by the king. his majestie taking into his princely consideration the manifold inconveniences and mischiefs that may arise and happen by the riotous and tumultuous assemblies, ... england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a79117 of text r209717 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.3[26]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a79117 wing c2821 thomason 669.f.3[26] estc r209717 99868584 99868584 160584 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a79117) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160584) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f3[26]) by the king. his majestie taking into his princely consideration the manifold inconveniences and mischiefs that may arise and happen by the riotous and tumultuous assemblies, ... england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by robert barker, printer to the kings most excellent majestie: and by the assignes of john bill, imprinted at london : 1641. title from caption and opening lines of text. "given at our court at vvhitehall, this eight and twentieth day of december, in the seventeenth yeer of our reign.". with engraving of royal seal of charles i at head of document. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng riots -great britain -17th century -early works to 1800. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649 -early works to 1800. a79117 r209717 (thomason 669.f.3[26]). civilwar no by the king. his majestie taking into his princely consideration the manifold inconveniences and mischiefs that may arise and happen by the england and wales. sovereign 1641 277 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c r diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms ❧ by the king . his majestie taking into his princely consideration the manifold inconveniences and mischiefs that may arise and happen by the riotous and tumultuous assemblies , in and about the cities of london and westminster , not onely to the violation of his majesties peace , and scandall of government , but to the disturbance of his houses of parliament now assembled ; doth straitly charge and command all the inhabitants of his cities of london and westminster , and the liberties thereof , and also of the suburbs and confines of the said cities and places adjoyning , that upon no occasion they do assemble themselves in any tumultuous or riotous manner , in any part or place in or neer the said cities or liberties , and that all persons now assembled in any numbers , ( without his majesties authority ) do forthwith , upon publishing this his majesties proclamation , dissolve their assemblies and companies , and repair to their dwellings or places of abode , upon their perils , of being proceeded against as violaters of the publike peace of this his majesties kingdom , and of being punished according to the severity of the lawes and statutes of the same . given at our court at whitehall , this eight and twentieth day of december , in the seventeenth yeer of our reign . ❧ god save the king . ¶ imprinted at london by robert barker , printer to the kings most excellent majestie : and by the assignes of john bill . 1641. to the inhabitants of the county of cornwall a letter of thanks from king charles i of ever blessed memory, dated sept. 10, 1643 from sudly castle. charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a32143 of text r26594 in the english short title catalog (wing c2835). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a32143 wing c2835 estc r26594 09506334 ocm 09506334 43358 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a32143) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 43358) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1327:9) to the inhabitants of the county of cornwall a letter of thanks from king charles i of ever blessed memory, dated sept. 10, 1643 from sudly castle. charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. s.n., [s.l : 1643] reproduction of original in the huntington library. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. cornwall (england : county) -history. a32143 r26594 (wing c2835). civilwar no to the inhabitants of the county of cornwall, a letter of thanks from king charles i. of ever blessed memory, dated sept. 10. 1643. from sud england and wales, 1625-1649 : charles i 1650 376 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-12 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-12 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion to the inhabitants of the county of cornwall , a letter of thanks from king charles i. of ever blessed memory , dated sept. 10. 1643. from svdly castle . carolus rex , we are so highly sensible of the extraordinary merits of our county of cornwall , of their zeal for the defence of our person , and the just rights of our crown , in a time when we could contribute so little to our own defence , or to their assistance ; ( in a time , when not only no reward appeared , but great and probable dangers were threatned to obedience and loyalty ) of their great and eminent courage and patience in their indefatigable prosecution of their great work against so potent an enemy , backt with so strong , rich and populous cities , and so plentifully furnished with men , arms , money , ammunition and provisions of all kinds ; and of the wonderful success with which it hath pleased almighty god ( though with the loss of some eminent persons , who shall never be forgotten by us to reward their loyalty and patience ) by many strange victories over their and our enemies , in despite of all humane probabilities and all imaginable disadvantages ; that as we cannot be forgetful of so great deserts , so we cannot but desire to publish to all the world , and perpetuate to all time the memory of their merits , and of our acceptance of the same . and to that end , we do hereby render our royal thanks to that our county in the most publick and lasting manner we can devise , commanding copies hereof to be printed and published , and one of them to be read in every church and chapel therein , and to be kept for ever as a record in the same , that as long as the history of these times , and of this nation shall continue , the memory of how much that county hath merited from us and our crown , may be derived with it to posterity . given at our camp at sudly castle the tenth of september 1643. by the king, a proclamation commanding the due execution and observance of certaine orders lately published concerning contributions england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a32025 of text r39027 in the english short title catalog (wing c2554). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a32025 wing c2554 estc r39027 18206629 ocm 18206629 107094 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a32025) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 107094) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1629:44) by the king, a proclamation commanding the due execution and observance of certaine orders lately published concerning contributions england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. by leonard lichfield ..., printed at oxford : 1644. "given at our court at oxford, the eight day of may, in the twentieth yeare of our reigne. 1644." reproduction of original in the bodleian library. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649. a32025 r39027 (wing c2554). civilwar no by the king, a proclamation commanding the due execution and observance of certaine orders lately published concerning contributions england and wales. sovereign 1644 453 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-07 paul schaffner sampled and proofread 2008-07 paul schaffner text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion royal blazon or coat of arms c r honi soit qvi mal y pense by the king . ¶ a proclamation commanding the due execution and observance of certaine orders lately published concerning contributions . whereas certaine contributions or weekly rates and payments have been agreed to be answered to us by the inhabitants of divers counties in this our kingdome of england , for and towards the support of our armies , raised for the just and necessary defence of us and our good subjects in the time of this rebellion : in the assessing of which contributions and payments , as also in the demeanour of our souldiers towards those who pay the same , divers abuses and injuries have been discovered to the great disheartening of our good subjects in their undertakings for us , and the manifest prejudice of our affaires . for the removing and remedy whereof , certaine orders have been framed and composed by the advice of the lords and commons of parliament assembled at oxford , and presented to us , which we doe well approve , and have caused the said orders to be published in print , in a book intituled , orders presented to his majesty by the advice of the lords and commons assembled at oxford , for the more indifferent rating and levying of moneys to be raised by way of contribution , and to prevent the disorders of the souldiers of his majesties armies and oppression of other his good subjects . we doe therefore by this our proclamation declare and publish our will and pleasure to be , that the said orders shall be strictly observed by all persons whatsoever , and be duely put in execution . and we doe hereby charge and require all our commissioners intrusted or authorized by us touching the said contributions and payments within the severall and respective limits of their commissions ; and all majors , sheriffes , bayliffes , constables , and other our officers , and all other our subjects whatsoever , whom it may concerne , that they conforme themselves thereunto . and we doe hereby likewise straitly charge and command all officers and souldiers of our armies , that they submit and yeeld obedience to the said orders , and that they presume not in any sort to act or doe any thing contrary to the same , as they will answer their contempt therein at their perills . given at our court at oxford , the eight day of may , in the twentieth years of our reigne . 1644. god save the king . ¶ printed at oxford , by leonard lichfield , printer to the vniversity , 1644. his majesties message sent to both houses of parliament january 20. 1641. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a31974 of text r39016 in the english short title catalog (wing c2439). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a31974 wing c2439 estc r39016 18206325 ocm 18206325 107083 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a31974) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 107083) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1629:36) his majesties message sent to both houses of parliament january 20. 1641. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. by robert barker ... and by the assignes of john bill, imprinted at york : 1642. imperfect: torn, with slight loss of print. reproduction of original in the harvard university library. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649. a31974 r39016 (wing c2439). civilwar no his majesties message sent to both houses of parliament. january 20. 1641. england and wales. sovereign 1642 467 2 0 0 0 0 0 43 d the rate of 43 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-08 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-08 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion ❧ his majesties message sent to both houses of parliament . january 20. 1641. his majestie perceiving the manifold distractions which are now in this kingdom , which cannot but bring great inconvenience and mischiefs to this whole government ; in which as his majestie is most chiefly interessed , so he holds himself by many reasons , most obliged to do what in him lies , for the preventing thereof ; though he might justly expect ( as most proper for the duty of subjects ) that propositions for the remedies of these evils , ought rather to come to him then from him ; yet his fatherly care of all his people being such , that he will rather lay by any particular respect of his own dignity , then that any time should be lost for prevention on of these threatning evils , which cannot admit the delayes of the ordinary proceedings in parliament ; doth think fit to make this ensuing proposition to both houses of parliament : that they will with all speed fall into a serious consideration of all those particulars , which they shall hold necessary , as well for the upholding and maintaining of his majesties ●ust and regall authority , and for the setling of his revenue ; as for the present and fu●e establishment of their priviledges ; the free and quiet enjoying of their estates and fortunes ; the liberties of their persons ; the security of the true religion now professed in the church of england ; and the setling of ceremonies , in such a manner as may take away all just offence . which when they shall have digested , and composed into one entire body , that so his majestie and themselves may be able to make the more clear iudgement of them ; it shall then appear by what his majestie shall do , how far he hath been from intending or designing any of those things , which the too great fears and iealousies of some persons seem to apprehend ; and how ready he will be to equall and exceed the greatest examples of the most indulgent princes in their acts of grace and favour to their people . so that if all the present distractions ( which so apparantly threaten the ruine of this kingdom ) do not ( by the blessing of almighty god ) end in an happy and blessed accommodation ; his majestie will then be ready to call heaven and earth , god and man to witnesse , that if hath not failed on his part . ¶ imprinted at york by robert barker , printer to the kings most excellent majestie : and by the assignes of john bill . 1642. his majesties speech to the committee the 9th of march 1641 when they presented the declaration of both houses of parliament at new-market. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a32128 of text r36117 in the english short title catalog (wing c2801). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a32128 wing c2801 estc r36117 15607454 ocm 15607454 104088 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a32128) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 104088) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1588:41) his majesties speech to the committee the 9th of march 1641 when they presented the declaration of both houses of parliament at new-market. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. by robert barker ... and by the assignes of john bill, imprinted at london : 1641 [i.e. 1642] reproduction of original in the harvard university library. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649. a32128 r36117 (wing c2801). civilwar no his majesties speech to the committee, the 9th of march, 1641. when they presented the declaration of both houses of parliament at new-marke england and wales. sovereign 1642 486 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-05 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-06 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-06 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion ❧ his majesties speech to the committee , the 9th of march , 1641. when they presented the declaration of both houses of parliament at new-market . i am confident that you expect not i should give you a speedy answer to this strange and unexpected declaration ; and i am sorry ( in the distraction of this kingdom ) you should think this way of addresse to be more convenient , then that proposed by my message of the 20th of ianuary last to both houses . as concerning the grounds of your fears and iealousies , i will take time to answer particularly , and doubt not but i shall do it to the satisfaction of all the world . god , in his good time , will , i hope , discover the secrets and bottoms of all plots and treasons ; and then i shall stand right in the eyes of all my people . in the mean time , i must tell you , that i rather expected a vindication for the imputation laid on me in master pims speech , then that any more generall rumours and discourses should get credit with you . for my fears and doubts , i did not think they should have been thought so groundlesse or triviall , while so many seditious pamphlets and sermons are looked upon , and so great tumults are remembred , unpunished , uninquired into : i still confesse my fears , and call god to witnesse , that they are greater for true protestant profession , my people and laws , then for my own rights or safety ; though i must tell you , i conceive that none of these are free from danger . what would you have ? have i violated your laws ? have i denied to passe any one bill for the ease and securitie of my subjects ? i do not ask you what you have done for me . have any of my people been transport with fears and apprehensions ? i have offered as free and generall a pardon , as your selves can devise . all this considered , there is a iudgement from heaven upon this nation , if these distractions continue . god so deal with me and mine , as all my thoughts and intentions are upright for the maintenance of the true protestant profession , and for the observation and preservation of the laws of this land : and , i hope , god will blesse and assist those laws for my preservation . as for the additionall declaration , you are to expect an answer to it , when you shall receive the answer to the declaration it self . ¶ imprinted at london by robert barker , printer to the kings most excellent majestie : and by the assignes of john bill . 1641. by the king, a proclamation proclaimedin [sic] london the ninth of iune england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a32071 of text r39151 in the english short title catalog (wing c2683a). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a32071 wing c2683a estc r39151 18240453 ocm 18240453 107219 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a32071) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 107219) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1629:61) by the king, a proclamation proclaimedin [sic] london the ninth of iune england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. s.n., [london : 1642] imprint suggested by wing. "given at our court at yorke the 27 day of may, 1642." reproduction of original in the harvard university library. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649. a32071 r39151 (wing c2683a). civilwar no by the king, a proclamation proclaimedin [sic] london the ninth of iune england and wales. sovereign 1642 586 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c r diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the king . a proclamation proclaimed in london the ninth of iune wheras by the statute made the seventh yeare of king edward the first , the prelats earles , barons , and ommonalty of the realme , affirmed in parliament , that to the king it belongeth , and his part it is by royal seigniority straitly to defend wearing of armour , and all other force against the peace , at all times when it shall please him , and to punish them which shall doe contrary , according to the lawes and usages of the realme ; and hereunto all subjects are bound to aide the king as their soveraign lord at all seasons , when need shall be . and whereas we understand , that expresly contrary to the said statute , and other good lawes of this our kingdome under colour and pretence of an ordinance of parliament , without our consent , or any commission or warrant from vs ; the trained bands , and militia , of this kingdome have been lately , and are intenbed to be put in arms , and drawne into companies in a warlike manner , whereby the peace and quiet of our subjects is , or may be disturded : wee being desirous by all gracious and faire admonitions to prevent , that some malignant persons in this our kingdome , do not by degrees seduce our good subiects from their due obedience to vs , and the lawes of this our kingdome , subtilly endeavouring by a generall combustion or confusion , to hide their mischievous designes and intentions against the peace of this our kingdome , and under a specious pretence of putting our trained bands into a posture , draw and engage our good subjects in a warlike opposition against vs , as our towne of hull is already , by the treason of sir iohn hotham , who at first pretended to put a garrison into the same , onely for our security and service . we doe therefore by this our proclamation expresly charge and command all our sheriffs , and all colonels , lieutenant-colonels , serjeant-majors , captains , officers , and souldiers belonging to the trained bands of this our kingdome , and likewise all high and petty constables , and other our officers and subjects whatsoever , upon their allegiance & as they tender the peace of this our kingdome , not to muster , leavy , raise or march , or to summon or warne upon any warrant , order , or ordinance from one or both houses of parliament ( whereto we have not , or shall not give our expresse consent ) any of our trained bands , or other forces , to rise , muster , march , or exercise , without expresse warrant under our hand , or warrant from our sheriffe of the county , grounded upon a particular writ to that purpose , under our great seale . and in case any of our trained bands shall rise , or gather together , contrary to this our command , we shall then call them in due time to a strict account and proceed legally against them as violators of the lawes , and disturbers of the peace of the kingdome . given at our court at yorke the 27 day of may , 1642. by the king, a proclamation commanding the due observation of the desires of the commissioners for the contribution of the county of oxford, and for punishing all stragling souldiers and others, robbing, and plundering the country england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a32026 of text r39028 in the english short title catalog (wing c2555). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a32026 wing c2555 estc r39028 18206650 ocm 18206650 107095 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a32026) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 107095) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1629:45) by the king, a proclamation commanding the due observation of the desires of the commissioners for the contribution of the county of oxford, and for punishing all stragling souldiers and others, robbing, and plundering the country england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. by leonard lichfield ..., printed at oxford : 1643 [i.e. 1644] "given at our court at oxford this fourteenth of february, in the nineteenth year of our raigne." imperfect: folded, with very slight loss of print. reproduction of original in the bodleian library. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649. a32026 r39028 (wing c2555). civilwar no by the king, a proclamation commanding the due observation of the desires of the commissioners for the contribution of the county of oxford, england and wales. sovereign 1644 532 7 0 0 0 0 0 132 f the rate of 132 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the f category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-04 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-05 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-05 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion cr honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the king . ¶ a proclamation commanding the due observation of the desires of the commissioners for the contribution of the country of oxford , and for punishing all stragling souldiers and others , robbing , and plundering the country . whereas the high-sheriffe , and other the commissioners for contribution of this our county of oxford , have lately by their humble petition acquainted us with the many and frequent insolencies offered the inhabitants thereof by the souldiers , and others pretending themselves to be of our army , as in taking away horses from the plough , robbing by the high-way , wasting and destroying of corn , and other personall injuries dayly offered unto them : and likewise that free-quarter is frequently taken where the contribution is paid , we thereupon in tender commiseration of their sufferings , and being most ready to satisfie their just requests , were gratiously pleased to give order , that the desires of the commissioners for the weekly loan , for the supply of the horse of our army , from this our county of oxford , should be forthwith published in print , for the better information of the officers and souldiers of our army , the which we do hereby strictly charge and command all the said officers and souldiers punctually to observe , and not to infringe them , or any of them at their perils . and for prevention of the like violences and outrages hereafter ; we do farther require and authorise the lord-lieutenant-generall of our army , to ordain and allow such a fit person as the commissioners shall make choyce of to be a provost-marshall , who with a sufficient guard of twenty persons shall constantly scoure the country , and apprehend and punish by marshall-law all stragling and wandring souldiers , and all such as shall any kind offer any violence to the inhabitants , according to such directions as he shall from time to time receive ●rom the lord-lieutenant-generall . and to the end our good subjects of this county may find the effect of our care ●or their preservation ; we do farther require the lord-lieutenant-generall , to name and appoint a court of war to ●it constantly every wednesday and saturday with the commissioners , to hear and give redresse to their just com●laints ; to which court of warre the provost-marshall is likewise to give a weekly accompt of his proceedings . this ●…ur grace and favour we command shall be forthwith put in execution , and therefore our pleasure is , that it be pub●●shed in all the hundreds , townes , and parishes of this county , and annexed to the late printed desires of the commissi●ners , that so it may be hence forward duly observed by all the officers , and souldiers of our army , at their perills . given 〈◊〉 our court at oxford this fourteenth of february , in the nineteenth year of our raigne . god save the king . printed at oxford , by leonard lichfield , printer to the vniversity , 1643. by the king. a proclamation for the redresse of certaine grievances complained of by the inhabitants of the county of oxford proclamations. 1643-06-03 england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a32050 of text r224051 in the english short title catalog (wing c2621). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a32050 wing c2621 estc r224051 99834654 99834654 39158 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a32050) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 39158) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1809:2) by the king. a proclamation for the redresse of certaine grievances complained of by the inhabitants of the county of oxford proclamations. 1643-06-03 england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by leonard lichfield, printer to the university, printed at oxford : 1643. at head of title: royal arms with initials "c r". dated at end: oxford, this third day of june, in the nineteenth year if his majesties reigne. reproduction of the original in the bodleian library, oxford. eng great britain -history -horses -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a32050 r224051 (wing c2621). civilwar no by the king. a proclamation for the redresse of certaine grievances complained of by the inhabitants of the county of oxford. england and wales. sovereign 1643 548 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-05 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-06 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2008-06 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion royal blazon or coat of arms c r honi soit qvi mal y pense by the king ❧ a proclamation for the redresse of certaine grievances complained of by the inhabitants of the county of oxford . whereas complaint hath been made to his majestic on the behalf of the inhabitants of this county of oxford , that although they have agreed to a great weekly contribution by way of loane towards the provision of his majesties horse , yet in many parts of this county , they suffer in these particulars following , wherein they humbly pray to be releived . first , that the souldiers do put their horses into the standing-corne , and do eate and spoile it , which will be an utter undoing to the owners , if it be not remedied . secondly , they turne their horses into their meddowes , and mowing-grasse , whereby they shall have no hay to keep their cattell the next winter , refusing other grasse fit for them . thirdly , whereas there is 3s 6d by the week allowed for a souldiers dyet , in many places a souldier , a woman , and a child , or a boy , be all billetted and dyeted at the same rate , as for one man . fourthly , many of them refuse to give tickets , when they have been billetted a moneth , or six weeks in a place , and some who do give tickets , will not make them so perfect , as that the master of the family can have allowance thereof , when it is brought to the sheriffe or other collectour . fifthly , where souldiers are quartered in a parish , and sometimes one or a few houses receive them , as the quarter-master appoints it , they who receive them can have no contribution from them of the same parish or liberty , who receive either none , or a fewer number , whereas the charg being borne by all of ability indifferently , it would be the easier , and the more equall . his majestic taking these things into his princely consideration , doth give his approbation of the reasonablenesse of them all . and being willing to case his good subjects in all things which he can , and the necessity of the times will permitt doth now declare his royall pleasure and command that these things above written , and complained of , be from henceforth reformed . & doth require the commanders and officers of his army , as much as in them lyeth , to see the same observed , and that whosoever shall offend therein must expert to receive punishment strictly , according to the quality of his offence , and that both the inhabitants of the county , and the souldiers may take the better notice hereof and observe it , his majestie doth command that this be forthwith printed and published in every church and parochiall chappell within this county . given at his majesties court in oxford , this third day of june , in the nineteenth yeare of his majesties reigne . god save the king . printed at oxford by leonard lichfield , printer to the university . 1643. his majesties speech to the gentlemen at yorke on thursday last, being the 12. of may, 1642. speeches. 1642-05-12. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a32131 of text r225725 in the english short title catalog (wing c2806). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a32131 wing c2806 estc r225725 99826916 99826916 31327 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a32131) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 31327) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1845:10) his majesties speech to the gentlemen at yorke on thursday last, being the 12. of may, 1642. speeches. 1642-05-12. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) first printed at yorke, and now reprinted at london, [london] : maij 16. 1642. originally published as his majesties speech to the gentry of the county of yorke. reproduction of the original in the caius and gonville college library (cambridge university). eng hotham, john, -sir, d. 1645 jan. 2 -early works to 1800. prerogative, royal -england -early works to 1800. a32131 r225725 (wing c2806). civilwar no his majesties speech to the gentry of the county of yorke, attending his majesty at the city of yorke, on thursday the 12 of may 1642. england and wales. sovereign 1642 619 2 0 0 0 0 0 32 c the rate of 32 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-07 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-07 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c r diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms his majesties speech to the gentlemen at yorke ; on thursday last , being the 12. of may , 1642. gentlemen , i have cause of adding , not altering what i meant to say , when i gave out the summons for this dayes appearance , i little thought of these messengers or of such a message as they brought ; the which because it concernes mee in what i intend to speake , and that i desire you should be truly informed of all passages between me and the parliament : you shall heare read , first my answer to their declaration of both houses concerning hull : the answer of the parliament to my two messages concerning hull ; together with my reply to the same ; and my message to both houses , declaring the reasons why i refused to passe the bill concerning the militia . all which being read his majesty proceeded . i will make no paraphrases upon what ye have heard it were more befitting a lawyer then a king onely this observation , since treason is countenanced so neare me it is time to look to my safety , i avow it was part of my wonder , that men ( whom i thought heretofore discreete and moderate should have undertaken this imployment , and that since they came ( i have delivered them the answer you have heard and commanded them to returne personally with it to the parliament : ) should have flatly disobeyed me upon pretence of the parliament command . my end in telling you this , is to warne you of them : for since these men have brought me such a message ; and disobeyed , so lawfull a command i will not say what their intend of saying here is , only i did you take heed , not knowing what doctrine of disobedience they may preach to you , under colour of obeying the parliament . hitherto i have found and kept you quiet , the enoying of which was a chiefe cause of my coming hither . ( tumults & ●isorders having made me leave the south ) and not to make this a seat of warre , as malice would ( but i hope in vaine ) make you believe . now if disturbances doe come i know whom i have reason to suspect . to be short , you see that my magazin is going to be taken away from me ( being mine own proper goods ) directly against my will , the ●●litia ( against law and my consent ) is going to be put in execution : and lastly sir iohn hotham , treason is countenanced ; all this considered , none can blame me to apprehend dangers . therefore , i have thought fit , ( upon these reall grounds ) to tell you that i am resolved to have a guard , ( the parliament having had one all this white upon imaginary iealousies ) only to secure my person , in which i desire your concurrence and assistance and that i may be able to protect you , the lawes and the true protestant profession from any affront or injury that may be offered , which i meane to maintaine my selfe , without charge to the country intending no longer to keepe them on foot , then i shall be secured of my apprehensions ; by having satisfaction in the particulars before mentioned . first printed at yorke , and now reprinted at london , maij 16 , 1642. his majesties speech to both houses of parliament december the second 1641 england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a32125 of text r11360 in the english short title catalog (wing c2798). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 4 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a32125 wing c2798 estc r11360 13013091 ocm 13013091 96510 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a32125) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 96510) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 259:e199, no 37) his majesties speech to both houses of parliament december the second 1641 england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. [2], 5 p. printed by robert barker ... and by the assignes of john bill, london : 1641. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng great britain -politics and government -1625-1649 -sources. a32125 r11360 (wing c2798). civilwar no his majesties speech, to both houses of parliament: december the second. 1641. england and wales. sovereign 1641 656 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2002-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-04 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-05 tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread 2002-05 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-06 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion his majesties speech , to both houses of parliament : december the second . 1641. london : printed by robert barker , printer to the kings most excellent majestie : and by the assignes of john bill . mdcxli . diev et mon droit honi soit qui mal y pense his majesties speech , to both houses of parliament , decem. 2. 1641. my lords and gentlemen , i think it fit , after so long absence , at this first occasion , to speak a few words unto you , but it is no wayes in answer to master speakers learned speech : albeit i have staid longer then i expected to have done when i went away , yet in this i have kept my promise with you , that i have made all the haste back again , that the setling of my scotch affairs could any wayes permit , in which i have had so good successe , that i will confidently affirm to you , that i have left that nation a most peaceable and contented people ; so that although i have a little misreckoned in time , yet i was not deceived in my end . but if i have deceived your expectations a little in the time of my return , yet i am assured that my expectation is as much and more deceived in the condition wherein i hoped to have found businesses at my return . for since that before my going i setled the liberties of my subjects , and gave the lawes a free and orderly course , i expected to have found my people reaping the fruits of these benefits , by living in quietnesse , and satisfaction of minde : but in stead of this , i finde them disturbed with jealousies , frights , and alarms of dangerous designes and plots ; in consequence of which , guards have been set to defend both houses : i say not this as in doubt that my subjects affections are any way lesned to me in this time of my absence , for i cannot but remember , to my great comfort , the joyfull reception i had now at my entry into london , but rather as i hope that my presence will easily disperse these fears . for i bring as perfect and true affections to my people as ever prince did , or as good subjects can possibly desire . and i am so far from repenting me of any act i have done this session for the good of my people , that i protest , if it were to do again i would do it , and will yet grant what else can be justly desired for satisfaction in point of liberties , or in maintenance of the true religion that is here established . now i have but one particular to recommend unto you at this time , it is ireland , for which though i doubt not your care , yet me thinks the preparations for it go but slowly on . the occasion is the fitter for me now to mention it , because of the arrivall of two lords from scotland , who come instructed from my councel there ( who now by act of parliament have full power for that purpose ) to answer that demand which it pleased both houses to make me by way of petition , that met me at barwick , and which the duke of richmont sent back by my command to my scotch-councel : therefore my desire is , that both houses would appoint a select committee to end this businesse with these noblemen . i must conclude in telling you , that i seek my peoples happinesse , for their flourishing is my greatest glory , and their affections my greatest strength . finis . his majesties late gratious message and summons to the city of glocester aug. 1643 with their answer thereunto. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a31944 of text r39014 in the english short title catalog (wing c2383). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a31944 wing c2383 estc r39014 18206259 ocm 18206259 107081 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a31944) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 107081) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1629:34) his majesties late gratious message and summons to the city of glocester aug. 1643 with their answer thereunto. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. by leonard lichfield ..., printed at oxford : 1643. "let the world now judge if his majesty could have sent a more gratious message to his most loyal subjects, and whether these desperate rebels deserve any mercy, who after so many offers doe stil refuse a pardon. but since their returning this rebellious answer, they have set their own suburbs on fire, which surely is not to keepe the city either for the king or parliament." reproduction of original in the huntington library. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649. a31944 r39014 (wing c2383). civilwar no his majesties late gratious message and summons to the city of glocester cug. [sic] 1643. with their answer thereunto. england and wales. sovereign 1643 578 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-07 paul schaffner sampled and proofread 2008-07 paul schaffner text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion his majesties late gratiovs message and summons to the city of glocester aug. 1643. with their answer thereunto . out of our tender compassion to our city of glocester , and that it may not receive prejudice by our army , which we cannot prevent , if we be compelled to assault it , we are personally come before it to require the same , and are gratiously pleased to let all the inhabitants of , and all other persons , within that city , as well souldiers as others , know , that if they shall immediately submit themselves , and deliver this our city to us , we are contented freely & absolutely to pardon every one of them without exception ; and doe assure them in the word of a king , that they nor any of them shal receive the least ; dammage or prejudice by our army in their persons , or estates ; but that we will appoint such a governor , and a moderate garrison to reside there , as shal be both for the ease and security of that city and that whole county . but if they shall neglect this profer of grace and favour , and compell us by the power of our army to reduce that place ( which by the help of god we doubt not we shall be easily and shortly able to doe ) they must thank themselves for all the calamities and miseries must befall them . to this message we expect a cleere and positive answer within two houres after the publishing hereof , and by these presents doe give leave to any persons safely to repaire to , and returne from us whom that city shall desire to imploy unto us in that businesse . and doe require all the officers and souldiers of our army , quietly to suffer them to passe accordingly . august , 1643. we the inhabitants , magistrates , officers and souldiers within this garrison of glocester : unto his majesties gratious message returne this humble answer . that we doe keep this city according to our oathes and alleagiance to and for the use of his majesty and his royall posterity ; and doe accordingly conceive our selves wholly bound to obey the commands of his majesty signified by both houses of parliament ; and are resolved by gods helpe to keep this city accordingly . de. wise major . john brewster . william luggo . my. singleton . thomas hill . thomas pury . john scriven . nich. webb . jo. dorney . anth. edwards . john halford . toby jordan . g. dawidssone . robert maxwell . edw. massie . con. ferrer . hum. mathews . isaack dobson . edward gray . charles blount . peter crispe . rob. backhouse . ja. harcus . tho. pury iun. rob. stevenson . tho. blayney . let the world now judge if his majesty could have sent a more gratious message to his most loyall subjects , and whether these desperate rebels deserve any mercy , who after so many offers doe stil refuse a pardon . but since their returning this rebellious answer , they have set their own suburbs on fire , which surely is not to keepe the city either for the king or parliament . printed at oxford , by leonard litchfield , printer to the vniversity . 1643. mr. speakers speech with his majesties speech to both houses of parliament at the passing of the bill for tonnage and poundage being an answer to mr. speakers speech at the presenting thereof 22 june 1641. england and wales. parliament. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a70417 of text r13949 in the english short title catalog (wing l1089). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 3 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a70417 wing l1089 estc r13949 13023466 ocm 13023466 96649 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a70417) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 96649) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 259:e198, no 23 or 259:e198, no 24) mr. speakers speech with his majesties speech to both houses of parliament at the passing of the bill for tonnage and poundage being an answer to mr. speakers speech at the presenting thereof 22 june 1641. england and wales. parliament. lenthall, william, 1591-1662. charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) [2], 6 p. s.n.], [london : 1641. his majesties speech to both houses of parliament, june 22, 1641 on p. 5. william lenthall, speaker of the house. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng tonnage fees -england. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649 -sources. a70417 r13949 (wing l1089). civilwar no mr. speakers speech, with his majesties speech to both houses of parliament, at the passing of the bill for tonnage and poundage: being an a lenthall, william 1641 698 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2004-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-02 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-03 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2004-03 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion mr. speakers speech , with his majesties speech to both houses of parliament , at the passing of the bill for tonnage and poundage : being an answer to mr. speakers speech at the presenting thereof , 22. iune 1641. printed in the yeare , 1641. honi soit qvi mal y pense cr royal blazon or coat of arms mr. speakers speech in the lords house of parliament , iune 22. 1641. that policy , most gratious and dread soveraigne , which weighs the prerogative of the king and property of the subject in the same scales , and increases the plenty of the crowne , and contentment of the people ; the even poising of this beame enables both , the one being ordained for the preservation of the other . this principle is so riveted into the hearts of your subjects by the acts of their ancestours , & traditions of their fore-fathers , that it hath created a beliefe in them , that their wills are bound to a due allegiance , and their fortunes and estates , as well as their duty and subjection , must bend to the commands of that soveraigne power with which god hath invested your sacred majestie . compulsary obedience , advanced by the transcendent power of prerogative , is too weake to support the right of government : it is the affections & estates of your people , tyed with the threads of obedience , by the rules of law , that fastens safety and prosperity to the crowne . the experiment of elder times , in the raignes of the most valiant puissant princes , hath concluded this the soveraigne preservative against the diseases of distraction and confusion , and makes it manifest to the world , that the honour and glory of this throne is to command the hearts of free-men . this admitted , the permission of the least diminution , or any eclipsed interposition betweene the honour and plenty of the crowne , contracts a scorne upon the nation . severall parliaments in former times have stampt the character of a free gift upon the fore-front of this aid , still offered by the people , as a sacrifice of thanksgiving to the crowne , for the safe conduct of your merchants , and provision of the navie , to strengthen your undoubted dominion over the seas , which hath protected your allyes , and is a terrour to your enemies . our hopes were long since to have settled this for the measure and the time , and with this to have presented to your sacred majestie the triumphant palme of tranquillity in all your kingdomes : but , as a ship floating upon a rough sea , we have been cast upon the rock of feare and dangers , and tossed on the billows of distraction and distrust of church and common-wealth , where we yet remaine hopelesse ever to passe through that narrow channell which leads to the haven of peace , unlesse we be speedily steered on by the hand of your sacred wisdome , care and providence . in the midst of all these troubles , and the severall opinions which have beene amongst us , no division had power to distract any one of us from the care and duty we owe to your sacred person . and , to that end am i now sent by the commons of england , to present this as a marke onely , whereby your sacred majestie may view the inward duties of our hearts , untill time and opportunity will give leave for a further expression of our duties and affections . the acceptation of this gift will glad the hearts of your people , and the approbation by the royall assent of this bill ( being the largest for the measure which was ever given ) will joyne wings to our desires and hopes , which shall never returne without that olive-leafe , which may declare that the waters are abated , and your sacred majestie may have full assurance of the faith and loyaltie of your subjects . finis . by the king. a proclamation for the ease of the citty of oxford, and suburbs, and of the county of oxford, of unnecessary persons lodging or abiding there proclamations. 1643-01-17 england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a79005 of text r232023 in the english short title catalog (wing c2610). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a79005 wing c2610 estc r232023 99897796 99897796 137325 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a79005) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 137325) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2527:15) by the king. a proclamation for the ease of the citty of oxford, and suburbs, and of the county of oxford, of unnecessary persons lodging or abiding there proclamations. 1643-01-17 england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by l. lichfield, [oxford : 1643] dated at end: "given at our court at oxford, the seventeenth day of january, in the eighteenth yeare of our reigne." imprint from madan and wing (cd-rom edition). reproduction of original in the bodleian library. eng england and wales. -army -barracks and quarters -early works to 1800. vagrancy -england -early works to 1800. oxford (england) -history -early works to 1800. broadsides -england a79005 r232023 (wing c2610). civilwar no by the king. a proclamation for the ease of the citty of oxford, and suburbs, and of the county of oxford, of unnecessary persons lodging or england and wales. sovereign 1643 741 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c r honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the king . ¶ a proclamation for the ease of the citty of oxford , and suburbs , and of the county of oxford , of unnecessary persons lodging or abiding there . his maiesty being inforced to draw into these parts and places diverse regiments of souldiers , who want fit places to billet them in , by reason ( as he is informed ) there are many women and children as well as men , who have no necessary employment either about his majesties person , or court , or army , and yet have thrust themselves into houses and lodgings in these places , from whence they keep out others , which must be placed here , and are but a burthen in the consuming those provisions which are and must be made for those , whose attendance and service is necessary , hath therefore , by the advice of the lords and others his highnesse commissioners , of his princely care , thought fit to publish and declare his royall pleasure and command as followeth . 1. that all such as have houses , or parts of houses , or other roomes , sit for the entertaining , lodging , or disposing of any souldiers , or others , doe truly deliver the number of roomes they have , the number of bedds , the true number of persons there lodged , entertained or receaved , and their names , as neere as they can , and to whom they doe belong , or under whose command they are . 2. that all such as are so lodged or entertained doe truly deliver what their qualities are , under whose command , or upon what attendance , either to the court or army , what their names are , and doe truly set downe what bedds they have to receave them , and where . 3. that if any doe refuse to give such true information , or doe mis-informe in any thing , or doe colour any others to lodge there which ought not so to be , that he or shee shall be subject to that punishment which the offence deserveth . 4. that if any person shall not immediatly , or within twenty foure houres after the publishing of this proclamation , depart from this citty and suburbs thereof , and county aforesaid , who cannot justify their abiding here as aforesaid , they shall be sent away by the officers of the army , or ministers of iustice , as the case shall require , with such disgrace as they deserve for such their fault herein . 5. that if in this county there be any women or children lodged or entertained under pretence of attending the army , or any souldiers therein , that the commanders in that place shall examine and certify to the kings commissioners , what they conceave to be fit , according to whose certificate , that shall be done which shall be just in such case . 6. that if any have houses of abiding in this county , or neere thereunto , that they remove thereunto speedily , where they shall have the kings protection for their safety . 7. that if any shall in any of these things offend , they are hereby to know , that they shall not only incurre the danger of contempt to his majesty for such their offence , but also such other punishment as the nature of their offences shall deserve . 8. that if any person come into the citty or suburbes thereof , he shall that night , or before , discover unto st iacob ashley the governour of the citty , his owne name , and the names of his servants , or company , and the place from whence he came , and the occasion of his comming . and that the master of the house shall , before any new commer shall lodge in any house , deliver the name of such person and his company to the governour of the citty , upon the like pain as aforesaid . ¶ given at our court at oxford , the seventeenth day of ianuary , in the eighteenth yeare of our reigne . god save the king . a proclamation of his majesties grace, favour, and pardon to the inhabitants of his county of lincolne, and of his citty of lincolne, and county of the same citty england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a32068 of text r40800 in the english short title catalog (wing c2673). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a32068 wing c2673 estc r40800 19320232 ocm 19320232 108611 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a32068) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 108611) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1683:22) a proclamation of his majesties grace, favour, and pardon to the inhabitants of his county of lincolne, and of his citty of lincolne, and county of the same citty england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. by l. lichfield ..., [oxford : 1642 or 1643] at head of title: by the king. "given at our court at oxford, the twelfth day ianuary, in the eighteenth yeare of our reigne." imprint suggested by wing. reproduction of original in the bodleian library. eng proclamations -great britain. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649. a32068 r40800 (wing c2673). civilwar no a proclamation of his majesties grace, favour, and pardon to the inhabitants of his county of lincolne, and of his citty of lincolne, and co england and wales. sovereign 1642 854 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-09 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-11 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-11 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c r honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the king . ¶ a proclamation of his majesties grace , favour , and pardon to the inhabitants of his county of lincolne , and of his citty of lincolne , and county of the same citty . whereas we have taken notice , that by the malice , industry , and importunity of severall ill-affected and seditious persons in our county of lincolne , and citty of lincolne , and county of the same , very many of our weake & seduced subjects of those our counties and citty , have not only beene drawne to exercise the militia . under colour of pretended ordinance , without and against our consent , ( a crime of a very high nature , if we would strictly enquire thereinto ) but have made contributions of plate money , and horses , towards the maintenance of the army now in rebellion against vs ; and also have raised and gathered together armed men in those our counties and citty , and doe muster and train them without warrant or authority from vs . we doe hereby publish and declare , that we are gratiously pleased to attribute the said crimes and offences of our said subjects of those places , to the power and faction of their seducers ; who , we beleeve , by threates , menaces , and false informations compelled and led them into these actions of undutifullnesse and disloyalty towards vs ; and therefore we doe hereby offer our free and gracious pardon to all the inhabitants of our said county of lincolne , and citty of lincolne , and county of the same , for all offences concerning the premisses committed against vs , before the publishing of this our proclamation , except sir edward ascough , sir christopher wray , sir anthony irby , knights , thomas hatcher , and thomas grantham , esquires , against all which we shall proceed according to the rules of law , as against traitors and stirrers of sedition against vs , and whom we doe hereby require all our officers and ministers of iustice , and all our loving subjects to apprehend and keep , or cause to be kept in safe custody till our plesure be farther known . provided , that this our grace shall not extend to any person who after the publishing of this our proclamation shall presume by loane , or contribution , to assist the said army of rebells , to assemble and muster themselves in armes without authority derived from vs under our hand , to enter into any oath of association for opposing vs and our army or to succour , or entertaine any of the persons excepted in this our proclamation , or in our declaration of the 12th of august last . but we do declare , that whosoever shall henceforth be guilty of the premisses , or of either of them , or shall give obedience to any warrants concerning any musters , levies , or contributions for levies whatsoever , under any pretence of authority whatsoever , either from the said sir edward ascough , sir christopher wray , sir anthony irby , thomas hatcher , thomas grantham , or from any other person or persons whatsoever , without our expresse consent declared under our great seale or signe manuall , shall be esteemed by vs as an enemy to the publike peace , a person dis-affected to vs , and to the religion and lawes of the kingdome , and shall accordingly receive condigne punishment , of which we give them timely notice , that they may proceed accordingly at their perills . and wee doe hereby will and require our high sheriffe of our said county of lincolne , the sheriffes of our said citty , all iustices of the peace , and all other our officers , and loving subjects to resist , oppose , and apprehend all such persons as shall presume to make any leavies in that our county of lincolne , citty of lincolne , or county of the same under what pretence soever , without authority derived from vs under our hand . and we likewise will and require them , and every of them to be assistant to all such as shall either command the traine-bands of that our county of lincolne , citty of lincolne , or county of the same citty , or make any levies in the same by vertue of commission under our great seale or signe manuall . and lastly our expresse pleasure and command is , that this our proclamation be published and read in all the churches and chappells within our said county of city of lincolne , citty of lincolne , and county of the same , by the parsons , vicars , or curates of the same . ¶ given at our court at oxford , the twelfth day of ianuary , in the eighteenth yeare of our reigne . god save the king . by the king. a proclamation forbidding all assessing, collecting, and paying of the twentieth part and of all vveekly taxes by colour of any order or ordinances, and all entring in protestations and associations against his majestie. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a79013 of text r211768 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.5[148]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a79013 wing c2641 thomason 669.f.5[148] estc r211768 99870468 99870468 160859 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a79013) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160859) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f5[148]) by the king. a proclamation forbidding all assessing, collecting, and paying of the twentieth part and of all vveekly taxes by colour of any order or ordinances, and all entring in protestations and associations against his majestie. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1643] at foot of text: "given at our court at oxford the eight day of march, in the eighteenth yeer of our reign. 1642. god save the king." london reprint of the oxford original. -steele. with engraving of royal seal at head of document. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng taxation -great britain -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -finance -early works to 1800. a79013 r211768 (thomason 669.f.5[148]). civilwar no by the king. a proclamation forbidding all assessing, collecting, and paying of the twentieth part, and of all vveekly taxes by colour of an england and wales. sovereign 1643 773 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-02 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-03 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-03 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion cr diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the king . ❧ a proclamation forbidding all assessing , collecting , and paying of the twentieth part , and of all vveekly taxes by colour of orders or ordinances , and all entring into protestations and associations against his majestie . whereas , an actuall and open rebellion being raised against vs under the command of robert earle of essex , and diverse other traiterous persons , for the destruction of vs and our posterity , and the subversion of the religion , laws , and liberties of this our kingdom , great endeavours are daily used to perswade and fright our good subjects in our city of london , and thorowout this kingdom , to submit to severall illegall impositions , by pretended orders or ordinances of one or both houses of parliament , for the levying of the twentieth part of their estates , and for vveekly taxes upon the same , and to engage them into unwarrantable protestations and associations , to no other end then to foment and maintain this unnaturall vvarre against vs ; all which contributions , protestations , and associations are by the known law of the land acts of high treason , and endeavours to take our life from vs ; vve do therefore strictly charge and command all our loving subjects whatsoever , and particularly of our counties of norfolk , suffolke , hertford , essex , cambridge , kent , surrey , sussex , south-hampton , north-hampton , leicester , derby , rutland , nottingham , huntingdon , bedford , and buckingham , where this association hath been already attempted , upon their allegiance not to enter into any such association or protestation , and all our loving subjects in what parts of this our realm soever ( particularly of our city of london ) not to submit to any such imposition , levy , or tax as aforesaid , nor to presume to be assistant thereunto by assessing , taxing , levying or collecting thereof . and vve do hereby publish and declare , that vve are resolved to grant out our commissions for the seizing of the goods , and the sequestring of the estates of all such persons as shall rebelliously disobey vs herein , to the intent that such their goods and rents may be safely deposited , untill such time as the offendors can be brought to a legall tryall , which shall speedily proceed against them , as soon as they can be apprehended and delivered into the hands of iustice . and vve do hereby will and command all persons who are any wayes indebted unto , and all the severall tenants of all such persons , who shall by submitting to , or assisting of any such imposition , levy , or tax , contribute to the maintenance of the armies in rebellion against vs , or that shall joyn in any such traiterous association or protestation , that they forbear to pay any rents or debts due to the said severall persons , but detain the same in their hands towards the maintenance of the peace of the counties , and the reparation of such men who have suffered by the violence of the aforesaid armies , the same course being already taken by publique order and directions against such as have faithfully and according to their allegiance assisted vs against this unnaturall rebellion . and as vve have heretofore declared , that whosoever sould lose his life in this our necessary defence , the vvardship of his heire should be granted by vs without rent or fine to his own use ; so on the other side vve do here by publish and declare , that whosoever of our subjects shall not make use of this our gracious vvarning , but persist in , or hereafter engage themselves into either actuall bearing arms against vs , or any such traiterous assistance of those that do bear arms either by contribution or association as aforesaid , in case they dye or be so killed during this rebellion , that the coroner cannot have inspection of their bodies , their heires shall have no benefit by our instructions of grace to our court of vvards ; the benefit of which , vve shall ever be carefull that all our good subjects may fully enjoy . given at our court at oxford the eight day of march , in the eighteenth yeer of our reign . 1642. god save the king . by the king. a proclamation against the disorderly transporting his maiesties subiects to the plantations within the parts of america proclamations. 1637-04-30 great britain. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) 1637 approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a73992 stc 9086 estc s123857 99899010 99899010 150858 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a73992) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 150858) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1984:21) by the king. a proclamation against the disorderly transporting his maiesties subiects to the plantations within the parts of america proclamations. 1637-04-30 great britain. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by robert barker, printer to the kings most excellent maiestie: and by the assignes of iohn bill, imprinted at london : 1637. "requiring gentlemen to have licenses from the commissioners for plantations and the lower classes to have local certificates of allegiance and conformity." -stc. dated at end: ... whitehall the last day of aprill, in the thirteenth yeare of our reigne. arms 23; steele notation: great the their. reproduction of original in the cambridge university library, cambridge, england. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng loyalty oaths -england -early works to 1800. