barly-corne , before the gemme ; or of mydas , that being chosen iudge , betweene apollo president of the muses , and pan god of the flockes , iudged for plentie : or of paris , that iudged for beautie , and soue against wisedome and power : nor of agrippina , occidat matrem , modo imperet : that preferred empire with condition neuer so detestable ; or of vlysses , qui vetulam proetulit immortalitati , being a figure of those which preferre custome and habite before all excellencie ; or of a number of the like popular iudgements . for these thinges continue , as they haue beene : but so will that also continue , whereupon learning hath euer relyed , and which fayleth not : iustificata est sapientia à filijs suis. the second booke of francis bacon ; of the proficience or aduancement of learning , diuine and humane . to the king. it might seeme to haue more conuenience , though it come often otherwise to passe , ( excellent king ) that those which are fruitfull in their generations , & haue in themselues the fore sight of immortalitie , in their descendents , should likewise be more carefull of the good estate of future times ; vnto which they know they must transmitte and commend ouer their dearest pledges . queene elizabeth was a soiourner in the world in respect of her vnmaried life : and was a blessing to her owne times ; & yet so as the impression of her good gouernement , besides her happie memorie , is not without some effect , which doth suruiue her . but to your maiestie , whom god hath alreadie blessed with so much royall issue , worthie to continue and represent you for euer : and whose youthfull and fruitfull bedde doth yet promise manie the like renouations : it is proper and agreeable to be conuersant , not only in the transitory parts of good gouernment : but in those acts also , which are in their nature permanent & perpetuall . amongst the which ( if affection do not transport mee , ) there is not any more worthie , then the further endowement of the world with sound and fruitfull knowledge : for why should a fewe receiued authors stand vp like hercules columnes , beyond which , there should be no sayling , or discouering , since wee haue so bright and benigne a starre , as your ma : to conduct and prosper vs ? to returne therefore where wee left , it remaineth to consider of what kind those acts are which haue bene vndertaken , & performed by kings and others , for the increase and aduancement of learning , wherein i purpose to speake actiuely without digressing or dylating . let this ground therfore be layd , that all workes are ouercōmen by amplitude of reward , by soundnesse of direction , and by the coniunction of labors . the first multiplyeth endeuour , the second preuenteth error , and the third supplieth the frailty of man. but the principal of these is direction : for claudus in via , antevertit cursorem extra viam : and salomon excellently setteth it downe ; if the iron be not sharpe , it requireth more strength : but wisedome is that which preuaileth : signifying that the inuention or election of the meane , is more effectuall then anie inforcement or accumulation of endeuours . this i am induced to speake ; for that ( not derogating from the noble intention of any that haue beene deseruers towards the state of learning ) i do obserue neuerthelesse , that their workes and acts are rather matters of magnificence and memorie , then of progression and proficience , and tende rather to augment the masse of learning in the multitude of learned men , then to rectifie or raise the sciences themselues . the works or acts of merit towards learning are conversant about three obiects , the places of learning ; the bookes of learning ; and the persons of the learned . for as water , whether it be the dewe of heauen , or the springs of the earth , doth scatter and leese it selfe in the ground , except it be collected into some receptacle , where it may by vnion , comfort and sustaine it selfe : and for that cause the industry of man hath made & framed spring heads , conduits , cesternes , and pooles , which men haue accustomed likewise to beautifie and adorne with accomplishments of magnificence and state , as wel as of vse and necessitie : so this excellent liquor of knowledge , whether it descend from diuine inspiration , or spring from humane sense , would soone perishe and vanishe to oblyuion , if it were not preserued in bookes , traditions , conferences , and places appoynted , as vniuersities , colledges , and schooles , for the receipt & comforting of the same . the works which concerne the seates and places of learning , are foure ; foundations , and buyldings , endowments with reuenewes , endowmēts with franchizes and priuiledges , institutions and ordinances for gouernment , all tending to quietnesse and priuatenesse of life , and discharge of cares and troubles , much like the stations , which virgil prescribeth for the hyuing of bees . principio sedes apibus , statioque petenda : quo neque sit ventis aditus , &c. the workes touching bookes are two : first libraries , which are as the shrynes , where all the reliques of the ancient saints , full of true vertue , and that without delusion or imposture , are preserued , and reposed ; secondly , newe editions of authors , with more correct impressions , more faithfull translations , more profitable glosses , more diligent annotations , and the like . the workes pertaining to the persons of learned men ( besides the aduancement and countenancing of them in generall ) are two : the reward and designation of readers in sciences already extant and inuented : and the reward and designation of writers and enquirers , concerning any partes of learning , not sufficiently laboured and prosecuted . these are summarilie the workes and actes , wherein the merites of manie excellent princes , and other worthie personages haue beene conuersant . as for any particular commemorations , i call to minde what cicero saide , when hee gaue generall thanks . di●…ffcile non aliquem ; ingratum quenquam praeterire : let vs rather according to the scriptures , looke vnto that parte of the race , which is before vs ; then looke backe to that which is alreadie attained . first therfore amongst so many great foundations of colledges in europe , i finde strange that they are all dedicated to professions , and none left free to artes and sciences at large . for if men iudge that learning should bee referred to action , they iudge well : but in this they fall into the error described in the ancient fable ; in which the other parts of the body did suppose the stomache had beene ydle , because it neyther performed the office of motion , as the lymmes doe , nor of sence , as the head doth : but yet notwithstanding it is the stomache that digesteth and distributeth to all the rest : so if any man thinke philosophie and vniuersalitie to be idle studies ; hee doth not consider that all professions are from thence serued , and supplyed . and this i take to bee a great cause that hath hindered the progression of learning , because these fundamental knowledges haue bene studied but in passage . for if you will haue a tree beare more fruite then it hath vsed to do ; it is not any thing you can do to the boughes , but it is the styrring of the earth , and putting newe moulde about the rootes , that must worke it . neyther is it to bee forgotten , that this dedicating of foundations and dotations to professory learning , hath not onely had a maligne aspect , and influence vpon the growth of scyences , but hath also beene preiudiciall to states and gouernments . for hence it proceedeth that princes find a solitude , in regard of able men to serue them in causes of estate , because there is no education collegiate , which is free ; wher such as were so disposed , mought giue themselues to histories , moderne languages , bookes of pollicie and ciuile discourse , and other the like inablements vnto seruice of estate . and because founders of colledges doe plant , and founders of lectures doe water : it followeth wel in order to speake of the defect , which is in publique lectures : namely , in the smalnesse and meanesse of the salary or reward which in most places is assigned vnto them : whether they be lectures of arts , or of professions . for it is necessary to the progression of scyences , that readers be of the most able and sufficient men ; as those which are ordained for generating , and propagating of scyences , and not for transitorie vse . this cannot be , except their condition , & endowmēt be such , as may cōtent the ablest man , to appropriate his whole labour , and continue his whole age in that function and attendance , and therefore must haue a proportion answerable to that mediocritic or competencie of aduancement , which may be expected from a profession , or the practize of a profession : so as , if you wil haue scyences flourish , you must obserue dauids military lawe , which was , that those which slaied with the carriage , should haue equall part with those which were in the action : else will the carriages be ill attended : so readers in scyences are indeede the gardyans of the stores and prouisions of scyences , whence men in actiue courses are furnished , and therefore ought to haue equall entertainment with them ; otherwise if the fathers in scyences be of the weakest sort , or be ill maintained . et patrum invalidi referent ieiunia nati . another defect i note , wherin i shall neede some alchimist to helpe me , who call vpon men to sell their bookes , and to build fornaces , quitting and forsaking minerva , and the muses , as barreyne virgines , and relying vpon vulcan . but certaine it is , that vnto the deepe , fruitefull , and operatiue studie of many scyences , specially naturall phylosophy and physicke , bookes be not onely the instrumentals ; wherein also the beneficence of men hath not beene altogether wanting : for we see , spheares , globes , astrolabes , mappes , and the like , haue bene prouided , as appurtenances to astronomy & cosmography , as well as bookes : we see likewise , that some places instituted for physicke , haue annexed the commoditie of gardeins for simples of all sorts , and do likewise command the vse of dead bodies for anatomyes . but these doe respect but a few things . in generall , there will hardly be any mayne proficience in the disclosing of nature , except there be some allowance for expences about experimēts ; whether they be experiments appertaining to vulcanus or dedalus , furnace or engyne , or any other kind ; and therefore as secretaries , and spyalls of princes and states bring in bills for intelligence ; so you must allowe the spyalls and intelligencers of nature , to bring in their billes , or else you shall be ill aduertised . and if alexander made such a liberall assignation to aristotle of treasure for the allowance of hunters , fowlers , fishers and the like , that he mought compile an historie of nature , much better dothey deserue it that trauailes in arts of nature . another defect which i note , is an intermission or neglect in those which are gouernours in vniuersities , of consultation , & in princes or superior persons , of visitation : to enter into account and consideration , whether the readings , exercises , and other customes appertayning vnto learning , aunciently begunne , and since continued , be well instituted or no , and thereupon to ground an amendement , or reformation in that which shall be found inconuenient . for it is one of your maiesties owne most wise and princely maximes , that in all vsages , and presidents , the times be considered wherein they first beganne , which if they were weake , or ignorant , it derogateth from the authoritie of the vsage , and leaueth it for suspect . and therefore in as much , as most of the vsages , and orders of the vniuersities were deriued frō more obscure times , it is the more requisite , they be reexamined . in this kind i will giue an instance or two for exāple sake , of things that are the most obvious & familiar : the one is a matter , which though it bee ancient and generall , yet i hold to be an errour , which is , that schollers in vniuersities come too soone , & too vnripe to logicke & rhetoricke ; arts fitter for graduates then children , and nouices : for these two rightly taken , are the grauest of sciences , beeing the arts of arts , the one for iudgement , the other for ornament : and they be the rules & directions , how to set forth & dispose matter : & therfore for mindes emptie & vnfraught with matter , & which haue not gathered that which cicero calleth sylua and supellex , stuffe and varietie to beginne with those artes ( as if one should learne to weigh , or to measure , or to painte the winde ) doth worke but this effect : that the wisedome of those arts , which is great , & vniuersal , is almost made contemptible , & is degenerate into childish sophystrie , & ridiculous affectation . and further , the vntimely learning of them hath drawen on by consequence , the superficiall and vnprofitable teaching & writing of them , as fitteth indeed to the capacity of childrē : another , is a lacke i finde in the exercises vsed in the vniuersities , which do make to great a diuorce betweene inuention & memory : for their speeches are either premeditate in verbis conceptis , where nothing is left to inuention , or meerly extemporall , where little is left to memory : wheras in life & action , there is least vse of either of these , but rather of intermixtures of premeditation , & inuention : notes & memorie . so as the exercise fitteth not the practize , nor the image , the life ; and it is euer a true rule in exercises , that they bee framed as nere as may be to the life of practise , for otherwise they do peruert the motions , and faculties of the minde , and not prepare them . the truth whereof is not obscure , when schollars come to the practises of professions , or other actions of ciuill life , which when they set into , this want is soone found by themselues , and sooner by others . but this part touching the amendment of the institutions and orders of vniuersities . i will conclude with the clause of caesars letter to oppins and balbus , hoc quemaamodum fieri possit , nonnulla mihi in mētem veniunt , & multa reperiri possunt : de ijs rebus rogovos , vt cogitationem suscipiatis . another defect which i note , ascendeth a little higher then the precedent . for as the proficience of learning consisteth much in the orders and institutions of vniuersities , in the same states & kingdoms : so it would bee yet more aduanced , if there were more intelligēce mutual betweene the vniuersities of europe , then now there is . we see , there be many orders and foundatiōs , which though they be deuided vnder seuerall soueraignties , & territories , yet they take themselues to haue a kind of contract , fraternitie , & correspondence , one with the other , insomuch as they haue prouincials and generals . and surely as nature createth brotherhood in families , & arts mechanicall contract brotherhoods in communalties , and the anoyntment of god superinduceth a brotherhood in kings & bishops : so in like manner there cannot but bee a fraternitie in learning and illumination , relating to that paternitie , which is attributed to god , who is called the father of illuminations or lights . the last defect which i wil note , is , that there hath not been , or very rarely been , any publique designation of writers or enquirers , concerning such parts of knowledge , as may appeare not to haue bin alreadie sufficiently laboured or vndertaken , vnto which point it is an inducemēt ; to enter into a view and examination , what parts of learning haue bin prosecuted , and what omitted ; for the opinion of plentie is amongst the causes of want ; and the great quantitie of bookes maketh a shewe rather of superfluitie then lacke , which surcharge neuerthelesse is not to be remedied by making no more bookes , but by making more good books , which as the serpēt of moses , mought deuour the serpēts of the inchātors . the remouing of all the defects formerly enumerate , except the last , and of the actiue part also of the last ( which is the designation of writers ) are opera basilica ; towards which the endeuors of a priuate man may be , but as an image in a crosse way ; that may point at the way , but cannot goe it . but the inducing part of the latter ( which is the suruay of learning ) , may bee set forwarde by priuate trauaile ; wherefore i will now attempt to make a generall and faithfull perambulation of learning , with an inquiry what parts theroflye fresh and wast , and not improued & conuerted by the industrie of man ; to the end that such a plotte made and recorded to memorie , may both minister light to anic publique designation : and also serue to excite voluntary endeuours ; wherin neuerthelesse my purpose is at this time , to note onely omissions and deficiences ; and not to make any redargution of errors , or incomplete prosecutions : for it is one thing to set forth what ground lyeth vnmanured ; and another thing to correct ill husbandry in that which is manured . in the handling & vndertaking of which worke , i am not ignorant , what it is , that i doe now mooue and attempt , nor insensible of mine own weakenes , to susteine my purpose : but my hope is , that if my extreame loue to learning carrie me too farre , i may obtaine the excuse of affection ; for that it is not granted to man to loue , and to bee wise . but i know well i can vse no other libertie of iudgement , then i must leaue to others , & i for my part shall be indifferentlie glad eyther to performe my selfe , or accept from another , that dutie of humanitie : nam quierranti comiter monstrat viam : &c. i doe foresee likewise , that of those things , which i shall enter & register , as deficiences and omissions : many will conceiue and censure , that some of them are alreadie done & extant : others to bee but curiosities , and things of no great vse : and others to bee of too great difficultie , and almost impossibilitie to bee compassed and effected : but for the twoo first , i referre my selfe to the particulars . for the last , touching impossibilitie , i take it , those things are to bee held possible , which may be done by some person , though not by euerie one : and which may be done by many , though not by any one : and which may be done in succession of ages , though not within the houre-glasse of one mans life : and which may be done by publique designation , though not by priuate endeuour . but notwithstāding , if any man will take to himselfe rather that of salomon , dicit p●…ger , leo est in via , then that of virgil , possunt , quia posse videntur : i shall be content that my labours bee esteemed , but as the better sorte of wishes : for as it asketh some knowledge to demaund a question , not impertinent ; so it requireth some sense , to make a wish not absurd . the parts of humane learning haue reference to the three partes of mans vnderstanding , which is the seate of learning . history to his memory , poesie to his imagination , and philosophie to his reason : diuine learning receiueth the same distribution , for the spirit of man is the same : though the reuelation of oracle and sense be diuerse : so as theologie consisteth also of historie of the church ; of parables , which is diuine poesie : and of holie doctrine or precept . for as for that part , which seemeth supernumerarie , which is prophecie : it is but diuine historie : which hath that prerogatiue ouer humane , as the narration may bee before the fact , aswell as after . history is natv●…l , civil●… , ecclesiasticall & literary , wherof the three first i allow as extant , the fourth i note as deficient . for no man hath propounded to himselfe the generall state of ●…arning to bee described and represented from age to age , as many haue done the works of nature , & the state ciuile and ecclesiastical ; without which the history of the world seemeth to me , to be as the statua of polyphemus with his eye out , that part being wanting , which doth most shew the spirit , and life of the person : and yet i am not ignorant that in diuers particular sciences , as of the iurisconsults , the mathematicians , the rhetoricians the philosophers , there are set down some smal memorials of the schooles , authors , and bookes : and so like wise some barren relations touching the inuentiō of arts , or vsages . but a iust story of learning , containing the antiquities & originalls of knowledges , & their sects ; their inuentions , their traditions ; their diuerse administrations , and managings ; their flourishings , their oppositions , decayes , depressions , obliuions , remoues ; with the causes , and occasions of them , and all other euents concerning learning , throughout the ages of the world ; i may truly affirme to be wanting . the vse and end of which worke , i doe not so much designe for curiositie , or satisfaction of those that are the louers of learning , but chiefely for a more serious , & graue purpose , which is this in fewe wordes , that it will make learned men wise , in the vse and administration of learning . for it is not saint augustines nor saint ambrose workes that will make so wise a diuine ; as ecclesiasticall historie , throughly read and obserued : and the same reason is of learning . history of natvre is of three sorts : of natvre in covrse ; of natvre er●…ing , or varying ; and of natvre altered or wroght , that is history of creatvres , history of marvailes , and history of arts . the first of these , no doubt is extant , and that in good perfection . the two later are handled so weakely and vnprofitably , as i am moued to note them as deficient . for i find no sufficient , or competent collection of the workes of nature , which haue a digression , and deflexion , from the ordinary course of generations , productions , & motions , whether they be singularities of place and region , or the strange euents of time and chance , or the effects of yet vnknowne proprieties , or the instances of exception to generall kindes : it is true , i finde a number of bookes of fabulous experiments , & secrets , and friuolous impostures for pleasure and strangenesse . but a substantiall and seuere collection of the hete●… , or irregvlars of natvre , well examined & described i find not specially not with due reiection of fables , and popular errors : for , as things now are , if an vntruth in nature bee once on foote , what by reason of the neglect of examination , and countenance of antiquitie , and what by reason of the vse of the opinion in similitudes , and ornaments of speeche , it is neuer called downe . the vse of this worke , honoured with a president in aristotle , is nothing lesse , then to giue contentment to the appetite of curious and vaine wittes , as the manner of mirabilaries is to doe : but for twoo reasons , both of greate waight : the one to correct the parcialitie of axiomes , and opinions : which are commonly framed onely vppon common and familiar examples : the other , because from the wonders of nature , is the neerest intelligence and passage towardes the wonders of arte : for it is no more , but by following , and as it were , hounding nature in her wandrings , to bee able to leade her afterwardes to the same place againe . neyther am i of opinion in this history of marvailes , that superstitious narrations of sorceries , witchecraftes , dreames , diuinations , and the like , where there is an assurance , and cleere euidence of the fact , be altogether excluded . for it is not yet knowne in what cases , and how farre , effectes attributed to superstition , do participate of naturall causes : and therefore how-soeuer the practise of such things is to bee condemned , yet from the speculation and sideration of them , light may be taken , not onely for the discerning of the offences , but for the further disclosing of nature : neither ought a man to make scruple of entring into these things for inquisition of truth , as your maiestie hath shewed in your owne example : who with the two cleere eyes of religion and naturall philosophy , haue looked deepely and wisely into these shadowes , and yet proued your selfe to be of the nature of the sunne , which passeth through pollutions , and it selfe remaines as pure as before . but this i hold fit , that these narrations , which haue mixture with superstition , be sorted by themselues , and not to be mingled with the narrations , which are meerely and sincerely naturall . but as for the narrations touching the prodigies and miracles of religions , they are either not true , or not naturall ; and therefore impertinent for the storie of nature . for history of natvre wrovght , or mechanicall , i finde some collections made of agriculture , and likewise of manuall arts , but commonly with a reiection of experiments familiar and vulgar . for it is esteemed a kinde of dishonour vnto learning , to descend to enquirie or meditation vppon matters mechanicall ; except they bee such as may bee thought secrets , rarities , and speciall subtilties : which humour of vaine , and supercilious arrogancie , is iustly derided in plato : where hee brings in hippias a vanting sophist , disputing with socrates a true and vnfained inquisitor of truth ; where the subiect beeing touching beautie , socrates , after his wandring manner of inductions , put first an example of a faire virgine , and then of a faire horse , and then of a faire pot well glazed , whereat hippias was offended , and said ; more then for curtesies sake , hee did thinke much to dispute with any , that did alledge such base and sordide instances , whereunto socrates answereth ; you haue reason , and it becomes you well , beeing a man so trimme in your ves●…ments , &c. and so goeth on in an ironie . but the truth is , they bee not the highest instances , that giue the securest information ; as may bee well expressed in the tale so common of the philosopher , that while he gazed vpwardes to the starres , fell into the water : for if hee had looked downe hee might haue seene the starres in the water , but looking aloft hee coulde not see the water in the starres : so it commeth often to passe , that meane and small things discouer great , better then great can discouer the small : and therefore aristotle noteth well , that the nature of euery thing is best seene in his smallest portions , and for that cause hee enquireth the nature of a common-wealth , first in a family , and the simple coniugatiōs of man and wife ; parent , and child , maister and seruant , which are in euery cottage ; euen so likewise the nature of this great citie of the world and the policie thereof , must bee first sought in meane concordances , and small portions : so we see how that secret of nature , of the turning of iron , touched with the loadestone , towardes the north , was found out in needels of iron , not in barres of iron . but if my iudgement bee of any waight , the vse of historiemechanical , is of all others the most radicall , and fundamentall towardes naturall philosophie , such naturall philosophie , as shall not vanish in the fume of subtile , sublime , or delectable speculation , but such as shall bee operatiue to the endowment , and benefit of mans life : for it will not onely minister and suggest for the present , many ingenious practizes in all trades , by a connexion and transferring of the obseruations of one arte , to the vse of another , when the experiences of seuerall misteries shall fall vnder the consideration of one mans minde : but surder , it will giue a more true , and reall illumination concerning causes and axiomes , then is hetherto attained . for like as a mans disposition is neuer well knowen , till hee be crossed , nor proteus euer chaunged shapes , till hee was straightened and held fast : so the passages and variations of nature cannot appeare so fully in the libertie of nature , as in the trialls and vexations of art. for civile history , it is of three kinds , not vnfitly to be compared with the three kinds of pictures or images : for of pictures or images , wee see some are vnfinished , some are parfite , and some are defaced : so of histories , wee may finde three kindes , memorialls , parfite histories , and antiqvities : for memorialls are historie vnfinished , or the first , or rough draughts of historie , and antiqvities are historie defaced , or some remnants of history , which haue casually escaped the shipwrack of time . memorialls or preparatory history are of two sorts , wherof the on may be tearmed commentaries , & the other registers : commentaries are they which set downe a continuance of the naked euēts & actiōs , without the motiues or designes , the counsells , the speeches , the pretexts the occasions , and other passages of action : for this is the true nature of a commentarie ( though caesar in modestie mixt with greatnesse , did for his pleasure apply the name of a commentarie to the best historie of the world ) registers are collectiōs of publique acts , as decrees of counsell , iudiciall proceedings , declarations and letters of estate , orations , and the like , without a perfect continuance , or contexture of the threed of the narration . antiqvities , or remnants of history , are , as was saide , tanquam tabula naufragij , when industrious persons by an exact and scrupulous diligence and obseruation , out of monumēts , names , wordes , prouerbes , traditions , priuate recordes , and euidences , fragments of stories , passages of bookes , that concerne not storie , and the like , doe saue and recouer somewhat from the deluge of time . in these kindes of vnperfect histories i doe assigne no deficience , for they are tanquam imperfectè mista , and therefore any deficience in them is but their nature . as for the corruptiōs and mothes of historie , which are epitomes , the vse of them deserueth to be banisht , as all men of sound iudgement haue confessed , as those that haue fretted and corroded the sound bodies of many excellent histories , and wrought them into base and vnprofitable dregges . history which may be called ivst and parfite historie , is of three kinds , according to the obiect which it propoundeth , or pretendeth to represent : for it either represēteth a time , or a person , or an action . the first we call chronicles , the second lives , and the third narrations , or relations . of these although the first bee the most compleate and absolute kinde of historie , and hath most estimation and glory : yet the second excelleth it in profit and vse , and the third in veritie & sinceritie . for history of times representeth the magnitude of actions , & the publique faces and deportmēts of persons , & passeth ouer in silence the smaller passages and motions of men and matters . but such beeing the workemanship of god , as he doth hang the greatest waight vpon the smallest wyars , maxima è minimis suspēdēs , it comes therfore to passe , that such histories doe rather set forth the pompe of busines , then the true and inward resorts thereof . but liues if they be well written , propounding to themselues a person to represent , in whom actions both greater and smaller , publique & priuate haue a commixture ; must of necessitie containe a more true , natiue , and liuely representation : so againe narrations , and relations of actions as the war of peloponnesus , the expeditiō of cyrus minor , the conspiracie of catiline , cannot but be more purely and exactly true , then histories of times , because they may choose an argument comprehensible within the notice and instructions of the writer : whereas he that undertaketh the story of a time , specially of any length , cannot but meet with many blankes , and spaces , which hee must be forced to fill vp , out of his own wit and coniecture . for the history of times . ( i meane of ciuil history , ) the prouidence of god hath made the distribution : for it hath pleased god to ordaine and illustrate two exemplar states of the worlde , for armes , learning , morall vertue , policie , and lawes . the state of grecia , and the state of rome : the histories whereof occupying the middlepart of time , haue more auncient to them , histories which may by one common name , be tearmed the antiqvities of the world ; and after them , histories which may bee likewise called by the name of moderne historie . nowe to speake of the deficiences : as to the heathen antiqvities of the world , it is in vaine to note them for deficient : deficient they are no doubt , consisting most of fables and fragments : but the deficience cannot bee holpen : for antiquitie is like fame , caput inter nubila condit , her head is mu●…ed from our sight : for the historie of the exemplar states , it is extant in good perfection . not but i could wish there were a perfect course of historie for grecia from theseus to philopaemen , ( what time the affaires of grecia drowned and extinguished in the affaires of rome ) and for rome , from romulus to iustinianus , who may be truly saide to be vltimus romanorum . in which sequences of storie the text of thucidides and xenophon in the one , & the texts of liuius , polybius , salustius , caesar , appianus , tacitus , herodianus in the other to be kept intyre without any diminutiō at all , and onely to be supplied and continued . but this is matter of magnificence , rather to be commended then required : and wee speake nowe of parts of learning supplementall , and not of superetogation . but for moderne histories , whereof there are some fewe verie worthy , but the greater part beneath mediocritie , leauing the care of forreyne stories to forreyne states , because i will not bee curiosus in aliena republica , i cannot faile to represent to your maiestie , the vnworthinesse of the historie of englande in the maine continuance thereof , and the partialitie , and obliquitie of that of scotland , in the latest and largest author that i haue seene ; supposing that it would be honour for your maiestie , and a worke very memorable , if this iland of great brittanie , as it is now ioyned in monarchie for the ages to come : so were ioyned in one historie for the times passed , after the manner of the sacred historie , which draweth downe the storie of the tenne tribes , and of the two tribes , as twinnes together . and if it shall seeme that the greatnesse of this worke may make it lesse exactly performed , there is an excellent periode of a much smaller compasse of time , as to the storie of england that is to say , from the vniting of the roses , to the vniting of the kingdomes : a portiō of time wherin , to my vnderstanding , there hath bin the rarest varieties , that in like number of successiōs of any hereditary monarchie hath bin known : for it beginneth with the mixt adeption of a crowne , by armes and tytle : an entry by battaile , an establishment by mariage : and therefore times answerable , like waters after a tempest , full of working and swelling , though without extreamitie of storme ; but well passed through by the wisedome of the pylote , being one of the most sufficient kinges of all the number . then followeth the raigne of a king , whose actions howsoeuer conducted had much intermixture with the affaires of europe : balancing and inclyning them variably , in whose time also beganne that great alteration in the state ecclesiasticall , an action which seldome commeth vppon the stage : then the raigne of a minor , then an offer of an vsurpation , ( though it was but as febris ephemera ) . then the raigne of a queene matched with a forreyner : then of a queene that liued solitary , and vnmarried , and yet her gouernment so masculine , as it had greater impression , and operation vppon the states abroad , then it any waies receiued from thence ; and now last , this most happie , and glorious euent , that this iland of brittany deuided from all the world , should bee vnited in it selfe ; and that oracle of rest giuen to aeneas , antiquam enquirite matrem , should nowe bee performed and fulfilled vpon the nations of england and scotland , being now revnited in the auncient mother name of brittany , as a full periode of all instabilitie & peregrinations : so that as it commeth to passe in massiue bodies , that they haue certaine trepidations and wauerings before they fixe and settle : so it seemeth , that by the prouidence of god , this monarchy before it was to settle in your maiestie , and your generations , ( in which i hope it is nowe established for euer , ) it had these prelusiue changes and varieties . for lives , i doe finde strange that these times haue so litle esteemed the vertues of the times , as that the writings of liues should be no more frequent . for although there be not many soueraigne princes or absolute cōmanders , and that states are most collected into monarchies ; yet are there many worthy personages , that deserue better then dispersed report , or barren elogies : for herein the inuention of one of the late poets is proper , and doth well inrich the auncient fiction ; for he faineth , that at the end of the threed or webbe of euery mans life , there was a little medall containing the persons name , and that time waited vpon the sheeres , and assoone as the threed was cut , caught the medalls , and carried them to the riuer of lethe , and about the banke there were many birds flying vp and downe , that would get the medals and carry them in their beke a little while , and then let them fall into the riuer . onely there were a fewe swannes , which if they got a name , would carrie it to a temple , where it was consecrate . and although many men more mortall in their affections , then in their bodies , doe esteeme desire of name and memory , but as a vanitie and ventositie ; animi nil magnaelaudis egentes : which opinion commeth from that root , non prius laudes contempsimus , quam la●…danda facere desivimus : yet that will not alter salomons iudgement , memoria iusti cum laudibus , at impiorū nomē putresect : the one flourisheth , the other either cōsumeth to presēt obliuion , or turneth to an ill odor : and therefore in that stile or addition , which is & hath bin long well receiued , and brought in vse , faeticis memoriae , piae memoriae , bonae memoriae , we do acknowledge that which cicero saith , borrowing it frō demosthenes , that bona fama propria possessio defunctorum , which possession i cānot but note , that in our times it lieth much wast and that therein there is a deficience . for narrations and relations of particular actions , there were also to be wished a greater diligence therein , for there is no great action but hath some good penne which attends it . and because it is an abilitie not common to write a good history , as may well appeare by the small number of them : yet if particularitie of actions memorable , were but tolerably reported as they passe , the compiling of a complete historie of times mought be the better expected , when a writer should arise that were fit for its for the collection of such relations mought be as a nursery gardein , whereby to plant a faire and stately gardein , when time should serue . there is yet another portion of historie which cornelius tacitus maketh , which is not to be forgottē specially with that application , which hee accoupleth it withal , annals , and iovrnals , appropriating to the former , matters of estate , and to the later , acts , and accidents of a meaner nature . for giuing but a touch of certaine magnificent buildings , he addeth , cumex dignitate populi romani repertum sit , res illustres annalibus , talia diurnis vrbis actis mandare . so as there is a kinde of contemplatiue heraldry , as well as ciuill . and as nothing doth derogate from the dignitie of a state more then confusion of degrees : so it doth not a little imbase the authoritie of an historie , to intermingle matters of triumph , or matters of ceremony , or matters of noueltie , with matters of state ; but the vse of a iovrnall hath not onely been in the historie of time , but like wise in the historie of persōs , and chiefely of actions ; for princes in ancient time had vpon point of honour and policie both , iournalls kept , what passed day by day : for we see the chronicle which was red before abassuerus , when he could not take rest , contained matter of affaires indeede , but such as had passed in his own time , and very lately before ; but the iovrnall of alexanders house expressed euery small particularitie , euen concerning his person and court : and it is yet an vse wel receiued in enterprises memorable , as expeditions of warre , nauigations , and the like , to keepe dyaries of that which passeth continually . i cannot likewise bee ignorant of a forme of writing , which some graue and wise men haue vsed , containing a scattered history of those actions , which they haue thought worthy of memorie , with politique discourse and obseruation thereupon ; not incorporate into the history , but seperately , and as the more principall in their intentiō : which kind of rvminated history , i thinke more fit to place amongst bookes of policie , whereof we shall hereafter speake , then amongst bookes of history : for it is the true office of history to represent the euents themselues , together with the counsels , and to leaue the obseruations , and conclusions thereupon , to the liberty and facultie of euery mans iudgement : but mixtures , are things irregular , whereof no man can define . so also is there another kinde of history manifoldly mixt , and that is history of cosmography , being compounded of naturall history in respect of the regions themselues , of history ciuill , in respect of the habitations , regiments , and manners of the people ; and the mathematiques in respect of the climats , and configurations towards the heauens , which part of learning of all others in this latter time hath obtained most proficience . for it may be truly affirmed to the honor of these times , and in a vertuous emulation with antiquitie , that this great building of the world , had neuer through lights made in it , till the age of vs and our fathers : for although they had knowledge of the antipodes : nosque vbi primus equis oriens afflauit anhelis : illic sera rubens accēdit lumina vesper , yet that mought be by demonstration , and not in fact , and if by trauaile , it requireth the voiage but of halfe the globe . but to circle the earth , as the heauenly bodies doe , was not done , nor enterprised , till these later times : and therefore these times may iustly beare in their word , not onely plus vltrà in precedence of the ancient non vltrà , and imitabile fulmen , in precedence of the ancient : non imitabile fulmen , demens qui nymbos et non imitabile fulmen , &c. but likewise , — imitabile caelum : in respect of the many memorable voyages after the maner of heauē , about the globe of the earth . and this proficience in nauigation , and discoueries , may plant also an expectation of the ●…urder proficience , and augmentation of all scyences , because it may seeme they are ordained by god to be coevalls , that is , to meete in one age. for so the prophet daniel speaking of the latter times foretelleth : plurimi pertransibunt , & multiplex erit scientia , as if the opennesse and through passage of the world , and the encrease of knowledge were appointed to be in the same ages , as we see it is already performed in great part , the learning of these later times not much giuing place to the former two periods or returnes of learning , the one of the graecians , the other of the romanes . history ecclsiastical , receiueth the same diuisions with history ciuil ; but furder in the proprietie thereof may bee deuided into history of the chvrch , by a general name . history of prophecie , & historie of providence : the first describeth the times of the militant church ; whether it be fluctuāt , as the arke of noah , or moueable , as the arke in the wildernes , or at rest , as the arke in the temple ; that is , the state of the church in persecution , in remoue , and in peace . this part i ought in no sort to note as deficient , onely i would the vertue and sinceritie of it , were according to the masse , and quantitie . but i am not now in hand with censures , but with omissions . the second , which is history of prophecie , consisteth of two relatiues , the prophecie , and the accomplishment : and therefore the nature of such a worke ought to be , that euery prophecie of the scripture be sorted with the euent fulfilling the same , throughout the ages of the world , both for the better confirmation of faith , and for the better illumination of the church , touching those parts of prophecies , which are yet vnfulfilled : allowing neuerthelesse that latitude , which is agreable , and familiar vnto diuine prophecies , being of the nature of their author , with whom a thousande yeares are but as one day , and therefore are not fulfilled punctually , at once , but haue springing and germinant accomplishment throughout many ages , though the height or fulnesse of them may referre to some one age : this is a worke which i finde deficient , but is to bee done with wisedom , sobrietie , and reuerence , or not at all . the third , which is history of providence , containeth that excellēt correspondence , which is betweene gods reuealed will , and his secret will : which though it be so obscure , as for the most part it is not legible to the naturall man ; no , nor many times to those that behold it from the tabernacle : yet at some times it pleaseth god for our better establishment , and the confuting of those which are as without god in the world ; to write it in such text and capitall letters , that , as the prophet saith , he that runneth by , may read it : that is , meere sensual persons , which hasten by gods iudgements , and neuer bend or fixe their cogitations vpon them , are neuerthelesse in their passage and race vrged to discerne it . such are the notable euents and examples of gods iudgements , chastizements , deliuerances and blessings : and this is a work which hath passed through the labour of many , and therefore i cannot present as omitted . there are also other parts of learning which are appendices to history , for al the exterior proceedings of man consist of wordes and deeds : whereof history doth properly receiue , and retaine in memory the deedes , and if wordes , yet but as inducements and passages to deedes : so are there other books and writings , which are appropriat to the custodie , and receite of wordes onely : which likewise are of three sorts : orations , letters , & briefe speeches , or sayings : orations are pleadings , speeches of counsell ; laudatiues , inuectiues , apologies , reprehensions ; orations of formalitie , or ceremonie , and the like : letters are according to all the varietie of occasions ; aduertisments , aduises , directions , propositions , peticions , commendatorie , expostulatorie , satisfactorie , of complement , of pleasure , of discourse , and all other passages of action . and such as are written from wise men , are , of all the words of man , in my iudgement the best , for they are more naturall then orations , and publike speeches , & more aduised then cōferences , or present speeches : so againe letters of affaires from such as manage them , or are priuie to them , are of all others the best instructions for history , and to a diligent reader , the best histories in themselues . for apothegmes : it is a great losse of that booke of caesars ; for as his history , and those fewe letters of his which wee haue , and those apothegmes which were of his owne , excell all mens else : so i suppose would his collection of apothegmes haue done ; for as for those which are collected by others , either i haue no tast in such matters , or else their choice hath not beene happie . but vpon these three kindes of writings i doe not insist , because i haue no deficiēces to propound concerning them , thus much therefore concerning history , which is that part of learning , which answereth to one of the celles , domiciles , or offices of the mind of man ; which is that of the memorie . poesie is a part of learning in measure of words for the most part restrained : but in all other points extreamely licensed : and doth truly referre to the imagination : which beeing not tyed to the lawes of matter ; may at pleasure ioyne that which nature hath seuered : & seuer that which nature hath ioyned , and so make vnlawfull matches & diuorses of things : pictoribus atque poetis &c. it is taken in two senses in respect of wordes or matter ; in the first sense it is but a character of stile , and belongeth to arts of speeche , and is not pertinent for the present . in the later , it is ( as hath beene saide ) one of the principalll portions of learning : and is nothing else but fained history , which may be stiled as well in prose as in verse . the vse of this fained historie , hath beene to giue some shadowe of satisfaction to the minde of man in those points , wherein the nature of things doth denie it , the world being in proportion inferiour to the soule : by reason whereof there is agreeable to the spirit of man , a more ample greatnesse , a more exact goodnesse ; and a more absolute varietie then can bee found in the nature of things . therefore , because the acts or euents of true historie , haue not that magnitude , which satisfieth the minde of man , poesie saineth acts and euents greater and more heroicall ; because true historie propoundeth the successes and issues of actions , not so agreable to the merits of vertue and vice , therefore poesie faines them more iust in retribution , and more according to reuealed prouidence , because true historie representeth actions and euents , more ordinarie and lesse interchanged , therefore poesie endueth them with more rarenesse , and more vnexpected , and alternatiue variations . so as it appeareth that poesie serueth and conferreth to magnanimitie , moralitie , and to delectation . and therefore it was euer thought to haue some participation of diuinesse , because it doth raise and erect the minde , by submitting the shewes of things to the desires of the mind ; whereas reason doth buckle and bowe the mind vnto the nature of things . and we see that by these insinuations and congruities with mans nature and pleasure , ioyned also with the agreement and consort it hath with musicke , it hath had accesse and estimation in rude times , and barbarous regions , where other learning stoode excluded . the diuisiō of poesie which is aptest in the proprietie therof ( besides those diuisiōs which are cōmon vnto it with history : as fained chronicles , fained liues , & the appēdices of history , as fained epistles , fained orations , and the rest ) is into poesie narrative ; representative , and allvsive . the narrative is a meere imitation of history with the excesses before remembred ; ohoosing for subiect cōmonly warrs , and loue ; rarely state , and sometimes pleasure or mirth . representative is as a visible history , and is an image of actions as if they were present , as history is of actions in nature as they are , that is past ; allvsive or parabolicall , is a narrtion applied onely to expresse some speciall purpose or conceit . which later kind of parabolical wisedome was much more in vse in the ancient times , as by the fables of aesope , and the briefe sentences of the seuen , and the vse of hieroglyphikes may appeare . and the cause was for that it was then of necessitie to expresse any point of reason , which was more sharpe or subtile then the vulgar in that maner , because men in those times wanted both varietie of examples , and subtiltie of conceit : and as hierogliphikes were before letters , so parables were before arguments : and neuerthelesse now and at all times they doe retaine much life and vigor , because reason cannot bee so sensible , nor examples so fit . but there remaineth yet another vse of poesy parabolical , opposite to that which we last mentioned : for that tendeth to demonstrate , and illustrate that which is taught or deliuered , and this other to retire and obscure it : that is when the secrets and misteries of religion , pollicy , or philosophy , are inuolued in fables or parables . of this in diuine poesie , wee see the vse is authorised . in heathen poesie , wee see the exposition of fables doth fall out sometimes with great felicitie , as in the fable that the gyants beeing ouerthrowne in their warre against the gods , the earth their mother in reuenge thereof brought forth fame . illam terra parens ira irritata deorū , ( progenuit . extremam , vt perhibent , coeo enceladoque sororem expounded that when princes & monarchies haue suppressed actuall and open rebels , then the malignitic of people , which is the mother of rebellion , doth bring forth libels & slanders , and taxatiōs of the states , which is of the same kind with rebellion , but more feminine : so in the fable that the rest of the gods hauing conspired to binde iupiter , pallas called briareus with his hundreth hands to his aide , expounded , that monarchies neede not feare any courbing of their absolutenesse by mightie subiects , as long as by wisedome they keepe the hearts of the people , who will be sure to come in on their side : so in the fable , that achilles was brought vp vnder chyron the centaure , who was part a man , & part a beast , expounded ingenuously , but corruptly by machiauell , that it belongeth to the education and discipline of princes , to knowe as well how to play the part of the lyon , in violence , and the foxe in guile , as of the man in vertue and iustice. neuerthelesse in many the like incounters , i doe rather think that the fable was first , and the exposition deuised , then that the morall was first , & thereupon the fable framed . for i finde it was an auncient vanitie , in chrisippus , that troubled himselfe with great contention to fasten the assertions of the stoicks vpon fictions of the ancient poets : but yet that all the fables and fictions of the poets , were but pleasure and not figure , i interpose no opinion . surely of those poets which are now extant , euen homer himselfe , ( notwithstanding he was made a kinde of scripture , by the later schooles of the grecians ) yet i should without any difficultie pronounce , that his fables had no such inwardnesse in his owne meaning : but what they might haue , vpon a more originall tradition , is not easie to affirme , for he was not the inuentor of many of them . in this third part of learning which is poesie , i can report no deficience . for being as a plant that commeth of the lust of the earth , without a formall seede , it hath sprung vp , and spread abroad , more then any other kinde : but to ascribe vnto it that which is due : for the expressing of affections , passions , corruptions and customes , we are beholding to poets , more thē to the philosophers workes , and for wit and eloquence not much lesse then to orators harangues . but it is not good to stay too long in the theater : let vs now passe on to the iudicial place or pallace of the mind , which we are to approach and view , with more reuerence and attention . the knowledge of man is as the waters , some descending from aboue , and some springing from beneath , the one informed by the light of nature , the other inspired by diuine reuelation . the light of nature consisteth , in the notions of the minde , and the reports of the sences , for as for knowledge which man receiueth by teaching , it is cumulatiue , and not originall , as in a water , that besides his own spring-heade is fedde with other springs and streames . so then according to these two differing illuminations , or originals , knowledge is first of al deuided into divinitie , and philosophie . in philosophy , the contemplations of man doe either penetrate vnto god , or are circumferred to nature , or are reflected or reuerted vpon himselfe . out of which seuerall inquiries , there doe arise three knowledges , divine philosophy , natvral philosophy , and hvmane philosophy , or hvmanitie . for all things are marked and stamped with this triple character of the power of god , the difference of nature , and the vse of man. but because the distributions and partitions of knowledge , are not like seuerall lines , that meete in one angle , and so touch but in a point , but are like branches of a tree , that meete in a stēme ; which hath a dimension and quantitie of entyrenes and continuance , before it come to discontinue & break it self into armes and boughes , therfore it is good , before wee enter into the former distribution , to erect & constitute one vniuersal science by the name of philosophia prima , primitive or svmmariephilosophie , as the maine and common way , before we come where the waies part , and deuide themselues , which sciēce whether i should report as deficient or noe , i stand doubtfull . for i finde a certaine rapsodie of naturall theologie , and of diuers parts of logicke : and of that part of naturall philosophie , which concerneth the principles , and of that other part of naturall philosophy , which concerneth the soule or spirit , all these strangely commixed and confused : but being examined it seemeth to mee rather a depredation of other sciences , aduanced and exalted vnto some height of tearmes , then any thing solide or substantiue of it selfe . neuerthelesse i cannot bee ignorant of the distinction which is currant , that the same things are handled but in seuerall respects : as for example that logicke considereth of many things as they are in notion & this philosophy , as they are in nature : the one in , apparance , the other in existence : but i finde this difference better made then pursued ; for if they had considered quantitie , similitude , diuersitie , and the rest of those externe characters of things , as philosophers , and in nature : their inquiries must of force haue beene of a farre other kinde then they are . for doth anie of them in handeling quantitie , speake of the force of vnion , how , and how farre it multiplieth vertue ? doth any giue the reason , why some things in nature are so common and in so great masse , and others so rare , and in so small quantitie ? doth anie in handling similitude and diuersitie , assigne the cause why iron should not mooue to iron , which is more like , but mooue to the loadestone , which is lesse like ? why in all diuersities of things there should bee certaine participles in nature , which are almost ambiguous , to which kinde they should bee referred ? but there is a meere and deepe silence , touching the nature and operation of those common adiuncts of things , as in nature ; and onely a resuming and repeating of the force and vse of them , in speeche or argument . therefore because in a wryting of this nature , i auoyde all subtilitie : my meaning touching this originall or vniuersall philosophie , is thus in a plaine and grosse description by negatiue : that it bee a receptacle for all such profitable obseruations and axioms , as fall not within the compasse of any of the speciall parts of philosophie , or sciences ; but are more common , and of a higher stage . now that there are manie of that kinde neede not bee doubted : for example ; is not the rule : si inaequalibus aequalia addas ; omnia erunt inaequal●…a . an axiome aswell of iustice ; as of the mathematiques ? and is there not a true coincidence betweene commutatiue and distributiue iustice , and arithmeticall and geometricall proportion ? is not that o●…er rule , quae in eodem tertio conveniunt , & inter se conveniunt , a rule taken from the mathematiques , but so potent in logicke as all syllogismes are built vppon it ? is not the obseruation , omnia mutantur , nilinterit , a contemplation in philosophie thus , that the quantum of nature is eternall , in naturall theologie thus . that it requireth the same omnipotencie to make somewhat nothing , which at the first made nothing somewhat ? according to the scripture , di●…ici quod omnia operaquae fecil deus , perseuerent in perpetuum , non possumus eis qui●…quam addere , nec auferre . is not the ground which machtavill wisely and largely discourseth concerning gouernments , that the way to establish and preserue them , is to reduce them ad principia ; a rule in religion and nature , aswell as in ciuill administration ? was not the persian magicke a reduction or correspondence of the principles & architectures of nature , to the rules and policie of gouernments ? is not the precept of a musitian , to ●…all from a discord or harsh accord , vpon a concord , or sweete accord , alike true in affection ? is not the trope of musi●…ke , to auoyde or slyde from the close or cadence , common with the trope of rh●…ricke of deceyuing expectation ? is not the delight of the quavering vppon a stoppe in musicke , the same with the playing of light vppon the water ? spiendet tremulo sub lumine pon●… are not the organs of the sences of one ki●… with the organs of reflexion , the eye with a gla●… the eate with a caue or straight determined and bounded ? neither are these onely similitud●…s , as men of narrowe obseruation may conc●…yue them to bee ; but the same footesteppes of nature , treading or printing vppon seuerall subiects or matters . this science therefore ( as i vnderstand 〈◊〉 ) i may iustlie reporte as deficient ; for i see sometimes the profounder sort of wittes , in handeling some particuler argument , will nowe and then drawe a bucket of water out of this well , for their present vse . but the springhead thereof seemeth to mee , not to haue beene visited ; beeing of so excellent vse , both for the disclosing of nature , and the abridgement of art. this science beeing therefore first placed as a common parent , like vnto berecinthia , which had so much heauenlie yssue , omnes coe●…colas , omnes super alta tenentes ; wee may returne to the former distribution of the three philosophies ; diuine , naturall , and humane . and as concerning d●…vine philosophie . or natvrall theologie , it is that knowledge or rudiment of knowledge concerning god , which may be obtained by the contemplation of his creatures which knowledge may bee truely tearmed diuine , in respect of the obiect ; and naturall in respect of the light. the boundes of this knowledge are , that it sufficeth to conuince atheisme ; but not to informe religion : and therefore there was neuer miracle wrought by god to conuert an atheist , bycause the light of nature might haue ledde him to confesse a god : but miracles haue beene wrought to conuert idolaters , and the superstitious , because no light of nature extendeth to declare the will and true worship of god. for as all works do shewe forth the power and skill of the workeman , and not his image : so it is of the works of god ; which doe shew the omnipotencie and wisedome of the maker , but not his image : and therefore therein the heathen opinion differeth from the sacred truth : for they supposed the world to bee the image of god , & man to be an extract or compendious image of the world : but the scriptures neuer vouch-safe to attribute to the world that honour as to bee the image of god : but onely the worke of his hands , neither do they speake of any other image of god , but man : wherfore by the contemplation of nature , to induce and inforce the acknowledgement of god , and to demonstrate his power , prouidence , and goodnesse , is an excellent argument , and hath beene excellently handled by diuerse . but on the other side , out of the contemplation of nature , or ground of humane knoweledges to induce any veritie , or perswasion concerning the points of faith , is in my iudgement , not fate : dafidei , quae fidei sunt . for the heathen themselues conclude as much in that excellent and diuine fable of the golden chayne : that men and gods were not able to draw iupiter down to the earth , but contrariwise , iupiter was able to draw them vp to heauen . so as wee ought not to attempt to drawe downe or submitte the mysteries of god to our reason : but contrarywise , to raise and aduance our reason to the diuine truthe . so as in this parte of knowledge , touching diuine philosophie : i am so farre from noting any deficience , as i rather note an excesse : wherevnto i haue digressed , because of the extreame preiudice , which both religion and philosophie hath receiued , and may receiue by beeing commixed togither ; as that which vndoubtedly will make an hereticall religion ; and an imaginarie and fabulous philosophie . otherwise it is of the nature of angells and spirits , which is an appendix of theologie , both diuine and naturall ; and is neither inscrutable nor interdicted : for although the scripture saith , lette no man deceyue you in sublime discourse touching the worship of angells , pressing into that hee knoweth not , &c. yet notwithstanding if you obserue well that precept , it may appeare thereby , that there bee two things onely forbidden , adoration of them , and opinion fantasticall of them , eyther to extoll them , further then appertaineth to the degree of a creature ; or to extoll a mans knowledge of them , further then hee hath ground . but the sober and grounded inquirie which may arise out of the passages of holie scriptures , or out of the gradacions of nature is not restrained : so of degenerate and reuolted spirites ; the conuersing with them , or the imployement of them is prohibited ; much more any veneration towards them . but the contemplacion or science of their nature , their power , their illusions ; either by scripture or reason , is apart of spirituall wisedome . for so the apostle saieth , wee are not ignorant of his stratagems : and it is no more vnlawfull to enquire the nature of euill spirites , then to enquire the force of poysons in nature , or the nature of sinne and vice in moralitie ; but this parte touching angells and spirites , i cannot note as deficient , for many haue occupyed themselues in it : i may rather challenge it in manie of the wryters thereof , as fabulous and fantasticall . leauing therefore divine philosophy , or natvrall theologie , ( not divinitie , or inspired theol'ogie , which wee reserue for the last of all , as the hauen and sabbath of all mans contemplations ) wee will nowe proceede to natvrall philosophie : if then it bee true that democritus sayde , that the truthe of nature lyeth hydde in certaine deepe my●… and caues ; and if it bee true likewise , that the alchymists doe so much inculcate , that vulcan is a second nature , and imitateth that dexterouslie and compendiouslie , which nature worketh by ambages , & length of time , it were good to deuide naturall phylosophie into the myne and the fornace , and to make two professions or occupations of naturall philosophers , some to bee pionners , and some smythes , some to digge , and some to refine , and hammer : and surely i doe best allowe of a diuision of that kinde , though in more familiar and scholasticall tearmes : namely that these bee the two parts of naturall philosophie , the inqvisition of cavses , and the pro●…vction of effects : specvlative , and operative , natvrall science , and natvrall prvdence . for as in ciuile matters there is a wisedome of discourse , and a wisedome of direction : so is it in naturall : and heere i will make a request , that for the latter ( or at least for a parte thereof ) i may reviue and reintegrate the misapplyed and abused name of natvrall magicke , which in the true se●…se , is but natvrall wisedome , or natvrall prvdence : taken according to the ancient acception , purged from vanitie & superstition . now although it bee true , and i know it well , that ther●… is an entercourse betweene causes and eff●… , so as both these knowledges 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a great connexion betweene themselues : yet because all true and frutefull natvrall philosophie , hath a double scale or ladder , ascendent and descendent , ascending from experiments to the inuention of causes ; and descending from causes , to the inuention of newe experiments ; therefore i iudge it most requisite that these two parts be seuerally considered and handled . natvrall science or theory is deuided into phisicke and metaphisicke , wherein i desire , it may bee conceiued , that i vse the word metaphisicke in a differing sense , from that , that is receyued : and in like manner i doubt not , but it will easilie appeare to men of iudgement , that in this and other particulers , wheresoeuer my conception & notion may differ from the auncient , yet i am studious to keepe the auncient termes . for hoping well to deliuer my selfe from mistaking , by the order and perspicuous expressing of that i doe propounde : i am otherwise zealous and affectionate to recede as little from antiquitie , either in tearms or opinions , as may stand with truth , & the proficience of knowledge : and herein i cannot a little maruaile at the philosopher aristotle : that did proceede in such a spirit of difference & contradiction towards all antiquitie , vndertaking not only to frame new wordes of science at pleasure : but to confound and extinguish all ancient wisedome ; insomuch as hee neuer nameth or mentioneth an ancient author or opinion , but to confute and reproue : wherein for glorie , and drawing followers and disciples , he tooke the right course . for certainly there commeth to passe , & hath place in humane truth , that which was noted and pronounced in the highest truth : veni in nomine patris , nec recipitis me , si quis venerit in nomine suo , eum recipietis . but in this diuine aphorisme ( considering , to whom it was applied , namely to antichrist , the highest deceiuer , ) wee may discerne well , that the comming in a man 's owne name , without regard of antiquitie , or paternitie ; is no good signe of truth ; although it bee ioyned with the fortune and successe of an eum recipietis . but for this excellent person aristotle , i will thinke of him , that hee learned that humour of his scholler ; with whom , it seemeth , hee did emulate , the one to conquer all opinions , as the other to conquer all nations . wherein neuerthelesse it may bee , hee may at some mens hands , that are of a bitter disposition , get a like title as his scholler did . foelix terrarum praedo , non vtile mundo editus exemplum &c. so foelix doctrinae praedo . but to me on the other side that do desire as much as lyeth in my penne , to ground a sociable entercourse betweene antiquitie and proficience , it seemeth best , to keepe way with antiquitie vsque ad aras ; and therefore to retaine the ancient tearmes , though i sometimes alter the vses and definitions , according to the moderate proceeding in ciuill gouernment ; where although there bee some alteration , yet that holdeth which tacitus wisely noteth , eadem magistratuum vocabula . to returne therefore to the vse and acception of the tearme metaphisicke , as i doe nowe vnderstand the word ; it appeareth by that which hath bene alreadie saide , that i intend , philosophia prima : svmmarie philosophie and metaphisick , which heretofore haue beene confounded as one , to bee two distinct things . for the one i haue made as a parent , or common auncestor to all knowledge ; and the other i haue now brought in , as a branch or descendent of natvrall science ; it appeareth likewise that i haue assigned to svmmariephilosophie the common principles and axiomes which are promiscuous and indifferent to seuerall sciences : i haue assigned vnto it likewise the inquirie touching the operation of the relatiue and aduentiue characters of essences , as quantitie , similitude , diuersitie , possibilitie , and the rest : with this distinction , and prouision : that they bee handled as they haue efficacie in nature , and not logically . it appeareth likewise that natvral theologie which hereto fore hath beene handled confusedly with metaphisicke , i haue inclosed and bounded by it selfe . it is therefore now a question , what is left remaining for metaphisicke : wherein i may without preiudice preserue thus much of the cōceit of antiquitie ; that phisicke should contemplate that which is inherent in matter , & therefore transitorie , and metaphisicke , that which is abstracted & fixed . and againe that phisicke shoulde handle that which supposeth in nature onely a being and mouing , and metaphisicke should handle that which supposeth furder in nature , a reason , vnderstanding , and platforme . but the difference perspicuously expressed , is most familiar and sensible . for as wee deuided natvrall philosophy in generall into the enqvirie of cavses & prodvctions of effects : so that part which concerneth the enqvirie of cavses , wee doe subdiuide , according to the receiued and sound diuision of cavses ; the one part which is phisicke enquireth and handleth the materiall & efficient cavses , & the other which is metaphisicke handleth the formal and finalcavses . phisicke , ( taking it according to the deriuation , & not according to our idiome , for medicine ) is scituate in a middle tearme or distance between natvrall history & metaphisicke . for natvral history describeth the varietie of things : phisicke the cavses , but variable or respective cavses ; and metaphisicke the fixed and constant cavses . limus vt hic durescit , & haec vt cara liquescit , vno eodemque igni . fire is the cause of induration , but respectiue to clay : fire is the cause of colliquatiō , but respectiue to waxe . but fire is noe constant cause either of induration or colliquation : so then the phificall causes are but the efficient and the matter . phisicke hath three parts , whereof two respect nature vnited or collected , the third contēplateth nature diffused or distributed . nature is collected either into one entyer totall , or else into the same principles or seedes . so as the first doctrine is tovching the contextvre or configvration of things , as de mundo , de vniuersitate rerum . the seconde is the doctrine concerning the principles or originals of things ; the third is the doctrine concerning all varietie and particvlaritie of things ; whether it be of the differing substances , or their differing qualities and natures ; whereof there needeth noe enumeration ; this part being but as a glos or paraphrase that attendeth vpon the text of natvral history . of these three i cannot report any as deficient , in what truth or perfection they are handled , i make not now any iudgement : but they are parts of knowledge not deserted by the labour of man. for metaphisicke , we haue assigned vnto it the inquirie of formall and finall cavses which assignation , as to the former of them may seeme to bee nugatorie and voide , because of the receiued and inueterate opinion , that the inquisition of man , is not competent to finde out essentiall formes , or true differences ; of which opinion we will take this hold : that the inuentiō of formes is of al other parts of knowledge the worthiest to bee sought , if it bee possible to bee found . as for the possibilitie , they are ill discouerers , that thinke there is no land when they can see nothing but sea. but it is manifest , that plato in his opinion of ideas , as one that had a wit of eleuation s●…uate as vpon a cliffe , did descry , that formes were the true obiect of knowledge ; but lost the reall fruite of his opinion by considering of formes , as absolutely abstracted from matter , & not confined and determined by matter : and so turning his opinion vpon theologie , wherewithall his naturall philosophy is infected . but if any man shall keepe a continuall watchfull and seuere eye vpon action , operation , and the vse of knowledge , hee may aduise and take notice , what are the formes , the disclosures whereof are fruitful and important to the state of man. for as to the formes of substāces ( man onely except , of whom it is said , formavit hominem de limoterrae , & spirauit in faciem eius spiraculum vitae , and not as of all other creatures , producant aquae , producat terra , the formes of substances i say ( as they are nowe by compounding and transplanting multiplied ) are so perplexed , as they are not to bee enquired . noe more then it were either possible or to purpose , to seeke in grosse the formes of those soundes which make wordes , which by composition and transposition of letters are infinite . but on the otherside , to enquire the forme of those soundes or voices which make simple letters is easily comprehēsible , and being knowen , induceth and manifesteth the formes of all words , which consist , & are compounded of them ; in the same maner to enquire the forme of a lyon , of an oake , of gold : nay of water , of aire , is a vaine pursuite : but to enquire the formes of sence , of voluntary motion , of vegetation , of colours , of grauitie and leuitie , of densitie , of tenuitie , of heate , of cold , & al other natures and qualities , which like an alphabet are not many , & of which the essences ( vpheld by matter ) of all creatures doe cōsist : to enquire i say the true formes of these , is that part of metaphisicke , which we now define of . not but that phisicke doth make enquirie , and take consideration of the same natures , but how ? onely , as to the material and efficient causes of them , and not as to the formes . for example , if the cause of whitenesse in snowe or froth be enquired , and it be rendred thus : that the subtile intermixture of ayre and water is the cause , it is well rendred , but neuerthelesse is this the forme of whitenesse ? noe but it is the efficient , which is euer but vehiculum formae . this , part of metaphisicke : i doe not finde laboured and performed , whereat i maruaile not , because i hold it not possible to bee inuented by that course of inuention which hath beene vsed , in regard that men ( which is the roote of all error ) haue made too untimely a departure , and to remote a recesse from particulars . but the vse of this part of metaphisicke which i report as deficient , is of the rest the most excellent in two respects : the one because it is the dutie and vertue of all knowledge to abridge the infinitie of indiuiduall experience , as much as the conception of truth will permit , and to remedie the complaint of vita brevis , ars longa ; which is performed by vniting the notions and conceptions of sciences : for knowledges are as pyramides , whereof history is the basis : so of natvral philosophy the basis is natvral history : the stage next the basis is phisicke : the stage next the verticalpoint is metaphisicke : as for the verticallpoint , opus quod operatur deus a principio vsque ad finem , the summary law of nature , wee knowe not whether mans enquirie can attaine vnto it . but these three be the true stages of knowledge , and are to them that are depraued no better then the gyants hilles . ter sunt conati imponere pelio ossam : scilicet atque ossaefrondosum involuere olympum . but to those which referre all thinges to the glorie of god , they are as the three acclamations : sancte , sancte , sancte : holy in the description or dilatation of his workes , holy in the connexion , or concatenation of them , and holy in the vnion of them in a perpetuall and vniforme lawe . and therefore the speculation was excellent in parmenides and plato , although but a speculation in them , that all things by scale did ascend to vnitie . so then alwaies that knowledge is worthiest , which is charged with least multiplicitie , which appeareth to be metaphisicke , as that which considereth the simple formes or differēces of things , which are few in number , and the degrees and coordinations whereof , make all this varietie : the second respect which valueth and commendeth this part of metaphisicke is , that it doth enfranchise the power of man vnto the greatest libertie , and possibilitie of workes and effects . for phisicke carrieth men in narrow and restrained waies , subiect to many accidents of impedimēts , imitating the ordinarie flexuous courses of nature , but latae vndique sunt sapientibus viae : to sapience ( which was anciently defined to be rerum diuinarum , & humanarum scientia ) there is euer choise of meanes . for phisicall causes giue light to newe inuention in simili materia ; but whosoeuer knoweth any forme knoweth the vtmost possibilitie of superinducing that nature vpon any varietie of matter , and so is lesse restrained in operation , either to the basis of the matter , or the condition of the efficient : which kinde of knowledge salomon likewise , though in a more diuine sort elegantly describeth , non arctabuntur gressus tui , & currens non habebis offendiculum . the waies of sapience are not much lyable , either to particularitie or chance . the 2. part of metaphisicke is the enqiry of final cavses , which i am moued to report , not as omitted , but as misplaced ; and yet if it were but a fault in order , i would not speake of it . for order is matter of illustration , but pertaineth not to the substance of sciences : but this misplacing hath caused a deficience , or at least a great improficience in the sciences themselues . for the handling of finall causes mixed with the rest in phisicall enquiries , hath intercepted the seuere and diligent enquirie of all reall and phisicall causes , and giuen men the occasion , to stay vpon these satisfactorie and specious causes , to the great arrest and preiudice of furder discouerie . for this i finde done not onely by plato , who euer ancreth vppon that shoare , but by aristotle , galen , and others , which doe vsually likewise fall vppon these flatts of discoursing causes ; for to say that the haires of the eye-liddes are for a quic-sette and fence about the sight : or , that the firmenesse of the skinnes and hides of liuing creatures is to defend them from the extremities of heate or cold : or , that the bones are for the columnes or beames , whereupon the frame of the bodies of liuing creatures are built ; or , that the leaues of trees are for protecting of the fruite ; or , that the cloudes are for watering of the eearth ; or , that the solidnesse of the earth is for the station and mansion of liuing creatures : and the like , is well inquired & collected in metaphisicke , but in phisicke they are impertinent . nay , they are indeed but remoraes and binderances to stay and slugge the shippe from furder sayling , and haue brought this to passe , that the search of the phisicall causes hath beene neglected , and passed in silence . and therefore the natural philosophie of democritus , and some others who did not suppose a minde or reason in the frame of things , but attributed the form thereof able to maintaine it self to infinite essaies or proofes of nature , which they tearme fortune ; seemeth to mee ( as farre as i can iudge by the recitall and fragments which remaine vnto vs ) in particularities of phisicall causes more reall and better enquired then that of aristotle and plato , whereof both intermingled final causes , the one as a part of thelogie , and the other as a part of logicke , which were the fauourite studies respectiuely of both those persons . not because those finall causes are not true , and worthy to bee inquired , beeing kept within their owne prouince ; but because their excursions into the limits of phisicall causes , hath bred a vastnesse and solitude in that tract . for otherwise keeping their precincts and borders , men are extreamely deceiued if they thinke there is an enmitie or repugnancie at all betweene them : for the cause rendred that the haires about the eye liddes are for the safegard of the sight , doth not impugne the cause rendred , that pilositie is incident to orisices of moisture : muscosi fontes &c. nor the cause rendred that the firmenesse of hides is for the armour of the body against extremities of heate or cold : doth not impugne the cause rendred , that contraction of pores is incident to the outwardest parts ; in regard of their adiacence to forreine or vnlike bodies , and so of the rest ; both causes beeing true and compatible , the one declaring an intention , the other a consequence onely . neither doth this call in question or derogate from diuin●… prouidence , but highly confirme and exalt it . fo●…s in ciuill actions he is the greater and deeper pollitique , that can make other men the instruments of his will and endes , and yet neuer acquaint them with his purpose : so as they shall doe it , and yet not knowe what they doe , then hee that imparteth his meaning to those he employeth : so is the wisdome of god more admirable , when nature intendeth one thing , and prouidēce draweth forth another ; then if hee had communicated to particular creatures and motions the characters and impressions of his prouidence ; and thus much for metaphisicke , the later part wherof , i allow as extant , but wish it confined to his proper place . neuerthelesse there remaineth yet another part of natvrall philosophie , which is commonly made a principall part , and holdeth ranke with phisicke speciall and metaphisicke : which is mathematicke , but i think it more agreable to the nature of things , and to the light of order , to place it as a branch of metaphisicke : for the subiect of it being quantitie , not quantitie indefinite : which is but a relatiue , and belongeth to philosophia prima ( as hath beene said , ) but quantitie determined , or proportionable , it appeareth to bee one of the essentiall formes of things ; as that , that is causatiue in nature of a number of effects , insomuch as wee see●… the schooles both of democritus , and of pithagoras , that the one did ascribe figure to the first seedes of things , and the other did suppose numbers to bee the principalles and originalls of things ; and it is true also that of all other formes ( as wee vnderstand formes ) it is the most abstracted , and separable from matter and therefore most proper to metaphisicke ; which hath likewise beene the cause , why it hath beene better laboured , and enquired , then any of the other formes , which are more immersed into matter . for it beeing the nature of the minde of man ( to the extreame preiudice of knowledge ) to delight in the spacious libertie of generalities , as in a champion region ; and not in the inclosures of particularitie ; the mathematicks of all other knowledge were the goodliest fieldes to satisfie that appetite . but for the placing of this science , it is not much materiall : onely we haue endeuoured in these our partitions to obserue a kind of perspectiue , that one part may cast light vpon another . the mathematicks are either pvre , or mixt : to the pvre mathematicks are those sciēces belonging , which handle quantitie determinate meerely seuered from any axiomes of natvrall phlosophy : and these are two , geometry and arithmeticke , the one handling quantitie continued , and the other disseuered . mixt hath for subiect some axiomes or parts of naturall philosopie : and considereth quantitie determined , as it is auxiliarie and incident vnto them . for many parts of nature can neither be inuented with sufficient subtiltie , nor demonstrated with sufficient perspicuitie , nor accommodated vnto vse with sufficient dexteritie , without the aide and interueyning of the mathematicks : of which sorte are perspectiue , musicke , astronomie , cosmographie , architecture , inginarie , and diuers others . in the mathematicks , i can report noe deficience , except it be that men doe not sufficiently vnderstand the excellent vse of the pure mathematicks , in that they doe remedie and cure many defects in the wit , and faculties intellectuall . for , if the wit bee to dull , they sharpen it : if to wandring , they fix it : if to inherent in the sense , they abstract it . so that , as tennis is a game of noe vse in it selfe , but of great vse , in respect it maketh a quicke eye , and a bodie readie to put it selfe into all postures : so in the mathematickes , that vse which is collaterall and interuenient , is no lesse worthy , then that which is principall and intended . and as for the mixt mathematikes i may onely make this prediction , that there cannot faile to bee more kindes of them , as nature growes furder disclosed . thus much of natvral science , or the part of nature specvlative . for natvrall prvdence , or the part operative of natvrall philosophy , we will deuide it into three parts , experimental , philosophical and magical , which three parts active haue a correspondēce and analogie with the three parts specvlative : natvral history , phisicke , and metaphisicke : for many operations haue bin inuented sometime by a casuall incidence and occurrence , sometimes by a purposed experiment : and of those which haue bene found by an intentionall experimēt , some haue bin found out by varying or extending the same experiment , some bytransferring and compounding diuers experiments the one into the other , which kind of inuention an emperique may manage . againe by the knowledge of phisicall causes , there cannot faile to followe , many indications and designations of new particulers , if men in their speculation will keepe one eye vpon vse & practise . but these are but coastings along the shoare , premendo littus iniquum , for it seemeth to me , there can hardly bee discouered any radicall or fundamentall alterations , and innouations in nature , either by the fortune & essayes of experiments , or by the light and direction of phisical causes . if therfore we haue reported metaphisicke deficient , it must followe , that wee doe the like of natvral magicke , which hath relation thereunto . for as for the natvral magicke whereof now there is mention in books , containing certaine credulous and superstitious conceits and obseruations of sympathies , and antipathies and hidden proprieties , and some friuolous experiments , strnnge rather by disguisement , then in themselues , it is as fardiffering in truth of nature , from such a knowedge as we require , as the storie of king arthur of brittaine , or hughe of burdeaux , differs from caesars commentaries in truth of storie . for it is manifest that caesar did greater things de vero , then those imaginarie heroes were fained to doe . but hee did them not in that fabulous manner . of this kinde of learning the fable of ixion was a figure : who designed to enioy iuno the goddesse of power : and in stead of her , had copulation with a cloud : of which mixture were begotten centaures , and chymeraes . so whosoeuer shall entertaine high and vapourous imaginations , in steede of a laborious and sober enquirie of truth shall beget hopes and beliefes of strange and impossible shapes . and therefore wee may note in these sciences , which holde so much of imagination and beliefe , as this degenerate naturall magicke , alchimie , astrologie , and the like , that in their propositions , the description of the meanes , is euermore monstrous , then the pretence or ende . for it is a thing more probable , that he that knoweth well the natures of waight , of colour , of pliant , and fragile in respect of the hammer , of volatile and fixed in respect of the fire , and the rest , may superinduce vpon some mettall the nature , and forme of gold by such mechanique as longeth to the production of the naturs afore rehearsed , then that some graynes of the medecine proiected , should in a fewe moments of time , turne a sea of quick-siluer or other materiall into gold. so it is more probable that he that knoweth the nature of arefaction ; the nature of assimilation , of nourishment to the thing nourished ; the maner of encrease , and clearing of spirits : the maner of the depredations , which spirits make vpon the humours and solide parts : shall , by ambages of diets , bathings , annointings , medecines , motions , and the like , prolong life , or restore some degree of youth or viuacitie , then that it can be done with the vse of a sewe drops , or scruples of a liquor or receite . to conclude therefore , the true natvrall magicke , which is that great libertie and latitude of operation , which dependeth vppon the knowledge of formes , i may report deficient , as the relatiue thereof is ; to which part if we be serious , and incline not to vanities and plausible discourse , besides the deriuing and deducing the operations themselues from metaphisicke , there are pertinent two points of much purpose , the one by way of preparation , the other by way of caution : the first is , that there be made a kalender resembling an inuentorie of the estate of man , containing all the inuentions , ( being the works or fruits of nature or art ) which are now extant , and whereof man is alreadie possessed , out of which doth naturally result a note , what things are yet held impossible , or not inuented , which kalender will bee the more artificiall and seruiceable , if to euery reputed impossibilitie , you adde what thing is extant , which commeth the nearest in degree to that impossibilitie ; to the ende , that by these optatiues and potentialls , mans enquirie may bee the more awake in diducing directiō of works from the speculatiō of causes . and secondly that those experimēts be not onely esteemed which haue an immediate & presēt vse , but those principally which are of most vniuersall consequence for inuention of other experimēts , & those which giue most light to the inuētion of causes ; for the inuētion of the mariners needle , which giueth the direction , is of noe lesse benefit for nauigation , then the inuention of the sailes which giue the motion . thus haue i passed through natvrall philosophie , and the deficiences thereof ; wherein if i haue differed from the ancient , and receiued doctrines , and thereby shall moue contradiction ; for my part , as i affect not to dissent , so i purpose not to contend ; if it be truth . — non canimus surdis respondent omnia syluae ; the voice of nature will consent , whether the voice of man doe or noe . and as alexander bergia was wont to say of the expedition of the french for naples , that they came with chaulke in their hands to marke vp their lodgings , and not with weapons to fight : so i like better that entrie of truth which commeth peaceably with chaulke , to marke vp those mindes , which are capable to lodge and harbour it , then that which commeth with pugnacitie and contention . but there remaineth a diuision of naturall philosophy according to the report of the enquirie , and nothing concerning the matter or subiect , and that is positive and considerative : when the enquirie reporteth either an assertion , or a doubt . these doubts or non liquets , are of two sorts , particular and totall . for the first wee see a good example thereof in aristotles problemes , which deserued to haue had a better continuance , but so neuerthelesse , as there is one point , whereof warning is to be giuen and taken ; the registring of doubts hath two excellent vses : the one that it saueth philosophy from errors & falshoods : when that which is not fully appearing , is not collected into assertion , whereby error might drawe error , but reserued in doubt . the other that the entrie of doubts are as so many suckers or sponges , to drawe vse of knowledge , insomuch as that which if doubts had not preceded , a man should neuer haue aduised , but passed it ouer without note , by the suggestion and sollicitation of doubts is made to be attended and applied . but both these commodities doe scarcely counteruaile an inconuenience , which wil intrude it selfe if it be not debarred , which is that when a doubt is once receiued , men labour rather howe to keepe it a doubt still , then howe to solue it , and accordingly bend their wits . of this we see the familiar example in lawyers and schollers , both which if they haue once admitted a doubt , it goeth euer after authorized for a doubt . but that vse of wit and knowledge is to be allowed which laboureth to make doubtfull thinges certaine , and not those which labour to make certaine things doubtfull . therefore these kalenders of doubts , i commend as excellent things , so that there be this caution vsed , that when they bee throughly sifted & brought to resolution , they bee from thence forth omitted , decarded , and not continued to cherish and encourage men in doubting . to which kalender of doubts or problemes , i aduise be annexed another kalender as much or more materiall , which is a kalender of popular errors , i meane chiefly , in naturall historie such as passe in speech & conceit , and are neuerthelesse apparantly detected & cōuicted of vntruth , that mans knowledge be not weakened nor imbased by such drosse and vanitie . as for the doubts or nonliquets generall or in totall , i vnderstand those differences of opinions touching the principles of nature , and the fundamentall points of the same , which haue caused the diuersitie of sects , schooles , and philosophies , as that of empedocles , pythagoras , democritus , parmenides , and the rest . for although aristotle as though he had bin of the race of the ottomans , thought hee could not raigne , except the first thing he did he killed all his brethren ; yet to those that seeke truth and not magistralitie , it cannot but seeme a matter of great profit , to see before them the seueral opinions touching the foundations of nature , not for any exact truth that can be expected in those theories : for as the same phenomena in astronomie are satisfied by the receiued astronomie of the diurnall motion , and the proper motions of the planets , with their eccentriques and epicicles and likwise by the theorie of copernicus , who supposed the ●…arth to moue ; & the calculations are indifferently agreeable to both : so the ordinarie face and viewe of experience is many times satisfied by seuerall theories & philosophies , whereas to finde the reall truth requireth another manner of seueritie & attention . for , as aristotle saith that children at the first will call euery woman mother : but afterward they come to distinguish according to truth : so experience , if it be in childhood , will call euery philosophie mother ; but when it commeth to ripenesse , it will discerne the true mother . so as in the meane time it is good to see the seuerall glosses and opinions vpon nature , wherof it may bee euery one in some one point , hath seene clearer then his fellows ; therfore i wish some collection to be made painfully and vnderstandingly de antiquis philosophijs out of all the possible light which remaineth to vs of them . which kinde of worke i finde deficient . but heere i must giue warning , that it bee done distinctly and seuerely ; the philosophies of euery one throughout by themselues ; and not by titles packed , and fagotted vp together , as hath beene done by plutarch . for it is the harmonie of a philosophie in it selfe , which giueth it light and credence ; whereas if it bee singled and broken , it will seeme more forraine and dissonant . for as , when i read in tacitus , the actions of nero , or claudius , with circumstances of times , inducements and occasions , i finde them not so strange : but when i reade them in suetonius tranquillus gathered into tytles and bundles , and not in order of time , they seeme more monstrous and incredible ; so is it of any philosophy reported entier , and dismembred by articles . neither doe i exclude opinions of latter times to bee likewise represented , in this kalender of sects of philosophie , as that of theophrastus paracelsus , eloquently reduced into an harmonie , by the penne of seuerinus the dane : and that of tylesius , and his scholler donius , beeing as a pastorall philosophy , full of sense , but of no great depth . and that of fracastorius , who though hee pretended not to make any newe philosophy , yet did vse the absolutenesse of his owne sense , vpon the olde . and that of gilbertus , our countreyman , who reuiued , with some alterations , and demonstrations , the opinions of xenophanes , and any other worthy to be admitted . thus haue we now dealt with two of the three beames of mans knowledge , that is radius directus , which is referred to nature , radius refractus , which is referred to god , and cannot report truely because of the inequalitie of the medium . there resteth radius reflexus , whereby man beholdeth and contemplateth himselfe . we come therefore now to that knowledge , whereunto the ancient oracle directeth vs , which is , the knowledge of our selues : which deserueth the more accurate handling , by howe much it toucheth vs more neerely . this knowledge as it is the end and terme of naturall philosophy in the intention of man : so notwithstanding it is but a portion of naturall philosophy in the continent of nature : and generally let this be a rule , that all partitions of knowledges , be accepted rather for lines & veines , then for sections and separations : and that the continuance and entirenes of knowledge be preserued . for the contrary here of hath made particular sciences , to become barren , shallow , & erronious : while they haue not bin n●…urished and maintained from the cōmon fountaine : sowe see cicero the orator complained of socrates and his schoole , that he was the first that separated philosophy , and rhetoricke , whereupon rhetorick became an emptie & verball art. so wee may see that the opinion of copernicus touching the rotation of the earth , which astronomie it self cānot correct ; because it is not repugnant to any of the phainomena , yet naturall philosophy may correct . so we see also that the science of medicine , if it be destituted & forsaken by natural philosophy , it is not much better then an empeirical practize : with this reseruation therefore we proceed to hvmane philosophy or hvmanitie , which hath two parts : the one considereth man segregate , or distributiuely : the other congregate or in societie . so as hvmane philosophy is either simple and particvlar , or coniugate and ciuile ; hvmanitie particvlar consisteth of the same parts , whereof man consisteth , that is , of knovvledges which respect the body , & of knovvledges that respect the mind . but before we distribute so far , it is good to constitute . for i doe take the consideration in generall , and at large of hvmane natvre to be fit to be emancipate , & made a knowledge by it self ; not so much in regard of those delightfull and elegant discourses , which haue bin made of the dignitie of man , of his miseries , of his state and life , and the like adiuncts of his common and vndeuided nature , but chiefely in regard of the knowledge concerning the sympathies and concordances betvveene the mind and body , which being mixed , cannot be properly assigned to the sciences of either . this knowledge hath two branches ; for as all leagues and amities consist of mutuall intelligence , and mutuall offices so this league of mind and body , hath these two parts , how the one discloseth the other , and how the one worketh vpon the other . discouerie , & impression . the former of these hath begottē two arts , both of predictiō or prenotion where of the one is honoured with the enquirie of aristotle , & the other of hippocrates . and although they haue of later time beene vsed to be coupled with superstitious and fantasticall arts ; yet being purged and restored to their true state ; they haue both of them a solide ground in nature , and a profitable vse in life . the first is physiognomie , which discouereth the disposition of the mind , by the lyneaments of the bodie . the second is the exposition of natvrall dreames , which discouereth the state of the bodie , by the imaginations of the minde . in the former of these , i note a deficience . for aristotle hath verie ingeniously , and diligently handled the factures of the bodie , but not the gestures of the bodie ; which are no lesse comprehensible by art , and of greater vse , and aduantage . for the lyneaments of the bodie doe disclose the disposition and inclination of the minde in generall ; but the motions of the countenance and parts , doe not onely so , but doe further disclose the present humour and state of the mind & will. for as your maiestie sayth most aptly and elegantly ; as the tongue speaketh to the eare , so the gesture speaketh to the eye . and therefore a number of subtile persons , whose eyes doe dwell vpon the faces and fashions of men ; doe well know the aduantage of this obseruation ; as being most part of their abilitie ; neither can it bee denied , but that it is a great discouerie of dissimulations , and a great direction in businesse . the later braunch , touching impression hath not beene collected into art ; but hath beene handled dispersedly ; and it hath the same relation or antistrophe , that the former hath , for the consideration is double , either hovv , and hovv farre the hvmovrs and a●…fcts of the bodie , doe alter or worke vpon the mind ; or againe , hovv and hovv farre the passions , or apprehensions of the minde , doe alter or worke vpon the bodie . the former of these , hath beene enquired and considered , as a part , and appendix of medicine , but much more as a part of religion or superstition . for the phisitian prescribeth cures of the minde in phrensies , and melancholy passions ; and pretendeth also to exhibite medicines to exhilarate the minde , to confirme the courage , to clarifie the wits , to corroborate the memorie , and the like ; but the scruples and superstitions of diet , and other regiment of the body in the sect of the pythagoreans , in the heresy of the manicheas , and in the lawe of mahumet doe exceede ; so likewise the ordinances in the ceremoniall lawe , interdicting the eating of the blood , and the fatte ; distinguishing between beasts cleane and vncleane for meat ; are many and strict . nay , the faith it selfe , being cleere and serene from all cloudes of ceremonie , yet retaineth the vse of sastings , abstinences , and other macerations and humiliations of the bodie , as things reall , & not figuratiue . the roote and life of all which prescripts , is ( besides the ceremonie , ) the consideration of that dependancie , which the affections of the mind are submitted vnto , vpon the state and disposition of the bodie . and if any man of weake iudgement doe conceiue , that this suffering of the minde from the bodie , doth either question the immortalitie , or derogate from the soueraigntie of the soule : hee may be taught in easie instances , that the infant in the mothers wombe , is compatible with the mother , and yet separable : and the most absolute monarch is sometimes ledde by his seruants , and yet without subiection as for the reciprocall knowledge , which is the operation of the conceits and passions of the minde vppon the bodie ; we see all wise phisitians in the prescriptions of their regiments to their patients , doe euer consider accidentia animi : as of great force to further or hinder remedies , or recoueries ; and more specially it is an inquirie of great depth and worth , concerning imagination , how , and howe farre it altereth the bodie proper of the imaginant . for although it hath a manifest power to hurt , it followeth not , it hath the same degree of power to helpe . no more than a man can conclude , that because there be pestilent ayres , able sodainely to kill a man in health ; therefore there should bee soueraigne ayres , able sodainly to cure a man in sicknesse . but the inquisition of this part is of great vse , though it needeth , as socrates sayd , a delian diuer , being difficult & profound . but vnto all this knowledge de commvni vincvlo , of the concordances betweene the mind and the bodie : that part of enquirie is most necessarie , which considereth of the seates , and domiciles which the seuerall faculties of the minde , doe take and occupate in the organs of the bodie , which knowledge hath been attempted , and is controuerted , and deserueth to bee much better inquired . for the opinion of plato , who placed the vnderstanding in the braine ; animositie , ( which hee did vnfitly call anger , hauing a greater mixture with pride ) in the heart ; and concupiseence or sensualitie in the liuer , deserueth not to bee despised , but much lesse to be allowed . so then we haue constituted ( as in our own wish and aduise ) the inquirie tovching hvmane natvre entyer ; as a iust portion of knowledge , to be handled apart . the knowledge that concerneth mans bodie , is diuided as the good of mans bodie is diuided , vnto which it referreth . the good of mans body , is of foure kindes ; health , beautie , strength , and pleasure . so , the knowledges are medicine , or art of cure : art of decoration ; which is called cosmetike : art of actiuitie , which is called athletike : and art voluptuarie , which tacitus truely calleth eruditus luxus . this subiect of mans bodie , is of all other thinges in nature , most susceptible of remedie : but then that remedie is most susceptible of errour . for the same subtilitie of the subiect , doth cause large possibilitie , and easie fayling : and therefore the enquirie ought to be the more exact . to speak therfore of medicine , & to resume that we haue sayd , ascending a litle higher ; the ancient opinion that man was microcosmus , an abstract or modell of the world , hath beene fantastically streyned by paracelsus , and the alchimists , as if there were to be found in mans body certaine correspondences , & parallells , which shold haue respect to all varieties of things , as starres , planets , minerals , which are extant in the great world . but thus much is euidently true , that of all substances , which nature hath produced , mans bodie is the most extreamly compounded . for we see hearbs & plants are norished by earth & waer ; beasts for the most part , by hearbs & fruits ; man by the flesh of beasts , birds , fishes , hearbs , grains , fruits , water , & the manifold alterations , dressings , and preparations of these seuerall bodies , before they come to be his food & aliment . adde hereunto that beasts haue a more simple order of life , and lesse change of affections to worke vppon their bodies , whereas man in his mansion , sleepe , exercise , passions , hath infinit variations ; and it cannot be denied , but that the bodie of man of all other things , is of the most compounded masse . the soule on the other side is the simplest of substances , as is well expressed . purumque reliquit aethereum sensum , atque aurai simplicis ignem . so that it is no maruaile , though the soule so placed , enioy no rest , if that principle be true , that motus rerum est rapidus extra locum , placidus in loco . but to the purpose , this variable composition of mans bodie hath made it as an instrument easie to to distemper ; and therefore the poets did well to conioyne mvsicke and medicine in apollo , because the office of medicine , is but to tune this curious harpe of mans bodie , and to reduce it to harmonie . so then the subiect being so variable , hath made the art by consequent more coniecturall , and the art being coniecturall , hath made so much the more place to bee left for imposture . for almost all other arts and sciences , iudged by acts , or master peeces , as i may terme them , and not by the successes , and euents . the lawyer is iudged by the vertue of his pleading , and not by the yssue of the cause : the master in the shippe , is iudged by the directing his course aright , and not by the fortune of the voyage : but the phisitian , and perhaps the politique , hath no particular acts demonstratiue of his abilitie , but is iudged most by the euent : which is euer but as it is taken ; for who can tell if a patient die or recouer , or if a state be preserued , or ruyned , whether it be art or accident ? and therefore many times the impostor is prized , and the man of vertue taxed . nay , we see weakenesse and credulitie of men , is such , as they will often preferre a montabanke or witch , before a learned phisitian . and therefore the poets were cleere sighted in discerning this extreame folly , when they made aesculapius , and circe , brother and sister , both children of the sunne , as in the verses . ipse repertorem medicinae talis & artis , fulmine phoebigenam stygias detrusit ad vn●…as , and againe . diues inaccessos vbi solis filia lucos , &c. for in all times in the opinion of the multitude , witches , and old women , and impostors haue had a competicion with phisitians . and what followeth ? euen this that phisitians say to themselues , as salomon expresseth it vpon an higher occasion : if it befall to me , as befalleth to the fooles , why should i labour to be more wise ? and therefore i cannot much blame phisitians , that they vse commonly to intend some other art or practise , which they fancie , more than their profession . for you shall haue of them : antiquaries , poets , humanists , states-men , marchants , diuines , and in euerie of these better seene , than in their profession , & no doubt , vpon this ground that they find , that mediocrity & excellency in their art , maketh no difference in profite or reputation towards their fortune : for the weakenesse of patients , and sweetnesse of life , and nature of hope maketh men depend vpon phisitians , with all their defects . but neuerthelesse , these things which we haue spoken of , are courses begotten betweene a little occasion , and a great deale of sloath and default : for if we will excite and awake our obseruation , we shall see in familiar instances , what a predominant facultie , the subtiltie of spirite , hath ouer the varietie of matter , or fourme : nothing more variable then faces and countenances : yet men can bea●…e in memorie the infinite distinctions of them . nay , a painter with a fewe shelles of colours , and the benefite of his eye , and habite of his imagination can imitate them all that euer haue ben , ar , or may be , if they were brought before him . nothing more variable than voices , yet men can likewise discern them personally , nay you shall haue a buffon , or pantomimus will expresse as many as hee pleaseth . nothing more variable , than the differing sounds of words , yet men haue found the way to reduce thē to a few simple letters ; so that it is not the insufficiency or incapacity of mans mind ; but it is the remove standing or placing thereof , that breedeth these mazes and incomprehensions ; for as the sence a far off , is full of mistaking , but is exact at hand , so is it of the vnderstanding ; the remedie whereof , is not to quicken or strengthen the organ , but to goe neerer to the obiect ; and therefore there is no doubt , but if the phisitians will learne , and vse the true approaches and auenues of nature , they may assume as much as the poet sayth ; et quoniam variant morbi , variabimus artes , mille mali species , mille salutis erunt . which that they should doe , the noblenesse of their art doth deserue ; well shadowed by the poets , in that they made aesculapius to be the sonne of sunne , the one being the fountaine of life , the other as the second streame ; but infinitely more honored by the example of our sauiour , who made the body of man the obiect of his miracles , as the soule was the obiect of his doctrine . for wee reade not that euer he vouchsafed to doe any miracle about honor , or money , ( except that one for giuing tribute to caesar ) but onely about the preseruing , sustayning , and healing the bodie of man. medicine is a science , which hath beene ( as wee haue sayd ) more professed , than labored , & yet more labored , than aduanced ; the labor hauing been , in my iudgement , rather in circle , than in progression . for , i finde much iteration , but small addition . it considereth causes of diseases , with the occasions or impulsions : the discases themselues , with the accidents : and the cures , with the preseruations . the deficiences which i thinke good to note , being a few of many , & those such , as ar of a more open and manifest nature , i will enumerate , and not place . the first is the discontinuance of the auncient and serious diligence of hippocrates , which vsed to set downe a narratiue of the speciall cases of his patientes , and how they proceeded , & how they were iudged by recouery or death . therefore hauing an example proper in the father of the art , i shal not neede to alledge an example forraine , of the wisedome of the lawyers , who are carefull to reporte new cases and decisions , for the direction of future iudgements . this continuance of medicinall history , i find deficient , which i vnderstand neither to be so infinite as to extend to euery common case , nor so reserued , as to admit none but woonders : for many thinges are new in the manner , which are not new in the kinde , and if men will intend to obserue , they shall finde much worthy to obserue . in the inquirie which is made by anatomie , i finde much deficience : for they enquire of the parts , and their substances , figures , and collocations ; but they enquire not of the diuersities of the parts ; the secrecies of the passages ; and the seats or neastling of the humours ; nor much of the foot-steps , and impressions of diseases ; the reason of which omission , i suppose to be , because the first enquirie may be satisfied , in the view of one or a few anatomies : but the latter being comparatiue and casuall , must arise from the view of many . and as to the diuersitie of parts , there is no doubt but the facture or framing of the inward parts , is as full of difference , as the outward , and in that , is rhe cause continent of many diseases , which not being obserued , they quarrell many times with the humors which are not in fault , the fault being in the very frame and mechanicke of the parte , which cannot be remoued by medicine alteratine , but must be accomodate and palliate by dyets and medicines familiar . and for the passages and pores , it is true which was aunciently noted , that the more subtile of them appeare not in anatomyes , because they are shut and latent in dead bodies , though they be open and manifest in liue : which being supposed , though the inhumanity of anatomia viuorū was by celsus iust ly reproued : yet in regard of the great vse of this obseruation , the inquiry needed not by him so sleightly to haue ben relinquished altogether , or referred to the casuall practises of surgerie , but mought haue been well diuerted vpon the dissection of beastes aliue , which notwithstanding the dissimilitude of their parts , may sufficiently satisfie this inquirie . and for the humors , they are commonly passed ouer in anatomies , as purgaments , whereas it is most necessarie to obserue , what cauities , nestes & receptacles the humors doe finde in the parts , with the differing kinde of the humor so lodged and receiued . and as for the footesteps of diseases , & their deuas●…ations of the inward parts , impostumations , exulcerations , discontinuations , putrefactions , consumptions , contractions , extensions , convulsions , dislocations , obstructions , repletions , together with all preternatural substances , as stones , carnosities , excrescences , wormes , and the like : they ought to haue beene exactly obserued by multitude of anatomies , and the contribution of mens seuerall experiences ; and carefully set downe both historically according to the appearances , and artificially with a reference to the diseases and symptomes which resulted from them , in case where the anatomy is of a desunct patient wheras now vpon opening of bodies , they are passed ouer sleightly , and in silence . in the inquirie of diseases , they doe abandon the cures of many , some as in their nature incurable , and others , as passed the periode of cure ; so that sylla and the triumvirs neuer proscribed so many men to die , as they doe by their ignorant edictes , whereof numbers do escape with lesse difficulty , then they did in the romane proscriptions . therfore i wil not doubt , to note as a deficience , that they inquire not the persite cures of many diseases , or extremities of diseases , but pronouncing them incurable , doe enact a lawe of neglect , & exempt ignorance from discredite . nay further , i esteeme it the office of a phisition , not onely to restore health , but to mittigate pain and dolors , and not onely when such mittigation may conduce to recouery , but when it may serue to make a fayre and easie passage : for it is no small felicitie which auguslus caesar was wont to wish to himselfe , that same euthanasia , and which was specially noted in the death of antoninus pius , whose death was after the fashion and semblance of a kindly & pleasant sleepe . so it is written of epicurus , that after his disease was iudged desperate , he drowned his stomacke and senses with a large draught and ingurgitation of wine , whereupon the epigram was made ; hinc stygias ebrius hausit aquas : he was not sober enough to taste any bitternesse of the stygian water . but the phisitions contrariwise doe make a kinde of scruple and religion to stay with the patient after the disease is deplored , wheras , in my iudgment they ought both to enquire the skill , and to giue the attendances for the facilitating & asswaging of the paynes and agonies of death . in the consideration of the cures of diseases , i find a deficience in the receiptes of proprietie , respecting the particular cures of diseases : for the phisitians haue frustrated the fruite of tradition & experience by their magistralities , in adding and taking out and changing , quid pro quo , in their receiptes , at their pleasures , commanding so ouer the medicine , as the medicine cannot commmād ouer the disease : for except it be treacle and mythridatū , & of late diascordium , and a few more , they tye themselues to no receiptes seuerely and religiously : for as to the confections of sale , which are in the shoppes , they are for readines , and not for proprietie : for they are vpon generall intentions of purging , opening , comforting , altering , and not much appropriate to , particular diseases ; and this is the cause why emperiques , and ould women are more happie many times in their cures , than learned phisitians ; because they are more religious in holding their medicines . therefore here is the deficience which i finde , that phisitians haue not partly out of their owne practize , partly out of the constant probations reported in bookes ; & partly out of the traditions of emperiques ; setdowne and deliuered ouer , certaine experimentall medicines , for the cure of particular diseases ; besides their owne coniecturall and magistrall descriptions . for as they were the men of the best composition in the state of rome , which either being consuls inclined to the people ; or being tribunes inclined to the senat : so in the matter we now handle , they be the best phisitians , which being learned incline to the traditions of experience ; or being emperiques , incline to the methods of learning . in preparation of medicines , i doe finde strange specially , considering how mineral medicines haue beene extolled ; and that they are safer , for the outward , than inward parts , that no man hath sought , to make an imitation by art of naturall bathes , and medicinable fountaines : which neuerthelesse are confessed to receiue their vertues from minerals : and not so onely , but discerned and distinguished from what particular mynerall they receiue tincture , as sulphur , vitriole , steele , or the like : which nature if it may be reduced to compositions of art , both the varietie of them will be encreased , & the temper of them will be more commanded . but least i grow to be more particular , than is agreeable , either to my intention , or to proportion ; i will conclude this part with the note of one deficience more , which seemeth to me of greatest consequence , which is , that the prescripts in vse , are too compendious to attaine their end : for to my vnderstanding , it is a vaine and flattering opinion , to think any medicine can be so soueraigne , or so happie , as that the receit or vse of it , can worke any great effect vpon the bodie of man ; it were a strange speach , which spoken , or spoken oft , should reclaime a man from a vice , to which he were by nature subiect : it is order , poursuite , sequence , and interchange of application , which is mightie in nature ; which although it require more exact knowledge in prescribing , and more precise obedience in obseruing , yet is recompenced with the magnitude of effects . and although a man would thinke by the dayly visitations of the phisitians , that there were a poursuance in the cure ; yet let a man look into their prescripts and ministrations , and he shall finde them but inconstancies , and euerie dayes deuises , without any setled prouidence or proiect ; not that euerie scrupulous or superstitious prescript is effectuall , no more than euerie straight way , is the way to heauen , but the truth of the direction , must precede s●…ueritie of obseruance . for cosmetique , it hath parts ciuile , and parts effeminate : for cleanesse of bodie , was euer esteemed to proceede from a due reuerence to god , to societie , and to our selues . as for artificiall decoration , it is well worthy of the desiciences which it hath : being neither fine inough to deceiue , nor handsome to vse , nor wholesome to please . for athletique , i take the subiect of it largely ; that is to say , for any point of abilitie , whereunto the bodie of man may be brought , whether it be of actiuitie , or of patience , wherof actiuitie hath two parts , strength and swifinesse : and patience likewise hath two parts , hardnesse against wants and extremities ; and indurance of payne , or torment ; whereof we see the practises in tumblers , in sauages , and in those that suffer punishment : nay , if there be any other facultie , which falles not within any of the former diuisions , as in those that diue , that obtaine a strange power of contayning respiration , and the like , i referre it to this part . of these thinges the practises are knowne : but the philosophie that concerneth them is not much enquired : the rather i thinke , because they are supposed to be obtayned , either by an aptnesse of nature , which cannot be taught ; or onely by continuall custome ; which is soone prescribed ; which though it bee not true : yet i forbeare to note any deficiences : for the olympian games are downe long since : and the mediocritie of these thinges is for vse : as for the excellencie of them , it serueth for the most part , but for mercenary ostentation . for arts of pleasure sensuall , the chiefe deficience in them , is of lawes to represse them . for as it hath beene well obserued , that the arts which florish in times , while vertue is in growth , are militarie : and while vertue is in state are liberall : and while vertue is in declination , are voluptuarie : so i doubt , that this age of the world , is somewhat vpon the descent of the wheele ; with arts voluptuarie , i couple practises iocularie ; for the deceiuing of the sences , is one of the pleasures of the sences . as for games of recreation , i hould them to belong to ciuile life , and education . and thus much of that particular hvmane philosophie , which concernes the bodie , which is but the tabernacle of the minde . for hvmane knovvledge , which concernes the mind , it hath two parts , the one that enquireth of the svbstance , or natvre of the sovle or mind ; the other , that enquireth of the facvlties or fvnctions thereof : vnto the first of these , the considerations of the originall of the soule , whether it be natiue or aduentiue ; and how farre it is exempted from lawes of matter ; and of the immortalitie thereof ; and many other points do appertaine , which haue been not more laboriously enquired , than variously reported ; so as the trauaile therein taken , seemeth to haue ben rather in a maze , than in a way . but although i am of opinion , that this knowledge may be more really and soundly enquired euen in nature , than it hath been ; yet i hold , that in the end it must be bounded by religion ; or else it will bee subiect to deceite and delusion : for as the substance of the soule in the creation , was not extracted out of the masse of heauen and earth , by the benediction of a producat : but was immediately inspired from god ; so it is not possible that it should bee ( otherwise than by accident ) subiect to the lawes of heauen and earth ; which are the subiect of philosophie ; and therefore the true knowledge of the nature , and state of the soule , must come by the same inspiration , that gaue the substance . vnto this part of knowledge touching the soule , there be two appendices , which as they haue ben handled , haue rather vapoured foorth fables , than kindled truth ; divination , and fascination . divination , hath beene anciently and fitly diuided into artificiall and naturall ; whereof artificiall is , when the minde maketh a prediction by argument , concluding vpon signes and tokens : naturallis , when the minde hath a presention by an internall power , without the inducement of a signe . artifi●…iall is of two sorts , either when the argument is coupled with a deriuation of causes , which is rationall ; or when it is onely grounded vpon a coincidence of the effect , which is experimentall ; whereof the later for the most part , is superstitious : such as were the heathen obseruations , vpon the inspection of sacrifices , the flights of birds , the swarming of bees ; and such as was the chaldean astrologie , and the like . for artificall diuination , the seuerall kinds thereof are distributed amongst particular knowledges . the astronomer hath his predictions , as of coniunctions , aspects , eclipses , and the like . the phisitian hath his predictions , of death , of recouerie , of the accidents and issues of diseases . the politique hath his predictions ; o vrbem vaenalem , & cito perituram , si emptorem inucnerit ; which stayed not long to bee perfourmed in sylla first , and after in caesar. so as these predictions are now impertinēt , & to be referred ouer . but the diuination , which springeth frō the internal nature of the soul , is that which we now speak of which hath ben made to be of two sorts ; primitiue and by influxion . primitiue is grounded vpon the supposition , that the minde when it is withdrawne and collected into it selfe , and not diffused into the organes of the bodie , hath some extent and latitude of prenotion ; which therefore appeareth most in sleepe , in extasies , and nere death ; and more rarely in waking apprehensions ; and is induced and furthered by those abstinences , and obseruances , which make the minde most to consist in it selfe . by influxion ; is grounded vpon the conceit , that the mind , as a mirror or glasse , should take illumination from the fore knowledge of god and spirits , vnto which the same regiment doth likewise conduce . for the retyring of the minde within it selfe , is the state which is most susceptible of diuine influxions ; saue that it is accompanied in this case with a feruencie and eleuation , ( which the ancients noted by furie ) and not with a repose and and quiet , as it is in the other . fascination is the power and act of imagination , intensiue vpon other bodies , than the bodie of the imaginant ; for of that we spake in the proper place : wherein the schoole of paracelsus , and the disciples of pretended naturall magicke , haue beene so intemperate , as they haue exalted the power of the imagination , to be much one with the power of miracle-working faith : others that drawe neerer to probabilitie , calling to their view the secret passages of things , and specially of the contagion that passeth from bodie to bodie , doe conceiue it should likewise be agreeable to nature , that there should be some transmissions and operations from spirit to spirit , without the mediation of the sences , whence the conceits haue growne , ( now almost made ciuile ) of the maistring spirite , & the force of confidence , and the like . incident vnto this , is the inquirie how to raise and fortifie the imagination , for if the imagination fortified haue power , then it is materiall to know how to fortifie and exalt it . and herein comes in crookedly and dangerously , a palliation of a great part of ceremoniall magicke . for it may bee pretended , that ceremonies , characters , and charmes doe worke , not by any tacite or sacramentali contract with euill spirits ; but serue onely to strengthen the imagination of him that vseth it ; as images are said by the romane church , to fix the cogitations , and raise the deuotions of them that pray before them . but for mine owne iudgment , if it be admitted that imagination hath power ; and that ceremontes fortifie imagination , & that they be vsed sincerely & intentionally for that purpose : yet i should hold them vnlawfull , as opposing to that first edict , which god gaue vnto man. in sudore vultus comedes panem tuum . for they propound those noble effects which god hath set foorth vnto man , to bee bought at the price of laboure , to bee attained by a fewe easie and slothful obseruances . deficiences in these knowledges i wil report none , other than the generall deficience , that it is not knowne , how much of them is veritie , and how much vanitie . the knovvlidge which respecteth the facvlties of the minde of man , is of two kinds : the one respecting his vnderstanding and reason , and the other his will , appetite , & affection , wherof the former produceth position or decree , the later action or execvtion . it is true that the imagination is an agent , or nuntius in both prouinces , both the iudiciall , and the ministeriall . for sence sendeth ouer to imagination , before reason haue iudged : and reason sendeth ouer to imagination , before the decree can be acted . for imagination euer precedeth voluntary motion . sauing that this ianus of imagination hath differing faces ; for the face towards reason , hath the print of truth . but the face towards action , hath the print of good ; which neuerthelesse are faces , quales decet esse sororum . neither is the imagination simply and onely a messenger ; but is inuested with , or at least wise vsurpeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 no small authoritie in it selfe ; besides the duty of the message . for it was well sayd by aristotle : that the minde hath ouer the bodie that commaundement which the lord hath ouer a bond-man ; but , that reason hath ouer the imagination that commandement , which a magistrate hoth ouer a free citizen ; who may come also to rule in his turne . for we see , that in matters of faith & religion , we raise our imagination aboue our reason , which is the cause why religion sought euer accesse to the minde by similitudes , types , parables , visions , dreames . and againe in all perswasions that are wrought by eloquence , and other impression of like nature , which doe paint and disguise the true appearance of thinges , the cheefe recommendation vnto reason , is from the imagination . neuerthelesse , because i finde not any science , that doth properly or fitly pertaine to the. imagination , i see no cause to alter the former diuision . for as for poelie , it is rather a pleasure , or play of imagination , than a worke or dutie thereof . and if it be a worke ; wee speake not nowe of such partes of learning , as the imagination produceth , but of such sciences , as handle and consider of the imagination . no more than wee shall speake nowe of such knowledges , as reason produceth , ( for that extendeth to all philosophy ) but of such knowledges , as doe handle and enquire of the facultie of reason ; so as poesie had his true place . as for the power of the imagination in nature , and the manner of fortifying the same , wee haue mentioned it in the doctrine de anima , whervnto most fitly it belongeth . and lastly , for imaginatiue , or insinuatiue reason , which is the subiect of rhetericke , wee thinke it best to referre it to the arts of reason . so therefore we content our selues with the former diuision , that humane philosophy , which respecteth the faculties of the minde of man , hath two parts , rationall and morall . the part of humane philosophie , which is rationall , is of all knowledges to the most wits the least delightfull : and seemeth but a net of subtilitie and spinositie . for as it was truely sayd , that knowledge is pabulumanimi ; so in the nature of mens appetite to this foode , most men are of the tast and stomach of the israelites in the desert , that would faine haue returned adollas carnium , and were wearie of manna , which though it were celestiall , yet seemed lesse nutritiue and comfortable . so generally men tast well knowledges that are drenched in flesh and blood , c●…ile historie , mora●…litie , policie , about the which mens affections , praises , fortunes doe turne and are conuersant : but this same lumensiccum , doth parch and offend most mens watry and soft natures . but to speake truly of thinges as they are in worth , rationall knowledges ; are the keyes of all other arts ; for as aristotle sayth aptly and elegantly , that the hand is the instrument of instruments ; and the minde is the fourme of fourmes : so these be truely said to be the art of arts : neither do they onely direct , but likewise confirme and strengthen : euen as the habite of shooting , doth not onely inable to shoote a neerer shoote , but also to draw a stronger bowe . the arts intellectvall , are foure in number , diuided according to the ends whereunto they are referred : for mans labour is to inuent that which is sought or propounded : or to iudge that which is inuented : or to retaine that which is iudged : or to deliuer ouer that which is retained . so as the arts must bee foure : arte of enqvirie or invention : art of examination or ivdgement : art of cvstodie or memorie : and art of elocvtion or tradition . invention is of two kindes much differing ; the one of arts and sciences , and the other of speech and argvments . the former of these , i doe report deficient : which seemeth to me to be such a deficience , as if in the making of an inuentorie , touching the state of a defunct , it should be set downe , that there is no readie money . for as money will fetch all other commodities ; so this knowledge is that which should purchase all the rest . and like as the west indies had neuer been discouered , if the vse of the mariners needle , had not been first discouered ; though the one bee vast regions , and the other a small motion . so it cannot be found strange , if sciences bee no further discov●…ered , if the art it selfe of inuention and discouerie , hath been passed ouer . that this part of knowledge is wanting , to my iudgement , standeth plainely confessed : for first logicke doth not pretend to inuent sciences , or the axiomes of sciences , but passeth it ouer with a cuique in sua arte credendum . and celsus acknowledgeth it grauely , speaking of the empirical and dogmaticall sects of phisitians , that medicines and cures , were first found out , and then after the reasons and causes were discoursed : and not the causes first found out , and by light from them the medicines and cures discouered . and plato in his theoetetus noteth well , that particulars are infinite , and the higher generalities giue no safficient direction : and that the pythe of all sciences , which maketh the arts-man differ from the inexpert , is in the middle propositions , which in euerie particular knowledge are taken from tradition & experience . and therefore wee see , that they which discourse of the inuentions and originals of thinges , referre them rather to chaunce , than to art , and rather to beasts , birds , fishes , serpents , than to men. dictamnum genetrix cretaea carpit ab ida , puberibus caulem folijs , & flore comantem purpureo : non illa feris incognita capris , gramina cum tergo volueres haesere 〈◊〉 . so that it was no maruaile , ( the manner of antiquitie being to consecrate inuentors ) that the aegyptians had so few humane idols in their temples , but almost all brute : omnige●…umqne deum monstra , & latrator a●…bis contra neptunū & venerem , contraque mineruam &c. and if you like better the tradition of the grecians , and ascribe the first inuentions to men , yet you will rather beleeue that prometheus first stroake the flints , and maruailed at the sparke , than that when he first stroke the flints , he xpected the sparke ; and therefore we see the west indian prometheus , had no intelligence with the europoean , because of the rarenesse with them of flint , that gaue the first occasion : so as it should seeme , that hetherto men are rather beholden to a wilde goat for surgerie , or to a nightingale for musique or to the ibis for some part of phisicke , or to the pot-lidde , that flew open for artillerie , or generally to chaunce , or any thinge else , than to logicke for the inuention of arts and sciences . neither is the fourme of inuention , which virgill describeth much other . vt varias vsus medit ando extunderet artes , paulatim , for if you obserue the words well , it is no other methode , than that which brute beasts are capable of , and doe put in vre ; which is a perpetuall intending or practising some one thing vrged and imposed , by an absolute necessitie of conseruation of being ; for so ci●… sayth verie truly ; vsus vni rei deditus , & naturam & artem sape vincit : and therefore if it bee sayd of men , labor omnia vincit improbus , & duris vrgens in rebus egestas ; it is likewise sayd of beasts , quis ps●…taco do●…uit suum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ? who taught the rauen in a drowth to throw pibbles into an hollow tree , where she spyed water , that the water might rise , so as shee might come to it ? who taught the bee to sayle through such a vast sea of ayre , and to finde the way from a field in flower , a great way off , to her hiue ? who taught the ant to bite euerie graine of corne , that she burieth in her hill , least it should take roote and growe ? adde then the word extandere , which importeth the extreame difficultie , and the word paulatin , which importeth the extreame slownesse ; and we are where we were , euen amongst the egyptians gods ; there being little left to the facultie of reason , and nothing to the dutie of art for matter of inuention . secondly , the induction which the logitians speake of and which seemeth familiar with plato , whereby the principles of sciences may be pretended to be inuented , and so the middle propositions by deriuation from the principles ; their fourme of induction , i say is vtterly vitious and incompetent : wherein their erroar is the fowler because it is the duetie of art to perfecte and exalt nature : but they contrariewise haue wronged , abused , and traduced nature . for hee that shall attentiuely obserue howe the minde doth gather this excellent dew of knowledge , like vnto that which the poet speaketh of aere●…mellis caelestia dona , destilling and contryuing it out of particulars naturall and artificiall , as the flowers of the field and garden : shall finde that the mind of her selfe by nature doth mannage , and acte an induction , much better than they describe it . for to conclude vppon an enu●…meration of particulars , without instance contradictorie : is no conclusion : but a coniecture ; for who can assure ( in many subiects ) vppon those particulars , which appeare of a side , that there are not other on the contrarie side , which appeare not ? as if samuell should haue rested vppon those sonn●…s of issay , which were brought before him , and fayled of dauid , which was in the field . and this fourme ( to say truth ) is so grosse : as it had not beene possible for wittes so subti'e , as haue mannaged these thinges , to haue offered it to the world , but that they hasted to their theories and dogmaticals , and were imperious and scornefull toward particulars , which their manner was to vse , but as lictores and via●…ores for sargeants and wifflers , ad summouendam tu●…bam , to make way and make roome for their opinions , rather than in their true vse and seruice ; certainely , it is a thing may touch a man with a religious woonder , to see how the foot steps of seducement , are the very same in diuine and humane truth : for as in diuine truth , man cannot endure to become as a child ; so in humane , they reputed the attending the inductions ( whereof wee speake ) as if it were a second infancie or child hood . thirdly ; allowe some principles or axiomes were rightly induced ; yet neuerthelesse certaine it is , that middle propositions , cannot be diduced from them in subiect of nature by syllogisme , that is , by touch , and reduction of them to principles in a middle terme . it is true , that in sciences popular , as moralities , lawes , and the like , yea , and diuinitie ( because it pleaseth god to apply himselfe to the capacity of the simplest ) that fourme may haue vse ; and in naturall philosophie likewise , by way of argument or satisfactorie reason , quae assensum parit , operis effoeta est : but the subtiltie of nature and operations will not bee inchayned in those bonds : for arguments consist of propositions , and propositions of words , and wordes are but the current tokens or markes of popular notions of thinges : which notions if they bee grossely and variably collected out of particulars ; it is not the laborious examination either of consequences of arguments , , or of the truth of propositions , that can euer correct that errour ; being ( as the phisitians speake ) in the first digestion ; and therefore it was not without cause , that so many excellent philosophers became sceptiques and academiques , and denyed any certaintie of knowledge , or comprehension , and held opinion that the knowledge of man extended onely to appearances , and probabilities . it is true , that in socrates it was supposed to be but a fourme of irony , scientiam dissimulando simulauit : for hee vsed to disable his knowledge , to the end to inhanse his knowledge , like the humor of ●…iberius in his beginnings , that would raigne , but would not acknowledge so much ; and in the later academy , which cicero embraced ; this opinion also of acatalepsia ( i doubt ) was not held sincerely ; for that all those which excelled in copie of speech , seeme to haue chosen that sect , as that which was fittest to giue glorie to their eloquence , and variable discourses : being rather like progresses of pleasure , than iourneyes to an end . but assuredly many scattered in both academyes , did hold it in subtiltie , and integritie . but heere was their cheefe ●…rrour ; they charged the deceite vppon the the sences ; which in my iudgement ( notwithstanding all their cauillations ) are verie sufficient to certifie and report truth ( though not alwayes immediately , yet by comparison ; by helpe of instrument ; and by producing , and vrging such things , as are too subtile for the sence , to some effect comprehensible , by the sence , and other like assistāce . but they ought to haue charged the deceit vpon the weaknes of the intellectual powers , & vpon the maner of collecting , & concluding vpon the reports of the sences . this i speake not to disable the minde of man , but to stirre it vp to seeke helpe : for no man , be he neuer so cunning or practised , can make a straight line or perfect circle by steadinesse of hand , which may bee easily done by helpe of a ruler or compasse . this part of inuention , concerning the inuention of sciences , i purpose ( if god giue mee leaue ) hereafter to propound : hauing digested it into two partes : whereof the one i tearme experientia literata , and the other interpretatio naturae : the former , being but a degree and rudiment of the later . but i will not dwell too long , nor speake too great vpon a promise . the inuention of speech or argument is not properly an inuention : for to inuent is to discouer that we know not , & not to recouer or resūmon that which wee alreadie knowe ; and the vse of this inuention , is no other ; but out of the knowledge , whereof our minde is alreadie possest , to drawe foorth , or call before vs that which may bee pertinent to the purpose , which wee take into our consideration . so as to speake truely , it is no inuention ; but a remembrance or suggestion , with a application : which is the cause why the schooles doe place it after iudgement , as subsequent and not precedent . neuerthelesse , because wee doe account it a chase , aswell of deere in an inclosed parke , as in a forrest at large : and that it hath alreadie obtayned the the name : let it bee called inuention ; so as it be perceyued and discerned , that the scope and end of this inuention , is readynesse and present vse of our knowledge , and not addition or amplification thereof . to procure this readie vse of knowledge , there are two courses : preparation and svggestion . the former of these , seemeth scarcely a part of knowledge ; consisting rather of diligence , than of any artificiall erudition and heerein aristotle wittily , but hurtfully doth deride the sophists , neere his time , saying . they did as if one that professed the art of shooe-making , should not teach howe to make vp a shooe , but onely exhibite in a readin●…sse a number of shooes of all fashions and sizes . but yet a man might reply , that if a shooe-maker should haue no shooes in his shoppe , but onely worke , as hee is bespoken , hee should bee weakely customed . but our sauiour , speaking of diuine knowledge , sayth : that the kingdome of heauen , is like a good ho●…sholder , that bringeth foo●…th both n●…we and ould store : and wee see the ancient writers of rhetoricke doe giue it in precept : that pleaders should haue the places , whereof they haue most continuall vse , readie handled in all the varietie that may bee , as that , to speake for the literall interpretation of the lawe against equitie , and contrarie : and to speake for presumptions and inferences against testimonie ; and contrarie : and cicero himselfe , being broken vnto it by great experience , deliuereth it plainely ; that whatsoeuer a man shall haue occasion to speake of , ( if hee will take the paines ) he may haue it in effect premeditate , and handled in these . so that when hee commeth to a particular , he shall haue nothing to doe , but to put too names , and times , and places ; and such other circumstances of indiuiduals . we see likewise the exact diligence of demosthenes , who in regard of the great force , that the entrance and accesse into causes hath to make a good impression ; had readie framed a number of prefaces for orations and speeches . all which authorities and presidents may ouer way aristotles opinion , that would haue vs chaunge a rich wardrobe , for a paire of sheares . but the nature of the collection of this prouision or preparatorie store , though it be common , both to logicke , and rhetoricke ; yet hauing made an entrye of it heere , where it came first to be spoken of ; i thinke fitte to referre ouer the further handling of it to rhetoricke . the other part of invention , which i terme svggestion , doth assigne and direct vs to certaine markes or places , which may excite our minde to returne and produce such knowledge , as it hath formerly collected : to the end wee may make vse thereof . neither is this vse ( truely taken ) onely to furnish argument , to dispute probably with others ; but likewise to minister vnto our iudgement to conclude aright within our selues . neither may these places serue onely to apprompt our inuention ; but also to direct our enquirie . for a facultie of wise interrogating is halfe a knowledge ; for as plato saith ; whosoeuer seeketh , knoweth that which he seeketh for , in a generall notion ; else how shall he know it , when he hath found it ? and therfore the larger your anticipation is , the more direct and compendious is your search . but the same places which will help vs what to produce , of that which we know alreadie ; will also helpe vs , if a man of experience were before vs , what questions to aske ; or if we haue bookes and authors , to instruct vs what points to search and reuolue : so as i cannot report , that this part of inuention , which is that which the schooles call topiques , is deficient . neuertheles topiques are of 2. sorts general & speciall . the generall we haue spokē to ; but the particular hath ben touched by some , but reiected generally , as inartificial & variable . but leauing the humor which hath raigned too much in the schooles ( which is to be vainly subtile in a few thinges , which are within their command , and to reiect the rest ) i doe receiue particular topiques , that is places or directions of inuention and inquirie in euery particular knowledg , as thinges of great vse ; being mixtures of logique with the matter of sciences : for in these it holdeth ; ars inueniendi adolescit cum inuentis : for as in going of a way , wee doe not onely gaine that part of the waye which is passed , but wee gaine the better sight of that part of the waye which remayneth : so euerie degree of proceeding in a science giueth a light to that which followeth ; which light if wee strengthen , by drawing it foorth into questions or places inquirie , wee doe greatly aduance our poursuyte . nowe wee passe vnto the artes of ivdgement , which handle the natures of proofes and demonstrations ; which as to induction hath a coincidence with inuention : for all inductions whether in good or vitious fourme , the same action of the minde which inuenteth , iudgeth ; all one as in the sence : but otherwise it is in proofe by syllogisme : for the proofe beeing not immediate but by meane : the inuention of the meane is one thinge : and the iudgement of the consequence is another . the one excyting onely : the other examining : therefore for the reall and exacte fourme of iudgement , wee referre our selues to that which wee haue spoken of interpretation of nature . for the other iudgement by syllogisme , as it is a thinge most agreeable to the minde of man : so it hath beene vehementlye and excellently laboured . for the nature of man doth extreamelye couet , to haue somewhat in his vnderstanding fixed and vnmooueable , and as a rest , and support of the mind . and therefore as aristotle endeuoureth to prooue , that in all motion , there is some pointe quiescent ; and as hee elegantlye expoundeth the auncient fable of atlas , ( that stood fixed , and bare vp the heauen from falling ) to bee meant of the poles or axel tree of heauen , wherevppon the conuersion is accomplished ; so assuredlye men haue a desire , to haue an atlas or axel tree within : to keepe them from fluctuation ; which is like to a perpetuall perill of falling : therefore men did hasten to sette downe some principles , about which the varietie of their disputations might turne . so then this art of ivdgement , is but the reduction of propositions , to principles in a middle tearme . the principles to bee agreed by all , and exempted from argument ; the middlr tearme to bee elected at the libertie of euerie mans inuention : the reduction to be of two kindes direct , and inuerted ; the one when the proposition is reduced to the principle , which they terme a probation ostensiue : the other when the contradictorie of the proposition is reduced to the contradictorie of the principles , which is , that which they call per incommodum , or pressing an absurditie : the number of middle termes to be , as the proposition standeth , degrees more or lesse , remooued from the principle . but this arte hath twoo seuerall methodes of doctrine : the one by way of direction , the other by way of caution : the former frameth and setteth downe a true fourme of consequence , by the variations and deflexions , from which errours and inconsequences may bee exactly iudged . toward the composition and structure of which fourme , it is incident to handle the partes thereof , which are propositions , and the partes of propositions , which are simple wordes . and this is that part of logicke , which is comprehended in the analytiques . the second methode of doctrine , was introduced for expedite vse , and assurance sake ; discouering the more subtile fourmes of sophismes , and illaqueations , with their redargutions , which is that which is tearmed elenches . for although in the more grosse sortes of fallacies it happeneth ( as seneca make the comparison well ) as in iugling feates , which though wee knowe not howe they are done ; yet wee knowe well it is not , as it seemeth to bee : yet the more subtile sort of them doth not onely put a man besides his answere , but doth many times abuse his iudgment . this part concerning elenches , is excellently handled by aristotle in precept , but more excellently by plato in example : not onely in the persons of the sophists , but euen in socrates himselfe , who professing to affirme nothing , but to infirme that which was affirmed by another , hath exactly expressed all the fourmes of obiection , fallace and redargution . and although wee haue sayd that the vse of this doctrine is for redargution : yet it is manifest , the degenerate and corrupt is vse for caption and contradiction , which passeth for a great facultie , and no doubt , is of verie great aduauntage ; though the difference bee good which was made betweene orators and sophisters , that the one is as the greyhound , which hath his aduauntage in the race , and the other as the hare , which hath her aduantage in the turne , so as it is the aduauntage of the weaker creature . but yet further , this doctrine of elenches , hath a more ample latitude and extent , than is perceiued : namely vnto diuers partes of knowledge : whereof some are laboured , and other omitted . for first , i conceiue ( though it maye seeme at first somewhat strange ) that that part which is variably referred , sometimes to logicke , sometimes to metaphysicke , touching the common adiuncts of essences , is but an elenche : for the great sophisme of all sophismes , beeing aequiuocation or ambiguitie of wordes and phrase , specially of such wordes as are most generall and interueyne euerie enquirie : it seemeth to mee that the true and fruitfull vse , ( leauing vaine subtilities and speculations ) of the enquirie , maioritie , minoritie , prioritie , posterioritie , identitie , diuersitie , possibilitie , acte , totalitie , partes , existence , priuation , and the like , are but wise cautions againste ambiguityes of speech . so againe , the distribution of thinges into certaine tribes , which we call categories or predicaments , are but cautions against the confusion of definitions and diuisions . secondly , there is a seducement that worketh by the strength of the impression , and not by the subtiltie of the illaqueation , not so much perplexing the reason , as ouer-ruling it by power of the imagination . but this part i thinke more proper to handle , when i shall speake of rhetoricke . but lastly , there is yet a much more important and profound kinde of fallacies in the minde of man , which i finde not obserued or enquired at all , and thinke good to place heere , as that which of all others appertayneth most to rectifie ivdgement . the force whereof is such , as it doth not dazle , or snare the vnderstanding in some particulars , but doth more generally , and inwardly infect and corrupt the state thereof . for the mind of man is farre from the nature of a cleare and equall glasse , wherein the beames of things should reflect according to their true incidence ; nay , it is rather like an inchanted glasse , full of superstition and imposture , if it bee not deliuered and reduced . for this purpose , lette vs consider the false appearances , that are imposed vppon vs by the generall nature of the minde , behoulding them in an example or twoo , as firste in that instance which is the roote of all superstition : namely , that to the nature of the minde of all men it is consonant for the affimatiue , or actiue to affect , more than the negatiue or priuatiue . so that a fewe times hitting , or presence , counteruayles oft times fayling , or absence , as was well answered by diagoras , to him that shewed him in neptunes temple , the great number of pictures , of such as had scaped shippe-wracke , and had paide their vowes to neptune , saying : aduise nowe , you that thinke it folly to inuocate neptune in tempest : yea , but ( sayth diagoras ) where are they painted that are drowned ? lette vs behould it in another instance , namely , that the spirite of man , beeing of an equall and vnifourme substance , doth vsually suppose and faine in nature a greater equalitie and vniformitie , than is in truth ; hence it commeth , that the mathematitians cannot satisfie themselues , except they reduce the motions of the celestiall bodyes , to perfect circles , reiecting spirall lynes , and laboring to be discharged of eecentriques . hence it commeth , that whereas there are many thinges in nature , as it were monodica sui iuris ; yet the cogitations of man , doe fayne vnto them relatiues , parallelles , and coniugates , whereas no such thinge is ; as they haue fayned an element of fire to keepe square with earth , water , and ayre , and the like ; nay , it is not credible , till it bee opened , what a number of fictions and fantasies , the similitude of humane actions , & arts , together with the making of man communis mensura , haue brought into naturall philosophie : not much better , than the heresie of the anthropomorphites bredde in the celles of grosse and solitarie monkes , and the opinion of epicurus , answearable to the same in heathenisme , who supposed the gods to bee of humane shape . and therefore velleius the epicurian needed not to haue asked , why god should haue adorned the heauens with starres , as if he had beene an aedilis : one that should haue set foorth some magnificent shewes or playes ? for if that great worke master had beene of an humane disposition , hee woulde haue caste the starres into some pleasant and beautifull workes , and orders , like the frettes in the roofes of houses , whereas one can scarce finde a posture in square , or tri●…angle , or streight line amongest such an infinite numbers , so differing an harmonie , there is betweene the spirite of man , and the spirite of nature . lette vs consider againe , the false appearances imposed vpon vs by euerie man 's owne indiuiduall nature and custome in that fayned supposition , that plato maketh of the caue : for certainely , if a childe were continued in a grotte or caue , vnder the earth , vntill maturitie of age , and came suddainely abroade , hee would haue strange and absurd imaginations ; so in like manner , although our persons liue in the view of heauen , yet our spirites are included in the caues of our owne complexions and customes : which minister vnto vs infinite errours and vaine opinions , if they bee not recalled to examination . but heereof wee haue giuen many examples in one of the errors , or peccant humours , which wee ranne briefely ouer in our first booke . and lastly , lette vs consider the false appearances , that are imposed vpon vs by words , which are framed , and applyed according to the conceit , and capacities of the vulgar sorte : and although wee thinke we gouerne our wordes , and prescribe it well . loquendum vt vulgus , sentiendum vt sapientes : yet certaine it is , that wordes , as a ●…artars bowe , doe shoote backe vppon the vnderstanding of the wisest , and mightily entangle , and pernert the iudgement . so as it is almost necessarie in all controuersies and disputations , to imitate the wisedome of the mathematician●… , in setting downe in the verie beginning , the definitions of our wordes and termes , that others may knowe howe wee accept and vnderstand them , and whether they concurre with vs or no. for it commeth to passe for want of this , that we are sure to end there where wee ought to haue begun , which is in questions & differences about words . to conclude therefore , it must be confessed , that it is not possible to diuorce our selues from these fallacies and false appearances , because they are inseparable from our nature and condition of life ; so yet neuerthelesse the caution of them ( for all elenches as was saide , are but cautions ) doth extreamely importe the true conducte of humane iudgement . the particular elenches or cautions against these three false appearances , i finde altogether deficient . there remayneth one parte of iudgement of great excellencie , which to mine vnderstanding is so sleightly touched , as i maye reporte that also deficient , which is the application of the differinge kindes of proofes , to the differing kindes of subiects : for there beeing but foure kindes of demonstrations , that is by the immediate consent of the minde or sence ; by induction ; by sophisme ; and by congruitie , which is that which aristotle calleth demonstration in orbe , or circle , and not a notioribus , euerie of these hath certaine subiects in the matter of sciences , in which respectiuely they haue chiefest vse ; and certaine other , from which respectiuely they ought to be excluded , and the rigour , and curiositie , in requiring the more seuere proofes in some thinges , and chiefely the facilitie in contenting our selues with the more remisse proofes in others , hath beene amongest the greatest causes of detryment and hinderance to knowledge . the distributions and assignations of demonstrations , according to the analogie of sciences , i note as deficient . the custodie or retayning of knowledge , is either in writing or memorie ; whereof writinge hath twoo partes ; the nature of the character , and the order of the entrie : for the art of characters , or other visible notes of wordes or thinges , it hath neerest coniugation with grammar , and therefore i referre it to the due place ; for the disposition and co●…ocation of that knowledge which wee preserue in writing ; it consisteth in a good digest of common places , wherein i am not ignorant of the preiudice imputed to the vse of common-place bookes , as causing a retardation of reading , and some sloth or relaxation of memorie . but because it is but a counterfeit thing in knowledges to be forward and pregnant , except a man bee deepe and full ; i hould the entrie of common places , to bee a matter of great vse and essence in studying ; as that which assureth copie of inuention and contracteth iudgment to a strength . but this is true , that of the methodes of common places , that i haue seen , there is none of any sufficient woorth , all of them carying meerely the face of a schoole , and not of a world , and referring to vulgar matters , and pedanticall diuisions without all life , or respect to action . for the other principall parte of the custodie of knowledge , which is memorie ; i finde that facultie in my iudgement weakely enquired of ; an art there is extant of it ; but it seemeth to me that there are better precepts , than that art , and better practises of that art , than those recei●…ed . it is certaine , the art as it is ) may bee raysed to points of ostentation prodigious : but in vse ( as it is nowe mannaged ) it is barrein , not burdensome , nor dangerous to naturall memorie , as is imagined , but barren , that is , not dexterous to be ayplyed to the serious vse of businesse and occasions . and therefore i make no more estimation of repeating a great number of names or wordes vppon once hearing ; or the powring foorth of a number of verses or rimes ex tempore ; or the making of a satyricall simile of euerie thing , or the turning of euerie thing to a iest , or the falsifying or contradicting of euerie thing by cauill , or the like ( wherof in the faculties of the minde , there is great copie , and such , as by deuise and practise may bee exalted to an extreame degree of woonder ; ) than i doe of the trickcs of tumblers , funambuloes , baladynes ; the one being the same in the minde , that the other is in the bodie ; matters of strangenesse without worthynesse . this art of memorie , is but built vpon two intentions : the one praenotion ; the other embleme : praenotion , dischargeth the indefinite seeking of that we would remember , and directeth vs to seeke in a narrowe compasse : that is , somewhat that hath congruitie with our place of memorie : embleme reduceth conceits intellectuall to images sensible , which strike the memorie more ; out of which axiomes may bee drawne much better practique , than that in vse , and besides which axiomes , there are diuers moe , touching helpe of memorie , not inferior to them . but i did in the beginning distinguish , not to report those thinges deficient , which are but onely ill managed . there remayneth the fourth kinde of rationall knovvledge , which is transitiue , concerning the expressing or transferring our knowledg to others , which i will tearme by the generall name of tradition or deliverie . tradition hath three parres : the first concerning the organe of tradition : the second , concerning the methode of tradition : and the thirde , concerning the illvstration of tradition . for the organe of tradition , it is either speech or writing : for aristotle sayth well : wordes are the images of cogitations , and letters are the images of wordes : but yet is not of necessitie , that cogitations bee expressed by the medium of wordes . for whatsoeuer is capable of sufficient differences , and those perceptible by the sense ; is in nature competent to expresse cogitations : and therefore we see in the commerce of barbarous people , that vnderstand not one anothers language , & in the practise of diuers that ar dumb & deafe that mens minds are expressed in gestures , though not exactly , yet to serue the turne . and we vnderstand further , that it is the vse of chyna , and the kingdomes of the high leuant , to write in characters reall , which expresse neither letters , nor words in grosse , but things or nottons : in so much as countreys and prouinces , which vnderstand not one anothers language , can neuerthelesse read one anothers writings , because the characters are accepted more generally , than the languages doe extend ; and 〈◊〉 therefore they haue a vast multitude of characters , as many ( i suppose , as radicall words . these notes of cogitations are of twoo sortes ; the one when the note hath some similitude , or congruitie with the notion ; the other ad placitum , hauing force onely by contract or acceptation . of the former sort are hierogliphickes , and gestures . for as to hierogliphickes , ( things of ancient vse , and embraced chiefely by the aegyptians , one of the most ancient nations ) they are but as continued impreases and emblemes . and as for gestures , they are as transitorie hierogliphickes , and are to hierogliphickes , as words spoken are to wordes written , in that they abide not ; but they haue euermore as well , as the other an affinitie with the thinges signified : as periander beeing consulted with how to preserue a tyrannie newly vsurped , bid the messenger attend , and report what hee sawe him doe , and went into his garden , and topped all the higest flowers : signifying that it consisted in the cutting off , and keeping low of the nobilitie and grandes ; ad placitum , are the characters reall before mentioned , and words : although some haue ben willing by curious enquirie , or rather by apt fayning , to haue deriued imposition of names , from reason and intendment : a speculation elegant , and by reason it searcheth into antiquitie reuerent : but sparingly mixt with truth , and of small fruite . this portion of knowledge , touching the notes of thinges , and cogitations in generall , i finde not enquired , but deficient . and although it may seeme of no great vse , considering that words , and writings by letters , doe far excell all the other wayes : yet because this part concerneth , as it were the mint of knowledge ( for wordes , are the tokens currant and accepted for conceits , as moneys are for values and that it is fit men be not ignorant , that moneys may bee of another kind , than gold and siluer ) i thought good to propound it to better enquirie . concerning speech and wordes , the consideration of them hath produced the science of grammar : for man still striueth to reintegrate himselfe in those benedictions , from which by his fault hee hath been depriued ; and as hee hath striuen against the first generall curse , by the inuention of all other artes : so hath hee sought to come soorth of the seconde generall curse , ( which was the confusion of tongues ) by the art of grammar ; whereof the vse in another tongue is small : in a forreine tongue more : but most in such forraine tongues , as haue ceased to be vulgar tongues , and are turned onely to learned tongues . the duetie of it is of twoo natures : the one popular , which is for the speedie , and perfect attayning languages , as well for intercourse of speech , as for vnderstanding of authors : the other philosophicall , examining the power and nature of wordes , as they are the foot-steppes and prints of reason : which kinde of analogie betweene wordes , and reason is handled sparsim , brokenly , though not entirely : and therefore i cannot report it deficient , though i thinke it verie worthy to be reduced into a science by it selfe . vnto grammar also belongeth , as an appendix , the consideration of the accidents of wordes , which are measure , sound , and eleuation , or accent , and the sweetenesse and harshnesse of them : whence hath yssued some curious obseruations in rhetoricke , but chiefely poesie , as wee consider it , in respect of the verse , and not of the argument : wherein though men in learned tongues , doe tye themselues to the ancient measures , yet in moderne languages , it seemeth to me , as free to make newe measures of verses , as of daunces : for a daunce is a measured pace , as a verse is a measured speech . in these thinges the sence is better iudge , than the art. coenae fercula nostrae ; mallem conuiuis , quam placuisse cocis . and of the seruile expressing antiquitie in an vnlike and an vnfit subiect , it is well sayd , quod tempore antiquum videtur , id incongruitate est maxime nouum . for cyphars ; they are commonly in letters or alphabets , but may bee in wordes . the kindes of cyphars , ( besides the simple cyphars with changes , and intermixtures of nvlles , and nonsignificants ) are many , according to the nature or rule of the infoulding : wheelecyphars , kay-cyphars , dovbles , &c. but the vertues of them , whereby they are to be preferred , are three ; that they be not laborious to write and reade ; that they bee impossible to discypher ; and in some cases , that they bee without suspition . the highest degree whereof , is to write omnia per omnia ; which is vndoubtedly possible , with a proportion quintuple at most , of the writing infoulding , to the writing infoulded , and no other restrainte whatsoeuer . this arte of cypheringe , hath for relatiue , an art of discypheringe ; by supposition vnprofitable ; but , as things are , of great vse . for suppose that cyphars were well mannaged , there bee multitudes of them which exclude the discypherer . but in regarde of the rawnesse and vnskilfulnesse of the handes , through which they pas●…e , the greatest matters , are many times carryed in the weakest cyphars . in the enumeration of these priuate and retyred artes , it may bee thought i seeke to make a greate muster-rowle of sciences ; naminge them for shewe and ostentation , and to little other purpose . but lette those which are skilfull in them iudge , whether i bring them in onely for apparance , or whether in that which i speake of them ( though in fewe markes ) there be not some seede of proficience . and this must bee remembred , that as there bee many of great account in their countreys and prouinces , which when they come vp to the seate of the estate , are but of meane ranke and scarcely regarded : so these arts being heere placed with the principall , and supreame sciences , seeme petty thinges : yet to such as haue chosen them to spende their labours studies in them , they seeme great matters . for the methode of tradition , i see it hath mooued a controuersie in our time . but as in ciuile businesse , if there bee a meeting and men fall at wordes , there is commonly an end of the matter for that time , and no proceeding at all : so in learning , where there is much controuersie , there is many times little enquirie . for this part of knowledge of methode seemeth to mee so weakely enquired , as i shall report it deficient . methode hath beene placed , and that not amisse in logicke , as a part of iudgement ; for as the doctrine of syllogismes comprehendeth the rules of iudgement vppon that which is inuented ; so the doctrine of methode contayneth the rules of iudgement vppon that which is to bee deliuered , for iudgement precedeth deliuerie , as it followeth inuentions . neither is the methode , or the natvre of the tradition materiall onely to the vse of knowledge , but likewise to the progress●…on of knowledge : for since the labour and life of one man , cannot attaine to perfection of knowledge ; the wisedome of the tradition , is that which inspireth the felicitie of continuance , and proceding . and therefore the most reall diuersitie of methode , is of methode referred to vse , and methode referred to progression , whereof the one may bee tearmed magistrall , and the other of probation . the later whereof seemeth to be via deserta & interclusa . for as knowledges are now deliuered , there is a kinde of contract of errour , betweene the deliuerer , and the receiuer : for he that deliuereth knowledge ; desireth to deliuer it in such fourme , as may be best beleeued ; and not as may best examined : and hee that receiueth knowledge , desireth rather present satisfaction , than expectant enquirie , & so rather not to doubt , than not to erre : glorie making the author not to lay open his weaknesse , and sloth making the disciple not to knowe his strength . but knowledge , that is deliuered as a threade to bee spunne on , ought to bee deliuered and intimated , if it were possible , in the same methode wherein it was inuented ; and so is it possible of knowledge induced . but in this same anticipated and preuented knowledge ; no man knoweth howe hee came to the knowledge which hee hath obtayned . but yet neuerthelesse secundum maius & minus , a man may reuisite , and descend vnto the foundations of his knowledge and consent : and so transplant it into another , as it grewe in his owne minde . for it is in knowledges , as it is in plantes ; if you meane to vse the plant , it is no matter for the rootes : but if you meane to remooue it to growe , then it is more assured to rest vppon rootes , than slippes : so the deliuerie of knowledges ( as it is nowe vsed ) is as of faire bodies of trees without the rootes : good for the carpenter , but not for the planter : but if you will haue sciences growe ; it is lesse matter for the shafte , or bodie of the tree , so you looke well to the takinge vp of the rootes . of which kinde of deliuerie the methode of the mathematiques , in that subiect , hath some shadowe ; but generally i see it neither put in vre , nor put in inquisition : and therefore note it for deficient . another diuersitie of methode there is , which hath some affinitie with the former , vsed in some cases , by the discretion of the auncients ; but disgraced since by the impostures of many vaine persons , who haue made it as a false light for their counterfei●…e marchandizes ; and that is enigmaticali and disclosed . the pretence whereof , is to remooue the vulgar capacities from beeing admitted to the secretes of knowledges , and to reserue them to selected auditors : or wittes of such sharpenesse as can pearce the vayle . another diuersitie of methode , whereof the consequence is great , is the deliuerie of knowledge in aphorismes , or in methodes ; wherein wee may obserue , that it hath beene too much taken into custome , out of a fewe axiomes or obseruations , vppon any subiecte , to make a solemne , and formall art ; filling it with some discourses , and illustratinge it with examples ; and digesting it into a sensible methode : but the writinge in aphorismes , hath manye excellent vertues , whereto the writinge in methode doth not approach . for first , it tryeth the writer , whether hee be superficiall or solide : for aphorismes , except they should bee ridiculous , cannot bee made but of the pyth and heart of sciences : for discourse of illustration is cut off , recitalles of examples are cut off : discourse of connexion , and order is cut off ; descriptions of practize , are cutte off ; so there remayneth nothinge to fill the ap●…ismes , but some good quantitie of obseruation : and therefore no man can suffice , nor in reason will attempt to write aphorismes , but hee that is sound and grounded . but in methodes , tantum series iuncturaque pollet , tantum de medio sumptis , accedit honoris : as a man shall make a great shew of an art , which if it were disioynted , would come to little . secondly ; methodes are more fit to winne consent ; or beleefe ; but lesse fit to point to action ; for they carrie a kinde of demonstration in orbe or circle , one part illuminating another ; and therefore satisfie . but particulars beeing dispersed , doe best agree with dispersed directions . and lastlye aphorismes , representing a knowledge broken , doe inuite men to enquire further ; whereas methodes carrying the shewe of a totall , doe secure men ; as if they were at furthest . another diuersitie of methode , which is likewise of great weight , is , the handling of knowledge by assertions , and their proofes ; or by questions , and their determinations : the latter kinde whereof , if it bee immoderately followed , is as preiudiciall to the proceeding of learning , as it is to the proceedinge of an armie , to goe about to besiege euerie little forte , or holde . for if the field bee kept , and the summe of the enterprize pursued , those smaller thinges will come in of themselues ; indeede a man would not leaue some important peece enemie at his backe . in like manner , the vse of confutation in the deliuerie of sciences ought to beverie sparing ; and to serue to remooue stronge preoccupations and preiudgements , and not to minister and excite disputations and doubts . another diuersitie of methodes , is , according to the subiect or matter , which is handled . for there is a great difference in deliuerie of the mathematiques , which are the most abstracted of knowledges , and policie , which is the most immersed ; and howsoeuer contention hath been mooued , touching an vniformitie of methode in multiformitie of matter : yet wee see howe that opinion , besides the weakenesse of it , hath beene of ill desert , towardes learning , as that which taketh the way , to reduce learning to certaine emptie and barren generalities ; beeing but the verie huskes , and shales of sciences , all the kernell beeing forced out , and expulsed , with the torture and presse of the methode : and therefore as i did allow well of particular topiques for inuention : so i doe allow likewise of particular methodes of tradition . another diuersitie of iudgement in the deliuerie and teaching of knowledge , is , according vnto the light and presuppositions of that which is deliuered : for that knowledge , which is newe and forreine from opinions receiued , is to bee deliuered in another fourme , than that that is agreeable and familiar ; and therefore aristotle , when he thinkes to taxe democritus , doth in truth , commend him ; where hee sayth : if wee shall indeede dispute , and not followe after similitudes , &c. for those , whose conceites are seated in popular opinions , neede onely but to prooue or dispute : but those , whose conceits are beyonde popular opinions , haue a double labour ; the one to make themselues conceiued , and the other to prooue and demonstrate . so that it is of necessitie with them to haue recourse to similitudes , and translations , to expresse themselues . and therefore in the infancie of learning , and in rude times , when those conceits , which are now triuiall , were then newe ; the world was full of parables and similitudes ; for else would men either haue passed ouer without marke , or else reiected for paradoxes , that which was offered ; before they had vnderstoode or iudged . so ; in diuine learning , wee see howe frequent parables and tropes are ; for it is a rule , that whatsoeuer science is not consonant to presuppositions , must pray in ayde of similitudes . there be also other diuersities of methodes vulgar and receiued : as that of resolution , or analysis , of constitution , or systasis , of concealement , or cryptique , &c. which i doe allowe well of ; though i haue stood vpon those which are least handled and obserued . all which i haue remembred to this purpose , because i would erecte and constitute one generall enquirie ( which seemes to mee deficient ) touching the wisedome of tradition . but vnto this part of knowledge , concerning methode , doth further belong , not onely the architecture of the whole frame of a worke , but also the seuerall beames and columnes thereof ; not as to their stuffe , but as to their quantitie , and figure : and therefore , methode considereth , not onely the disposition of the argument or subiect , but likewise the propositions : not as to their truth or matter , but as to their limitation and manner . for herein ramus merited better a great deale , in reuiuing the good rules of propositions , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . &c. than he did in introducing the canker of epitomes : and yet , ( as it is the condition of humane thinges , that according to the ancient fables , the most pretious thinges haue the most pernitious keepers ) it was so , that the attempt of the one , made him fall vpon the other . for hee had neede be well conducted , that should designe to make axiomes conuertible : if he make them not withall circular , and non promouent , or incurring into themselues : but yet the intention was excellent . the other considerations of methode , concerning propositions , are chiefely touching the vtmost propositions , which limit the dimensions of sciences : for euerie knowledge may bee fitly sayd , besides the profunditie ( which is the truth and substance of it , that makes it solide ) to haue a longitude , and a latitude : accounting the latitude towardes other sciences : and the longitude towards action : that is , from the greatest generalitie , to the most particular precept : the one giueth rule howe farre one knowledge ought to intermeddle within the prouince of another , which is the rule they call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the other giueth rule , vnto what degree of particularitie , a knowledge should descend : which latter i finde passed ouer in silence ; being in my iudgement , the more materiall . for certainely , there must bee somewhat left to practise ; but howe much is worthy the enquirie : wee see remote and superficiall generalities , doe but offer knowledge , to scorne of practicall men : and are no more ayding to practise , than an ortelius vniuersall mappe , is to direct the way betweene london and yorke . the better sort of rules , haue beene not vnfitly compared to glasses of steele vnpullished ; where you may see the images of thinges , but first they must bee filed : so the rules will helpe , if they bee laboured and pullished by practise . but howe christallyne they may bee made at the first , and howe farre forth they may be pullished afore-hand , is the question ; the enquirie whereof , seeemeth to me deficient . there hath beene also laboured , and put in practise a methode , which is not a lawfull methode , but a methode of imposture ; which is to deliuer knowledges in such manner , as men may speedily come to make a shewe of learning , who haue it not ; such was the trauaile of raymundus lullius , in making that art , which beares his name ; not vnlike to some bookes of typocosmy , which haue beene made since ; beeing nothing but a masse of words of all arts ; to giue men countenance , that those which vse the tearmes ; might bee thought to vnderstand the art ; which collections are much like a frippers or brokers shoppe ; that hath ends of euerie thing , but nothing of worth . nowe wee descend to that part , which concerneth the illvsration of tradition , comprehended in that science , which wee call rhetoricke , or art of eloqvence ; a science excellent , and excellently well laboured . for although in true value , it is inferiour to wisedome , as it is sayd by god to moses , when he disabled himselfe , for want of this facultie , aaron shall bee thy speaker , and thou shalt bee to him as god : yet with people it is the more mightie ; for so salomon sayth : sapiens corde appellabitur prudens ; sed dulcis eloquio maiora reperict : signifying that profoundnesse of wisedome , will helpe a man to a name or admiration ; but that it is eloquence , that preuayleth in an actiue life ; and as to the labouring of it , the emulation of aristotle , with the rhetoricians of his time , and the experience of cicero , hath made them in their workes of rhetorickes , exceede themselues . againe , the excellencie of examples of eloquence , in the orations of demosthenes and cicero , added to the perfection of the precepts of eloquence , hath doubled the progression in this arte : and therefore , the deficiences which i shall note , will rather bee in some collections , which may as hand-maydes attend the art ; than in the rules , or vse of the art it selfe . notwithstanding , to stirre the earth a little about the rootes of this science , as we haue done of the rest ; the dutie and office of rhetoricke is , to apply reason to imagination , for the better moouing of the will ; for wee see reason is disturbed in the administration thereof by three meanes ; by illaqueation , or sophisme , which pertaines to logicke ; by imagination or impression , which pertaines to rhetoricke , and by passion or affection , which pertaines to moralitie . and as in negotiation with others ; men are wrought by cunning , by importunitie , and by vehemencie ; so in this negotiation within our selues ; men are vndermined by inconsequences , sollicited and importuned , by impressions or obuersations : and transported by passions : neither is the nature of man so vnfortunately built , as that those powers and arts should haue force to disturbe reason , and not to establish and aduance it : for the end of logicke , is to teach a fourme of argument , to secure reason , and not to entrappe it . the end of moralitie , is to procure the affections to obey reason , and not to inuade it . the end of rhetoricke , is to fill the imagination to second reason , and not to oppresse it : for these abuses of arts come in , but ex oblique , for caution . and therfore it was great iniustice in plate , though springing out of a iust hatred of the rhetoricians of his time , to esteeme of rhetoricke , but as a voluptuarie art , resembling it to cookerie , that did marre wholsome meates , and helpe vnwholesome by varietie of sawces , to the pleasure of the tast . for wee see that speech is much more conuersant in adorning that which is good , than in colouring that which is euill : for there is no man but speaketh more honestly , than he can doe or thinke ; and it was excellently noted by thucidides in cleon , that because he vsed to hold on the bad side in causes of estate ; therefore hee was euer inueying against eloquence , and good speech ; knowing that no man can speake faire of courses sordide and base . and therefore as plato sayd elegantly : th●…t vertue , if shee could be seen , would mooue great loue and affection : so seeing that she cannot bee shewed to the senca , by corporall shape , the next degree is , to shewe her to the imagination in liuely representation : for to shewe her to reason , only in subtilitie of argument , was a thing euer derided in chrysippus , and many of the stoykes , who thought to thrust vertue vppon men by sharpe disputations and conclusions , which haue no sympathy with the will of man. againe , if the affections in themselues were plyant and obedient to reason , it were true , there shoulde bee no great vse of perswasions and insinuations to the will , more than of naked proposition and proofes : but in regard of the continuall mutinies and seditions of the affections : video meliora , proboque ; d●…teriora sequor ; reason would become captiue and seruile , if eloquence of perswasions , did not practise and winne the imagination , from the affections part , and contract a confederacie betweene the reason and imagination , against the affections : for the affections themselues , carrie euer an appetite to good , as reason doth : the difference is , that the affection beholdeth meerely the present ; reason behouldeth the future , and summe of time . and therefore , the present , filling the imagination more ; reason is commonly vanquished ; but after that force of eloquence and perswasion , hath made thinges future , and remote , appeare as present , than vppon the reuolt of the imagination , reason pre●…ayleth . wee conclude therefore , that rhetoricke can bee no more charged , with the colouring of the worse part , than logicke with sophistrie , or moralitie with vice. for wee knowe the doctrines of contraries are the same , though the vse be opposite : it appeareth also , that logicke differeth from rhetoricke , not onely as the fist , from the pawme , the one close , the other at large ; but much more in this , that logicke handleth reason exacte , and in truth ; and rhetoricke handleth it , as it is planted in popular opinions and manners : and therefore aristotle doth wisely place rhetoricke , as betweene logicke on the one side , and morall or ciuile knowledge on the other , as participating of both : for the proofes and demonstrations of logicke , are toward all men indifferent , and the same : but the proofes and perswasions of rhetoricke , ought to differ according to the auditors , orpheus in syluis , inter delphinas arion ; which application , in perfection of idea , ought to extend so farre : that if a man should speake of the same thing to seuerall persons : he should speake to them all respectiuely and seuerall wayes : though this politique part of eloquence in priuate speech , it is easie for the greatest orators to want : whilest by the obseruing their well graced fourmes of speech , they leese the volubilitie of application : and therefore , it shall not be amisse to recommend this to better enquirie , not being curious , whether we place it heere , or in that part which concerneth policie . nowe therefore will i descend to the deficiences , which ( as i sayd ) are but attendances : and first , i doe not finde the wisedome and diligence of aristotle well poursued , who began to make a collection of the popular signes and colours of good and euill , both simple and comparatiue , which are as the sophismes of rhetoricke , ( as i touched before . ) for example . sophisma . quod laudatur , bonum : quod vttuperatur , malum . redargvtio . laudat vaenales , qui vult extrudere merces . malum est , malum est ( inquit emptor ) sed cum re●…rit , tumgloriabitur . the defects in the labour of aristotle are three : one , that there be but a few of many : another , that their elenches are not annexed ; and the third , that hee conceiued but a part of the vse of them : for their vse is not onely in probation , but much more in impression . for many fourmes are equall in signification , which are differing in impression : as the difference is great in the piercing of that which is sharpe , and that which is flat , though the strength of the percussion be the same : for there is no man , but will be a little more raysed by hearing it sayd : your enemies will be glad of this , hos i thacus velit , & magnomercentur atridae , than by hearing it sayd only , this is euill for you . secondly , i do resume also , that which i mentioned before , touching prouision or praeparatorie store , for the furniture of speech , and readinesse of inuention ; which appeareth to be of two sorts ; the one in resemblance to a shoppe of peeces vnmade vp ; the other to a shopp of thinges ready made vp , both to be applyed to that which is frequent , and most in request ; the former of these i will call antitheta , & the latter formulae . antitheta are theses argued , pro & contra , wherin men may be more large & laborious ; but ( in such as are able to doe it ) to auoyd prolixity of entry , i wish the seedes of the seuerall arguments to be cast vp into some briefe and acute sentences : not to bee cyted : but to bee as skaynes or bottomes of thread , to bee vnwinded at large , when they come to be vsed : supplying authorities , and examples by reference . pro verbis legis , non est interpretatio , sed diuinatio , quae recedit a littera , cum receditur a littera index transit in legislatorem , pro sententia legis . ex omnibus verbis est elu●…endus sensus , qui interpretatur singula : formulae are but decent and apt passages or conueyances of speeche , which may serue indifferently for differing subiects , as of preface , conclusion , digression , transition , excusation , &c. for as in buildings there is great pleasure and vse in the well casting of the staire cases , entryes , doores , windowes , and the like , so in speeche , the conueyances and passages are of speciall ornament and effect . a conclusion in a del●…eratiue . so may we redeeme the faults passed & preuent the inconue niences future . there remayn two appendices touching the tradition of knowledge , the one criticall , the other pedanticall . for all knowledge is eyther deliuered by teachers , or attayned by mens proper endeuors : and therefore as the principall part of tradition of knowledge concerneth chiefly in writing of books ; so the relatiue part thereof concerneth reading of bookes wherunto appertayn incidently these consideratiōs . the first is cōcerning the true correction & editiō of authors , wherin neuerthelesse rash diligēce hath don gret preiudice . for these critiques haue oftē presumed that that which they vnderstandnot , is false set down ; as the priest , that where he found it written of s. paul demissus est per sportam , mēded his book , and made it demissus est per portam because , sperta was an hard word , and out of his reading ; and surely their errors , though they be not so palpable and ridiculous , yet are of the same kind . and therefore as it hath beene wisely noted , the most corrected copies are cōmonly the least correct . the second is concerning the exposition and explication of authors , which resteth in annotations and cōmentaryes , wherin it is ouer vsual to blaunch the obscure places , and discourse vpon the playne . the third is concerning the times , which in many cases giue great light to true interpretations . the fourth is concerning some briefe censure and iudgement of the authors , that men therby may make some election vnto themselues , what bookes to reade : and the fift is concerning the syntax and disposition of studies , that men may know in what order or pursuite to reade . for pedanticall knowledge , it contayneth that differēce of tradition which is proper for youth : whereunto appertaine diuers considerations of greatfruit . as first the tyming and seasoning of knowledges , as with what to initiate them , and from what for a time to refraine them : secondly , the consideration where to begin with the easiest , and so proceede to the more difficult , and in what courses to presse the more difficulte and then to turne them to the more easie : for it is one methode to practise swimming with bladders , and another to practise dauncing with heauy shooes . a third is the application of learning according vnto the propriety of the wittes ; for there is no defect in the faculties intellectuall , but seemeth to haue a proper cure contayned in some studies ; as for example , if a child be bird-witted , that is , hath not the facultie of attention , the mathematiques giueth a remedy thereunto ; for in them , if the witte be caught away but a moment , one is new to begin . and as sciences haue a propriety towards faculties for cure and helpe ; so faculties or powers haue a simpathy towards sciences for excellency or speedy profiting : and therfore it is an enquity of greate wisedom what kinds of wits and natures are most apt and proper for what sciences . fourthly the ordering of exercises is matter of great consequence to hurt or helpe ; for as is well ob serued by cicero , men in exercising their faculties if they be not wel aduised doe exercise their faultes & get ill habits as well as good ; so as there is a greate iudgement to be had in the continuance and intermission of exercises . it were to longe to particularize a number of other consideratiōs of this nature , things but of meane appearance , but of singular efficacy . for as the wronging or cherishing of seeds or young plants , is that , that is most important to their thriuing and as it was noted , that the first six kings being in trueth as tutors of the state of rome in the infancy thereof , was the principal cause of the immense greatnesse of that state which followed . so the culture and manurance of minds in youth , hath such a forcible ( though vnseen ) operacion , as hardly any length of time or contention of labour can counteruaile it afterwards . and it is not amisse to obserue also , how small and meane faculties gotten by education , yet when they fall into greate men or great matters , doe work great and important effects : whereof we see a notable example in tacitus of two stage-plaiers , percennius and vibulenus , who by their facultie of playing , put the pannonian armies into an extreame tumulte and combustion . for there arising a mutinie amongst them , vpon the death of augustus caesar , bloesus the lieuetenant had committed some of the mutiners which were suddenly rescued : whereupon vtbulenus got to be heard speake , which he did in this manner , these poore innocent wretches appointed to cruell death , you haue restored to behould the light . but who shall restore my brother to me , or life vnto my brother ? that was sent hither in message from the legions of germany , to treat of the common cause , and he hath murdered him this last night by some of his sencers & ruffians , that he hath about him for his executioners vpon souldiours : answer blaesus , what is done with his body : the mortallest enem'es doe not deny buriall : when i haue performed my last duties to the corpes with kisses , with teares , command me to be slaine besides him , so that these my fellowes for our good meaning , and our true hearts to the legions may haue leaue to bury vs. with which speeche he put the army into an infinite fury and vprore , whereas truth was he had no brother , neyther was there any such matter , but hee plaide it meerely as if he had beene vpon the stage . but to returne , we are now come to a period of rationall knovvledges , wherein if i haue made the diuisions other than those that are receiued , yet would i not be thought to disallow all those diuisions , which i doe not vse . for there is a double necessity imposed vpon me of altering the diuisions . the one because it differeth in end and purpose , to sorte together those things which are next in nature , and those things which are next in vse . for if a secretary of estate , should sort his papers , it is like in his study , or generall cabinet , he would sort together things of a nature , as treaties , instructions , &c. but in his boxes , or particular cabinet , hee would sort togither those that he were like to vse together , though of seuerall natures : so in this generall cabynet of knowledge , it was necessary for me to follow the diuisions of the nature of things , whereas if my selfe had beene to handle any particular knowledge , i would haue respected the diuisions fittest for vse . the other , because the bringing in of the deficiences did by consequence alter the partitions of the rest , for let the knowledge extant ( for demonstration sake ) be 15. let the knowledge with the deficiences be 20. the parts of 15. are not the parts of 20 , for the parts of 15 , are 3. and 5. the parts of 20. are 2. 4. 5. and 10. so as these things are without contradiction , and could not otherwise be . we proceed now to that knowledge which cō sidereth of the appetite and will of man , whereof salomon sayth anteomnia fili custodi cor tuum , nam inde procedunt actiones vilae . in the handling of this science , those which haue written seeme to me to haue done as if a man that professed to teach to write did only exhibit faire copies of alphabets , & letters ioyned , without geuing any precepts or directiōs , for the cariage of the hād & framing of the letters . so haue they made good & fair exemplars & coppies , carieng the draughts and pour traiturs of good. vertue , duety , felicity . propoūding thē well described as the true obiects and scopes of mās wil and desires : but how to attain these excellēt marks , and how to frame and subdue the will of man to become true and conformable to these pursuites , they passe it ouer altogether , or slightly and vnprofitably for it is not the disputing . that morall vertues are in the minde of man by habite & not by nature : or the distinguishing . that generous spirites are wonne by doctrines and perswasions , and the vulgar sort by reward & punishment , and the like scattered glances and touches that can excuse the absence of this parte . the reason of this omission i suppose to be that hidden rocke wherevppon both this and many other barques of knowledge haue beene cast away , which is , that men haue dispised to be conuersant in ordinary and common matters , the iudicious direction whereof neuerthelesse is the wisest doctrine : ( for life consisteth not in nouelties nor subtilities ) but contrariwise they haue compounded sciences chiefly of a certaine resplendent or lustrous masse of matter chosen to giue glory either to the subtillity of disputacions or to the eloquence of discourses . but seneca , giueth an excellent check to eloquence nocet illis eloquentia , quibus non rerum cupiditatem facit sed sui , doctrines should be such as should make men in loue with the lesson , and not with the teacher , being directed to the auditors benefite , and not to the authors commendation : and therefore those are of the right kinde which may be concluded as demosthenes concludes his counsell quae si feceritis non oratorem duntaxat inpraesentia laudabitis sed vosmetipsos etiā nō ita multo post statu rerum vestrarum meliore . neyther needed men of so excellent parts to haue despaired of a fortune , ( which the poet virgill promised himselfe , and indeed obtained ) who got as much glory of eloquence , wit , and learning in the expressing of the obseruacions of husbandry , as of the heroicall acts of aeneas . nec sunt animi dubius verbis ea vincere magnum . quam sit & augustis his addere rebus honorem . and surely if the purpose be in good earnest not to write at leasure that which mē may read at leasure , but really to instruct and suborne action and actiue life , these georgickes of the mind concerning the husbādry & tillage therof , are no lesse worthy thē the heroical descriptiōs of vertue , duty , & felicity wherfore the maine & primitiue diuision of morall knowledge seemeth to be into the exemplar or platforme of good , and the regiment or cvltvre of the mind ; the one describing the nature of good the other prescribing rules how to subdue , apply and accomodate the will of man therevnto . the doctrine touching the platforme or natvre of good considereth it either simple or compared either the kindes of good or the degrees of good : in the later whereof those infinite disputations , which were touching the supreme degree thereof , which they terme felicity , beatitude , or the highest good , the doctrines concerning which were as the heathen diuinity , are by the christian faith discharged . and as aristotle saith , that yong men may bee happy , but not otherwise , but by hope ; so we must all acknowledge our minority , and embrace the felicity , which is by hope of the future world . freed therefore , and deliuered from this doctrine of the philosophers heauen , whereby they fayned an higher eleuation of mans nature , then was ; for we see in what an height of stile seneca writeth , vere magnum , habere fragilitatem hominis , securitatem dei. ) we may with more sobriety and truerh receiue the rest of their enquiries , and labors ? wherein for the nature of good positiue , or simple , they haue set it downe excellently , in describing the fourmes of vertue and duty , with their situations and postures , in distributing them into their kinds , parts , prouinces , actions , and administrations , and the like ; nay furder , they haue commended them to mans nature , and spirite with greate quicknesse of argumente , and beauty of persuasions , yea , and fortified and entrenched them ( as much as discourse can doe ) against corrupt and popular opinions . againe , for the degrees , and comparatiue nature of good , they haue also excellentlye handled it in their triplicity of good ; in the comparisons betweene a contemplatiue and an actiue life , in the distinction between vertue with reluctation , and vertue secured ; in their encounters between honesty and profit , in theyr ballancing of vertue with vertue , and the like ; so as this parte deserueth to bee reported for excellentlye laboured . notwithstanding , if before they had commen to the popular and receiued nocions of vertue and vice , pleasure and payne , and the rest , they had stayed a little longer vpon the enquirye , concerning the rootes of good and euill , and the strings of those rootes , they had giuen in my opinion , a great light to that which followed ; and speciallye if they had consulted with nature , they had made their doctrins lesse prolixe , and more profound ; which beeing by them in part omitted , and in part handled with much confusion , we will endeauour to resume , and open in a more cleare manner . there is fourmed in euery thing a double nature of good ; the one , as euery thing is , a totall or substantiue in it selfe ; the other , as it is a parte or member of a greater bodye ; whereof the the later is in degree the greater , and the worthier , because it tendeth to the conseruation of a more generall fourme . therefore we see , the iron in particuler simpathye mooueth to the loadstone ; but yet if it exceede a cettayne quantity , it forsaketh the affection to the loadstone and like a good patriot mooueth to the earth which is the region and countrye of massie bodyes ; so may we goe forward , and see that water and massie bodyes moue to the center of the earth but rather thē to suffer a diuulsiō in the cōtinuāce of nature they wil mooue vpwards from the center of the earth : forsaking their dutye to the earth in regard of their duty to the world. this double nature of good & the com-paratiue thereof is much more engrauē vpon man , if he degenerate not : vnto whō the cōseruation of duty to the publique ought to be much more pecious then the conseruation of life and being : according to that memorable speache of pompeius magnus when being in commission of purueiance for a famine at rome , and being dissuaded with great vehemency and instance by his frinds about him that he should not hazard himselfe to sea in an exreemity of weather he sayd only to them : necesse est vt eam , non vt viuam : but it may be truly affirmed that there was neuer any phylosophy , religion or other discipline , which did so playnly and highly exalt the good which is communicatiue and depresse the good which is priuate and particuler as the holy faith : well declaring that it was the same god , that gaue the christian law to men , who gaue those lawes of nature , to inaminate creatures that we spake of before ; for we reade that the elected saints of god haue wished themselues anathemized , and razed out of the booke of life , in an extasie of charity , and infinite feeling of communion . this being set downe and strongly planted doth iudge and determine most of the controuersies wherein morall philosophie is conuersant ; for first it decideth the question touching the preferment of the contemplatiue or actiue life , and decideth it against aristotle ; for all the reasōs which he bringeth for the contemplatiue , are priuate , and respecting the pleasure and dignity of a mans selfe , ( in which respects no question the contemplatiue life hath the preemynence ; ) not much vnlike to that comparison , which pythagoras made for the gracing and mag nifying of philosophy , and contemplacion who being asked what he was , answered : that if hiero were euer at the olimpian games , he knew the manner , that some came to try their fortune for the prizes , and some cam as merchants to vtter their commodities , and some came to make good cheere , and meete their friends , and som came to looke on , & that he was one of them that came to look on . but men must know , that in this theater of mans life , it is reserued onely for god and angels to be loo kers on , neither could the like question euer haue beene receiued in the church , notwithstanding their ( preticsa in oculis domini mors sanctorum eius ) by which place they would exalt their ciuile death , and reguler professions , but vpon this defence , that the monastical life is not simple contemplatiue , but performeth the duty either of incessant prayers and supplications which hath been truly esteemed as an office in the church , or els of writing or in taking instructions for writing concerning the law of god as moses did , when he abode so long in the mount. and so wee see henoch the. 7. from adam who was the first contemplatiue & walked with god , yet did also endow the church with prophesy which sainte iude citeth . but for contemplation which should be finished in itselfe without casting beames vpon society , assure●…ly diuinity knoweth it not . it decideth also the controuersyes betweene zeno and socrates , and theyr schooles and successions on the oneside , who placed felicity in vertue simply or attended : the actions and exercises wherof do chiefly imbrace and concerne society ; & on the other side , the c●…renaiques & epicureans , whoplaced it in pleasure and made vertue , ( as it is vsed in some comedyes of errors , wherein the mistres and the maide change ha bits ) to be but as a seruāt , without which , pleasure cānot be serued and attended , and the reformed schoole of the epicureās , which placed it in serenity of mind and freedome from perturbation : as if they woulde haue deposed iupiter againe , and restored saturne , and the first age , when there was no summer nor winter , spring nor autumne , but al after one ayre and season and herillus , which placed felicity in extinguishmēt of the disputes of the mind , making no fixed nature of good and euill , esteeming things according to the cleernes of the desires , or the reluctation : which opini on was reuiued in the heresy of the anabaptists , mea suring things according to the motions of the spirit , and the constancy or wauering of beleefe , all which are manifest to tend to priuate repose & cōtentment , and not to poynt of society . it censureth also the philosophy of epictetus which presupposeth that felicity must bee placed in those things which are in our power , least we belyable to fortune & disturbance : as if it were not a thing much more happy to saile in good and vertuous ends for the publicke , then to obtayne all that wee can wish to our selues in our proper fortune : as consaluo sayd to his souldiers , shewing them naples and protesting , he had rather dy one foote forwards , then to haue his life secured for long , by one foote of retrayt : whereunto the wisedome of that heauenly leader hath signed , who hath affirmed that a good conscience is a continuall feaste , shewing plainly that the conscience of good intencions howsoeuer succeeding , is a more continuall ioy to nature , then all the prouision which can be made for security and repose . it censureth likewise that abuse of philosophy , which grew generall about the time of epictetus , in conuerting it into an occupation or profession : as if the purpose had bene , not to resist and extinguish perturbations , but to fly and auoide the causes of them , & to shape a particular kind and course of life to that end , introducing such an health of mind , as was that health of body , of which aristotle speaketh of herodic●… , who did nothing nothing all kis life long , but intend his health , whereas if men refer themselues to dutyes of society ; as that health of body is best , which is ablest to endure all alterations and extremityes , so likewise that health of mind is most proper , which can goe through the greatest temptations and perturbations . so as diogenes opinion is to be accepted , who commended not them which absteyned , but them which sustayned , and could refraine their mind in precipitio , and could giue vnto the mind ( as is vsed in horsman ship ) the shortest stop or turne . lastly it censureth the tendernesse and want of application in some of the most auncient and reuerend philosophers and philosophicall men , that did retyre too easily from ciuile businesse , for auoyding of indignities & perturbations , whereas the resolution of men truly moral , ought to be such , as the same consaluo sayd , the honor of a souldior should be f tela crassiore , and not so fine , as that euery thing should catch in it , and endanger it . to resume priuate or particular good , it falleth into the diuisiō of good actiue & passiue ; for this differēce of good , ( not vnlike to that which amongst the romās was expressed in the familiar or houshold terms of promus , and condus , ) is formed also in all things , & is best disclosed in the two seuerall appetites in crea tures ; the one to preserue or continue themselues , & the other to dilate or multiply themselues ; whereof the later seemeth to be the worthyer ; for in nature the heauens , which are the more worthy , are the a gent , and the earth , which is the lesse woorthye is the patient . in the pleasures of liuing creatures , that of generation is greater then that of foode . in diuine doctrine , beatius est dare quam accipere : and in life there is no mans spirit so soft but estemeth the effecting of somwhat that he hath fixed in his desire more then sensuality : which priority of the actiue good , is much vpheld by the consideration of our estate to be mortall & exposed to fortune : for , if wee mought haue a perpetuity and certainty in our pleasures , the state of them would advance their price . but when we see it is but magni aestimamus mori tardius and ne glorieris de crastino . nescis partum diei it maketh vs to desire to haue somwhat secured and exempted from time , which are onelye our deedes and works , as it is sayd operaeorum sequuntur eos . the preheminence likewise of this actiue good is vpheld by the affection which is naturall in man towardes variety and proceeding which in the pleasures of the sence which is the principal part of passiue good ) can haue no great latitude . cogita quamdiu eadem feceris : ci bus , somnus , ludus , per h●…nc circulū curritur , mori velle nō tantū fertis aut miser aut prudens sed etiā fastidiosus potest . but in enterprises , pursutes & purposes of life ther is much variety , wherof men are sēsible with pleasure in theyr inceptions , progressions , recoyls , reinteg ations , approches and atteynings to their ends . so as it was wel said : vita siue proposito languida & vaga est . neither hath this actiue good an●… identity with the good of society , though , in some case , it hath an incidence into it : for although it do many times bring forth acts of beneficēce yet it is with a respect priuate to a mās own power , glory , amplificatiō , cōtinuāce : 〈◊〉 appeareth plainly when it findeth a contrary sùbiect for that gygātine state of mind which possesseth the trowblers or the world , such as was lucius sylla and infinit other in smaller model , who would haue all mē happy or vnhappy as they were their friends or enimies , and would giue fourm to the world according to their owne humors ( which is the true theomachy ) pretendeth and aspireth to actiue good , though it recedeth furthest from good of society which wee haue determined to be the greater . to resume passiue good it receiueth a subdiuision of conseruatiue and perfectiue . for let vs take a brief review of that which we haue said , we haue spoken first of the good of society the intention whereof embraceth the fourm of humaine nature , whereof we are members & portions : and not our owne proper and indiuidual fourme : we have spoken of actiue good and supposed it as a part of priuate and particu lar good . and rightly : for there is impressed vppon all things a triple desire or appetite proceeding from loue to themselues , one of preseruing and contynuing theyr form , another of aduancing and perfitting their fourm and a third of multiplying and extending their iourme vpon other things : whereof the multiplying er signature of it vpon other things , is that which we handled by the name of actiue good . so as there remayneth the conseruing of it and parfiting or raising of it : which later is the highest degree of passiue good for to preserue in state , is the lesse ; to preserue with aduancement is the greater . so in man ign●…us est ollis vigor , & coelestis ●…rigo . his approach or assumptiō to diuine or angel●…icall nature , is the perfection of his forme , the error or false imitatiō of which good is that whichis the tēpest of humane life whileman vpō the instinct of an aduācement formal , and essential is carried to seek an aduancement locall . for as those which are sick , & finde no remedy , doe tumble vp and downe and chaunge place , as if by a remoue locall , they could obtayne a remooue internall : so is it with men in ambition , when fayling of the meane to exalt their nature , they are in a perpetuall estuation to exalte theyr place . so then passiue good , is , as was sayde , eyther conseruatiue or perfectiue . to resume the good of conseruation or comforte , which consisteth in the sruicion of that which is agreeable to our natures , it seemeth to be the most pure and naturall of pleasures , but yet the sostest and the lowest . and this also receiueth ā differēce , which hath neither beene well iudged of , nor well inquired . for the good of fruition or contentment , is placed eyther in the sincerenesse of the sruition , or in the quicknesse & vigor of it , the one superinduced by the aequality , the o ther by vicissitude : the one hauing lesse mixture of euil , the other more impressiō of good. whether of these , is the greter good , is a questiō cōtrouerted , but whether maus nature may not be capable of both , is a question not inquired . the former question heing debated between socrates , and a sophist , socrates placing felicity in an equall and constan●… peace of mind ; and the sophist in much desiring , and much enioying : they fell from argument to ill words : the sophist saying that socrates felicity , was the felicity of a block or stone , and socrates saying that the sophists felicity , was the felicity of one that had the itch , who did nothing but itche and skratch . and both these opinions , do not want their supports . for the opinion of socrates is much vpheld by the generall consent , euen of the epicures themselues , that vertue beareth a great part in felicity : and if so , certain it is , that vertue hath more vse in cleering perturbations , then in compassing desires . the sophists opinion is much fauoured , by the assertion we last spake of , that good of aduancement , is greater then good of simple preseruation : because , euery obtayning a desire , hath a shew of aduancement , as mocion though in a circle , hath a shew of progression . but the second question , decided the true waye , maketh the former superfluous . for , can it be doubted , but that there are some , who take more pleasure in enioying pleasures , then some other ; and yet neuerthelesse , are lesse troubled with the losse or leauing of them ? so as this same ; non vti , vt non appetas : non appetere , vt non metuas , sunt animi pusilli & diffidentis . and it seemeth to me , that most of the doctrines of the philosophers are more fearefull and cautionary then the nature of things requireth . so haue they encreased the feare of death , in offering to cure it . for , when they would haue a mans whole life , to be but a discipline or preparation to dye : they must needes make men thinke , that it is a terrible enemy , against whom there is no end of preparing . better saith the poet , qui sinem vitae extremum inter munera ponat naturae : so haue they sought to make mens minds to vniforme and harmonicall , by not breaking them sufficiently to cōtrary motions : the reason whereof , i suppose to be , because they themselues were men dedicated , to a pri uate , free , and vnapplied course of life . for , as we see , vpon the lute , or like instrument , a ground , though it be sweet , and haue shew of many changes , yet breaketh not the hand to such strange and hard stoppes and passages , as a set song , or voluntary : much after the same manner was the diuersity betweene a philosophicall and a ciuile life . and therefore men are to imitate the wisedome of iewellers , who , if there be a graine , or a cloude , or an i se which may be ground forth , without taking to much of the stone , they help it : but , if it should lessen and abate the stone to much they will not meddle with it : so ought men , so to procure serenity , as they destroy not magnanimity . hauing therefore deduced the good of man , which is priuate & particular , as far as seemeth fit : wee will now returne to that good of man , which respecteth and be beholdeth society which we may terme duty ; bicause the term of duty is more propper to a minde well framed & disposed towards others , as the terme of vertue is applyed to a mind well formed & cōposed in it selfe , though neither can a man vnderstand vertue without some relation to society , nor duety without an inwarde disposition , this part may seem at first to pertaine to science ciuile and politicke : but not if it be wel obserued , for it concerneth the rcgimēt & gouernment of euery man , over himself , & not ouer others . and as in architectur , the directiō of framing the postes beames & other parts of building is not the same with the maner of ioyning them and erecting the building : and in mechanicalls , the direction how to frame an instrument or engyne , is not the same with the manner of setting it on woorke and imploying it : and yet neuerthelesse in expressing of the one , you incidently expresse the aptnesse towardes the other : so the doctrine of coniugation of men in socyety , differereth from that of their conformity therevnto . this part of duty is sudiuided into two parts : the common duty of euery man , as a man or member of a state : the other the respectiue or speciall duty of euery man in his prosession vocation and place : the first of these , is extāt & wel laboured as hathbeen said . the secōd like wise i may report rather dispersed thē dcficiēt : which maner of dispersed writing in this kind of argumēt , i acknowledge to be best . for who cā take vpō him to write of the proper duty , vertue cha and right , of euery seuerall vocation profession , and place . for although sometimes a looker on may see more then a gamester and there be a prouerb more arrogant theu sound that the vale best discouereth the hill : yet there is small doubt but that men can write best and most really & materialy in their owne professions : & that the writing of speculatiue men of actiue matter , for the most part doth seeme to men of experience as phormioes argument of the warrs seemed to hannibal , to be but dreames and dotage , onely there is one vice which accompanieth them , that write in their own professions that they magnify thē in excesse , but generally it were to be wished , ( as that which wold make learning indeed solide & fruit ful ) that actiue men woold or could become writers in which kind i cannot but mencion honoris causa your maiesties exellent book touching the duty of a king : a woorke ritchlye compounded of diuinity morality and policy , with great aspersion of all other artes : & being in myne opinion one of the moste sound & healthful writings that i haue read : not distempered in the heat of inuention nor in the couldnes of negligence : not sick of dusinesse as those are who leese themselues in their order ; nor of convulsions as those which crampe in matters impertinent : not sauoring of perfumes & paintings as those doe who seek to please the reader more then nature beareth , and chiefelye wel disposed in the spirits thereof , beeing agreeable to truth , and apt for action : and farre remooued from that naturall insirmity , whereunto i noted those , that write in their own professions to be subiect , which is , that they exalt it aboue measure . for your maiesty hath truly described , not a king of assyria , or persia , in their extern glory : but a moses , or a dauid , pastors of their people . neither can i euer leese out of my remembraunce , what i heard your maiesty , in the same sacred spirite of gouernment , deliuer , in a great cause of iudicature which was : that kings ruled by theyr lawes , as god did by the lawes of nature , and ought as rarely to put in vse theyr supreme prerogatiue , as god doth his power of working miracles . and yet notwithstandiug , in your book of a free monarchy , you do well giue men to vnderstand , that you know the plenitude of the power and right of a king , as well as the circle of his office and duty . thus haue i presumed to alledge this excellent writing of your maiesty , as a prime or eminent example of tractates , concerning speciall & respectiue dutyes : wherin i should haue said as much , if it had beene written a thousand yeares since : neither am i mooued with cer tain courtly decencyes , which esteeme it flattery to prayse in presence . no , it is flattery to prayse in absence : that is , when eyther the vertue is absent , or the occasion is absent : and so the prayse is not naturall , but forced , either in truth , or in time . but let cicerobe read in his oration pro marcello , which is nothing but an excellent table of caesars vertue , and made to his face , besides the example of many other excellent per sons , wiser a great deale then such obseruers : and we will neuer doubt , vpon a full occasion , to giue iust prayses to present or absent . but to return , there belongeth further , to the handling of this partie touching the duties of professions and vocations a relatiue or opposite touching the fraudes cautels , impostures , & vices of euery profession , which hath been likewise handled . but howe ? rather in a satyre & cinicaly , then seriously & wisely for men haue rather sought by wit to deride and traduce much of that which is good in professions then with iudgement to discouer and seuer that which is corrupt . for as salomon saith . he that cometh to seeke after knowledg with a mind to scorne and censure , shal be sure to finde matter for his humor but no matter for his instruction . quaerenti derisori scientiam , ipsa se abscondit : sed studioso sit obuiam . but the managing of this argument with integrity & truthe , which i note as deficient , seemeth to me to be one of the best fortifications for honesty and vertue that can be planted . for , as the fable goeth of the basilisk , that if he see you first you die for it : but if you see him first , he dieth . so is it with deceits and euill arts : which if they be first espied they leese their life , but if they prevent they indanger . so that we are much beholden to macciauell & others that write what men doe and not what they ought to do . for it is not possible to ioyn serpentine wisedom with the columbine innocency , except men know exactly all the conditions of the serpent : his basenesse and going vpon his bellye , his volubility , and lubrioity his enuy and stinge , and the rest , that is al fourmes and natures of euill for without this vertue lyeth open and vnfenced . nay an honest man can doe no good vppon those that are wicked to reclaime them , without the helpe of the knowledge of evil . for mē of corrupted minds presuppose , that honesty groweth out of simplicitye of manners , and beleuing of preachers , schoolmasters , and mens exterior language . so as , except you can make them perceiue , that you know the vt most reaches of they re owne corrupt opinions , they despise all moralitye . non recipit stultus verba prudentiae , nisi ca dixeris , quae versantur in corde eius . vnto this part touching respectiue duty , doth also appertayne the dutyes betweene husband and wife , parent and childe , master and seruant . so likewise , the lawes of friendship and gratitude , the ciuile bond of companyes , colledges , and politike bodies , of neighbourhood , and all other proportionate duties : not as they ar parts of gouernment and society , but as to the framing of the minde of particular persons . the knowledge concerning good respecting society doth handle it also not simply alone but comparatiuely whereunto belongeth the weighing of duties , betwen person and person , case and case , particular & publike : as we see in the proceeding of lucius brutus , against his own sons , which was so much extolled yet what was sayd ? inf●…lix , vt cunque serent easata minores . so the case was doubtfull , and had opinion on both sides : againe we see , when m. brutus and cassius inuited to a supper certaine , whose opinions they meant to feele , whether they were fit to be made their associates , and cast foorth the question touching the killing of a tyrāt being an vsurper they wer deuided in opinion , some holding , that seruitude was the extreame of euils ; and others , that tyranny was better , then a ciuile war : and a number of the like cases there are , of cōparatiue duty . amōgst which , that of all others , is the most frequent , where the question is of a great deale of good to ensue of a small iniustice . which iason of thessalia determined against the truth ; aliqua sunt iniustè sacienda , vt multa iuste fieri possint . but the reply is good ; authorem praesentis iustititiae habes ; sponsorem futurae non habes ; men must pursue things which are iust in presente , and leaue the future to the diuine prouidence : so then we passe on from this generall part touching the exemplar and description of good. now therefore , that we haue spoken of this fruite of life , it remaineth to speake of the husbandry that belongeth thereunto , without which part , the former seemeth to be no better then a faire image , or statua , which is beautifull to contemplate , but is without life and mocion : whereunto aristotle himselfe subscribeth in these words : necesse est scilicet de virtute dicere , & quid sit , & ex quibus gignatur . inutile enim sere suerit , virtutem quidem nosse , acquirendae autem eius modos & vias ignorare non enim de virtute tantum , qua specie sit , quaerendum est , sed & quomodo sui copiam faciat , vtrunque enim volumus , et rem ipsam nosse & eius compotes fieri : hoc autem ex voto non succedet , nisi sciamus & ex quibus & quo modo . in such full wordes and with such iteration doth he inculcate this part : so saith cicero in great commendation of cato the second , that he he had applyed him self to philosophy . non ita disputandi causa , sed ita viuendi . and although the neglect of our tymes wherein few men doe houlde any consultations touching the reformation of theire life ( as seneca excellently saith , departibus vitae quisque deliberat , de summa nemo ) may make this part seem superfluous : yet i must conclude with that aphorism of hypocrates , qui graui morbo correpti dolores non sentiunt , ijs mens aegrotat . they neede medicine not onely to asswage the disease but to awake the sense and if it be saide , that the cure of mens mindes belongeth to sacred diuinity , it is most true : but yet morall philosophy may be preferred vnto her as a wise seruaunt , and humble handmaide . for as the psalme saith , that the eyes of the bandmayde looke perpetually towardes the mistresse , and yet no doubt many things are left to the discretion of the handmayde , to discerne of the mistresse will : so ought morall philosophy to giue a constant attention to the doctrines of diuinity , and yet so as it may yeeld of her selfe ( within due limits ) many soūd and profitable directions . this part therefore , because of the excellency therof , i cannot but find exceeding strange , that it is not reduced to written enquiry , the rather because it consisteth of much matter , wherein both speech and action is often conuersant , and such wherein the common talke of men ( which is rare , but yet commeth sometimes to passe ) is wiser then their bookes : it is reasonable therefore that we propound it in the more particularity , both for the woorthinesse , and because we may acquite our selues for reporting it deficiēt , which seemeth almost incredible , and is otherwise conceiued and presupposed by those themselues , that haue written . we wil therfore enumerate some heads or points thereof , that it may appeare the better what it is , and whether it be extant . first therefore in this , as in all things , which ar practicall , we ought to cast vp our account , what is in our power , and what not : for the one may be dealte with by waye of alteration , but the other by waye of application onely . the husbandman cannot command , neither the nature of the earth , nor the seasons of the weather : no more can the physition the constitution of the patiente , nor the varietye of accidentes . so in the culture and cure of the mynde of man , two thinges are without our commaund : poyntes of nature , and pointes of fortune . for to the basis of the one , and the conditions of the other , our worke is limited and tied . in these thinges therefore , it is left vnto vs , to proceede by application , vincenda est omnis fortuna serendo : and so likewise vincenda est omnis natura serendo . but , when that wee speake of sufferinge , wee doe not speake of a dull , and neglected sufferinge , but of a wise and industrious sufferinge , which draweth , and contriueth vse and aduantage out of that which seemeth aduerse and contrary ; which is that property which we cal , accomodating or applying . now the wisedome of application resteth principally in the exact & distinct knowledge of the precedent state , or disposition , vnto which we do apply : for we cannot fit a garment , except wee first take measure of the body . so then the first article of this knowlede is to set downe sound and true distributions and descriptions of the seueral characters & tempers of mens natures and dispositions specially hauing regard to those differences which are most radicall in being the fountayns and causes of the rest or most frequent in concurrence or commixture ; wherein it is not the handling of a fewe of them in passage the better to describe the mediocrities of vertues that can satisfie this intention for if it deserue to be considered that there are minds which are proportioned to great mattes , & others to smal , ( which aristotle handleth or ought to haue handled by the name of magnaminity ) doth it not deserue as well to be considered . that there are mindes proportioned to intend many matters and others to few ? so that some can deuide them selues others can perchance do exactly wel , but it must bee but in fewe things at once ; and so there cometh to bee a narrownes of mind as wel as a pusillanimity . and againe , that some mindes are proportioned to that which may bee dispatched at once or within a short return of time : others to that which begins a farre of , and is to be won with length of pursute , — iam tū tenditque fo●…etque ; so that there may be fitly said to be a long animity which is comonly also ascribed to god as a magnanimity . so further deserued it to be consideted , by aristotle that there is a disposition in conuersation ( supposing it in things which doe in no sort tonch or concerne a mans selfe ) to soothe and please ; and a disposition contrary to contradict and crosse ; and deserueth it not much better to be considered , that there is a disposition , not in conuersation or talke , but in matter of mere serious nature ( and supposing it still in things meerly indifferent ) to take pleasure in the good of another , and adisposition contrarywise , to take distast at the good of another ; which is that properly , which we call good nature , or ill nature , benignity or malignity : and therefore i cannot sufficiently maruayle , that this parte of knowledge touching the seuerall characters of natures and dispositions should bee omitted both in morality and policy , considering it is of so great ministery , and suppeditation to them both a man shall find in the traditions of astrology , som prety and apt diuisions of mens natures according to the predominances of the planets ; louers of quiet louers of action , louers of victory , louers of honour , louers of pleasure , louers of arts , louers of change , and so forth : a man shall find in the wisest sort of these relations , which the italians make touching conclaues , the natures of the seuerall cardinalls , handsomlye and liuely painted fourth : a man shall meete with in euery dayes conference the denominations of sensitiue , dry , formall , reall , humorous , certayne , humo di prima impressione , huomo di vltima impressione , and the like , and yet neuerthelesse this kind of obseruations wandreth in wordes , but as not fixed in enquiry . for the distinctions are found ( many of them ) but we conclude no precepts vpon them , wherein our faulte is the greater , because both history , poesye , and daylie experience are as goodly fields where these obseruations grow , whereof wee make a few poesies , to hould in our hands , but no man bringeth them to the confectionary , that receits mought be made of them for vse of life . of much like kinde are those impressions of nature , which are imposed vpon the mind by the sex , by the age , by the region , by health , and sicknesse , by beauty and deformity , and the like , which are inherent , and not externe : and again those which are caused by extern fortune : as soueraygnty , nobility , obscure birth , ritches , want , magistracye , priuatenesse , prosperity , aduersity , constant fortune , variable fortune , rising per saltum , per gradus , and the like : and therefore we see , that plautus maketh it a wonder , to see an oulde man beneficent , benignitas huius vt adolescentuli est : saint paul concludeth that seuerity of discipline was to be vsed to the cretans , increpa eos durè , vpon the disposition of their country cretenses semper mendaces , malae bestiae , ventres pigri . salust noteth , that it is vsuall with kinges to desire contradictoryes , sed plerunque regiae voluntates , vt vehementes sunt , fic mobiles , saepeque ipsae sibi aduersae . tacitus obserueth how rarely-raising of the fortune mendeth the disposition , solus vespas●…anus , mutatus in melius , pindarus maketh an obseruation , that greate and suddaine fortune for the most parte defeateth men qui magnam foelicitatem concoquere non possunt : so the psalme sheweth it is more easie to keep a measure in the enioying of fortune , then in the increase of fortune . diuitiae si affluant , nolite cor apponere : these obseruations and the like , i denye not , but are touched a little by aristotle as in passage in his rhetoricks , and are handled in some scattered discourses , but they were neuer incorporate into morall philosophy , to which they doe essentiallye appertayne : as the knowledg of the diuersitye of groundes and mouldes doth to agriculture , and the knowledge of the diuersity of complexions and constitutions doth to the phisition ; except we meane to follow the indiscretion of empe riques , which minister the same medicines to all patients . another article of this knowledge is the inquirye touching the affections : for as in medicining of the body it is in order first to know the diuers complexions and constitutions , secondlye the diseases , and lastlye the cures : so in medicining of the minde , after knowledge of the diuers characters of mens natures , it foloweth in order to know the diseases and infirmites of the mind , which ar no other thē the perturbations & distempers of the affections . for as the aunciente in politiques in populer estates were woont 〈◊〉 to compare the people to the sea , and the orators to the winds because as the sea would of it selfe be caulm and quiet , if the windes did not mooue and trouble it ; so the people would be peaceable and tractable if the seditious ora tors did not set them in working and agitation . so it may be fitly said , that the mind in the nature thereof would be temperate and stayed , if the affections as winds , did not put it into tumulte and perturbation . and here againe i find straunge , as before , that aristotle shoulde haue written diuers volumes of ethiques , and neuer handled the affections , which is the principall subiect thereof , and yet in his retoricks where they are considered but collaterally , & in a secōd degree , ( as they may be mooued by speech ) he findeth place for them , and hādleth them well for the quātity but where their true place is , he pretermitteth them . for it is not his disputations about pleasure and paine that can satisfie this inquiry , no more then hee that should generally handle the nature of light can bee said to handle the nature of colours : for pleasure and paine are to the particuler affections as light is to particular collours : better trauailes i suppose had the stoicks taken in this argument , as far as i can gather by that which wee haue at second hand : but yet it is like , it was after their manner rather in subtiltye of definitions ( which in a subiect of this nature are but curiosities ) then in actiue and ample descriptions and obseruations : so likewise i finde some particular writings of an elegant nature touching some of the affections , as of auger , of comforte vpon aduerse accidentes , of tendernesse of countenance and other . but the poets and writers of histories are the best doctors of this knowledge , where we may finde painted fourth with greate life , how affections are kindled and incyted : and how pacified and refrai ned : and how againe conteyned from act , & furder degree : how they disclose themselues , how they work how they varye , how they gather and fortifie , how they are inwrapped one within another , and howe they doe fighte and encounter one with another , and other the like particularityes : amōgst the which this last is of speciall vse in morall and ciuile matters : howe i say to sett affection againste affection , and to master one by another , even as wee vse to hunt beast with beaste , and flye byrde with birde , which otherwise percase wee coulde not so easily recover : vpon which foundation is erected that excellent vse of praemium and pana . whereby ciuile states consist , imploying the predominante affections of feare and hope , for the suppressing and brideling the rest . for as in the gouernemente of states , it is sometimes necessarye to bridle one faction with another , so it is in the gouernmente within . now come we to those poynts which are within 〈◊〉 our owne cōmand and haue force and operacion vpon the mind to affect the wil & appetite & to alter manners : wherin they ought to haue hādled custome exercise , habit , educacion , example , imitation , emulation company , frinds , praise , reproofe , exhortatiō , fame , lawes , bookes , studyes : theis as they haue determinate vse , in moraliryes , from these the mind suffereth , and of these are such receipts & regiments compounded & described , as may seeme to recouer or preserue the health and good estate of the mind , as farre as pertaineth to humane medycine : of which number wee will visit vpon som one or two as an exāple of the rest , because it were too long to prosecute all ; and therefore wee doe resume custome and habite to speake of . the opinion of aristotle seemeth to mee a negligent opinion . that of those thinges which consist by nature , nothing can be changed by custome , vsing for example : that if a stone bee throwne ten thousande tymes . vp , it wil not learne to assend , and 〈◊〉 that by , often seeing or hearing , wee doe not learne to see or heare the better . for thoughe this principle bee true in things wherein nature is peremptory ( the reason whereof we cannot nowe stande to discusse ) yet it is otherwise in things wherein nature admitteth a latitude . for he moughtsee that a streight gloue wil come more easily on with vse , and that a wand will by vse bend otherwise then it grewe : and that by vse of the voice wee speake lowder and stronger , and that by vse of enduring heate or coulde , we endure it the better , and the like : which later sort haue a neerer resemblance vnto that subiect of manners he handleth then those instāces which he alledgeth ; but allowing his conclusion that vertues and vices consist in habit , he ought so much the more to haue taught the manner of superinducing that habite : for there bee many precepts of the wise ordering the exercises of the minde , as there is of ordering the exercises of the body , wherof we wil recite a fewe . the first shal bee , that wee beware wee take not at the first either to high a strayne or to weake : for if , too highe in a differēt nature you discorage , in a confident nature , you breede an opinion of facility , and so a sloth , and in all natures you breede a furder expectation then can hould out , and so an insatisfaction on the end , if to weake of the ether side : you may not looke to performe and ouercome any great taske . another precept is to practise all thinges chiefly at two seuerall times , the one when the mind is beste disposed , the other when it is worste disposed : that by the one you may gaine a great step , by the other you may worke out the knots and stondes of the mind , and make the middle times rhe more easily and pleasant . another precept is , that which aristotle mencioneth by the way , which is to beare euer towards the contrary extreame of that wherevnto we are by nature inclyned : like vnto the rowing against the stream or making a wand straight by bynding him contrary to his natural crookednesse . another precept is , that the mind is brought to any thing better and with more sweetnesse and happinesse , if that wherevnto you pretend be not first in the intention but tanquā aliud agendo , because of the naturall hatred of the minde against necessity and constraint . many other axiomes there are touching the managing of exercise and custome : which being so conducted , doth prooue indeed another nature : but being gouerned by chance , doth cōmōly prooue but an ape of nature , & bringeth forth that which is lame and counterfette . so if wee shoulde handle bookes and studies and what influence and operation they haue vpon manners , are there not diuers precepts of greate caution and direction appertaining thereunto ? did not one of the fathers in greate indignation call poesy vinum demonum , because it increaseth temptations , perturbations and vaine opinions ? is not the opinion of aristotle worthy to be regarded wherein he saith , that yoūg men are no fitte auditors of moral philosophy , because they are not setled from the boyling heate of their affections , nor attempered with time and experience ? and doth it not hereof come that those excellent books and discourses of the aunciente writers , ( whereby they haue perswaded vnto vertue most effectually , by representing her in state and maiesty ; and populer opinions against vertue , in their parasites coates , fitt to be scorned and derided , ) are of so little effect towards honesty of life , because they are not red & reuolued by mē in their mature and setled yeares , but confined almost to boyes & beginners ? but is it not true also , that much lesse , young men are fit auditors of matters of policy , till they haue beene throughly seasoned in religion & morality , least their iudgementes be corrupted , and made apt to thinke that there are no true differences of things , but according to vtility and fortune , as the verse describes it . prosperum et foelix scelus virtus vocatur : and againe ille crucem pretium sceleris tulit , hic diadema : which the poets do speak satyrically and in indignation on vertues behalfe : but books of pollicre doe speake it seriously , and positiuely , for so it pleaseth machiauell to say that if caesar had bene ouerthrowne , he woulde haue beene more odious then euer was catiline ; as if there had beene noe difference but in fortune , between a very fury of lust & bloud , and the most excellēt spirit ( his ambiciō reserued ) of the world ? again is there not a caution likewise to be giuen of the doctrines of moralities thēselues ( some kindes of thē ) leaste they make men too precise , arrogāt , incōpatible , as cicero saith of cato in marco catone . haec bona quae videmus diuina & egregia ipsius scitote esse propria : quae nonnunquam requirimus , ea , sunt omnia , non a naturâ sed a magistro ? many other axiomes & aduises there are touching those proprieties & effects , which studies doe infuse & instil into maners : and so likewise is there touchinge the vse of all those other points of company : fame , lawes and the rest , which we recited in the beginning in the doctrine of morality . but there is a kind of cvltvre of the mind ; that semeth yet more accurate & elaborate thē the rest & is built vpon this ground : that the minds of all men are at some times in a state more perfite , and at oother tymes in a state more depraued . the purpose therfore of this practise is to fixe and cherishe the good howers of the mind and to obliterate and take fourth the euil : the fixing of the good hath bene practised by two meanes , vowes or constant resolutions , and obseruances , or exercises which are not to be regarded so much in themselues , as because they keepe the mynd in continual obedience . the obliteratiō of the euill hath been practised by two meanes , some kind of redemption or expiation of that which is past , and an inception or account de nouo , for the time to come : but this part , seemeth sacred and religious , and iustly : for all good morall philosophy ( as was said , ) is but an handmaide to religion . wherefore we will conclude with that last pointe which is of all other meanes the moste compendious and summarye , and againe , the moste noble and effectual to the reducing of the minde vnto vertue and good estate : which is the electing and propounding vnto a mans selfe good & vertuous ends of his life , such as may bee in a reasonable sorte within his compas to attaine . for if these two things be sup osed : that a maset before him honest & good ends , and againe that he bee resolute , constant , and true vnto them ; it will follow that hee shall moulde himselfe into al vertue at once : and this is indeede like the worke of nature ; whereas the other course , is like the worke of the hand . for as when a caruer makes an image , hee shapes onely that parte whereupon hee worketh , as if hee bee vpon the face that parte which shal bee the body is but a rude stone stil , til such times as hee comes to it . but contrarywise when nature makes a flower or liuing creature , shee fourmeth rudiments of all the parts at one time ; so in obtaining ver tue by habite , while a man practiseth temperance , he doth not profit much to fortitude , nor the like ; but when he dedicateth & applyeth himselfe to good ends , loke what vertue soeuer the pursute and passage towards those ends doth commend vnto him , he is inuested of a precedent disposition to conforme himselfe thereunto : which state of mind aristotle doth exexcellently expresse himself , that it ought not to bee called vertuous , but diuine : his words are these ; immanitati autem consentaneum est , opponere eam , quae supra humanitatem est , heroicā siue diuinam virtutem . and a little after ; nā vt ferae , neque vitiū , neque virtus est sic neque dei. sed hic quidē status altius quiddā virtute est , ille aliud quiddā a vitio . and therfore we may see what celsitud of honor piinius secundus attributeth to traiane in his funerall oration , where he said . that men needed to make noe other praiers to the gods , but that they woulde continue as good lords to them , as traiaine had beene : as if he had not beene onely an imitation of diuine nature , but a patterne of it . but these be heathen & prophane passages having but a shadowe of that diuine state of mind , which religion and the holy faith doth conduct men vnto ; by imprinting vpon their soules charity which is exellētly called the bond of perfectiō : bicause it cōprehēdeth & fastneth al vertues together . and it is elegantly said by menander of vaine loue which is but a false imitation of diuine loue . amor melior sophista , lauo , ad humanam vitam , that loue teacheth a man to carry himselfe better , then the sophist or praeceptor , which he calleth left handed , because with all his rules & preceptiōs he cannot form a man so dexteriously , nor with that facility to prize himself & gouern himself as loue cā do : so certainly if a mās mind be truly inflamd with charity it doth work himsodainly into greter perfectiō then al the doctrin of moralitye can doe , which is but a sophist in comparison of the other . nay furder as xenophon observed truely that all other affections though they raise the minde , yet they doe it by distorting , and vncomlinesse of extasies or excesses ; but onely loue doth exalt the mind , and neuerthelesse ; at the same instant doth settle and compose it . so in all other excellencyes though they aduance nature yet they are subiect to excesse . onely charity admitteth noe excesse ; for soe we see , aspiring to be like god in power , the angells transgressed and fel : ascendam , & ero simitis altissimo : by aspiringe to be like god in knowledge man transgressed and fell . eritis sicut dii scientes bouum & malum ; but by aspiring to a similitude of god in goodnesse or loue , neyther man nor angell euer transgressed or shall transgresse . for vnto that imitation wee are called , diligite inimicos vestros , benefacite eis qui odernut vos , & orate pro persequentibus & calumniantibus vos , vt sitis filii patris vestri qui in coelis est , qui solem suum oriri facit super bonos & malos , & pluit super iustos & iniustos . so in the first platfourme of the diuine nature it self , the heathē religion speaketh thus , optimus maximus , and the sacred scriptures thus , misericordia eius super omnia opera eius . wherefore i doe conclude this part of morall knowledge concerning the culture and regiment of the mind , wherin if any man considering the parts therof , which i haue enumerated , doe iudge , that my labor is but to collect into an art or sciēce , that which hath bin pretermitted by others , as matter of cōmon sence , and experience , he iudgeth well : but as philocrates sported with demosthenes : you may not maruaile ( a thenians ) that demosthenes and i doe differ , for hee drinketh water , and i drinke wine : and like as wee reade of an aunciente parable of the two gates of sleep . sunt geminae somni portae , quarum altera fertur cornea , qua veris facilis datur exitus vmbris : altera candenti perfecta nitens elephanto , sed falsa ad coelum mittunt insomnia manes . so if wee put on sobriety and attention , we shall finde it a sure maxime in knowledge : that the more pleasaunte liquor ( of wine ) is the more vaporous , and the brauer gate of iuorye , sendeth foorthe the falser dreames . but we haue now concluded , that generall part of humane philosophye , which contemplateth man segregate , and as hee consisteth of bodye and spirite ; wherein wee maye further note , that there there seemeth to be a relatiō or conformity betwen the good of the mynd , and the good of the body . for as we devided the good of the body into health , beau ty , strength , and pleasure , so the good of the mynde inquired in rationall and morall knoweledges tendeth to this , to make the minde sound , and without perturbation , beautifull and graced with decencie : and strong and agill for all duties of life . t●…eis three as in the bodye , so in the minde seeldome meete , and commonly seuer : for it is easilye to obserue , that many haue strength of witte and courage , but haue neither healthe from perturbations , nor any beauty or decencie in theire doings : som againe haue an elegancy and finenesse of carriage , which haue neither soundnesse of honestie , nor substance of sufficiencye : and some againe haue honest and refourmed myndes that can neither become themselues nor manage businesse , and sometimes two of them meete , and rarely all three : as for pleasure , wee haue likewise determined , that the minde oughte not to bee reduced to stupide , but to retayne pleasure : confined rather in the subiect of it , then in the strength and vigor of it . civile knovvledge is conversant about a subiect which of all others is most immersed in matter , and hardliest reduced to actiome . neuerthelesse , as cato the censor saide , that the romane ; were like sheepe , for that a man were better driue a flock of them , then one of them ; for in a flocke , if you could get but some fewe goe righte , the rest would follow : so in that respect morall philosophie is more difficile then pollicie . againe , morrall philosophye propoundeth to it selfe the framing of internall goodnesse : but ciuile knowledge requireth onelye an externall goodnesse : for that as to societye sufficeth : and therfore it cometh oft to passe that therebe euill times in good gouernments : for so we finde in the holy story when the kings were good , yet it is added . sed adhuc populus non dixerat cor suum ad dominum deumpatrum suorum . againe states as great engines mooue slowly , and are not so soone put out of frame : for as in aegypt the seauē good years sustained the seauen badde : so gouernments for a time well grounded doe beare out errors following . but the resolution of particuler persons is more so dainly sub verted . these respects doe somwhat qualifie the extreame difficulty of ●…iuile knowledge . this knowledge hath three parts according to the three summary actiōs of society , which are , cōversation , negotiatiō and gouernment . for mā seeketh in society comfort , vse and protection : & theybe three wisedōs of diuers natures , which do oftē seuer : wisedome of the behauiour , wisedom of businesse ; & wisedome of state . the wisedome of of conuersation ought not to be ouer mvch affected , but much lesse despised : for it hath not onely an honour in it selfe , but an influence also into businesse and gouernment ; the poet saieth . nec vultu destrue verba tuo . a man maie destroy the force of his woords with his countenance : so may he●… of his deeds saieth cicero , recommending to his brother affability and easy accesse , nil interest habere ostium apertum , vultum clausum . it is nothing wonne to admitte men with an open doore , and to receiue them with a shutte and reserued countenaunce . so wee see atticus , before the first interuiewe betweene coesar and cicero , the warre depending , did seriouslye aduise cicero touching the composing and orderinge of his countenaunce and gesture . and if the gouernemente of the countenaunce bee of such effecte , much more is that of the speeche , and other carriage appertayning to conuersation ; the true modele whereof seemeth to mee well expressed by ltuye , though not meante for this purpose ; ne aut arrogans videar , aut obnoxius , quorum alterum est alienae libertatis obliti , alterum suae : the summe of behauioure is to retayne a mans owne dignitye , without intruding vpon the libertye of others : on the other side , if behauioure and outwarde carriage bee intended too much , first it may passe into affection , and then quid deformius quam scaenam in vitam transferre , to acte a mans life ? but although it proceede not to that extreame , yet it consumeth time , and imployeth the minde too much . and therefore as wee vse to aduise younge studentes from company keeping , by saying , amici , sures temporis : so certainely the intending of the discretion of behauioure is a great theefe of meditation : againe , such as are accomplished in that howr of vrbanity , please themselues in name , and sildome aspire to higher vertue : whereas those that haue defect in it , do seeke comlines by reputation : for where reputacion is , almost euery thing becommeth : but where that is not , it must be supplied by puntos and complementes : agayne , there is no greater impediment of action , then an ouercurious obseruaunce of decency , and the guide of decencye , which is tyme and season . for as salomon sayeth , qui respicit ad ventos , non seminat , & qui respicit ad nubes , non metet : a man must make his opportunity , as ofte as finde it . to conclude ; behauiour seemeth to me as a garment of the minde , and to haue the condicions of a garmente . for it ought to bee made in sashion : it ought not to bee too curious : it ought to bee shaped so , as to sette foorthe anye good making of the minde : and hide any deformity ; and aboue all , it ought not to be too straighte , or restrayned for exercise or mocion . but this parte of ciuile knowledge hath beene elegantlye handled , and therefore i cannot reporte it for deficient . the wisedome touching negotiation or businesse hath not bin hitherto collected into writing to the great derogacion of learning , and the professors of learninge . for from this roote springeth chiefly that note or opinion which by vs is expressed in adage , to this effecte : that there is noe greate concurrence betweene learning and wisedome . for of the three wisedomes which wee haue sette downe to pertaine to ciuil life , for wisedome of behauiour , it is by learned men for the moste parte despised , as an inferiour to vertue and and an enemy to meditacion ; for wisedome of gouernmente they acquite themselues well when they are called to it , but that happeneth to fewe . but for the wisedome of businesse wherein mans life is moste conuersant , there bee noe bookes of it , excepte some fewe scattered aduertisementes , that haue noe proportion to the magnitude of this subiecte . for if bookes were written of this , as the other , i doubt not but learned men with meane experience , woulde farre excell men of longe experience withoute learning , and outshoote them in their owne bowe . neither needeth it at all to be doubted , that this knowlddge shoulde bee so variable as it falleth not vnder precept ; for it is much lesse infinite then science of gouernmente , which wee see is laboured and in some parte reduced . of this wisedome it seemeth some of the auncient romanes in the saddest and wisest times were professors : for cicero reporteth , that it was then in vse . for senators that had name and opinion , for generall wisemen as ceruncanius , curius , loelius and manie others ; to walke at certaine howers in the place , and to giue audience to those that would vse their aduise , and that the particuler citizens would resort vnto them , and consulte with them of the marriage of a daughter , or of the imploying of a sonne , or of a purchase or bargaine , or of an accusatiō and euery other occasion incident to mans life ; so as there is a wisedome of counsaile and aduise euen in priuate causes : arisinge out of an vniuersall insight into the affayrs of the world , which is vsed indeede vpon particuler cases propoūded , but is gathered by generall obser , uation of causes of like nature . for so wee see in the booke which cicero writeth to his brother de petitione consultatus , ( being the onely booke of businesse that i know written by the auncients ) although it cōcerned a particuler action then on foote , yet the substance thereof consisteth of manie wise and pollitique axioms which containe not a temporary , but a perpetuall direction in the case of popular elections ; but chiefly wee may see in those aphorismes which haue place amongest divine writings composed by salomon the king , of whom the scriptures testifie that his hearte was as the sandes of the sea , incompassing the world and all worldly matters we see i saie , not a few profound and excellent cautions , precepts , positions , extending to much varietie of occasions ; wherevpon wee will staie a while offering to consideracion some number of examples . sed & eunctis sermonibus qui dicuntur , ne accommodes aurem tuam , uè fortè audiaes seruum tuum maledicentem tibi . heere is concluded the prouidente staye of enquiry , of that which we wolde be loathe to finde : as it was iudged greate wisedome in pompetus magnus that he burned sertorius papers vnperused . vir sapiens si cum stulto contenderit , siue irascaetur , siue rideat , uon inueniet requiem . here is described the great disaduantage which a wise man hath in vndertaking a lighter person then himselfe , which is such an ingagemente , as whether a man turne the matter to ieast , or turne it to heate ; or howsoeuer hee change copye , hee can no wayes quitte himselfe well of it . qui delicatè à pueritia nutrit seruum suum , postea sentiet eum contumacem . heere is signified that if a man beginne too highe a pitche in his fauoures , it doeth commonlye end in vnkindnesse , and vnthankfulnesse . vidisti virum velocem in opere suo , coram regibus stabit nec erit inter ignobiles . here is obserued that of all vertues for rising to honoure , quicknesse of dispatche is the best ; for superiours many times loue not to haue those they imploy too deep , or too sufficient , but redy and diligent . vidi cunctos viuentes , qui ambulant sub sole cum adoadolescente secundo qui consurgit pro eo . here is expressed that which was noted by sylla first , and after him by tiberius ; plures adorant solem orientem , quam occidentem vel meridianum . si spiritus potesta●…m habentis ascenderit super te , locum tuum ne dimiseris , quia curatio faciet cessare peccata maxima . here caution is giuen that vpon displeasure , retiring is of all courses the vnfittest ; for a man leaueth thinges at worst , and depriueth himselfe of meanes to make them better . erat ciuitas parua pauci in ea viri ; venit contra eam rex magnus , & vadauit eam , instrxuitque munitiones per gyrum , & perfecta est obsidio inuentusquae est in ea vir pauper & sapiens , & liberauit eam per sapientiam suam , & nullus deinceps recordatus est hominis illius pauperis ; here the corruptions of states is sette foorh ; that esteeme not vertue or merite longer then they haue vse of it . mollis responsio frangit iram . here is noted that silence or rough answeare , exasperateth : but an answear present and temperate pacifieth . iter pigrorum , quasisepes spinarum . here is liuelie represented how laborious sloth prooueth in the end ; for when thinges are differred till the laste instant , and nothing prepared before hande , euerye stepp findeth a bryer or impediment , which catcheth or stoppeth . melior est finis orationis quam principium . here is taxed the vanitie of formall speakers , that study more about prefaces and inducements , then vpon the conclusions and issues of speache . qui cognoscit in iudicio faciem , non bene facit , iste et pro buccella panis des●…ret veritatem . here is noted that a iudge were better be a briber , then a respecter of persons : for a corrupt iudge offendeth not so lightly as a facile . vir pauper calumnians pauperes , similis est imbrivehementi , in quo paratur fames ; here is expressed the extreami●…y of necessitous extortions , figured in the aunciente fable of the full and the hungry horse-leech . fons turbatus pede , & vena corrupta , est iustus cadens coram impio : here is noted that one iudiciall and exemplar iniquity in the face of the world , doth trouble the fountaines of iustice more , then many particuler iniuries passed over by conniuence . qui subtrahit aliquid a patre & a matre , & dicit hoc non esse peccatū , particeps est homicidij ; here is noted that whereas men in wronging theyr best frindes , vse to extenuat : their faulte , as if they moughte presume or bee bolde vpon them , it doth contrariwise indeede aggrauate their fault , & turneth it from i●…iury to impiety . noli esse amicus homini iracundo , nec ambulato cum homine furioso ; here caution is giuen that in the election of our friends wee doe principalliy avoide those which are impatiente , as those that will espouse vs to many factions and quarels . qui conturbat domum suam possidebit ventum : here is noted that in domesticall separations & breaches men doe promise to themselues quietting of theire minde and contentemente , but still they are deceived of theire expectation , and it turneth to winde . pilius sapiens laetificat patrem , filius vero stultus maestieia est matri sueae . here is distinguished that fathers haue moste comforte of the good proose of of their sonnes ; but mothers haue moste discomfort of their ill proofe , because women haue little discerninge of vertue but of fortune . qui celat delictum quoerit amicitiam , sed qui altero sermone repetit , seperat faederatos ; here caution is giuen that reconcilemente is better managed by an amnesty and passing ouer that which is past , then by apologies and excusations . in omni opere bono erit abundantia , vbi autem verba sunt plurima , ibi frequenter egestas : here is noted that words and discourse aboundeth moste , where there is idlenesse and want . primus in sua causa iustus , sed venit altera pars , & inquiret in éum , heare is obserued that in all causes the first tale possesseth much , in sorte , that the preiudice , thereby wrought wil bee hardly remooued , ex cepte some abuse or falsitie in the information be detected . verba blinguis quasi simplicia , & ipsa perueniunt ad interiora ventris ; there is distinguished that flatterye and insinuation which seemeth set and artificiall , sinketh not farre , but that entreth deepe , which hath shewe of nature , libertie , and simplicity , qui erudit deriso rem , ipse t●…bi 〈◊〉 facit & qui arguit impium sibi maculam geri●… . here caution is giuen howe wee tender reprehension to arrogante and sco●…nefull natures , whose manner is to esteeme it for contumely , and accordingly ro retourne , it , da sapienti occasionem & addetur ei sapientia , here is distinguished the wisedome broughte into habite , and that which is but verball and swimming onely in conceite : for the one vpon the occasione presented is quickned and redoubled : the other is amazed and confused . quo modo in aquis resplendent vultus prospicientium , sic corda hominum manifestasunt prudentibus . here the mind of a wise man is compared to a glasse , wherein the images of all diuersitie of natures & customs are represēted , frō which representatiō proceedeth that application , qui sapit innumeris moribus aptus erit , thus haue i staide some what longer vpon these sentences pollitique of salomon , then is ag●…e , able to the proportion of an example : ledde with a desire to giue authority to this parte of knoweledge , which i noted as deficiente by so excellente a presidente : : and haue also attended them with briefe obseruations , such as to my vnderstandinge , offer noe violence to the sence , though i knowe they may bee applyed to a more diuine vse : but it is allowed euen in diuinity , that some interpretations , yea and some writings haue more of the eagle , then others : but takinge them as instructions for life , they moughte haue receiued large discourse , if i woulde haue broken them and illustrated them by diducements and examples . neither was this in vse only with the hebrews , but it is generally to be found in the wisdome of the more auncient times : that as men sounde out any obseruatiō that they thought was good for life , they would gather it and expresse it in parable . or aphorisme , or fable . but for fables they were vicegerents & supplies , where examples sàiled : nowe that the times abounde with historie , the ayme is better when the marke is aliue . and therefore the fourme of writing which of al others is fittest for this variable argu mente of negotiation and occasions is that which machiauel chose wisely and aptly for gouernmente : namely discourse vpon histories or examples . for knoweledge drawne freshly and in our view out of particulers , knoweth the waie best to particulers againe . and it hath much greater life for practise : when the discourse attendeth vpon the example , then when the example attenddeth vpon the discourse . for this is no pointe of order as it seemeth at firste but of substance . for when the example is the grounde being set downe in an history at large , it is set down with al circumstāces : which manye sometimes controul the discourse thereupon made , and sometimes supply it ; as a verie patterne for gaine ; wheras the examples alledged for the discourses sake , are cited succinctly , and with out particularity , and carry a seruile aspecte towards the discourse , which they are broughte in to make good . but this difference is not amisse to bee remembred , that as historye of tymes is the best grounde for discourse of gouernemente , such as machyauel handleth ; so histories of liues is the moste proper for discourse of businesse is more conversante in priuate actions . nay , there is a ground of discourse for this purpose , fitter then them both which is discourse vpon letters , such as are wise and weightie , as manie are of cicero ad atticum and others . for letters haue a greate and more particuler representation of businesse , then either chronicles or liues , thus haue wee spoken both of the matter and fourme of this patte of ciuile knowledge touching negotiation , which wee note to be deficient . but yet there is another part of this part , which differeth as much frō that wherofwe haue spoké as sapere , & sibi sapere : the one moouing as it were to the circū rence , the other to the center : for there is awisedome of counfell , and againe there is a wisedome of pressi●…ng a mans owne fortune ; and they doe sometimes meet , and often seuere . for many are wise in their owne ways , that are weak for gouernmente or counsell , like ants which is a wise creature for it self , but very huttefull for the garden this wisedome the romanes did take much knoweledge of , nam polsapiens ( saith the comicall poet ) fingit fortunam sibi , and it grewe to an adage , faber quisque fortunae propriae●… and liure attribu●…eth it to cato the first , in hoc viro tanta vis animi & ingenij inerat , vt quocunque loco natus esset sibi ipse fortunam sacturus videre tur . this conceit or position if it bee too much declared and professed , hath beene thoughte a thinge impolitique and vnlucky , as was obserued in timotheus the athenian : who hauinge done manie greate seruices to the estate in his gouernmēt and giuinge an accounte thereof to the people as the manner was , did conclude euery particuler with this clause , and in this fortune had noe part and it came so to passe that hee neuer prospered in any thinge hee tooke in hande afterwarde : for this is too high and too arrogant savouring of that which ezechiel saith of pharaoh : dicis : fluuius est meus & ego feci memet ipsum : or of that which another prophette speaketh : that men offer sacrifices to theire nettes and snares , and that which the poett expresseth , . dextra mihi deus , & telum quod inutile libro . nunc adsinte : for these confidences were euer vnhallowed , and vnblessed . and therefore those that were great pollitiques indeede euer afcribed their succcesses to their felicitie : and not to theire skill or vertue . for so sylla surnamed himselfe foelix●… , not magnus so caesar saide to the maister of the shippe , caesarem portas & fortunam eius . but yet neuerthelesse these positions faber quisque fortunae suae , sapiens dominabitur astris : inuia virtuti nullaest via , and the like , being takē and vsed as spurs to industry , and not as stirops to insolency rather for resolution then for the presumption or outwarde declaration , haue beene euer thoughte sounde and good , and are no question imprinted in the greatest mindes : who are so sensible of this opinion , as they causcarce containe it within . as we see in augustus caesar ) who was rather diuerse from his vncle , then , inferiour in vertue ) how when he died , he desiered his friénds aboute him to giue him a plaudite : as if hee were consciente to himselfe that he had played his parte wel vpon the stage . this parte of knowledge we doe reporte also as deficient : not but that it is practised too much , butit hath not beene reduced to writinge . and therefore least it shoulde seme to any that it is not comprehensible by axiome , it is requisite as wee did in the former , that wee set down some heads or passages of it . wherein it maye appeare at the first a newe and vnwoonted argumente to teach men how to raise and make theire fortune a doctrine wherein euery man perchance will bee ready to yeeld himselfe a disciple til he seethe difficulty : for fortune layeth as heauy impositions as vertue , and it is as harde and severe a thinge to bee a true pollipolitique , as to be truelye morall . but the handlinge hereof , concerneth learning greatly , both in honour , and in substance : in honour , because pragmaticall men may not goe away with an opinion that learning is like a larke that can mount , and singe , and please her selfe , and nothing else ; but may knowe that she houldeth as well of the hauke that can soare aloft , and can also descend and strike vpon the pray . in substance , because it is the perfite lawe of enquiry of trueth , that nothing bee in the globe of matter , which should not be likewise in the globe of crystall , or fourme , that is , that there be not any thing in being & action , which should not bee drawne and collected into contemplation and doctrine : neyther doth learning admire or esteeme of this architecture of fortune , otherwise then as of an inferiour worke ; for no mans fortune can be an end woorthy of his being , and many times the woorthiest men doe abandon theyr fortune willingly for better respects : but neuerthelesse fortune as an organ of vertue and merit deserueth the consideration . first therefore the precept which i conceiue to bee most summary , towardes the preuayling in fortune ; is to obtaine that windowe which momus did require , who seeing in the frame of mans heart , such angles and recesses , sounde fault there was not a windowe to looke into them : that is , to procure good informacions of particulars touching persons , their natures , their desires & ends , their customs and fashions , theyr helpes and aduantages , and wherby they cheesly stand ; so againe their weaknesses and disaduantages , and where they lye most open and obnoxious , their friendes , factions , dependaunces : and againe theyr opposites , enuiors , competitors , theyr moods , and times , sola viri molles adytus , & tēporanoras theyr principles , rules , and obseruacions : and the like ; and this not onely of persons , but of actions : what are on foote from time to time : and how they are con ducted , fauoured , opposed ; and how they importe : and the like ; for the knowledge of present actions , is not onely materiall in itselfe , but without it also , the knowledge of persons is very erronious : for men chaunge with the actions ; and whiles they are in pursuite , they are one , and when they retourne to theyr nature , they are another . these informations of particulars , touching persons and actions , are as the minor propositions in euery actiue syl logisme , for no excellencye of observacions ( which are as the maior propositions ) can suffice to ground a conclusion , if there be error and mistaking in the minors . that this knowledge is possible , salomon is our surety who sayeth . consilium in corde viri tanquam aqua profunda , sed vir prudens exhauriet illud : and although the knowledge it selfe falleth not vnder precept , because it is of indiuiduals , yet the instructions for the obtaining of it may . we will beginne therefore with this precept , according to the aunciente opinion , that the synewes of wisedome , are slownesse of beleefe , and distrust : that more trust bee giuen to countenances and deedes , then to wordes : and in wordes , rather to suddaine passages , and surprised wordes : then to set and purposed wordes : neither let that be feared which is sayde , fronti nulla fides , which is meant of a generall outward behauiour , and not of the priuate and subtile mocions and labours of the countenance and gesture , which as q. cicero elegantly sayth is animi ianua , the gate of the mynd : none more close then tyberius , and yet tacitus sayth of gallus , etenim vultu offersionem coniectauerat . so againe noting the disfering character and manner of his commending germanicus and drusus in the senate : he sayeth , touching his fashion wherein hee carried his speeche of germunicus , thus : magis in fpeciem adornatis verbis , quam vt penitus sentire crederetur , but of drusus thus , paucioribus sed intentior , & fida oratione : and in another place speaking of his character of speech , when he did any thing that was gratious and populer , he sayeth , that in other thinges hee was velut eluctantium verborum : but then againe , solutius loquebatur quando subueniret . so that there is no such artificer of dissimulation : nor noe such commaunded countenaunce ( vulius tussus ) , that can seuer from a fained tale , some of these fashions , either a more sleight and carelesse fashion , or more set & sormall , or more tedious and wandring or comming from , a mā more drily and hardly . neither are deedes such assured pledges , as that they may be trusted without a iudicious cōsideraciō of their magnitude and nature ; fraus sibi in paruis fidem praestruit , vt maiore emolumento sallat : and the italian thinketh himselfe vpon the point to be bought and sould : when he is better vsed then he was woont to be without manifest cause . for small fauoures , they doe but lull men a sleepe , both as to caution , and as to industry , and are as demosthenes calleth them , alimenta socordiae . so againe we see , how false the nature of some deeds are in that particular , which mutianus practised vpon antonius primus , vpon that hollowe and vnfaithfull reconcilement , which was made between them : whereupon mutianus aduanced many of the friends of antonius : simul amicis eius praesecturas & tribunatus largitur : wherein vnder pretence to strengthen him , he did desolate him , and won from him his dependances . as for words ( though they be like waters to phisitions , ful of flattery and vncertainty ) yet they are not to be dispised , specially with the aduantage of passion and affection . for so wee see tyberius vpon a stinging and incensing speech of agrippina , came a step foorth of his dissimulacion when he sayd , you are hurt , because you doc not raigne : of which tacitus sayeth , audita hec , raram occulti pectoris voccm elicuere : correplamque groeco versu admonuit : ideo laedi quia non regnaret . and therefore the poet doth elegantly cal passions , tortures , that vrge men to confesse theyr secrets . vino tortus & ira . and experience sheweth , there are few men so true to themselues , and so setled ; but that sometimes vpon heate , sometimes vpon brauerye , sometime : vpon kindenesse , sometimes vpon trouble of minde and weaknesse , they open themselues ; specially if they be put to it with a counter-dissimulatiō , according to the prouerb of spain , dimentira , y sacar as verdad : tell a lye , and find a truth . as for the knowing of men , which is at second hand from reportes : mens weakenesse and faultes are best knowne from theyr enemies , theyr vertues , and abilityes from theyr friendes ; theyr customes and times from theyr seruauntes : their conceites and opinions from theyr familiar friends , with whom they discourse most . generall fame is light , & the opinions conceiued by superiors or equals are deceitful : for to such men are more masked , verior sama è domesticis emanat . but the soundest disclosing and expounding of men is , by theyr natures and endes , wherein the weakest sorte of men are best interpreted by theyr natures , and the wisest by theyr endes . for it was both pleasauntlye and wiselye sayde ( though i thinke verye vntruely ) by a nuntio of the pope , returning from a certayne nation , where hee serued as lidger : whose opinion beeing asked touching the appointemente of one to goe in his place , hee wished that in anye case they did not send one that was too wise : because no very wise man would euer imagine , what they in that country were like to doe : and certaynelye , it is an errour frequent , for men to shoot ouer , and to suppose deeper ends , and more compasse reaches then are : the italian prouerb being elegant , & for the most part true . di danari , di senno , e di fede , c'n è manco che non credi : there is commonly lesse mony . iesse wisedome , and lesse good faith , then men doe accompt vpon : but princes vpon a farre other reason are best interpreted by their natures , and priuate persons by theyr ends , for princes beeing at the toppe of humane desires , they haue for the most part no particular endes , whereto they aspire : by distaunce from which a man mought take measure and scale of the rest of theyr actions and desires . which is one of the causes that maketh theyr heartes more inscructable : neyther is it sufficient to infourme onr selues in mens endes and natures of the variety of them onely , but also of the predominancy what humour reigneth most , and what end is principally sought . for so wee see , when tigellinus sawe himselfe out-stripped by petrouius turpilianus in neroés humours of pleasures metus eius rim●… , he wrought vpon neroes fears , wherby he brake the others neck . but to all this parte of enquierie , the most compendious waye resteth in three thinges : the first to haue generall acquaintaunce and in wardnesse with those which haue generall atquaintance , and looke most into the worlde : and speciallye according to the diuersitie of businesse , and the diuersitye of persons , to haue priuacye and conuersation with some one friend at least which is parfite and well intelligenced in euery seuerall kinde . the seconde is to keepe a good mediocritye in libertie of speeche , and secrecy : in most thinges libertye : secrecy where it importeth : for libertye of speeche inuiteth and prouoketh libertye to bee vsed againe : and so bringeth much to a mans knowledge : and secrecie on the other side induceth trust and inwardnesse . the last is the reducing of a mans selfe to this watchfull and serene habite , as to make accompte and purpose in euerye conference and action , aswell to obserue as to acte . for as epictetus would haue a philosopher in eue ry particular action to say to himselfe , et hoc volo , & etiam institutum seruare : so a politique man in euerye thing should say to himself ; et hoc volo , ac etiam aliquid addifcere . i haue staied the longer vpon thit precept of obtaining good information , because it is a maine part by it selfe , which aunswereth to all the rest . but aboue al things , caution must be taken , that men haue a good staye and houlde of themselues , and that this much knowing doe not draw on much medling : for nothing is more vnfortunate then light and rash intermeddling in many matters : so that this variety of knowledge tendeth in conclusion but onely to this , to make a better & freer choise of those actions , which may concern vs , & to conduct them with the lesse error and the more dexterity . the second precept concerning this knowledge is for men to take good informacion touching they re own person and well to vnderstand themselues : know , ing that as s. iames sayth , though men looke oft in a glasse , yet they do sodainly forget themselues , wherin as the diuine glasse is the word of god , so the politique glasse is the state of the world , or times wherin we liue : in the which we are to behould our selues . for men ought to take an vnpartiall viewe of their owne abilities and vertues : and againe of their wants and impediments ; accounting these with the most , & those other with the least , and from this view and examination to frame the considerations following . first to consider how the constitution of their nature sorteth with the generall state of the times : which if they find agreeable and fit , then in all things to giue themselues more scope and liberty , but if differing and dissonant , then in the whole course of theyr life to be more close retyred and reserued ; as we see in tyberius who was neuer seen at a play : and came not into the senate in 12. of his last yeers : whereas augustus caesar liued euer in mens eyes , which tacitus obserueth , alia tiberio morum via . secondly to consider how their nature sorteth with professions and courses of life , & accordingly to make election if they be free , and if ingaged , to make the departure at the first opportunity : as we see was doone by duke valentine , that was designed by his father to a sacerdotal profession , but quitted it soon after in regard of his parts and inclination being such neuerthelesse , as a man cannot tel wel whether they were worse for a prince or for a priest. thirdly to consider how they sorte with those whom they are like to haue competitors and concurrents and to take that course wherin there is most solitude , and themselues like to be most eminent : as caesar iulius did , who at first was an orator or pleader but when he saw the excellency of cicero , hortensius , catulus , and others for eloquence , and sawe there was no man of reputation for the warres but pompeius vpon whom the state was forced to relie ; he forsooke his course begun toward a ciuile and popular greatnesse ; and transgressed his designes to a marshall greatnesse . fourthly in the choyse of their friends , and dependaunces , to proceeed according to the composition of their own nature , as we may see in caesar , all whose friends and followers were men actiue and effectuall , but not solemn or of reputation . fiftly to take speciall heed how they guide them selues by examples , in thinking they can doe as they see others doe : whereas perhappes their natures and carriages are farre differing ; in which error , it seemeth pompey was , of whome cicero sayeth , that hee was woont often to saye : sylla potuit ; ego non potero ? wherein he was much abused , the natures and proceedinges of himselfe and his example , beeing the vnlikest in the worlde , the one being fierce , violent , and pressing the fact ; the other solemn , and full of maiesty and circumstance , and therefore the lesse effectuall . but this precept touching the politicke knowledge of our selues hath many other branches whereupon we cannot insist : next to the wellvnderstanding and discerning of a mans selfe , there followeth the well opening and reuealing a mans selfe , wherein we see nothing more vsuall then for the more able man to make the lesse shewe . for there is a greate aduantage in the well setting foorthe of a mans vertues , fortunes , merites , and againe in the artificiall couering of a mans weakenesses , defectes , disgraces , staying vpon the one slyding from the other , cherishing the one by circumstaunces , gracing the other by exposition , and the like ; wherein we see what tacitus sayth of mutianus , who was the greatest politique of his time , omnium quae dixerat fecer atque , arte quadam ostentator : which requireth indeed some arte , least it turne tedious and arrogant , but yet so ; as ostentation ( though it be to the first degree of vanity ) seemeth to me rather a vice in manners , then in policye ; for as it is sayd , audacter calumniari , semper aliquid haeret , so except it be in a ridiculous degree of deformity audacter te vendita semper aliquid haeret . for it will sticke with the more ignoraunt and inferiour sort of men , though men of wisedome and ranke doe smile at it and despife it , and yet the authority wonne with many , doth counteruaile the difdaine of a few . but if it be carried with decency and gouernement , as with a naturall pleasaunt and ingenious fashion , or at times when it is mixte with some perill and vnsafety , ( as in military persons ) or at tymes when others are most enuied ; or with easie and carelesse passage to it and from it , without dwelling too long , or being too serious : or with an equall freedome of taxing a mans selfe , aswell as gracing himselfe , or by occasion of repelling or putting downe others iniurye or insolencie : it doth greately adde to reputation ; and surelye not a fewe solide natures , that wante this ventositye , and cannot saile in the heighth of the windes , are not without some preiudice and disaduantage by they re moderacion . but for these flourishes and inhansements of vertue , as they are not perchaunce vnnecessary : so it is at leaste , necessary that vertue be not disualewed and imbafed vnder the iust price : which is doon in three manners ; by offering and obtruding a mans selfe ; wherein men thinke he is rewarded when he is accepted . by doing too much , which wil not giue that which is well done leaue to settle , and in the end induceth saciety : and : by finding to soone the fruit of a mans vertue , in commendation , applause , honour , fauoure , wherein if a man be pleased with a little , let him heare what is truly said , caue ne insuetus rebus maioribus videaris , si haec te res parua sicuti magna delectat : but the couering of defects is of no lesse importance , then the valewing of good parts . which may be doone likewise in three manners , by caution , by colour , and by confidence , caution is , when men doe ingeniously and discreetely auoyde to be put into those things for which they are not propper : wheras contrarywise bould and vnquiet spirits will thrust themselues into matters without difference , and so publish and proclaime all their wantes ; coloure is when men make a way for themselues , to haue a construction made of their faultes or wantes : as proceedinge from a better cause , or intended for some other purpose : for of the one , it is well sayde ; saepe latet vitium proximitateboni : and therefore whatsoeuer want a man hath , he must see , that he pretend the vertue that shadoweth it , as if he be dull , he must affect grauitie , if a cowarde , mildenesse , and so the rest : for the second , a man must frame some probable cause why he should not doe his best , and why he should dissemble his abilities : and for that purpose must vse to dissemble those abilities , which are notorious in him to giue colour that his true wants are but industries and dissimulations : for confidence it is the last but the surest remedie : namely to depresse and seeme to despise whatsoeuer a man cannot attaine , obseruing the good principle of the marchantes , who endeuour to raise the price of their owne commodities , and to beate down the price of others . but there is a confidence that passeth this other : which is to face out a mans own defects : in seeming to conceiue that he is best in those things wherein he is failing : and to help that againe , to seeme on the other side that he hath least opinion of himselfe , in those things wherein he is best : like as we shall see it commonly in poets , that if they shew their verses , and you except to any , they will say , that that lyne cost them more labour then any of the rest : and presently will seeme to disable , and suspect rather some other lyne , which they know well enough to be the best in the number . but aboue al in this righting and helping of a mans selfe in his owne carriage , he must take heed he shew not himselfe dismantelled and exposed to scorne and iniury , by too much dulcenesse , goodnesse , and facility of nature , but shew some sparkles of liberty , spirit , and edge . which kind of fortified cariage with a readye rescussing of a mans selfe from scornes , is somtimes of necessity imposed vpon men by somwhat in their person or fortune , but it euer succeedeth with good felicity . another precept of this knowledge is by all possible endeauour , to frame the mind to be pliaunt and obedient to occasion ; for nothing hindereth mens fortunes so much as this : idem manebat , nequeidem decebat : men are where thty were , when occasions turne , and therefore to cato , whom liuie maketh such an architect of fortune , hee addeth that he had versatile ingenium : and thereof it commeth that these graue solemne wittes which must be like themselues , and cannot make departures haue more dignity then foelicity : but in some it is nature to bee somewhat viscouse and inwrapped , and not easie to turne : in some it is a conceipte , that is almost a nature , which is that men can hardlie make themsel●…ns beleeue that they oughte to chaunge their course , when they haue found good by it in former experience . for macciaue noteth wisely how fabius maximus would haue been temporizing still , according to his ould biasse , when the nature of the warre was altered , and required hotte pursuite ; in some other it is want of point and penetration in their iudgemente , that they do not discerne when thinges haue a periode , but come in , too late after the occasion : as demosthenes compareth the people of athens to country fellowes , when they play in a fence-schoole , that if they haue a blow then they remooue their weapon to that warde , and not before : in some other it is a loathnesse to leese labours passed , and a conceite that they can bring about occasions to their plie , and yet in the end , when they see no other remedye , then they come to it with disaduantage , as tarquinius that gaue for the third part of sybillaes bookes the treeble price , when he mought at first haue had all three for the simple . but from whatsoeuer roote or cause this restiuenesse of mind proceedeth , it is a thing most preiudiciall , and nothing is more politique then to make the wheels of our mind concentrique and voluble with the wheels of fortune . another precept of this knowledge , which hath some affinity with that vvelast spake of , but with difference is that which is well expressed , satis accede deisque , that men do not only turne with the occasions but also runne with the occasions and not strain their credit or strength to ouer-harde or extreame points : but choose in their actions that which is most passable : for this will preserue men from foyle , not occupy them too much about one matter , winne opinion of moderation , please the moste , and make a showe of a perpetuall foelicitye in all they vndertake , which cannot but mightely increase reputation . another part of this knowledge seemeth to haue some repugnancy with the former two , but not as i vnderstand it , and it is that which demosthenes vttereth in high tearmes : et quemadmodum receptum est , vt exercitum ducat imperator : sic & a cordatis viris res ipsae ducendae , vt quae ipsis videntur , ea gerantur , & non ipsi euentus persequi cogantur . for if we obserue , we shall find two differing kinds of sufficiency , in managing of businesse : some can make vse of occasions aptly and dexterously , but plotte little : some can vrge and pursue their owne plottes well , but cannot accommodate nor take in : either of vvhich is very vnperfite without the other . another part of this knowledge is the obseruing a good mediocrity in the declaring or not declaring a mans selfe , for although depth of secrecy , and making way ( qualis est via ●…uis in mari , which the french calleth sourdes menees , when men set thinges in worke without opening themselues at all ) be somtimes both prosperous and admirable : yet many times dissimulatio errores parit , qni dissimulatorem ipsam illaqueant . and therefore we see the greatest pollitiques haue in a naturall and free manner professed their desires , rather then bin reserued and disguised in them . for so we see that lucius sylla made a kind of profession , that hee wished all men happy or vnhappie as they stood his friendes or enemies : so caesar , when hee went first into gaul , made no scruple to professe , that hee had rather bee first in a village , then second at rome . so againe as soone as hee had begunne the warre , we see what cicero sayth of him , alter ( meaning of coesar ) non recusat , sed quodam modo postulat , vt ( vt est ) sic appelletur tyrannus . so we may see in a letter of cicero to atticus , that augustus caesar in his very entrance into affaires , when he was a dearling of the senate , yet in his harauges to the people , would sweare it a parentis honores consequi liceat , ( which was no lesse then the tyranny , ) saue that to helpe it , hee would stretch foorth his hand towardes a statua of caesars , that was erected in the place : and men laughed and woondered and sayde , is it possible , or did you euer heare the like , and yet though hee meant no hurte , hee did it so handsomlye and ingenuouslye , and all these were prosperous , where as pompeye who tended to the same ends , but in a more darke and dissembling manner , as tacitus sayeth of him , occultior non melior , wherein salust concurreth ore probo , animo inuerecundo made it his disseigne by infinite secret engines , to cast the state into an absolute anarchy and confusion , that the state mought cast it selfe into his armes for necessity and protection , and so the soueraigne power bee putt vpon him , and he neuer seene in it : and when hee had broughte it ( as he thoughte ) to that pointe when hee was chosen consull alone ; as neuer any , was ; yet hee could make noe greate matter of it , because men vnderstoode him not : but was faine in the end , to goe the beaten tracke of getting armes into his handes , by coulour of 〈◊〉 the doubte of caesars dessignes : so tedidious , casuall , and vnfortunate are these deepe dissimulations , whereof it seemeth tacitus made this iudgement , that they were a cunning of an inferiour fourme in regard of true pollicy , attributing the one to augustus , the other to tiberius , where speaking of liuia , he sayth : et cum ariibus mariti simulatione filij bene composita : for surely the continuall habite of dissimulation is but a weake and sluggish cunning , & not greatly politique . another precept of this architecture of fortune , is , to accustome our mindes to iudge of the proportion or valewe of things , as they conduce , and are materiall to our particular ends , and that to doe substantially and nor superficially . for wee shall finde the logicall parte ( as i maye tearme it ) of some mens mindes good , but the mathematicall part erroneous , that is , they can well iudge of consequences , but not of proportions and comparison , preferring things of shewe and sencebefore things of substance and effect . so some fall in loue with accesse to princes , others with popular same and applause , supposinge they are things of greate purchase , when in many cases they are but matters of enuy , perill , and impediment : so some measure thinges accordinge to the labour and difficulty , or affiduity , which are spent aboute them ; and thinke if they bee euer moovinge , that they must needs aduance and proceede , as caesar saith in a dispisinge manner of cato the second , when hee describeth howe ●…orious and indefatigable he was to noe greate purpose : haec omnia magno fludio agebat . so in moste thinges men are ready to abuse themselues in thinking the greatest means to be best , when it should bee the fittest . as for the true marshalling of mens pursutes towards theire fortune as they are more or lesse materiall , i houlde them to stand thus ; firste the amendment of their own minds . for the remooue of the impediments of the mind wil sooner cleare the passages of fortune , then the obteininge fortune wil remooe the impediméts of the mind ; in secōd place i set downe wealth and meanes , which i know most men woulde haue placed firste : because of the generall vse which it beareth towardes all varietie of occasions . but that opinion i may condemne with like reason as macchiauell doth that other : that monies weretl●…e sinews of the warres , wheras ( saith he ) the true sinews of the warres are the sinews of mens armes , that is a valiant , populous and military nation : & he voucheth aptly the authority of solon who when craesus shewed him his treasury of goalde saide to him , that if another came that had better iron , he woulde be maister o●… his gould in like manner it may be truly affirmed , that it is not monies that are the sinews of fortune , but it is the sinews and steele of mens mynds , witte , courage , audacity , resolution , temper , industry , and the like : in thirde place i set down reputation , because of the peremptory tides & currants it hath , which if they bee not taken in their due time , are sildome recouered , it beinge extreame harde to plaie an after game of reputation . and lastly , i place honoure , which is more easily wonne by any of the other three , much more by all , then any of them can bee purchased by honour . to conclude this precepte , as there is order and priority in matter , so is there in time , the proposterous placing whereof is one of the commonest errors : while men fly to their ends when they shoulde intend their beginninings : and doe not take things in order of time as they come on , but marshall them according to greatnes and not according to instance , not obseruing the good precepte quod nunc instat agamus . another precept of this knowledge is , not to imbrace any matters , which doe occupie to great a quantity of time , but to haue that sounding in a mans eares . sed fugit interea , fugit irreparabile tempus , and that is the cause why those which take their course of rising by professions of burden , as lawyers , orators painefull diuines , and the like , are not commonlie so politique for their owne fortune , otherwise then in their ordinary way , because they want time to learne particulars , to waite occasions , and to deuise plottes . another precept of this knowledge is to imitate nature which doth nothing in vaine , which surely a man may do , if he do well interlace his businesse , and bend not his mind too much vpon that which he prin cipally intendeth . for a man ought in euery particular action , so to carry the motions of his mind , and so to haue one thing vnder another , as if he cannot haue that he seeketh in the best degree , yet to haue it in a second , or so in a third , and if he can haue no parte of that which he purposed , yet to turn the vse of it to sōwhat els , and if he cannot make any thing of it for the present , yet to make it as a seed of somwhat in time to come , and if he can contriue no effect or substaunce from it , yet to win som good opinion by it , or the like so that he should exact an account of himself of euery action , to reape somwhat , and not to stand amazed and confused if he saile of that he chiefly meant : for nothing is more impollitique then to mind actions wholly one by one . for he that dooth so , leeseth infinite occasions which enterveine , and are many times more proper and propitious for somewhat , that he shall need afterwards : then for that which he vrgeth for the present ; and therfore men must be parfite in that rule : haec oportet facere , & illa non omittere . another precept of this knowledge is , not to ingage a mans selfe peremptorily in any thing , though it seem not liable to accident , but euer to haue a window to flie out at , or away to retyre ; following the wisedom in the ancient fable , of the two frogs , which consulted when their plash was drie , whether they should go and the one mooued to go down into a pit because it was not likely the water would dry there , but the other answered , true , but if it do , how shall we get out againe ? another precept of this knowledge is that ancient precept of bias , construed not to any point of perfidiousnesse , but only to caution and moderation et ama tanquam inimicus suturus , & odi tanquam amaturus : for it vtterly betraieth al vtility , for mē to imbarque them selues to far , into vnfortunate friendships : troublesom spleans ; & childish & humorous enuies or aemulatiōs . but i continue this beyond the measure of an example , led , because i wold not haue such knowledges which i note as deficient to be thought things imaginatiue , or in the ayre ; or an obseruation or two , much made of but thinges of bulke and masse : whereof an end is hardlier made , then a beginning . it must be likewise conceiued that in these pointes which i mencion and set downe , they are far from complete tractates of them : but onelye as small peeces for patternes : and lastlye , no man i suppose will thinke , that i meane fortunes are not obteyned without all this adoe ; for i know they come tumblinge into some mens lappes , and a nomber obtaine good fortunes by dilligence , in a plaine way : little intermedlinge : and keeping themselues from grosse errors . but as cicero when he setteth down an idea of a parfit orator , doth not mean that euery pleader should be such ; and so likewise , when a prince or a courtier hath been described by such as haue handled those subiects , the mould hath vsed to be made accordinge to the perfectiō of the arte , and not according to cō mon practise : so i vnderstand it that it ought to be done in the description of a pollitique man. i meane pollitique for his owne fortune . but it must be remembred al this while , that the precepts which we haue set down , are of thatkind which may be coūted & called bonae artes , as for euill arts , if a man would set down for himselfe that principle of machiauel : that a man seeke not to attaine vertue it selfe : but the apparance onely thereof , because the credite of vertue is a helpe , but the vse of it is cumber : or that other of his principles : that he presuppose , that men are not fitly to be wrought otherwise but by feare , and therefore that he seeke to haue euery mā obnoxius , lowe , & in streight which the italiās cal seminar spine , to sowe thornes : or that other principle cōteined in the verse which cice ro cyteth cadant amici , dūmodo inimici intercidāt , as the trium virs which fould euery one to other the liues of their friends for the deaths of theire enemiees : or that other protestation of l. catilina to set on fire & trouble states , to the end to fish in droumy waters , & to vnwrappe their fortunes . ego si quid in fortunis meis excitatum sit incendium , id non aqua sed ruina restinguam , or that other principle of lysāder that childrē are to be deceiued with cōfittes , & men with othes , & the like euil and corrupt positions , whereof ( as in al things ) there are more in number then of the good : certainly with these dispensations from the lawes of charity & integryty the pressing of a mans fortune , may be more ha sty and compendious . but it is in life , as it is in ways the shortest way is comonly the fowlest & surely the fairer way is not much about . but men if they be in their own power & doe beare & sustaine themselues , and bee not caryed awaye with a whirle winde or tempest of ambition : oughte in the pursute of their owne fortune , to set before their eies , not only that general map of the world . that al things are vanity & vexatiō of spirit , but many other more par ticular cards & directiōs , cheefly that , that being , without wel being : is a curse ; & the greater being , the greater curse , and that all vertue is most rewarded , & al wickednesse most punished in it selfe : according as the poet saith excellently . quae vobis que digna viri , pro laudibus istis premia posse rear solui ? pulcherrima primum dij moresque dabunt vestri : and so of the contrary . and secondly they oughte to looke vp to the eternal prouidence and diuine iudgemente , which often subuerteth the wisdome of euyll plots & imaginations , according to that scripture he hath conceiued mischiefe & shal bring soorth a vainething and although men should refraine themselues from iniury and euil artes , yet this incessant & sabbathlesse pursute of a mans fortune , leaueth not tribute which we owe to god of our time who ( we see ) demandeth a tenth of our substāce , & a seauenth , which is more strict of our time : and it is 〈◊〉 to smal purpose to haue an erected face towards heauē , & a perpetual groueling spirit vpon earth eating dust as doth the serpent , atque affigit humo diuinae particulam aurae : and if any mā flatter himself that he will imploy his fortune wel , though he shold obtain it ill , as was said concerning aug. caesar , & after of septimius seuerus , that either they shold neuer haue bin born or else they shold nener haue died , they did so much mischief in the pursut & ascētof their greatnes , & so much good when they were established yet these cōpensations & satisfactions , are good to be vsed , but neuer good to be purposed : and lastly it is not amisse for mē in their race toward their fortuneto cooll thēselues a litle with that cōceit which is elegāt ly expressed bythe emperor , charls the 5. in his instruc tiōs to the k. his son , that fortune hath sowhat of the nature of a womā , that if she be too much woed , she is the farder of . but this last is but a remedy for those whose tasts are corrupted : let mē rather build vpo that foūdation which is as a cornerstone of diuinity and philosophie , wherein they ioyne close , namely that same primum quaerite . for diuinity sayth primum quaerite regnū dei & ista omnia ad●…iciētur vobis : & philosophy saith , primū quaerite bona animi , coetera aut aderunt , aut non oberunt . and although the humane foundation hath somewhat of the same , as we see in m : brutus when hee brake forth into that speech . — te colui ( virtus ) vt rem : ast tu nomen inane es ; yet the diuine foundation is vpon the rocke . but this may serue for a tast of that knowledge which i noted as deficient . concerning gouernment , it is a part of knowledge , secret and retyred in both these respects , in which things are deemed secret : for some things are secret , because they are hard to know , and some because they are not fit to vtter : wee see all gouernments are obscure and inuisible . — totamque infusa per artus , mens agitat molem , & magno corpore miscet . such is the description of gouernments ; we see the gouernmēt of god ouer the world is hidden ; insomuch as it seemeth to participate of much irregularitie and confusion ; the gouernment of the soule in moouing the body is inward and profound , and the passages therof hardly to be reduced to demonstration . againe , the wisedome of antiquitie ( the shadowes whereof are in the poets ) in the description of torments and paines , next vnto the crime of rebellion , which was the giants offence , doth detest the offence offacilitie : as in sysiphus and tantalus . but this was meant of particulars ; neuerthelesse euen vnto the generall rules and discourses of pollicie , and gouernment , there is due a reuerent and reserued handling . but contrariwise in the gouernors towards the gouerned , all things ought as far as the frailtie of man permitteth , to be manifest , & reuealed . for so it is expressed in the scriptures touching the gouernment of god , that this globe which seemeth to vs a dark and shady body is in the view of god , as christall , et in conspectu sedis tanquā mare vitreū simile christallo . so vnto princes and states , and specially towardes wise senats and councels , the natures and dispositions of the people , their conditions , and necessities , their factions and combinations , their animosities and discontents ought to be in regard of the varietie of their intelligences , the wisedome of their obseruations , and the height of their station , where they keepe centinell , in great part cleare and transparent ; wherefore , considering that i write to a king that is a maister of this science , and is so wel assisted , i thinke it decent to passe ouer this part in silēce , as willing to obtaine the certificate , which one of the ancient philosophers aspired vnto , who being silent , when others contended to make demonstration of their abilities by speech , desired it mought ●…e certified for his part , that there was one that knewe how to hold his peace . notwithstanding for the more publique part of gouernment , which is lawes , i think good to note onley one deficience , which is , that all those which haue writtē of lawes , haue written either as philosophers , or as lawiers , & none as statesmen . as for the philosophers , they make imaginary lawes for imaginary cōmon-wealths , & their discourses are as the stars , which giue little light because they are so high . for the lawyers , they write according to the states where they liue , what is receiued law , & not what ought to be law ; for the wisedome of a law-maker is one , & of a lawyer is another . for ther are in nature certaine fountaines of iustice , whence all ciuil lawes are deriued , but as streames ; & like as waters doe take tinctures and tastes from the soyles through which they run ; so doe ciuill lawes vary according to the regions and gouernments where they are plāted , though they proceed from the same fountaines ; againe the wisedome of a lawmaker consisteth not onely in a platforme of iustice ; but in the application thereof , taking into consideration , by what meanes lawes may be made certaine , and what are the causes & remedies of the doubtfulnesse and incertaintie of law , by what meanes lawes may be made apt and easie to be executed , and what are the impediments , and remedies in the execution of lawes , what influence lawes touching priuate right of meum & tuum , haue into the publike state , and how they may be made apt and agreable , how lawes are to be penned and deliuered , whether in texts or in acts , briefe or large , with preambles , or without howe they are to bee pruned and reformed from time to time , and what is the best meanes to keepe them frō being too vast in volumes , or too ful of multiplicitie & crosnesse , how they are to be expounded , when vpon causes emergent , and iudicially discussed , and when vpon responses and conferences touching generall points or questions , how they are to be pressed , rigorously , or tenderly , how they are to be mitigated by equitie and good conscience , and whether discretion and strict lawe are to be mingled in the same courts , or kept a part in seuerall courts ; againe , how the practise , profession , and erudition of lawe is to be censured and gouerned , and many other points touching the administration , and ( as i may tearme it ) animation of lawes . vpon which i insist the lesse , because i purpose ( if god giue me leaue ) hauing begunne a worke of this nature , in aphorismes , to propound it hereafter , noting it in the meane time for deficient . and for your maiesties lawes of england , i could say much of their dignitie , and somewhat of their defect : but they cannot but excell the ciuill lawes in fitnesse for the gouernment : for the ciuill law was , non hos quaesitum munus in vsus : it was not made for the countries which it gouerneth : hereof i cease to speake , because i will not intermingle matter of action , with matter of generall learning . thus haue i concluded this portion of learning touching ciuill knowledge , & with ciuill knowledge haue concluded hvmane philosophy and with humane philosophy , philosophy in general ; and being now at some pause , looking backe into that i haue passed through : this writing seemeth to me ( si nunquam sailit imago ) as farre as a man can iudge of his owne worke , not much better then that noise or sound which musitiās make while they are in tuning their instrumēts , which is nothing pleasāt to hear , but yet is a cause why the musique is sweeter afterwardes . so haue i beene content to tune the instruments of the muses , that they may play , that haue better hands . and surely when i set before me the condition of these times , in which learning hath made her third visitation , or circuite in all the qualities thereof : as the excellencie and viuacitie of the wits of this age ; the noble helpes and lights which we haue by the trauailes of ancient writers : the art of printing , which communicateth bookes to men of all fortunes . the opēnesse of the world by nauigation , which hath disclosed multitudes of experiments , and a masse of naturall history : the leasure wherwith these times abound , not imploying men so generally in ciuill businesse , as the states of graecia did , in respect of their popularitie , and the state of rome in respect of the greatnesse of their monarchie : the present disposition of these times at this instant to peace : the consumption of all that euer can be said in controuersies of religiō , which haue so much diuerted men from other sciences : the perfection of your maj : learning , which as a phoenix may call whole volyes of wits to followe you , and the inseparable proprietie of time , which is euer more and more to disclose truth : i cannot but be raised to this perswasion , that this third period of time will farre surpasse that of the graecian and romane learning : onely if men will know their own strength , and their owne weakenesse both : and take one from the other , light of inuention , and not fire of contradiction , and esteeme of the inquisition of truth , as of an enterprise , & not as of a qualitie or ornament , & imploy wit and magnificence to things of worth & excellencie , & not to things vulgar , and of popular estimation . as for my labors , if any man shall please himselfe , or others in the reprehension of them ; they shall make that ancient and patient request , ver bera , sed audi . let men reprehend them so they obserue and waigh them : for the appeale is lawfull ( though it may be it shall not be needefull ) from the first cogitations of men to their second , & from the neerer times , to the times further of . now let vs come to that learning , which both the former times were not so blessed as to knowe , sacred & inspired diuinitie , the sabaoth and port of all mens labours and peregrinations . the prerogatiue of god extendeth as well to the reason as to the will of man ; so that as we are to obey his law though we finde a reluctatiō in our wil●… so we are to belieue his word , though we finde a reluctation in our reason : for if we beleeue onely that which is agreeable to our sence , we giue consent to the matter , and not to the author , which is no more then we would doe towards a suspected and discredited witnesse : but that faith which was accounted to abraham for righteousnesse was of such a point , as where at sarah laughed , who therein was an image of naturall reason . howbeit ( if we will truly consider of it ) more worthy it is to belieue , then to knowe as we now know ; for in knowledge mans mind suffereth from sence , but in beliefe it suffereth from spirit , such one as it holdeth for more authorised then it selfe , & so suffereth from the worthier agent : otherwise it is of the state of man glorified , for then faith shal cease , & we shall knowe as we are knowne . wherefore we conclude that sacred theologie ( which in our idiome we call diuinitie ) is grounded onely vpon the word & oracle of god , and not vpon the light of nature : for it is written , caelienarrāt gloriam dei : but it is not written caelienarrant voluntatem dei : but of that it is said ; ad legem & testimonium si non fecerint secundū verbum istud &c. this holdeth not onely in those points of faith , which concerne the great misteries of the deitie , of the creation , of the redemption , but likewise those which concerne the law moral truly interpreted ; loue your enemies , doe good to thē that hate you . be like to your heauenly father , that suffereth his raine to fal vpon the iust & vniust . to this it ought to be applauded , nec vox hominē sonat , it is a voice beyond the light of nature : so we see the heathen poets when they fall vpon a libertine passion , doe still expostulate with lawes and moralities , as if they were opposite and malignant to nature : et quod natura remitti●… , invida iura negant : so said dendamis the indian vnto alexanders messengers : that he had heard somewhat of pythagoras , and some other of the wise men of graecia , and that he held them for excellent men : but that they had a fault , which was that they had in too great reuerence and veneration a thing they called lawe and manners : so it must be confessed that a great part of the lawe morall is of that perfection , whereunto the light of nature cannot aspire : how then is it , that man is saide to haue by the light and lawe of nature some notions , and conceits of vertue and vice , iustice & wrong , good and euill ? thus , because the light of nature is vsed in two seuerall senses : the one , ●…at which springeth from reason , sense , induction , argument , according to the lawes of heauen and earth : the other that which is imprinted vpon the spirit of man by an inward instinct , according to the lawe of conscience , which is a sparkle of the puritie of his first estate : in which later sense onely , he is participant of some light , and discerning : touching the perfection of the morall lawe : but how ? sufficient to check the vice , but not to informe the dutie . so then the doctrine of religion , as well m●…all as misticall , is not to be attained , but by inspiration and reuelation from god. the vse notwithstanding of reason in spirituall things , and the latitude thereof is very great and generall : for it is not for nothing , that the apostle calleth religion our reasonable seruice of god , insomuch as the verie ceremonies and figures of the oulde lawe were full of reason and signification , much more then the ceremonies of idolatrie and magicke , that are full of non-significants and surde characters ; but most specially the christian faith , as in all things , so in this deserueth to be highly magnified , houlding and preseruing the golden mediocritie in this point , betweene the law of the heathen , and the law of mahumet , which haue embraced the two extreames . for the religion of the heathen had no constant beleefe or confession , but left all to the libertie of argument : and the religion of mahumet on the otherside , interdicteth argument altogether ; the one hauing the verie face of errour : and the other of imposture ; whereas the faith doth both admit and reiect disputation with difference . the vse of humane reason in religion , is of two sorts : the former in the conception and apprehension of the mysteries of god to vs reuealed ; the other , in the inferring and deriuing of doctrine and direction thervpon : the former extendeth to the mysteries themselues : but how ? by way of illustration , and not by way of argument . the later consisteth indeed of probation and argument . in the former wee see god vouch safeth to descend to our capacitie , in the expressing of his misteries in sort as may bee sensible vnto vs : and doth grifte his reuelations & holie doctrine vpon the notions of our reason , and applyeth his inspiratiōs to open our vnderstāding , as the forme of the key to the ward of the locke ; for the later , there is allowed vs an vse of reason , and argument , secondarie and respectiue ; although not originall and absolute : for after the articles and principles of religion are placed and exempted from examination of reason : it is then permitted vnto vs to make deriuations and inferences from , and according to the analogie of them , for our better direction . in nature this holdeth not , for both the principles are examinable by induction , though not by a medium or sillogisme : and besides those principles or first positions , haue noe discordance with that reason which draweth downe and diduceth the inferiour positions . but yet it holdeth not in religion alone , but in many knowledges both of greater and smaller nature , namely wherin there are not onely posita but placita , for in such there can be noe vse of absolute reason , we see it familiarly in games of wit , as chesse , or the like ; the draughts and first lawes of the game are positiue , but how ? meerely ad placitum , and not examinable by reason ; but then how to direct our play thereupon with best aduantage to winne the game , is artificiall and rationall . so in humane lawes , there be many groundes and maximes , which are placita iuris , positiue vpon authoritie and not vpon reason , and therefore not to be disputed : but what is most iust , not absolutely , but relatiuely , and according to those maximes , that affordeth along field of disputation . such therfore is that secōdarie reason , which hath place in diuinitie , which is grounded vpon the placets of god. here therefore i note this deficience , that there hath not bin to my vnderstanding sufficiently enquired & handled , the true limits and vse of reason in spirituall things : as a kinde of diuine dialectique , which for that it is not done , it seemethto me a thing vsuall , by pretext of true conceiuing that , which is reuealed , to search and mine into that which is not reuealed , and by pretext of enucleating inferences and contradictories , to examine that which is positiue : the one sort falling into the error of nicodemus , demanding to haue things made more sensible then it pleaseth god to reueale them ; quomodo possit homo nasci cum sit senex ? the other sort into the error of the disciples , which were scandalized at a shew of contradiction : quid est hoc quod dicit nobis , modicum , & non videbitis me , & iterum modicum , & videbitis me &c. vpon this i haue insisted the more , in regard of the great and blessed vse thereof , for this point well laboured and defined of , would in my iudgement be an opiate to staie and bridle not onely the vanitie of curious speculatiōs , wherewith the schooles labour but the furie of cōtrouersies , wherewith the church laboureth . for it cannot but open mens eyes to see that many controuersies doe meerely pertaine to that which is either not reuealed or positiue , and that many others doe growe vpon weake and obscure inferences or deriuations which latter sort of men would reviue the blessed stile of that great doctor of the gentiles , would bee carryed thus : ego , non dominus , and againe secundum consilium meum , in opinions and counsells , and not in positions and oppositions . but men are nowe ouer readie to vsurpe the stile . non ego , sed dominus , and not so only , but to binde it with the thunder and denunciation of curses , and anathemaes , to the terror of those which haue not sufficiently learned out of salomon , that the causelesse curse shall not come . diuinitie hath two principall parts : the matter informed or reuealed : and the nature of the information or reuelation : and with the later wee will beginne : because it hath most coherence with that which wee haue now last handled . the nature of the information consisteth of three braunches : the limites of the information ; the sufficiencie of the information ; and the acquiring or obtaining the information . vnto the limits of the information belong these considerations : howe farre forth particular persons continue to bee inspired : how farre forth the church is inspired : and howe farre forth reason may be vsed ; the last point wherof i haue noted as deficient . vnto the sufficiency of the information belong two considerations , what points of religion are foundamentall , & what perfectiue , beeing matter of founder building and perfection vpon one , and the same foundation : and againe how the gradations of light according to the dispensation of times , are materiall to the sufficiencie of beleefe . here againe i may rather giue it in aduise , then note it as deficient , that the points foundamentall , and the points of further perfection onely ought to bee with piety and wisedome distinguished : a subiect tending to much like ende , as that i noted before : for as that other were likely to abate the nomber of controuersies : so this is like to abate the heate of manie of them . wee see moses when he sawe the israelite and the egyptian fight , hee did not say , why striue you ? but drew his sworde , and slewe the egyptian : but when hee sawe the two israelites fight , hee said , you are brethren , why striue you ? if the point of doctrine bee an egyptian , it must bee slaine by the sword of the spirit , and not reconciled . but if it be an israelite , though in the wrong : then why striue you . we see of the foundamentall points , our sauiour penneth the league thus , hee that is not with vs is against vs , but of points not fundamentall , thus hee that is not against vs , is with vs. so wee see the coate of our sauiour was entier without seame , and so is the doctrine of the scriptures in it selfe : but the gouernment of the churche was of diuers colours , and yet not deuided : wee see the chaffe may and ought to be seuered from the corne in the eare : but the tares may not be pulled vp from the corne in the field : so as it is a thing of great vse well to define , what , and of what latitude those points are , which doe make men meerely aliens and disincorporate from the church of god. for the obtaining of the information , it resteth vpon the true & sound interpretation of the scriptures which are the fountaines of the water of life . the interpretations of the scriptures are of two sorts : methodical , and solute , or at large , for this diuine water which excelleth so much that of iacobs well , is drawne forth much in the same kinde , as naturall water vseth to bee out of wells and fountaines : either it is first forced vp into a cesterne and from thence fetcht and deriued for vse : or else it is drawne and receiued in buckets and vessels immediately where it springeth . the former sort whereof though it seeme to bee the more readie , yet in my iudgement is more subiect to corrupt . this is that methode which hath exhibited , vnto vs the scholasticall diuinitie , whereby diuinity hath bin reduced into an art , as into a cesterne , & the streames of doctrine or positions fetcht and deriued from thence . in this , men haue sought three things , a summarie breuitie , a compacted strength , and a compleate perfection : whereof the two first they faile to finde , and the last they ought not to seeke . for as to breuitie , wee see in all summarie methodes , while men purpose to abridge , they giue cause to dilate . for the summe or abridgement by contraction becommeth obscure , the obscuritie requireth exposition , and the exposition is diduced into large comentaries , or into common places , and titles , which growe to be more vast then the originall writings , whence the summe was at first extracted . so we see the volumes of the schoole-men are greater much then the first writings of the fathers , whence the maister of the sentēces made his summe or collection . so in like manner the volumes of the modern doctors of the ciuil law exceed those of the ancient iurisconsults , of which tribonian compiled the digest . so as this course of summes & cōmentaries is that which doth infallibly make the body of sciēces more immense in quantitie , and more base in substance . and for strength , it is true , that knowledges reduced into exact methodes haue a shew of strength , in that each part seemeth to support & sustaine the other : but this is more satisfactorie then substantiall , like vnto buildings , which stand by architecture , and compaction , which are more subiect to ruine , then those that are built more stronge in their seuerall parts though lesse compacted . but it is plaine , that the more you recede from your grounds , the weaker doe you conclude , & as in nature , the more you remoue your selfe from particulars , the greater peril of error you doe incur : so , much more in diuinitie , the more you recede from the scriptures by inferences and consequences , the more weake and dilute are your positions . and as for perfection , or compleatnes in diuinitie it is not to be sought , which makes this course of artificiall diuinitie the more suspecte : for hee that will reduce a knowledge into an art , will make it round and uniforme : but in diuinitie manie things must bee left abrupt and concluded with this : o altitudo sapientiae & scientiae dei , quam incomprehensibilia sunt iudicia eius , & non inuestigabiles viae eius ? so againe the apostle saith , eu parte scimus , and to haue the forme of a totall , where there is but matter for a part , cannot bee without supplies by supposition and presumption . and therefore i conclude , that the true vse of these summes and methods hath place in institutions or introductions , preparatorie vnto knowledge : but in them , or by diducement from them , to handle the mayne bodie and substance of a knoweledge ; is in all sciences preiudiciall , and in diuinitie dangerous . as to the interpretation of the scriptures solute and at large , there haue beene diuers kindes introduced & deuised , some of them rather ruinous and vnsafe , then sober and warranted . notwithstāding thus much must be confessed , that the scriptures being giuen by inspiration , and not by humane reason , doe differ from all other books in the author : which by , consequence doth drawe on some difference to be vsed by the expositor . for the inditer of them did knowe foure things which noe man attaines to knowe , which are the misteries of the kingdome of glorie ; the perfection of the lawes of nature : the secrets of the heart of man : and the future succession of all ages . for as to the first , it is said . he that presseth into the light , shall be oppressed of the glorie . and againe , noe man shall see my face and liue . to the second , when he prepared the heauens i was present , when by lawe and compasse he enclosed the deepe . to the third , neither was it needefull that any should beare witnesse to him of man , for he knewe well what was in man. and to the last , from the beginning are knowne to the lord all his workes . from the former two of these haue beene drawne certaine senses and expositions of scriptures , which had need be contained within the bounds of sobrietie ; the one anagogicall , and the other philosophicall . but as to the former , man is not to preuent his time ; videmus nune per speculum in aenigmate , tunc autem facie adfaciem , wherein neuerthelesse there seemeth to be a libertie graunted , as farre forth as the polishing of this glasse , or some moderate explication of this aenigma . but to presse too farre into it cannot but cause a dissolution and ouerthrowe of the spirite of man. for in the body there are three degrees of that we receiue into it : aliment medecine and poyson whereof aliment is that which the nature of man can perfectly alter & ouercom : medecine is that which is partly conuerted by nature , & partly conuerteth nature : & poyson is that which worketh wholy vpon nature without that , that nature can in any part worke vpon it . so in the minde whatsoeuer knowledge reason cannot at all worke vpon & conuert , is a meere intoxication and indangereth a dissolution of the minde & vnderstanding . but for the latter , it hath beene extreamely set on foote of late time by the schoole of paracelsus , and some others , that haue pretended to finde the truth of all naturall philosophy in the scriptures ; scandalizing and traducing all other philosophie : as heathenish and prophane : but there is noe such enmitie betweene gods word , and his workes . neither doe they giue honour to the scriptures , as they suppose , but much imbase them . for to seeke heauen and earth in the word of god , whereof it is saide , heauen and earth shall passe , but my worde shall not passe , is to seeke temporary things amongst eternall ; and as to seeke diuinitie in philosophy , is to seeke the liuing amongst the dead ; so to seeke philosophy in diuinitie is to seek the dead amongst the liuing ; neither are the pots or lauers , whose place was in the outward part of the temple to be sought in the holiest place of all ; where the arke of the testimonie was seated . and againe the scope or purpose of the spirit of god is not to expresse matters of nature in the scriptures , otherwise then in passage , and for application to mans capacitie and to matters morall or diuine . and it is a true rule , authoris aliud agentis parua authoritas . for it were a strange conclusion , if a man should vse a similitude for ornament or illustration sake , borrowed from nature or historie , according to vulgar conceit , as of a basiliske , an vnicorne , a centaure , a briareus , an hydra or the like , that therefore hee must needes bee thought to affirme the matter thereof positiuely to be true ; to conclude therefore these two interpretations , the one by reduction or aenigmaticall , the other philosophicall or phisicall , which haue beene receiued and pursued in imitation of the rabbins and cabalists , are to be confined with a noli altum sapere , sed time . but the two later points knowne to god , and vnknowne to man ; touching the secrets of the heart , and the successions of time : doth make a iust and sound difference betweene the manner of the exposition of the scriptures : and all other bookes . for it is an excellent obseruation which hath beene made vpon the answeres of our sauiour christ to many of the questions which were propounded to him , how that they are impertinent to the state of the question demanded , the reason whereof is , because not being like man , which knowes mans thoughts by his words , but knowing mans thoughts immediately , hee neuer answered their words , but their thoughts : much in the like manner it is with the scriptures , which being written to the thoughts of men , and to the succession of all ages , with a foresight of all heresies , coatradictions , differing estates of the church , yea , and particularly of the elect , are not to be interpreted only according to the latitude of the proper sense of the place , and respectiuely towardes that present occasion , whereupon the wordes were vttered ; or in precise congruitie or contexture with the wordes before or after , or in contemplation of the principall scope of the place , but haue in themselues not onely totally , or collectiuely , but distributiuely in clauses and wordes , infinite springs and streames of doctrine to water the church in euerie part , and therefore as the literall sense is as it were the maine streame or riuer : so the morall sense chiefely , and sometimes the allegoricall or typicall are they whereof the church hath most vse : not that i wish men to be bold in allegories , or indulgent or light in allusions : but that i doe much condemne that interpretation of the scripture , which is onely after the manner as men vse to interprete a prophane booke . in this part touching the exposition of the scriptures , i can report noe deficience ; but by way of remembrance this i will adde , in perusing bookes of diuinitie , i finde many bookes of controuersies , and many of common places and treatises , a masse of positiue diuinitie , as it is made an arte : a number of sermons and lectures , and many prolixe commentaries vpon the scriptures with harmonies and concordances : but that forme of writing in diuinitie , which in my iudgement is of all others most rich and precious ; is positiue diuinitie collected vpon particular texts of scriptures in briefe obseruations , not dilated into common places : not chaseing after controuersies , not reduced into methode of art , a thing abounding in sermons , which will vanish , but defectiue in bookes which wil remaine , and a thing wherin this age excelleth . for i am perswaded , and i may speake it , with an absit invidia verbo , and no waies in derogation of antiquitie but as in a good emulation betweene the vine and the oliue , that if the choise , and best of those obseruations vpon texts of scriptu●…es which haue beene made dispersedly in sermons within this your maiesties ilands of brittanie by the space of these fortie yeares and more ( leauing out the largenesse of exhortations and applications thereupon ) had beene set downe in a continuance , it had beene the best worke in diuinitie , which had beene written since the apostles times . the matter informed by diuinitie is of two kinds , matter of beliefe , and truth of opinion : and matter of seruice , and adoration ; which is also iudged and directed by the former : the one being as the internall soule of religion , & the other as the externall body thereof : & therfore the heathen religion was not onely a worship of idolls , but the whole religion was an idoll in it selfe , for it had noe soule that is , no certaintie of belief or confession , as a man may well thinke , considering the chiefe doctors of their church were the poets , and the reason was , because the heathen gods were noe iealous gods , but were glad to be admitted into part , as they had reasō . neither did they respect the purenesse of hart , so they mought haue externall honour and rites . but out of these two doe result and issue foure maine branches of diuinitie ; faith , manners , lyturgie , and gouernment : faith containeth the doctrine of the nature of god , of the attributes of god , and of the workes of god ; the nature of god consisteth of three persons in vnitie of god-head ; the attributes of god are either common to the deitie , or respectiue to the persons ; the workes of god summarie are two , that of the creation , and that of the redemption : and both these workes , as in totall they appertaine to the vnitie of the god-head : so in their parts they referre to the three persons : that of the creation in the masse of the matter to the father , in the disposition of the forme to the sonne , and in the continuance and conseruation of the being to the holy spirit : so that of the redemptiō , in the election and counsell to the father , in the whole act and consūmation , to the sonne : and in the application to the holy spirit : for by the holy ghost was christ conceiued in flesh , and by the holy ghost are the elect regenerate in spirite . this worke likewise we consider either effectually in the elect , or priuately in the reprobate , or according to apparance in the visible church . for manners , the doctrine thereof is contained in the lawe , which discloseth sinne . the lawe it selfe is deuided according to the edition thereof , into the lawe of nature , the lawe morall , and the lawe positiue ; and according to the stile , into negatiue and affirmatiue , prohibitions and commandements . sinne in the matter and subiect thereof is deuided according to the commandements , in the forme thereof it referreth to the three persons in deitie , sinnes of infirmitie against the father , whose more speciall attribute is power : sinnes of ignorance against the sonne , whose attribute is wisedome : and sinnes of malice against the holy ghost , whose attribute is grace or loue. in the motions of it , it either mooueth to the right hand or to the left , either to blinde deuotion , or to prophane & libertine transgressiō , either in imposing restraint , where god granteth libertie , or in taking libertie where god imposeth restrainte . in the degrees and progresse of it , it deuideth it selfe into thought , word , or act. and in this part i commend much the diducing of the lawe of god to cases of conscience , for that i take indeede to bee a breaking , and not exhibiting whole of the bread of life . but that which quickneth both these doctrines of faith and manners is the eleuatition and consent of the heart , whereunto appertaine bookes of exhortation , holy meditation , christian resolution , and the like . for the lyturgie or seruice , it consisteth of the reciprocall acts betweene god and man , which on the part of god are the preaching of the word and the sacraments , which are seales to the couenant , or as the visible worde : and on the part of mans inuocation of the name of god , and vnder the law : sacrifices , which were as visible praiers or confessions , but now the adoration being in spiritu & veritate there remaineth only vituli labiorum , although the vse of holy vowes of thankefulnesse and retribution , may be accounted also as sealed petitions . and for the gouernment of the church , it consisteth of the patrimonie of the church , the franchises of the church , and the offices , and iurisdictions of the church , and the lawes of the church directing the whole : all which haue two considerations ; the one in them selues : the other how they stand compatible and agreeable to the ciuill estate . this matter of diuinitie is handled either in forme of instruction of truth : or in forme of confutation of falshood . the declinations from religion besides the primitiue which is atheisme and the branches thereof , are three , heresies , idolatrie , and witch-craft , heresies , when we serue the true god with a false worship . idolatrie , when wee worship false gods , supposing them to be true : and witch-craft , when wee adore false gods knowing them to be wicked and false . for so your maiestie doth excellently well obserue , that witch-craft is the height of idolatry . and yet we see thogh these be true degrees , samuel teacheth us that they are all of a nature , when there is once a receding from the word of god , for so he saith , quasi peccatum ariolandi est repugnare , & quasi scelus idololatriae nolle acquiescere . these thinges i haue passed ouer so briefely because i can report noe deficience concerning them : for i can finde no space or ground that lieth vacant and vnsowne in the matter of diuinitie , so diligent haue men beene , either in sowing of good seede , or in sowing of tares . thus haue i made as it were a small globe of the intellectuall world , as truly and faithfully as i coulde discouer , with a note and description of those parts which seeme to mee , not constantly occupate , or not well conuerted by the labour of man. in which , if i haue in any point receded from that which is commonly receiued , it hath beene with a purpose of proceeding in melius , and not in aliud : a minde of amendment and proficience ; and not of change and difference . for i could not bee true and constant to the argument i handle , if i were not willing to goe beyond others , but yet not more willing , then to haue others goe beyond mee againe : which may the better appeare by this that i haue propounded my opinions naked and vnarmed , not seeking to preoccupate the libertie of mens iudgements by confutations . for in any thing which is well set downe , i am in good hope , that if the first reading mooue an obiection , the second reading will make an answere . and in those things wherein i haue erred , i am sure i haue not preiudiced the right by litigious arguments ; which certainly haue this contrarie effect and operation , that they adde authoritie to error , and destroy the authoritie of that which is well inuented . for question is an honour and preferment to falshood , as on the other side it is a repulse to truth . but the errors i claime and challenge to my selfe as mine owne . the good , if any bee , is due tanquam adeps sacrificij , to be incensed to the honour first of the diuine maiestie , and next of your maiestie , to whom on earth i am most bounden . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a01516-e6220 historia literarū . historia naturae errantis . historia mechanica . historia prophetica . metaphisica siue de formis & f●…bus rerū . naturalis magiasiue phisica operatiua maior . inuentarium opum bumanarum . continuatio problematum in natura . catalogus falsitatū grassantiū in historia naturae . de antiquis philosophijs . narrationes medicinales . anatomia comparata . inquisitio vlterior de morbis insanabisibus . de euthanasia exteriore . medicinae experimentales . imitatio naturae in balneis , & aquis medicinalibus filum medicinale , siue de vicibus medicinarum . experientia literata , & interpretatio naturae . elenchi magni , s●…e d●… idolis animi humani , natiuis & aduentitijs . de analogia demonstrationum . de notis rerum . de methode syncera , siue ad filios scientiarum . de prudentia traditionis . de productione axiomatum . deprudentia sermonis priuati . colores boni & mali , simplicis & comparati . antitheta rerum . de cultura , animi . faber fortunae siue de am. bitu vitae . de prudētia legislatoria , fiue , de fontibus iuris . de vsu legittimo rationis humanae in diuinis . degradibus vnitatis in ci●…itate dei. emanationes scripturarum , in doctrinas positiuas .