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-12 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2007-12 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c r honi soit qvi mal y pense diev et mon droit . royal blazon or coat of arms ¶ by the king. ¶ a proclamation against the disorderly transporting his maiesties subiects to the plantations within the parts of america . the kings most excellent maiestie being informed that great numbers of his subiects haue bin , and are euery yeare transported into those parts of america , which haue been granted by patent to seuerall persons , and there settle themselues , some of them with their families and whole estates : amongst which numbers there are also many idle and refractory humors , whose onely or principall end is to liue as much as they can without the reach of authority : his maiestie hauing taken the premisses into consideration , is minded to restraine for the time to come such promiscuous and disorderly departing out of the realme ; and doth therefore straitly charge and command all and euery the officers and ministers of his severall ports in england , wales , and barwick , that they doe not hereafter permit or suffer any persons , being subsidie men , or of the value of subsidie men , to embarque themselues in any of the said ports , or the members thereof , for any of the said plantations , without licence from his maiesties commissioners for plantations first had and obtained in that behalfe ; nor that they admit to be embarqued any persons under the degree or value of subsidy-men , without an attestation or certificate from two iustices of the peace liuing next the place where the party last of all , or lately then before dwelt , that he hath taken the oaths of supremacie , and allegiance , and like testimony from the minister of the parish of his conuersation and conformity to the orders and discipline of the church of england . and further his maiesties expresse will and pleasure is ▪ that the officers and ministers of his said seuerall ports , and the members therof , do returne to his maiesties said commissioners for plantations euery halfe yeare a particular and perfect ▪ list of the names and qualities of all such persons as shall from time to time be embarqued in any of the said ports for any of the said plantations . and of these his maiesties royall commands , all the officers and ministers of his said ports , and the members thereof are to take care , as they will answer the neglect thereof at their perils . giuen at our court at whitehall the last day of aprill , in the thirteenth yeare of our reigne . god saue the king. ¶ imprinted at london by robert barker , printer to the kings most excellent maiestie : and by the assignes of iohn bill . 1637. by the king. a proclamation for the adjournment of part of michaelmas terme. proclamations. 1643-10-05. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a32044 of text r213849 in the english short title catalog (wing c2597). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a32044 wing c2597 estc r213849 99826115 99826115 30507 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a32044) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 30507) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1774:26) by the king. a proclamation for the adjournment of part of michaelmas terme. proclamations. 1643-10-05. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by leonard lichfield printer to the university, printed at oxford : [1643] "given at his majesties court at oxford, ths fifth day of october, in the nineteenth yeare of his majesties reigne". reproduction of the original in the bodleian library. eng england and wales. -parliament -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a32044 r213849 (wing c2597). civilwar no by the king. a proclamation for the adjournment of part of michaelmas terme. england and wales. sovereign 1643 885 1 0 0 0 0 0 11 c the rate of 11 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-04 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-05 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-05 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion cr honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the king . a proclamation for the adjournment of part of michaelmas terme . his majesty , to his great and unexpressible griefe , finding the rebellion of the city of london , and the distraction of the whole kingdome ( occasioned principally by that means ) to continue , whereby it will be extreamly inconvenient both for himselfe and to all his good subjects to make their repaire to the cities of london and westminster to the terme , to be held at westminster in such manner as it was wont for the whole terme , doth by this his royall proclamation order , appoynt and declare , that the court of chancery , and all proceedings in that court of what kinds or sorts soever , the receipt of the exchequer , and of the first fruits and tenths , and of the dutchy of cornwall , and the whole court of exchequer , ( except only the office of pleas in that court ) and the court of exchequer chamber , the court of the du●chy of lancaster , the court of wards and liveries , and the court of white-hall , or court of requests , shall be held and continued at his citty of oxford in the county of oxford , ( where his majesties residence now is , and for this winter season is like to be ) for and during the whole terme of st michaell now next ensuing . and that all the said courts not before excepted , and the said receipts , shall remain and continue , and be held at the said city of oxford , untill his majesty shall otherwise determine thereof and declare the same . and his majesty doth farther declare , that he doth resolve that the courts of kings-bench , and common-pleas , and the pleas between party and party in the office of pleas in the said court of exchequer , shall upon and from the first day of the first returne of michaelmas terme next , commonly called tres michaelis , be adjourned untill the fist returne of that terme commonly called octabis martini ; and that the said fist returne called octabis martini , and the sixth and last returne called quindena martini shall be held at the city of westminster in the usuall places where formerly they were held , and the residue of the said first returne of tres michaelis . the second returne of the said terme called mense michaelis , the third returne of the said terme , called crastino animarum , and the fourth returne called crastino martini , shall be wholly omitted , and all appearances at any of the said second , third , and fourth returnes to be at and on the said fist returne called octabis martini . all which his majesty signifieth to all and singular his officers and ministers of the said severall courts and receipts , and to all other his loving subjects of this his realme , to the intent that they and every of them who should performe any service there , or shall have any suit or other occasion to attend in any of the said courts of chancery , exchequer chamber , court of exchequer ( other then in the office of pleas there ) or the receipt of the exchequer , and first fruits and tenths , or dutchy of cornwall , or in the court of the dutchy of lancaster , court of wards and liveries , and court of requests , may take notice thereof , and give their attendances at the said city of oxford as aforesaid , and not elsewhere , & that such of them as have cause or command to appeare in any of the said courts or kings bench , or common-pleas , or court of exchequer in the office of pleas there , may also take notice thereof , & give their attendances accordingly , without danger of for forfeitur , penalty , or contempt to be incurred towards his majesty , or prejudice to themselves in that behalf . and his majesties pleasure is , that the essoynes for the said first returne tres michaelis shall be kept at the usuall times in the said courts of kings bench and common-pleas , and writs of adjournment shall be directed to the iustices of the said two courts of kings bench and common-pleas and barons of the exchequer respectively , willing and commanding all and every his majesties officers , ministers , and subjects to whom it doth or shall appertaine , to observe and keep their assemblies and appearances , with all their returnes and certificates , in his majesties said courts accordingly , and to give their severall and respective attendances , and to doe their respective offices and duties in every behalfe , as if they were particularly named , and as they will answer the contrary at their perills . given at his majesties court at oxford , this fifth day of october , in the nineteenth yeare of his majesties reigne . god save the king . printed at oxford by leonard lichfield printer to the university . his ma'ties speech, [brace] & [brace] the queenes speech england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a32110 of text r39153 in the english short title catalog (wing c2777). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a32110 wing c2777 estc r39153 18240519 ocm 18240519 107221 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a32110) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 107221) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1629:63) his ma'ties speech, [brace] & [brace] the queenes speech england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. henrietta maria, queen, consort of charles i, king of england, 1609-1669. england and wales. parliament. house of commons. reasons of the house of commons, to stay the queenes going into holland. 1 broadside. s.n.], [s.l. : 1641. includes: the reasons of the house of commons, to stay the queenes going into holland / delivered to the lords, at a conference the 14. of july, by john pym esquire ; and delivered the 15. to his majestie, in presence of both houses, by my lord bankes. reproduction of original in the harvard university library. eng great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. great britain -politics and government -1625-1649. a32110 r39153 (wing c2777). civilwar no his maties speech, & the queenes speech, concerning the reasons of the house of commons, to stay the queens going into holland. england and wales. sovereign 1641 1006 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion his maties speech , & the queenes speech , concerning the reasons of the house of commons , to stay the queenes going into holland . ❧ the kings speech . my lords , and gentlemen ; nothing but extreame necessity shall make me willing at this time for to give consent unto the queenes going out of the land ; and i shall be very sorry if the case stand so , that she should be forc't to goe to preserve her health , and i give unto both houses many thanks , for the care they have of my wives health and contentment : therefore i desire there may be a committee of both houses here to morrow , at three a clock , to attend my wife , with these reasons which have now been read to me . the reasons of the house of commons , to stay the queenes going into holland : delivered to the lords , at a conference the 14. of july , by john pym esquire ; and delivered the 15. to his majestie , in presence of both houses by my lord bankes . there is great cause to doubt , lest the papists have some designe upon her majesties journey , because the house hath beene informed , that divers of them have sold off their lands to a good value , and used other meanes to get ready money . 2. it is observed some of them have beene very diligent , gathering great quantities of gold . 3. it is informed , that more than an ordinary number of papists are gone beyond sea already , and those of the better sort . ii. the great number of english fugitives now beyond the seas , who by their late designes and practises , are knowne to be full of malice to the state , and will no doubt , seeke all opportunities of accesse to , her majesty ; and as much as they can labour to infuse into her such evill counsels , as may trouble the peace of the kingdome , whereof at this time there is more danger , because the affaires of the kingdome are not yet fully settled , and upon disbanding of the army , all parts are like to abound with souldiers , and such others as will be apt to be provoked to tumults and seditions ; especially in the time of the kings absence in scotland . iii. that the house of commons have received information of great quantity of treasure in jewells , plate , and ready money , packt up to be conveyed away with the queene , not onely in such a proportion , as the present occasions with due respect to her majesties honour , may seeme to require , but a farre greater quantity , and that divers papists and others , under pretence of her majesties goods , are like to convey great summes of money , and other treasures beyond the seas , which will not onely impoverish the state , but may be imployed to the fomenting some mischievous attempts , to the trouble , of the publique peace . iv. that as it will be a great dishonour to the state , if her majesty should not be attended and furnished sutably to her quality , so it will be a very heavie burthen in this time of great necessity and occasions of other publique charges , if shee shall be provided in so royall a manner , as shall be fit for her majesty , and the honour of the king and kingdome . v. that because we understand by sir theodore mayerne , that the chiefe cause of her majesties-sicknesse , and distempers , proceed from some discontent of her minde ; the house of commons have thought good to declare , that if any thing within the power of parliament may give her majesty contentment , they are so tender of her health , both in due respect to his most excellent majesty , and her selfe , that they will be ready to further her satisfaction in all things , so farre as may stand with that publike , to which they are obliged . vi . that the commons conceive it will be some dishonour to this nation if her mtie. . should at this unseasonable time go out of the kingdome , upon any griefe or discontent received here , and therefore we shall labour by all good meanes to take away , and prevent all just occasions of her majesties trouble , in such manner , as may further her content , and therein her health , which will be a very great comfort , and joy to our selves , and the rest of his majesties loving subjects . the queenes speech , july 21. 1641. vvhen the parliament did th' other day expresse their affections to me , in taking into consideration the journey which i had resolved on for the recovery of my health , and represented a desire of my stay , with a tender care of removing all occasions of my indisposition , i could not then give a positive answer , such as i desired for their satisfaction , because i knew not that my health would give way unto it ; but since that time i have resolved to venture my health , and ( for complying with their desires ) not to goe , since my presence here , will be acceptable unto them ; and that they conceive it will be for the good of the kingdome : for i desire nothing more , than to let you see , that i shall in all things be ready to gratifie them , and to serve the state , though ( as i then said ) with the hazard of my life . printed in the yeere 1641. by the king. his majesties proclamation forbidding all his loving subjects of the counties of kent, surrey, sussex, and hampshire, to raise any forces without his majesties consent or to enter into any association or protestation for the assistance of the rebellion against his majesty. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a79014 of text r211759 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.5[139]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a79014 wing c2645 thomason 669.f.5[139] estc r211759 99870460 99870460 160850 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a79014) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160850) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f5[139]) by the king. his majesties proclamation forbidding all his loving subjects of the counties of kent, surrey, sussex, and hampshire, to raise any forces without his majesties consent or to enter into any association or protestation for the assistance of the rebellion against his majesty. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1643] at head of title: "c.r." without royal arms. "given at our court at oxford, this sixteenth day of february, in the eighteenth yeere of our reigne. god save the king." imprint from wing. annotation on thomason copy: "march 1". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng kent (england) -history -early works to 1800. sussex (england) -history -early works to 1800. surrey (england) -history -early works to 1800. hampshire (england) -history -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a79014 r211759 (thomason 669.f.5[139]). civilwar no by the king. his majesties proclamation forbidding all his loving subjects of the counties of kent, surrey, sussex, and hampshire, to raise england and wales. sovereign 1643 1052 2 0 0 0 0 0 19 c the rate of 19 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-07 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-07 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c. r. by the king . his majesties proclamation forbidding all his loving subjects of the counties of kent , surrey , sussex , and hampshire , to raise any forces without his majesties consent , or to enter into any association or protestation for the assistance of the rebellion against his majesty . whereas we have been informed of certain propositions agreed upon by some seditious persons of our severall counties of kent , surry , sussex and hampshire , for an association betwixt the said counties , to raise an army of 3000 foot , and 300 horse , and great summes of money for the maintenance thereof , and an invitation to our good subjects of that county , to enter into a protestation to assist them in this odious and unnaturall rebellion ; we doe hereby declare for the satisfaction of all our loving subjects of those counties , and that they may not be seduced from their obedience by the cunning and subtilty of those men , that the entring into such an association and protestation , and raising of men or contributing money upon the same , is an act of high treason , and an endeavour to take away our life from vs : and we do therefore straitly charge and command all our loving subjects whatsoever upon their allegiance not to enter into any such association or protestation , and such , as by colour of such authority have assembled together , that they immediately di●band and repaire to their houses . and we doe once more renew our offer of a free and gratious pardon to all our subjects of our said foure severall counties , excepting those whom we before excepted in our severall proclamations concerning those our counties , against all which we shall proceed according to the rules of the law , as against persons guilty of high treason ; and whom we doe hereby require all our officers and ministers of justice , and all our loving subjects whatsoever , to apprehend and cause to be kept in safe custody . and our expresse pleasure is , and we doe hereby will and command all the severall tenants of the persons excepted in our proclamation for those foure counties of kent , surrey , sussex , and hampshire , and all other persons who are any waye indebted unto them , and all the tenants to any other person of any of the said counties , who is now in actuall and open rebellion against us , or who after the publishing of this our proclamation shall contribute to the maintenance of the armies now in rebellion against us , under the conduct of robert earle of essex , or of any other person or persons , or that shall joyne in any such traiterous association or protestation , that they forbeare to pay any rents or debts due to the said severall persons , but detaine the same in their hands towards the maintenance of the peace of the counties , and the reparation of such men who have suffered by the violence of the others . and if any souldier or souldiers now under command against us in either of our said foure counties , shall within six dayes after the publishing of this our proclamation , apprehend and bring before us , or any officers of our army , or any other our minister of justice , so that the person apprehended be kept in safe custody , the bodies of any of the persons so excepted by us , or of any of the commanders or officers now in rebellion against us in any of the said foure counties , such souldier or souldiers , besides their pardons , shall receive such liberall rewards by pensions , or otherwise , as their severall services in respect of the qualities of the persons so apprehended shall deserve . and if any commander or officer ( except the persons before excepted ) now in rebellion against us , in any of the said foure counties , shall within five dayes after this our proclamation published , being convinced in his conscience of his damnable offence against god and us , in assisting this odious rebellion , returne to his alleagiance and repaire to our army , and commit no hostile act in the meane while against us , we shall not onely pardon him , but so far imploy him as his quality and deme●nour shall deserve . and we doe hereby require all our loving subjects of what degree or quality soever , within our said foure severall counties , upon their allegiance , and as they tender the cause of god , the protestant religion , being invaded and threatned to be rooted up by anabaptists , brownists , and atheists , of us , and our posterity ( our life being sought after by this rebellion , and of themselves , the law and liberty of the subject being in apparent hazard to be subjected to an arbitrary lawlesse power , of a few schismaticall , factious , and ambitious persons ) to assist us in person , or with the loane of money , plate , and horses , in this our great necessity . and having said thus much out of our tender regard of our subjects of those our counties ; if they shall henceforward be guilty of the premises : and shall either by loane or contribution assist the said army of rebels , assemble and muster themselves in armes withour authority derived from us under our hand , or shall enter into any oath of association for opposing us and our army , and so compell us to send part of our forces thither to reduce them to their obedience ; they must answer the miseries that must follow , to god , and their country . and our pleasure is , that this our proclamation be read in all the parish churches and chappels in the said foure severall counties . given at our court at oxford , this sixteenth day of february , in the eighteenth yeere of our reigne . god save the king . by the king, a proclamation declaring his majesties resolution for settling a speedy peace by a good accommodation, and an invitation to all his loyall subjects to joyne together for his assistance therein england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a32037 of text r39047 in the english short title catalog (wing c2577). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a32037 wing c2577 estc r39047 18207606 ocm 18207606 107115 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a32037) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 107115) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1629:53) by the king, a proclamation declaring his majesties resolution for settling a speedy peace by a good accommodation, and an invitation to all his loyall subjects to joyne together for his assistance therein england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. by leonard lichfield ..., [reprinted at oxford] : 1644. bracketed imprint information suggested by wing. "given at our court at chard the 30. day of september 1644." imperfect: stained, with partial loss of imprint. reproduction of original in the bodleian library. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649. a32037 r39047 (wing c2577). civilwar no by the king. a proclamation declaring his majesties resolution for settling a speedy peace by a good accommodation, and an invitation to all england and wales. sovereign 1644 1116 2 0 0 0 0 0 18 c the rate of 18 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-09 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-11 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-11 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c r honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the king . a proclamation declaring his majesties resolution for settling a speedy peace by a good accommodation , and an invitation to all his loyall subjects to joyne together for his assistance therein . amongst : the many troubles wherewith ( for more then two yeares last past ) we have beene involves , nothing hath more afflicted vs , then the reall sense of our subiects sufferings , occasioned by this most unnaturall warre ; and the chiefe of our care hath beene ( and by gods assistance shall still be ) to settle them in a happy peace , with that freedome of enioying the exercise of their religion , rights and liberties , according to the lawes of this kingdome , as they or any of their ancestors enioyed the same in the best times of the of the late queene elizabeth , or our royall father . and as we have allwayes profest in the sincerity of our heart , that no successe should ever make vs averse unto peace , so have we alwayes when god hath blest vs with any eminent victory , sollicited the members of both houses of parliament remaining at westminster by frequent messages for a treaty conducing thereunto : and in particular upon our late victory over the earle of essex his army in cornwall ( which we wholly attribute to the immediate hand of god ) we presently dispatcht a message to them to desire a treaty for peace and accommodation ; of which , as likewise of that former message for peace , which we sent them from evesiam the fourth of july late , we have yet received no answer . and therefore have resolved with our army to draw presently towards london , and our southern and eastern counties , not looking upon those parts as enemies to vs , and so to suffer by the approach of our army , or the disorders thereof ( which we will use all possible meanes to prevent ) but as our poore subiects oppressed by power ( of which we rest assured the greater part remaine loyall to vs ) and so deserving our protection . and we hope that at a nearer distance of place there may beget so right an understanding betweene vs and our people , that at length we may obtaine a treaty for peace , and a full , free and peaceable convention in parliament , and therein make an end of these umhappy differences by a good accommodation . in which we hereby assure all our people upon our royall word , and the faith of a christian ( which is the greatest security we can give them ) that we will insist onely upon the setling and continuance of the true reformed protestant religion , our owne undoubted knowne rights , the priviledges of parliament , and our subiects liberty and property , according to the lawes of the land , and to have all these setled in a full and free parliament , whereby the armies on both sides may be presently disbanded , this kingdome may be secured from the danger of a conquest by forraigne forces , all strangers now in armes may returne to their owne countreys , and our poore subiects be forced of those grievous burthens , which by reason of the late distractions , have ( much against our will ) too much pressed them . and to the end our subiects may no longer be missed by false pretences , we doe desire all of them , as well in our owne quarters , as where the rebells have usurped a power , to take into serious consideration the duty and loyalty which by the law of god and their oath of allegiance they owe unto vs , and more particularly that part thereof which concernes the defence of our person , and assistance of vs against rebells , and such as rise in armes against vs , which they may find plainely set downe in the statute of the ii. yeare of king henry the 7. cap. i. and we doe hereby require our subiects within our owne quarters thorow or neare which we shall passe , by that duty they owe to vs and their country , that they forthwith prepare themselves with the best armes they can get , to be ready , and to ioyne , and go along with vs in this present expedition ( we resolving to take speciall care to place them under the command of gentlemen of quality of their owne countreys , to their good content and satisfaction . ) and we likewise require and authorize all our good subjects , as well the trayned bands as others of our city of london , and our southern and eastern counties , to choose their owne commanders and leaders amongst those gentlemen and citizens that are of approved loyalty to vs , and lovers of the peace of their country , and upon our approach towards those parts , to put themselves into armes , and march in warlike manner to assist vs in this good worke , and free themselve from the tyranny of their fellow subiects , under which they groane , commanding and authorizing them to seize such places of strength in those southerne and easterne counties as the rebells have possessed themselves of ; to oppose with force of armes such persons as shall resist them in obeying these our commands , and to apprehend and secure the persons of all such as shall endeavour to continue this rebellion , and to hinder the setling of the peace of this kingdome in a full and free convention of parliament ; ( the onely visible meanes left , by the blessiing of god , to redeeme this nation from utter ruine ) wherein we will afford our utmost protection and safety unto all our subiects that shall give obedience to these our commands . and as we doubt not but that all our good subiects will come chearefully to our assistance for so good an end ( beyond which we doe not requre it ) so we trust that god , who hath hitherto wonderfully preserved vs , will crowne this action with happy successe , for his glory , and the welfare of this poore nation . given at our court at chard the 30. day of september1644 . god save the king . p●●●●●● 〈…〉 by leonard lichfield printer to the vniversitie . 1644. charles, by the grace of god, king of scotland, england, france and ireland, defender of the faith. to our lovits [blank] heraulds messengers, our sheriffs in that part, conjunctly and severally specially constitute greeting. forsameikle as wee are not ignorant of the great disorders ... proclamations. 1638-06-28 scotland. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) 1638 approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a11706 stc 21996 estc s122280 99857432 99857432 23170 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a11706) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 23170) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1610:3) charles, by the grace of god, king of scotland, england, france and ireland, defender of the faith. to our lovits [blank] heraulds messengers, our sheriffs in that part, conjunctly and severally specially constitute greeting. forsameikle as wee are not ignorant of the great disorders ... proclamations. 1638-06-28 scotland. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by robert young, [edinburgh : 1638] concerning canons, the service book, etc. dated at end: greenwich the twenty eighth day of june .. 1638. imprint from stc. arms 221; steele notation: the so twenty. reproduction of the original in the university of illinois (urbana-champaign campus). library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church and state -scotland -early works to 1800. scotland -church history -17th century -early works to 1800. 2007-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms charles by the grace of god , king of scotland , england , france and ireland , defender of the faith. to our lovits heraulds messengers , our sheriffs in that part , conjunctly and severally specially constitute greeting . forsameikle as wee are not ignorant of the great disorders , which have happened of late within this our ancient kingdome of scotland , occasioned , as is pretended , upon the introduction of the service book , book of canons , and high commission , thereby fearing innovation of religion and laws . for satisfaction of which fears , we well hoped , that the two proclamations of the eleventh of december , and nineteenth of februarie , had been abundantly sufficient : neverthelesse , finding that disorders have daily so increased , that a powerfull rather then perswasive way , might have been justly expected from us : yet we out of our innative indulgence to our people , grieving to see them run themselves so headlong into ruine , are graciously pleased to try , if by a faire way we can reclaime them from their faults , rather then to let them perish in the same . and therefore once for all we have thought fit to declare , and hereby to assure all our good people , that we neither were , are , nor by the grace of god ever shall be stained with popish superstition : but by the contrarie , are resolved to maintain the true protestant christian religion already profest within this our ancient kingdome . and for farther clearing of scruples , we do hereby assure all men , that we will neither now nor hereafter presse the practice of the foresaid canons and service book , nor any thing of that nature , but in such a fair and legall way , as shall satisfie all our loving subjects , that we neither intend innovation in religion or laws . and to this effect have given order to discharge all acts of counsell made thereanent . and for the high commission , we shall so rectifie it with the help of advice of our privie counsell , that it shall never impugne the laws , nor be a just grievance to our loyall subjects . and what is farder fitting to be agitat in generall assemblies and parliament , for the good and peace of the kirk , and peaceable government of the same , in establishing of the religion presently profest , shall likewaies be taken into our royall consideration , in a free assembly and parliament , which shall be indicted and called with our best conveniencie . and we hereby take god to witnesse , that our true meaning and intention is , not to admit of any innovations either in religion or laws , but carefully to maintain the puritie of religion already profest and established , and no wayes to suffer our laws to be infringed . and although we cannot be ignorant , that there may be some dis-affected persons who will strive to possesse the hearts of our good subjects , that this our gracious declaration is not to be regarded : yet we do expect that the behaviour of all our good and loyall subjects will be such , as may give testimonie of their obedience , and how sensible they are of our grace and favour , that thus passeth over their misdemeanors , and by their future carriage make appeare , that it was only fear of innovation , that hath caused the disorders which have happened of late within this our ancient kingdome . and are confident , that they will not suffer themselves to be seduced and mis-led , to misconstrue us or our actions , but rest heartily satisfied with our pious and reall intentions , for maintenance of the true religion and laws of this kingdome . vvherefore we require and heartily wish all our good people carefully to advert to these dangerous suggestions , and not to permit themselves , blindely under pretext of religion , to be led in disobedience , and draw on infinitely to our grief their own ruine , which we have , and still shall strive to save them from , so long as vve see not royall authoritie shaken off . and most unwillingly shall make use of that power which god hath endued us with , for reclaiming of disobedient people . our vvill is herefore , and vve charge you straitly and command , that incontinent these our letters seen , you passe to the market crosse of our burgh of edinburgh , and all other places needfull , and there by open proclamation make publication hereof to all and sundry our good subjects , where through none pretend ignorance of the same . the which to do , vve commit to you conjunctly and severally our full power , by these our letters , delivering the same by you duely execute and indorsed again to the bearer . given at our court of greenwich the twenty eighth day of june , and of our reigne the thirteenth year . 1638. per regem . his majesties grievances sent by a message from his majesty, by mr. john ashburnham, and sir john barkley, to col. hammond, governor of the isle of wyght. with a letter from col. hammond (read in both houses of parliament,) concerning his treaty with his majesty. also instructions sent from the lords and commons in parliament assembled, to col. hammond, concerning his majesty. and propositions for peace, to be sent to his majesty on munday next. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a78814 of text r204488 in the english short title catalog (thomason e416_16). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 7 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a78814 wing c2346 thomason e416_16 estc r204488 99863978 99863978 161295 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a78814) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 161295) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 66:e416[16]) his majesties grievances sent by a message from his majesty, by mr. john ashburnham, and sir john barkley, to col. hammond, governor of the isle of wyght. with a letter from col. hammond (read in both houses of parliament,) concerning his treaty with his majesty. also instructions sent from the lords and commons in parliament assembled, to col. hammond, concerning his majesty. and propositions for peace, to be sent to his majesty on munday next. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) hammond, robert, 1621-1654. charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. england and wales. parliament. 8 p. printed by robert ibbitson in smithfield, london : 1647. annotation on thomason copy: "no: 19". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng hammond, robert, 1612-1654 -early works to 1800. charles -i, -king of england, 1600-1649 -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -peace -early works to 1800. a78814 r204488 (thomason e416_16). civilwar no his majesties grievances sent by a message from his majesty,: by mr. john ashburnham, and sir john barkley, to col. hammond, governor of th england and wales. sovereign 1647 1166 2 0 0 0 0 0 17 c the rate of 17 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-07 paul schaffner sampled and proofread 2008-07 paul schaffner text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion his majesties grievances sent ●y a message from his majesty , by mr. john ashburnham , and sir john barkley , to col. hammond , governor of the isle of wyght . with 〈◊〉 letter from col. hammond ( read in both houses of parliament , ) concerning his treaty with his majesty . ●lso instructions sent from the lords and commons in parliament assembled , to col. hammond , concerning his majesty . and propositions for peace , to be sent to his majesty on munday next . royal blazon or coat of arms c r honi soit qvi mal y pense diev et mon droit london , printed by robert ibbitson in smithfield , 1647. a letter from colonell hammon , governour of the isle of wyght , ( and colonell of a regiament of foot , of the army , under the immediate command of his excellency ) . read in both houses of parliament . my lord , i hold it my duty to give your lordship an account of the kings unexpected comming into this island , and of the manner of it , which was thus . this morning , as i was on the way passing from carisbrook castle to newport , mr. ashburnham , and sir john barkley overtook me , and after a short discourse , told me that the king was neere , and that he would be with me that night : that hee was come from hampton court , upon information that there were some , intended to destroy his person , and that he could not with safety continue any longer there , and that finding his case thus , chose rather to put himself in my hands , being a member of the army , ( whom he saith he would not have left could he have had security to his person ) then to go to any other place . being herewith exceedingly surprized at present , i knew not what course to take , but upon serious consideration , weighing the great concernment that the person of the king is of , in this juncture of affaires , to the settlement of the peace of the kingdome . i resolved it my duty , to the king , to the parliament , and kingdome , to use the utmost of my indevours to preserve his person from any such horrid attempt , & to bring him to a place of safety . where he may also be in a capacity of answering the expectation of parliament and kingdome , in agreeing to such things , as may tend to the settlement of those great divisions , and destractions , abounding in every corner thereof . hereupon i went immediatly with them over the water , taking captain basket ( the captain of cawse castle ) with me , and found the king neere the water-side , and conceiving my self no way able to secure him there . i chose ( he desiring it ) to bring him over into this island , where hee now is . my lord , my indevours ( as for my life ) shall bee to preserve and secure his person : and i humbly desire i may receive the pleasure of the parliament in this great and weighty matter . and that the lord will direct your counsels to his glory and the kingdomes good , and peace , shall be my prayer : and my indevour shall be ever to expresse my selfe in all things in my power , my lord , your lordships and the kingdomes most humble and faithfull servant . ro. hammond . cawse this 13 novemb. 1647. for the right honourable the earle of manchester , speaker of the house of peers pro tempore . a message from his majesty to coll : hammond ; concerning his comming to the isle of wyght , whereof he is governor , sent by sir jo. berkley , & mr. ashburnham . novem. 13. 1647. his majesty hath commanded us to waite upon you , and to acquaint you , that hee ( being at this instant not farre from hence ) intends to bee with you this night , having ( since thursday night last ) left hampton-court , upon severall informations , ( which his majesty had before received from credible hands ) that there were some engaging in a bloody designe against his royall person to destroy him , by taking away his life which ( as his majesty was informed , by those whom hee had reason to beleive ) was prosecuted against him by the complotters so far , that he could not with safety to his person continue at hampton-court any longer . his majesty finding himselfe in that condition hereby that he was in such danger , and ( that although he had with great patience endured a tedious restraint hopeing it would conduce to the peace of the kingdome , and stop that effusion of blood which otherwise might bee spilt , yet ) finding by two certaine proofes , that his continuance there , was like to prove not onely the ruine of his royall person , but dangerous to the destruction of the whole kingdome . his majesty therefore choose rather to put himselfe into your hands ( for the safety of his person conceiving it to be the best way for the good and peace of the kingdome , you being a member of the army , rather then any other . and his majesty hath commanded us to assure you that he would not have left the army by his departure , could he have had security to his person , and therefore is come to this island ( rather then to any other place , ) to cast himselfe upon you until the pleasure of the houses be knowne . novemb. 17. 1647. heads of instructions agreed upon by the lords and commons in parliament assembled , to be sent to col. hammond , concerning the king . 1 that the place where his majesty shal reside for the safety of his person , shal be the isle of wyght . 2 that no persons who have born armes against the parliament ( except such inhabitants as have compounded ) shall reside in that island . 3 that none that have born arms ( though they be inhabitants , and have compounded ) shall be admitted to the king . 4 that no forraigners that come out of other kingdomes , shall bee admitted to the kingdome , without order of one of the parliaments of england or scotland . the lords and commons in parliament have also ordered , that the propositions be sent to his majesty on munday next ; and that the scots commissioners be acquainted therewith . novemb. 17. 1647. imprimatur gilb. mabbott . finis . by the king. a proclamation against the opression of the clergy by the intrusion of factious and schismaticall persons into their cures and inverting and detaining their tithes, and possessions by orders of one or both houses of parliament, contrary to all law and justice. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a78968 of text r211702 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.7[17]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 7 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a78968 wing c2543 thomason 669.f.7[17] estc r211702 99870408 99870408 160999 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a78968) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160999) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f7[17]) by the king. a proclamation against the opression of the clergy by the intrusion of factious and schismaticall persons into their cures and inverting and detaining their tithes, and possessions by orders of one or both houses of parliament, contrary to all law and justice. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) prinred [sic] by leonard lichfield, printer to the vniversity, oxford [i.e., london] : 1643. dated at end: given at our court at oxford, the fifteenth day of may, in the ninteenth yeare of our reigne. another edition of this proclamation with "oppression" in the title. actual place of publication from wing. annotation on thomason copy: "may. 27. 1643". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. great britain -church history -17th century -early works to 1800. a78968 r211702 (thomason 669.f.7[17]). civilwar no by the king a proclamation against the opression of the clergy by the intrusion of factious and schismaticall persons into their cures, and england and wales. sovereign 1643 1152 2 0 0 0 0 0 17 c the rate of 17 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-09 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-11 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-11 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion by the king a proclamation against the opression of the clergy by the intrusion of factious and schismaticall persons into their cures , and inverting and detaining their tithes , and possessions by orders of one or both houses of parliament , contrary to all law and justice . whereas by the great charter of the liberties of england it is provided , that the church should have all its rights whole , and the liberties inviolable and amongst others the church hath these priviledges , that regularly no ecclesiasticall possessions may be extended , seized or sequestred but by the ordinary , and that distresses may not be taken of lands wherewith churches have been anciently envowed ; and that churches presentative cannot be filled , and the lawful incumbents ; hereof removed but by the ordinary , nor the cure of the incumbents served by curates , lecturers or others , but by their own appointment , or in their default by the appointment of the ordinary ; neither are any of our subjects of the laity by the common-lawes of our realme capable to take or receive tithes ( which are the portion of the clergy ) unlesse by demisse from them , or such as are appropriate and made lay-fee : neverthelesse by colour of orders or pretended ordinances of one or both houses of parliament , the estates reall and personall as well of our clergy as la●ty have been and are daily seized , sequestred and taken from them , and their possessions d●strayned for illegall taxes and contributions for supporting the rebellion against vs ; which being clearly against law and vnwarrantable , we did forbid by our proclamation of the seventh of aprill last , and do hereby forbid the same , under the penalties in that our proclamation contained . and whereas divers of our clergy eminent for their piety and learning , because they publish our lawfull and iust commands and declarations , and will not , against the known lawes of the land and their own consciences , submit to contributions , nor publiquely pray against vs and our assistants , but conforme themselves to the book of common-prayer established by law , and preach gods word according to the purity thereof , and in their sermons will not teach sedition , nor will publish illegall commands and orders for fomenting the unnaturall warre levied against vs , are some of them driven and forced from their cures and habitations , some others silenced and discharged from the exercise of their cures , and persecuted and their curates , if orthodox , displaced , and others who are factious and schismaticall intruded and put in , to sow sedition and seduce our good subjects from their obedience , expresly contrary to the word of god , and the lawes of the land , and the giebs , tithes , and other emoluments of right belonging to such incumbents as will not conforme to that faction , are diverted in all parishes where such arbitrary power prevailes , and distributed , part to such factious curates , and the test to the maintenance of this warre , against law and the liberties of the church ; our will and pleasure therefore is , and we do hereby straitly charge and command all our subjects as well ecclesiasticall as temporall , not to presume to intermeddle in discharging or hindering any of our said clergy for the cause aforesaid , or any other the like pretences , or any of them from the exercise of their cures and functions , or in displaceing the said curates substituted by them , nor doe presume to intrude or cause any curates , lecturers or others , to be intruded or put into fuch curates substituted by them , delete the records or to take or dispose the globe ; tithes , fruits , or emoluments belonging to any of our said clergy , who are so silenced , forced from their cures , and persecuted as aforesaid , and we doe hereby require and command all our subjects duly to set forth and pay their tithes to their severall and respective lawfull incumbents of their parishes or to their farmors assignes , or deputies , without any guile or fraud ; and so as the same may be received and enjoyed by the same incumbents , without any diminution , substraction or diversion , notwithstanding any sequestration or pretende orders or ordinaces , or other command whatsoever of one or both houses of parliament . and if any person or persons whatsoever shall presume to transgresse this our command , we do hereby declare and signify , that they do not only oppugue and infring the good old lawes of the land and the liberties of the church ( which all our subjects , as well as our selfe , are bound to mantaine and observe ) but do also assist a rebellion against vs , for which we shall proceed against them according law , as they shallbe apprehended and brought to the hands of iustice and will give direction for taking their lands and goods into safe custody in the mean time . and we doe hereby farther straitly commmand and require all church-wardens , sides-men and patishiones whatsoever , to resist all such persons as shall be so intruded or put into any of the cures aforesaid by , or upon pretence of any such pretence of any such pretended orders or ordinances or commands as aforesaid , and to assist ( as much as in them lyeth ) the lawfull ancumbents , their curates , farmors , assignes or deputies , in the receaving taking and enjoying the glebe , tithes , fruites emoluments to them of right belonging , willing & commanding all sheriffes , majors , bayliffes , iustices & peace , constables , head-boroughs & other our officers & loving subjects what 's ; oever , upon their allegianc , & the severest punishment that by the law may be unflicted upon them , not only to obey & observ carfuly these our cōmāds , but to be aiding and assisting to the utmost of their power to all such persons as shall requirs their assistance and protetection in this behalfe , and to resist and repell , by force of armes , all such as shall oppose this our legall command . and our will and pleasure is , that this our proclamation be read in all churches and chappells in this our kingdome . given at our court at oxford , the fifteenth day of may , in the ninteenth yeare of our reigne . may . 27. 1643 god save the king . printed at oxford by leonard lichfield printed to the vniversity . 1643. his majesties declaration to the ministers, free-holders, farmers, and substantiall copy-holders of the county of york assembled by his majesties speciall summons at haworth-moor, near the city of york, on friday the 3 of june, 1642. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a31898 of text r43082 in the english short title catalog (wing c2283). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 8 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a31898 wing c2283 estc r43082 26771477 ocm 26771477 109785 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a31898) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 109785) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1712:24) his majesties declaration to the ministers, free-holders, farmers, and substantiall copy-holders of the county of york assembled by his majesties speciall summons at haworth-moor, near the city of york, on friday the 3 of june, 1642. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. imprinted first at york and now re-printed at london for edward husbands, [london] : 1642. this ed. differs from wing c2284 found at reel 1611:38, in having only three lines in the header, and lacking the date (june 6) in colophon. reproduction of original in bodleian library. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. york (england) -history. a31898 r43082 (wing c2283). civilwar no his majesties declaration to the ministers, free-holders, farmers, and substantiall copy-holders of the county of york assembled by his maje england and wales. sovereign 1642 1397 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-08 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-08 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion his majesties declaration to the ministers , freeholders , farmers , and substantiall copy-holders of the county of york : assembled by his majesties speciall summons at heworth-moor , neer the city of york , on friday the 3. of june . 1642. vve would have you to be assured that we never intended the least neglect unto you in any former summons of the country , our love , as well as our protection , extending to all our subjects , but as you are a great body , time and conveniency must be observed in your assembling . that you may know the generall reasons of our being here , you must understand , that when we found it neither safe , nor honourable , to expose our person to the tumultuous and licentious proceedings of many ( which to this day are unpunished ) who did disorderly approach neer our court at whitehall , we trusted this part of our dominions chiefly to reside in ; whereas most of the gentry already have , so we assure our selves the rest of you will give us cleer testimony of your service and obedience , which we will never use otherwise then for the defence of the true orthodox religion professed and setled in queen elizabeths time , and confirmed by the authority of the statutes of this realm , the defence of the laws and fundamentall constitutions of this kingdom ( as the justest measure and rule for our prerogative , and your liberties and rights ; ) and lastly , for the preservation of the peace of this kingdom . as for our own zeal to the protestant profession , we refer all the world to our daily exercise of , and our declarations concerning it , and execution of the laws against the papists ; so likewise we cannot but declare our self most heartily sorry to finde such separatists and schismaticks , who presume against the law , to foment new doctrines and disciplines to the disturbance of church and state . for the law , it being the common inheritance of our people , we shall never inforce any prerogative of ours beyond it , but submit our self to it , and give you , and all our subjects the fullest latitude of it , both for the liberty of your persons , and the propriety of your estates . and for the inviolable confidence and assurance hereof , as we take god ( the searcher of all hearts ) to witnesse our reall intention herein , so we shall no longer desire you to stand for the defence of our person , honour , and just prerogatives , then we shall maintain the laws of the land , the liberty of your persons and the propriety of your goods . and for the cleer understanding of our resolutions to maintain peace , we may have the confidence and happinesse to refer ( against all malignity whatsoever ) to our former sixteen yeers reign ; ( too long to dissemble our nature ) if in all this time we never caused the effusion of one drop of bloud , it must needs be thought , that in our riper judgement in government , we should never open such issues as might drown us and our posterity in them : but we are sure to have no enemies , but in the defence of the true protestant profession , the right of the established laws , and for the preservation of peace , and certainly all these must be all yours , as well as our enemies . and to the end that this present posture wherein we meet , should not affright you with the distempers of the times , the example of the two houses having made us prepare for a guard to us and our childrens persons , we wish you to look into the composition and constitution of it , and you will finde it so far from the face or fear of war , that it serves to secure you , as well as us , from it : for our choice is of the prime gentry , and of one regiment of our trained bands , which cannot be thought to oppresse the countrey ( being their own ) nor war with themselves . and we further assure you , we never intended to use forraigners or disaffected in religion : and that you may fully assure your selves of our sole dependancy upon the love and service of our own people , to live and die with them , we have armed these our subjects ; which had been most irrationall , if we had ever intended to have used strangers : and further , you may perceive that we receive none , but such as stand cleer in loyalty and religion , for which reason we have caused the oaths of allegiance and supremacy to be given them . likewise , to prevent any distempers at home , we have , and shall put the trained-bands of all this our kingdom under the command of persons of honour , confidence , and affection to their country , straitly charging , upon their allegiance , no officer to accept any command in them , nor souldiers to obey any , save such as are authorized by us . and for the prevention of any innovated power over you , you shall have us here to govern you , and the souldiory to protect you in peace , and to relieve you against all oppressions ; for that , as we have told you before , must arise from some great violation ( which we hope god will prevent ) and not from this preparation of our subjects . therefore let none of you be affrighted with vain fears ; if such a war should follow , it follows the authors home to their own doors : and such ( by the confidence of our person with you ) we assure our self you are not . here we had left you to your fidelity and duty , had not some malicious insolence in our former meetings sent forth most presumptuous summons , deceiving our people , and presuming upon our royall authority ; and these present themselves as great defenders or religion , peace , and liberty ; whereas they become infectious , and contagious to the people , seducing them into vain fancies and delusions , as may appear by their warrants which we could trace to some pulpits , as we are credibly informed : and you see it were just in us , to punish these as authors of sedition , but that it would be too great a favour , for it would honour them with the title of martyrdom , for gods cause , as they vainly pretend : but you may now see from whence this spirit comes , that would make us to be in the act of destruction of religion , our person a disturber of the peace , and ready to introduce slavery . these here are all the forraign forces we have , or ever shall intend to have , to act these great designes , notwithstanding the vain fears hitherto imagined . so that you see it is high time that these fancies were dispersed and driven away , that we might be repaired in honour and interest , and you enjoy the blessing of peace and happinesse ; the advancement whereof shall be our study and comfort : and therefore we shall ( when you shall think it a convenient time ) ease you in the number of the trained-bands : and for your billet-money , it had been long since paid , but that no part of the subsidies ( which we passed for that purpose ) came to our hands , and we shall not be wanting in any thing that lyeth in us , for the full satisfaction thereof : and shall make our grace and bounty to you answerable to your best fidelity and loyalty , as occasion shall be offered to us . imprinted first at york , and now re-printed at london for edward husbands . 1642. mr. speakers speech before his majestie and both houses of parliament, after his returne from scotland, upon passing the bill for tunnage and poundage, on thursday the 2. of december, relating the present distempers of england and ireland also, the king's most excellent majestie's speech to the honourable house of parliament the same thursday deceb. 2, 1641. lenthall, william, 1591-1662. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a47691 of text r30932 in the english short title catalog (wing l1078). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 8 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a47691 wing l1078 estc r30932 11724990 ocm 11724990 48370 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a47691) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 48370) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1486:12) mr. speakers speech before his majestie and both houses of parliament, after his returne from scotland, upon passing the bill for tunnage and poundage, on thursday the 2. of december, relating the present distempers of england and ireland also, the king's most excellent majestie's speech to the honourable house of parliament the same thursday deceb. 2, 1641. lenthall, william, 1591-1662. charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. [8] p. printed for john greensmith, london : 1641. attributed by wing to lenthall. reproduction of original in harvard university library. eng great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. great britain -politics and government -1625-1649. a47691 r30932 (wing l1078). civilwar no mr. speakers speech before his majestie, and both the houses of parliament, after his returne from scotland, upon passing the bill for tunna lenthall, william 1641 1396 8 0 0 0 0 0 57 d the rate of 57 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2004-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-02 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-04 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2004-04 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-07 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion mr. speakers speech before his majestie , and both the houses of parliament , after his returne from scotland , upon passing the bill for tunnage and poundage , on thursday the 2. of december . relating the present distempers of england and ireland . also , the kings most excellent majestie's speech to the honourable house of parliament , the same thursday decemb. 2. 1641. london , printed for iohn greensmith , 1641. most dread soveraign● , the observation taken from the unlike compositions , and various motions of the world , made the philosopher conclude , tota hujus mundi concordia ex discordibus constat . the happy conjuncture of both these nations in the triumph and ioy of your sacred presence , extracted from the different and divided dispositions and opinions , gives us c●use to observe and to admire these blessed effects from such contrary causes . we may without flattery commend your sacred majesty , the glorious instrument of this happy change , whose piety and prudence , directed by the hand of god , hath contracted this union from these various discord . the story of these times will seeme paradox●● in following generations , when they shall he●re of peace sprung from the root of dissention , of union planted upon the stocke of divisio●s , two armies in the field both ready to strike the first blow , and both united without a stroke . nothing can reduce these truths into a beliefe , but the knowledge of your piety and justice , who hath accomplisht these acts of wonder by goodnesse , and gentlenesse , without force and violence . this way of conquest , this bellum in cruentum , hath been the rule of the most valiant and puissant monarchs , advancing your glory , in safe guard of one subject , more in the death of a thousand enemies . thus have you erected a monument of glory to your sacred memory for all generations . and as your care and piety for the welfare of your northerne kingdome called you to that worke for the great comfort of your people which your wisnome hath so happily consummated : so now the distemper of your other kingdome ( fomented by the same spirits , whose presence admits no peace in israel ) calls on your providence to h●ale the diseases of that nation . the one from whence you returned , hath with abell ( though the elder brother ) offered an acceptable sacrifice : the other with cam hath erected altars of blood and revenge ( the old jmmolations of ●esuiticall priesthood ) which invokes the necessity of your justice . the one to a naturall , hath added a politieke brotherhood . the other of brothers ( j am sorry to say it ) are become strangers . the fidelity of the one hath written a story of admiration to the world . the disloyaltie of the other hath paralell'd that horrid designe ( matchlesse before amongst all generations ) first in their intention , the destruction of a kingdome , even then when unity and peace was tying the knot of religion and safety . in the discoverie a moment of time prevented the execution . in the actors ( jesuites and priests ) without whom the malice of the devill could not have found a party in the world fitted to act over the like bloudy tragedy . but this amongst our many joyes we receive by your happie returne is not the least , nay the greatest , that that providence which protected that gracious king , your most religious father , from that bloudy attempt , and increased the blessing of a long and happie raigne , hath also defended your sacred throne from all their machinations . thus we see religion is the greatest policie , the never-failing support of king and kingdome , that which firmes your and your posterity to your throne , and our duty and obedience to it . give me leave here most gracious soveraigne , to summe up the sense of eleven moneths observation without intermission ( scarce ) of a day , nay an houre in that day , to the hazzard of life and fortune , and to reduce all into this conclusion , the endeavours of your commons assembled , guided by your pious and religious example , is to preserve religion in its purity without mixture or composition , against these subtile invadors ; and with our lives and fortunes to establish these thrones to your sacred person , and those beames of majestie , your royall progeny , against treason and rebellion . the wayes that conduce to this end are the defence of the land and sea , for the one , we have already voted to raise monies , for the other , this bill in some measure will accomplish for a little time , and to that end j by the command of the commons ) humbly beseech your royall assent . his majesties speech the 2. of december . i am to speake a word unto you , since j have bin so long absent from you ; it is no way in answer to the learned speech of mr. speaker : but yet j shall touch one point of it-concerning ireland ; but first i must tell you , though j have been absent longer then indeed j did expect , or could have bin expected by you , yet j stayed no longer in scotland then the necessity of those affayres would absolutely permit ▪ and indeed i have therein done so much good , that j will boldly affirme vnto you , that j have left the people a most contented and happy nation ; that if j did misreckon a little in time j doe not misreckon in the end . now though j have deceived you a little of your expectation in point of time , j confesse you have deceived my expectation in finding of businesse here ; for j had thought to have found things in quietnesse and settled both for religion and peace of this kingdome , but i found distractions , such as j could not expect , jn so much , as the parliament was thought fit to be guarded , this i speake not any way to seeke out a fault , or to have any distrust of the hearty affections of my subjects , but on the contrary when j came here ( as you all see ) j found the affection of my people vnto me , to my great comfort . now i assure you , j come with the same affection that you or any good people of the world could wish , for i am so farre from disliking any thing that j have done hitherto , that if it were to doe againe ( in the favour and good of my people ) that i protest j would doe it againe . and whatsoever may be justly expected of me for the securing of religion and liberty of my people , i shall not faile to doe it , and therefore i shall mention no particular at this time , but onely that great particular of ireland , which mr. speaker did mention , of which i doe not doubt , but you have had a great care , yet me thinkes , things goe on slowly ; and j mention this more reasonably , because a couple of noble men are come out of scotland according to the petition and jnstructions , which it pleased both houses to send vnto me at barwicke , which i instantly dispatched to the chancelor , who now have the disposing of all things , j spoke to them this morning , and i decreed both houses to appoynt a select committee and make an end of that businesse with them . i have but this word more to say , that i assure you , i have no other end but the happinesse of my people , for their flourishing , is my greatest glory , and their affection , my greatest strength . finis . joyfull nevves from the kings majesty, and the prince of wales, to all loyall subjects within the realm of england, and principality of vvales. with his majesties desires and proposals to both houses, concerning all his liege people whatsoever. signed, charles r. also, colonell hammonds letter to the parliament, concerning his majesties royal person. and the proceedings of the prince at sea, his sayling towards the north, and his design touching the earl of vvarwick. likewise, the proceedings of lieut. gen. cromwel, and gen. monro in the north, and monroes declaraaion [sic] to his army. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a87412 of text r202630 in the english short title catalog (thomason e462_5). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 9 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a87412 wing j1148 thomason e462_5 estc r202630 99862852 99862852 162186 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a87412) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 162186) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 74:e462[5]) joyfull nevves from the kings majesty, and the prince of wales, to all loyall subjects within the realm of england, and principality of vvales. with his majesties desires and proposals to both houses, concerning all his liege people whatsoever. signed, charles r. also, colonell hammonds letter to the parliament, concerning his majesties royal person. and the proceedings of the prince at sea, his sayling towards the north, and his design touching the earl of vvarwick. likewise, the proceedings of lieut. gen. cromwel, and gen. monro in the north, and monroes declaraaion [sic] to his army. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) hammond, robert, 1621-1654. charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. [2], 6 p. september 4. printed for g.vv., [london] : 1648. includes the letter from charles i, an abstract of robert hammond's letter, and other unsigned dispatches. place of publication from wing. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng charles -ii, -king of england, 1630-1685. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a87412 r202630 (thomason e462_5). civilwar no joyfull nevves from the kings majesty, and the prince of wales, to all loyall subjects within the realm of england, and principality of vval england and wales. sovereign 1648 1436 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-09 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-12 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-12 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion joyfull nevves from the kings majesty . and the prince of wales , to all loyall subjects within the realm of england , and principality of vvales . with his majesties desires and proposals to both houses , concerning all his liege people whatsoever . signed , charles r. also , colonell hammonds letter to the parliament concerning his majesties royal person . and the proceedings of the prince at sea , his sayling towards the north , and his design touching the earl of vvarwick . likewise , the proceedings of lieut. gen. cromwel , and gen. monro in the north , and monroes declaraaion to his army . september 4. printed for g. vv. 1648. the desires of the kings most excellent maiesty to both houses of parliament , concerning all his looall and faithfull subiects within these his distracted realms and dominions . my lord , and mr. speaker , i have received your letter of the 25 of this month with the votes that you sent me , which though they are not so full as i could have wished for the perfecting of a treaty , yet because i conceive by what you have done that i am in some measure fit to begin one ; such is my uneessant and earnest desire to give a peace to these my now diftracted dominions , as i accept the treaty and therefore desire that such five lords and ten commons as my two houses shall appoint , be speedily sent , fully authorized and instructed to treat with me , not doubting by what is now wanting , wil at our meeting upon debate be fully supplied , not only to the furtherance of this treaty , but also to the consummation of a safe and well-grounded peace . so i rest your good friend , charles r. for the earl of manchester , speaker of the house of peers , pro tempore , and william lenthall esq speaker of the house of commons . postscript . i desire in order to one of your votes , that ye would send me a free passe for mr. parsons , one of the groomes of my presence chamber to go into scotland , and that ye would immediatly send him to me to receive dispatch thither accordingly . the right honorable the house of peers having received the said letter , communicated the same to the commons , who after receipt thereof , ordered to debate it , and no doubt but there will be a happy concurrence and compliance between his majesty and both houses , to the great joy and comfort of all his liege people , and the flourishing of his distracted realms and dominions . another letter were read in both houses from col . hammond governour of the isle of wight ; wherein he declares his desires to the lords and commons to be freed of his employment , and that the service as formerly be by commissioners . the lords read both these letters , but did not proceed thereupon . joyfull newes from the prince . honoured sir , by a messenger from deal we are advertized , that his highnesse the prince of vvales having called a generall councell aboard the reformation , took into consideration their present proceedings at sea for the advancement of his fathers cause , and conceiving it more necessary to draw off the navy from the downs , gave command to vice-admiral batten to send orders to every captain throughout the navy , to weigh anchor , which accordingly they did , and are now sayled towards the north with the whole fleet ; but some conjecture that it is only done in policy to invite the earl of vvarwick to sea , who we hear will suddenly be there , and in all probability may become master thereof , having a gallant fleet consisting of sixteen sayl of lusty ships , the st. george being admirall , carrying fifty pieces of ordinance , and wel man'd , as also the rest . our country royalists are now frustrated in their design , who stuck not to say , that if ever the prince landed , they would rise as one man for him , and cut the throats of the parliaments souldiers ; but finding their design not to take effect , and hearing of the princes drawing off from the downs , begins to be more moderate , and recals their former speeches . the copy of a letter from the city of york , declaring the proceedings of major generall monro , and lieutenant generall cromwel . noble sir , yesterday wee received intelligence from scarbrough , that colonell bointon sallied out of the castle with a considerable party of horse and foot , & thought to have surprized our cuards , but through the vigilancy of the centinels they were discovered , who fired , and allarm'd the guards , whereupon they retreated into the castle without any further action . but this morning about three of the clock they gave us another visit , capt. dorbore who had command of the guard drew out his men , charged them , and after some dispute , worsted the enemy , put them to a disorderly retreat , killed seven , and took four prisoners , with the loss of two men . sir , i have sent you here inclosed a copy of a letter from lieutenant general cromwels army , which followeth in these words . endeared fir , we have had a long and wearied march , our souldiery tyred , and our horses much galled , yet full of courage and gallantry , to fight the enemy , and to try the spirits of the irish invaders , which will suddenly be effected , being neer an ingagement with monro . scarbrough 1 septemb. 1648. other letters from the north say . we expect a sudden engagement between the two armies , born being resolved to fight , the scots army is said to be about 6000. monro commanding in chief , being resolved to fight , and saith , that hee will shew cromwell school play . indeed hee hath four thousand resolute old soldiers , which he brought out of ireland with him , who hath been a long time exercized and trained in the discipline of war . but notwithstanding all which , our men feares them not , as appears by the fore-going action , who disputed the ground at great odds and disadvantage , and made good their retreat with little losse . the lieutenant generals army consists of about five thousand , all armed , and well disciplin'd , the country rising for him wheresoever he commeth , and assisting him with all necessaries whatsoever . but generall monro to gain the affections of the country people , hath made proclamation at the head of each regiment , and set forth a declaration to the inhabitants , intimating , that any souldier whatsoever that shall use any violence or injury to any of the inhabitants , or plunder , or take away any goods whatsoever , to the value of two pence under any pretence , shall immediatly be tryed by marshal law , and die for it . we hear that monro hath sent a message to the kingdom of scotland , desiring , that some additionall forces may be forthwith raised and sent unto him , and that care be taken for provisions and other necessaries for maintenance of the army , the two castles of scarbrough and pontefract holds out still , and are very resolute and obstinate , slighting the lieutenant generals summons . it is said that some of lieutenant general cromwels horse have lately beaten up the scots out-quarters in westmerland , and have taken divers prisoners , putting many of the irish to the sword , the two bodies advance , and are neer an ingagement , monro being resolved to fight , so is the lieutenant generall , both parties proceed forward , and a field is suddenly expected , policy is the chief engine which the two generals make use of , who are exceeding vigilant , in relation to an ingagement , knowing it to be a busines of great consequence , and much looked upon by both kingdoms . york 30. august , 1648. finis . by the king a proclamation for restraint of disorderly and vnnecessary resort to the court. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) 1625 approx. 8 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a22368 stc 8779 estc s3446 33149941 ocm 33149941 28505 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a22368) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 28505) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1876:41) by the king a proclamation for restraint of disorderly and vnnecessary resort to the court. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. [2] leaves. by bonham norton and iohn bill, printers to the kings most excellent maiestie, printed at london : m.dc.xxv [1625] caption title. imprint from colophon. arms without "c r" at top. "giuen at the court at white-hall, the seuenteenth day of may, in the first yeere of his maiesties reigne of great britaine, france and ireland." reproduction of original in: society of antiquaries. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp 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tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng plague -england -prevention. courts and courtiers -england. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. great britain -politics and government -1625-1649. 2003-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-05 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-06 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2003-06 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-08 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms ❧ by the king. ¶ a proclamation for restraint of disorderly and vnnecessary resort to the court. the kings most excellent maiesty , hauing taken into his princely consideration , the many inconueniences which may fall out by the vnlimited concourse of people of all sorts to his court , or the townes or parishes neere the same , especially at this time , and in this season of the yeere , which growes euery day more dangerous for increasing the infection , already begun in the citie of london , and confines of the same ; and being graciously and prouidently carefull to take away and preuent all occasions tending thereunto , hath thought fit by aduice of his priuie councell , by this proclamation to publish and declare his royall pleasure and commandement concerning the same , that although his maiestie cannot but conceiue great ioy and contentment , when his louing subiects , out of their loyall and dutifull affections towards him , shall desire to see the persons of himselfe , or of his deare consort the queene , who is ( by gods blessing ) shortly to come ouer into england ; yet , in his princely care of his people , hee is contented to dispence with those publike shewes of their zeale , chearefulnes , and alacritie at this time ▪ lest the present occasions of ioy and reioycing , should produce a contrary effect , by dispersing the infection into other parts of the realme , where his maiestie shall keepe his royall court and residence . and therefore his maiestie doth hereby straitly charge and command , that aswell in the iourney , which himselfe shortly intendeth to douer in kent , for the reception of his deare consort , the queene , at her arriuall , as also in his , and her maiesties returne from thence , and in all other iourneys and progresses , which they or either of them shall make this summer now ensuing , till they shall returne to a standing house in winter , no person or persons whatsoeuer , not being thereunto called or appointed , or not hauing speciall cause of personall attendance at the court for his maiesties seruice , or for some necessary occasion of extremity concerning their owne estate , doe presume to follow , or resort to the court with petitions , or vpon other pretence , or vnto any citie , towne , uillage , or priuate house within twelue miles of the same , as they tender his maiesties displeasure , and will answere for the same , as contemners of this his maiesties iust and royall commandement . and whereas many of his maiesties louing subiects haue been heretofore wont to pester the court , vnder colour of repairing thither for healing the disease called the kings euill , his maiestie doth hereby publish and declare his pleasure , that vntill michaelmas next , and after his coronation shall be solemnized ▪ he wil not admit any person or persons to come to the court for healing ; and doth straitly charge and forbid , that no person or persons doe in the meane time presume to importune his maiestie in that behalfe : and for auoyding many , and great abuses in that behalfe , his maiesty doth straitly charge and command , that no person or persons doe at any time hereafter resort to his maiestie , or his court for healing of that disease , without bringing a certificate from the minister , and churchwardens of the parish wherein they inhabite , or some other neighbours of more eminent quality , expressing the time they haue been troubled with that infirmity , and that they haue not at any time before been healed by his maiestie , or the late king : and to auoid the great disorder of poore people , who are vsed to come flocking into the high wayes , and streetes , where his maiestie is to trauell , vnder colour of reliefe from the almoner , his maiestie hath taken order , that in all the townes and parishes , through which hee shall passe , his maiesties sayd almoner shall deliuer his maiesties almes to the ouerseers of the poore , to be distributed amongst them , for their better & more equall reliefe , then they should receiue by comming abroad in that dishonourable & vndecent maner ; which therfore his maiesty straitly chargeth and commandeth them to forbeare , and all maiors , sheriffes , iustices of peace , constables , and other officers , to take due care of accordingly . and for other wandering poore , uagabonds , rogues , and such like base and vnruly people , which pester the high way , and make it their trade or profession to liue by begging , pilfering , or other vnlawfull shifting , his maiestie doth hereby straitly charge and command , aswell the knight marshall of his houshold and his deputies , as all maiors , sheriffes , iustices of peace , constables , and other his maiesties officers and louing subiects , to cause such as bee impotent , to bee foorthwith returned into their owne countreys , and such as be able to labour , to bee sent to the houses of correction , or otherwise ordered according to the lawes : to which end also , his maiestie likewise chargeth and commandeth the sayd sheriffes , iustices , and other officers , to cause diligent watch by night ▪ and ward by day to be kept by honest and substantiall housholders , in euery citie , towne , uillage , and parish , through which his maiesty shall passe , and within twelue miles compasse of his maiesties passage or court , aswell to be ready vpon all occasions to suppresse disorders and breaches of the peace , as to make speciall search for all such persons , as shall pretend themselues to bee his maiesties seruants , or followers of the court , and craue lodging without hauing billets for the same , and to apprehend all such as they shall finde so lodged or entertained , & not billeted , and to bring them before the knight marshal , or his deputy , and in all other things to be assisting to him and them concerning the premisses , for all occasions of his maiesties seruice . and because his maiestie findeth much disorder in some of his owne seruants , in vnnecessary pestering of the court , when there is no cause for their attendance or imployment , his maiesty straitly forbiddeth , that any of his seruants do either in this iourney of his maiesties intended to douer , or elsewhere in his summers progresse , or vntil his maiestie shal come to keepe a standing house in winter , resort to the court , except such onely of his maiesties seruants , as are , or shall be set downe in the liste , or shall be allowed for seruice within doores , and aboue staires , by the lord chamberlaine of his maiesties honourable houshold , or below staires , by the treasurer and comptroller of the houshold , or for seruice without doores by the knight marshall , vpon paine of his maiesties displeasure , and incurring the censure of a high contempt . and to the end his maiesties royall pleasure herein before declared , may bee in all points obserued , his maiestie straitly chargeth and commandeth his knight marshall , and all maiors , sheriffes , iustices of peace , constables , headboroughs , bayliffes , and other his maiesties officers whatsoeuer , to see all things concerning the premisses , carefully performed , and put in due execution , according to the dueties of their seuerall places , as they and euery of them will answere for any their neglects herein , at their vttermost perils . giuen at the court at white-hall , the seuenteenth day of may , in the first yeere of his maiesties reigne of great britaine , france and ireland . god saue the king. ¶ printed at london by bonham norton and iohn bill , printers to the kings most excellent maiestie . m.dc.xxv . his majesties speech on the scaffold at white-hall on tuesday last jan. 30 before the time of his coming to the block of execution and a declaration of the deportment of the said charles stuart before he was executed to the great admiration of the people : and a proclamation of the commons of england assembled in parliament to be published throughout the kingdoms prohibiting the proclaiming of any person to be king of england, ireland or the dominions thereof : also a letter from the north to a member of the army containing the declaration and resolutions of the northern army touching the late king of england and the lofty cedars of the city of london. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a32120 of text r29203 in the english short title catalog (wing c2792b). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 11 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a32120 wing c2792b estc r29203 10856298 ocm 10856298 46125 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a32120) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 46125) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1419:23) his majesties speech on the scaffold at white-hall on tuesday last jan. 30 before the time of his coming to the block of execution and a declaration of the deportment of the said charles stuart before he was executed to the great admiration of the people : and a proclamation of the commons of england assembled in parliament to be published throughout the kingdoms prohibiting the proclaiming of any person to be king of england, ireland or the dominions thereof : also a letter from the north to a member of the army containing the declaration and resolutions of the northern army touching the late king of england and the lofty cedars of the city of london. charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. england and wales. parliament. 6 p. printed for r.w., [london] : [1649]. reproduction of original in the harvard university library. eng charles -i, -king of england, 1600-1649. executions and executioners -england. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -sources. a32120 r29203 (wing c2792b). civilwar no his majesties speech on the scaffold at white-hall on tuesday last, jan. 30. before the time of his coming to the block of execution; and a charles i, king of england 1649 1896 8 0 0 0 0 0 42 d the rate of 42 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2004-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-02 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-03 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2005-03 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion his majesties speech on the scaffold at white-hall on tuesday last , jan. 30. before the time of his coming to the block of execution ; and a declaration of the deportment of the said charles stuart , before he was executed , to the great admiration of the people . and a proclamation of the commons of england assembled in parliament , to be published throughout the kingdom ; prohibiting the proclaiming of any person to be king of england , ireland , or the dominions thereof . also a letter from the north , to a member of the army ; containing the declaration and resolutions of the northern army , touching the late king of england , and the lofty cedars of the city of london . imprimatur theodore jennings : printed for r.w. for general satisfaction of the people . a letter from the north , containing the declaration and resolutions of the northern army , and the inhabitants of yorkshire , concerning the executing of iustice upon charles stuart , late king of england , and the cutting off the lofty cedars within the city of london , and elsewhere , who have been promoters of the bloudy and tyrannicall design of the royall party , against the free-borne people of england . endeared sir , yours of the 6. instant i received ( together with your papers therein inclosed ) and according to your ardent expresly intimated , i shall here indeavour to satisfie your expectation , in communicating those particulars , which are most observable in these parts , viz. as for your present proceedings , in order to the executing of justice , it is the object whereon our eyes are fixed , our hearts thirsting after justice and righteousnesse ; considering , that judgment truly denounced , is as a crown of glory to all those who indevour to walk in the direct path of truth and holinesse ; and seeing that god hath bin pleased ( out of the abundance of his love ) to open a doore of deliverance to his people on earth , for the bringing them out of the snare of tyranny , and norman oppression . we doe therebore beseech our noble se●ars in the south to use their utmost endeavours , in carrying on this great work of liberty and freedom , for the true and impartiall executing of justice , and establishing of peace and righteousnesse . for , we are confident , that if justice bee not speedily executed , that both you and we shall perish , the wrath of the almighty jehovah , being ready to issue forth in streames of vengeance from the canopy of heaven against the unrighteousnesse of heaven , for acting against the known lawes and will of god , and standing in opposition against the most glorious splendor of the true light of the gospel of jesus christ . in consideration whereof , we the officers and souldiery in the northern brigade , do unanimously desire ( euen from the superiour to the inferiour ) that justice may be speedily executed , and that the tottering and corrupted pillars of the common-wealth of england , may be immediatly cut off and hewen down , as well the persons of princes , as either lords or commoners ▪ in order thereunto , and for the impartiall executing thereof , it is the sense of the officers and souldiery in these parts , to live and dye , aad stand and fall with you for the performance thereof , protesting to leave no meanes unassayed , for the clearing of englands putrified channell , which ebbes and flows ( in a prerogative and usurping way ) both in church and state : and not onely we alone , but the honest and free born denizons in the east and west-ridinr of this county , have mutually resolved to live and dye with us in prosecution of the same ; who upon a meeting near leeds , on tee 19 of this instr . declared their resolutions , and entred into protest●tion , to sacrifice lives and fortunes in the defence of parliament and army , for the obtaining of justice , liberty , and freedom , together with the common rights of the people of england . and do desire , th●t impartiall justice may ( without detraction of time ) be forthwith executed upon the person of the king , and that the lofty cedars of the city of london , and else-where , may bee lopt and taken down , wdo have ayded and assisted him in this unnatural tyrannicall , and bloudy war , and promoted the designes of the adverse party , against the well-affected of this kingdom . since which declaratory expressions from the said well-affected party , the spirits of malignancy have been much abated in these parts : but in lancashire , westmerland , and cumberland , the coles of enmity are a kindling , and ready to break forth into n●w flames of discord and contention , the clergy stirring up the people in their pulpits , and using all meanes possible to incite them to an engagement against the parliament and army , declaring , that all their actions and designes tends only to the extirpation of religion and government , and to erect a new government , according to the will of their own hearts , telling them ; that they shall not only be deprived of their most lawfull and dread soveraign , but also of their just rights , liberties , and estates : but ( we doubt not ) but a speedy glister will be administred to these inveterate and putrified caterpillars , and to give them a strong purgation and vomit , in recompense of all their infective language , and quack-salving cordials to the people . we hear that divers agents from scotland have dispiersed themselvs throughout severall counties in these parts , agitating with the royal party for a new commotion , telling them , that 40000. horse and foot will bee ready before the 16. of feb. to make an inrode into england , in behalf of their king and covenant ; but it s believed , a second english storm ( if a fourth invasion bee made ) will soon expiate all their scottish mists , which is all at present , from your obliged , and most feruent friend , peter michael wakefield 24 ian. 1648. an act or proclamation , prohibiting the proclaiming of any person to be king of england or ireland , or the dominions thereof . whereas charles stuart king of england , being for the notorious treasons , tyrannies , and murthers committed by him in the late and unnaturall and cruell wars condemned to death ; whereupon , after execution of the same , several pretences may be made , and title set on foot unto the kingly office , of the apparent hazard of the publike peace : for prevention thereof , be it enacted and ordained by this present parl ▪ and by authority of the same , that no person or persons whatsoever de presume to proclaim , declare , publish , or any way promote charles stuart , son of the said charles , commonly called the prince of wales , or any other person to be king , or chief magistrate of england , ireland , or of any the dominions belonging to them , or either of them , by colour of inheritance , succession , election , or any other claim whatsoever , without the free consent of the people in parl. first had , and signified by a particular act or ordinance for that purpose , any statute , law , usage , or custome to the contrary hereof in any wise notwithstanding . and be it further enacted and ordained , and it is hereby enacted and ordained , that whosoever shall contrary to this act , proclaim , declare , publish , or any way promote the said charles stuart the son , or any other person to be king or chief magistrate of england , ireland , or of any the dominions belonging to them , or to either of them , without the said consent in parliament signed as aforesaid , shall be deemed and adjudged a traytor to the common-wealth , and shal suffer pains of death , and such other punishments , as belong to the crime of high treason . and all officers , as wel civil as military , and all other well affected persons , are hereby authorized and required forthwith to apprehend all such offenders , and to bring them in safe custody to the next justice of peace , that they may be proceeded against accordingly . h. scobel , cler. parl. d. com. the substance of his majesties speech , to the officers of the army , at the place of execution , on the scaffold at white-hall , on tuesday ian. 30. 1649. his majesty having received sentence of death from the high court of justice sitting in westminster hall , a scaffold was ordred to be forthwith erected and set up against white-hall , one end thereof adjoyning to the said banqueting house at white hall , being the place appointed for execution ; and upon tuesday being the 30. of jan. ( about one of the clock in the afternoon ) his majesty was guarded from his palace to the said place of execution , by divers officers of the army , who came with a most pleasant , and undanted courage to the scaffold , being attyred in a black sute and clo●k , with his blew ribbon and a george over his shoulders attended by dr. juxson , late bishop of london ; and upon his majesties coming towards the block , he fixed his eyes thereon , not seeming to be danted in the least ; saying , that he was willing to sacrifice his life , for the liberty and freedom of his people , and to dye as a martyr of the people of england , by changing this corruptible c●owne of misery , to an incorruptible crown of glory , and that hee was never guilty of the spilling of any bloud , except the e. of straffords ; which done , his majesty kneeled down upon the scaffold , and went to prayers with the bishop , and having prepared himself for death , he cast off his cloak , giving his george and ribbin to dr. juxson , and stript himself of his dublit , who being in his skey-colour wastcoat , the executioner came unto him , and folded up the hair of his head under his white cap ; after which , his majesty came to the block , and casting his eyes to heaven , kneeled down , the executioner immediatly doing his office , who severed his head from his shoulders at one blow ; which being taken up into a scarf , the body and it was both carryed off from the scaffold to white-hall . finis . orders and institvtions of vvar, made and ordained by his maiesty and by him delivered to his generall his excellence the earle of nevvcastle with the said earles speech to the army at the delivery and publishing the said orders prefixt. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a32013 of text r4905 in the english short title catalog (wing c2530). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 14 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a32013 wing c2530 estc r4905 12415800 ocm 12415800 61646 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a32013) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 61646) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 248:e127, no 23) orders and institvtions of vvar, made and ordained by his maiesty and by him delivered to his generall his excellence the earle of nevvcastle with the said earles speech to the army at the delivery and publishing the said orders prefixt. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 8 p. printed for j. johnson, [london] : 1642. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng newcastle, william cavendish, -duke of, 1592-1676. england and wales. -army. military law -england. a32013 r4905 (wing c2530). civilwar no orders and institutions of vvar, made and ordained by his maiesty, and by him delivered to his generall his excellence the earle of nevvcast england and wales. sovereign 1642 2361 1 0 0 0 0 0 4 b the rate of 4 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-02 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-03 robyn anspach sampled and proofread 2008-03 robyn anspach text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion orders and institvtions of vvar , made and ordained by his maiesty , and by him delivered to his generall his excellence the earle of nevvcastle . with the said earles speech to the army at the delivery and publishing the said orders prefixt . printed for j. johnson . 1642. orders and institutions of war . inprimis , it is by us ordered , that no colonell captaine or other officer or souldier , shall be admitted into our service , but such as shall take the oathes of supremacy and allegiance . 2. no papist of what degree or quality soever shall be admitted to serve in our army . 3. all colonels are commanded to have a speciall care that the due service of god be performed in their severall regiments , by the chaplains to each regiment every sunday twice , except some contingent occasion of moment be a lawfull impediment for their forbearance . 4. all colonels , lievtenant colonels , captaines and other inferiour officers are commanded to represse all disorders in their severall quarters , as they will answer the contrary to our councell of war if the default be found in them . 5. whosoever shall presume to sweare or blaspheme the name of god in our quarters ; for the first offence shall suffer twelve houres imprisonment ; for the second , he shall suffer foure and twenty houres durance ; and for the third he shall be whipt and cashiered our army . 6. whatsoever souldier shall be found drunke and so neglect his duty , shall be punished at the discretion of our court of war , according to the haynousnesse of the fact , and the detriment arrived by his default to our service . 7. what captaine or other officer that shall inflict punishment , or strike any souldier without good cause of offence given ; for such punishment or blow shall upon complaint made receive censure from his superiours . 8. what captaine or other superiour officer or inferiour , that shall detaine the souldiers pay after 't is delivered to him by our treasurer or his subordinate officers , upon complaint made shall make full repayment of such moneyes and then be cashiered our service . 9. wheras there is and hath been in most services divers enormous abuses committed in musters by muster-masters , commissaries and officers for that purpose , making their companies seem compleat by men hired out of other companies : we doe therefore command all colonels , captains , and other officers , to take especiall care that their companies be full , and no such enormities committed : every muster-master so offending being lyable to capitall punishment , and every man so hired shall suffer death , for his second offence ; for his first , lye in irons during ours or our generals pleasure . 10. what souldier soever that shall presume to steale from or plunder any of our good subjects in his march , or in any towne where he is billeted , shall suffer death , if the thing so stolne or taken be above the value of twelve pence , if under , he shall be punished according to the discretion of his officers . 11. whosoever shall wilfully act any murder upon the persons of any of our good subjects , souldier or other shall suffer death . 12. whosoever shall force or ravish any woman within our quarters , or any other place , shall suffer death . 13. whosoever draweth any sword in the presence of our generall to doe any harme with it , shall lose his hand . 14. whosoever draweth his sword when his colours are flying , or upon any march , he shall be harquebuser'd : if it be done in the place where he is billeted , he shall onely lose his hand and be banish'd our quarters . 15. whosoever draweth his sword in the quarters after the watch is set , with intention of mischiefe to any , shall suffer death . 16. no man shall hinder our provolt-marshall or his inferiour officers from execution of any charge given them by our generall , who presumes to doe it shall suffer death . 17. all that is to be published and made knowne to all men , shall be openly proclaimed by sound of drum or trumpet , that no man plead ignorance for the neglect of his duty . who so is found disobedient shall be punish'd as the fault is of importance . 18. no man shall presume to make any alarum in the quarter , or shoot off his musket in the quarter but shall be severely punish'd . 19. after advertisement is given to set the watch , he that shall absent himselfe without some lawfull cause , shall be punish'd with irons . 20. he that is found sleeping upon his watch in any place of danger shall be harquebuser'd . 21. he who shall come off the watch where he is appointed to stand , or he who shall drinke himselfe drunke so long as he hath the guard shall be harquebuser'd . 23. whosoever repaires not to his colours when he heares the trumpet sound or drum beat shall be punish'd with irons . 24. whensoever a march is beaten , every man shall follow his colours , neither shall any through presumption stay behinde without leave , upon feare of punishment . 25. if any stay behind in a mutinous fashion he shall be punish'd with death . 27. he who doth run from his colours in the field , shall be punish'd with death ; and if any other souldiers kill him in the meane time , he shall be free . 28. when occasion of service is , he who doth first run away , if any can kill him he shall be free . 29. what regiment or company shall begin any mutiny , the first beginner shall be punish'd with death , and the rest that consent to him shall be punish'd according to the discretion of the councell of war . 30. whosoever souldier or other that shall directly or indirectly hold intelligence with the enemy , or disclose any of our secrets to them or any of them , shall as traytors be punish'd with death . 31. what regiment of horse or foot shall treat with the enemy , or enter into any league with him without our leave or our generals , shall be punish'd with death . 32. whosoever shall give over any of our townes to the enemy that may be defended against them , unlesse in case of necessity shall be punish'd with death . 33. no man shall presume to send any challenge to any other of his fellowes , nor to fight any duell in the quarters or without , upon paine of death . 34. they who shall hold any manner of conference with the enemie , without licence from our generall , shall be punished with death . 35. every one that shall not be contented with that quarter which is assigned him shall , be accounted a mutiner . 36. if any cast away any of his armes , either in the field , or in the quarters , he shall be whipt thorow the quarters , as an example to others . 37. hee who doth pawne any of his armes , or any amunition whatsoever , or any other necessaries whatsoever used in the field , for the first & second offences shall be whipt thorow the quarters , for the third time he shall be punish'd as for other theft : also he that bought them , or took them to pawne , be he souldier or victualler , or other , shall lose his money , or be punished as he who pawn'd or sold them . 37. no man shall presume to set fire on any towne , village , house , barne , out-house , haystacke , or mill of any of our subjects , whoever shall be found guilty of any such crime , shall suffer death without mercy . 38. no man shall presume to wrong any who hath our warrant or our generalls for his safe passage , be he friend or enemie , upon paine of death . 39. he who doth beat his hoste or hostis , or any of their servants , the first and second time , shall be put in irons ; the third time he shall be punished at the discretion of our officers . 40. none shall presume to wrong any man that brings necessaries to our quarters , nor take his horse from him by force , whosoever doth , shall be punished with death . 41. no souldiers shall come to the muster , but at what day and houre they are commanded : no colonell nor captaine shall presume to muster his men without command from our generall . 42. if any horse-man doe borrow either horse , pistoll , saddle or sword to muster withall , so much as is borrowed , shall be forfeited , and he that doth it shall be put out of our service , and he that lendeth them shall forfeit one half to the captain , the other half to the provost . 43. if it can be proved that any horse-man doe spoyle his horse willingly of purpose , to returne home , he shall be held a coward , lose his horse , and be turned out of the service . 44. no souldier whatsoever , horse or foot , shall be cast off by his captaine , or any inferiour officer , without consent of the colonell . 45. no colonell nor captaine shall licence any souldier , either horse or foot , to depart the field without leave of the generall , as he will answer the same , and incurre our displeasure . 46. any souldier , gentleman or other , that shall be maymed , or lose any limbe in this our present service , shall have a competent pension allowed him to subsist upon during his life . 47. if any captaine , or other commander , doe lend his souldiers to any other captaine , it shall be done in the presence of our muster-masters , that so our service be not neglected . 48. all our souldiers we doe hereby strictly require to avoid all quarrells and offences one to another , to give due obedience and fit respects to their captaines , lievtenants , ensignes and other inferiour officers . 49. we also require , and strictly command all ensignes , lievtenants , captaines , to give the same respects to our officers of the field ; as serjeant-majors , lievtenant-colonells and colonells . 50. as we expect they and all the rest of our army by our expresse command , doe the right honourable , our trusty and welbeloved cousen and councellor , william earle of newcastle , his excellence , whom wee have constituted and ordained generall of all our present forces . 51. and we doe hereby will and require our said trusty and welbeloved cousin and councellour , william , earle of newcastle , his excellence , our generall , so constituted and ordained , to see all these , and all other our ordinances of war whatsoever , put in execution by his immediate officers , that so our cause may succeed prosperously , and we , with the almighties assistance , be victorious over all our enemies . his excellence , the earle of newcastle's speech to his colonels , and other commanders , at his receiving the charge of generall , and the precedent orders from his majestie . lords and gentlemen , my noble friends and fellow souldiers , i could have heartily wished , that either the earle of lindsey , who before commanded you , had evaded his untimely destiny ; or th●● his sacred majesty had beene pleased to have conferr'd the successive managing of this office to one of better abilities then my selfe but since i am invested with this charge , i shall study to demeane my selfe like a faithfull subject to my prince , a true legitimate sonne to my mother the common-wealth , and a just and loving chiefe to you all ; to use incouragementss to men of fortitude , is an implicit diminution to their valours . i shall not therefore so much undervalue yours , as to intrude an exhortation upon your courages , onely i shall desire you will keepe those men under your commands free from disordiers , performing with all care and diligence , these institutions which i now as your generall am ingaged to deliver to you from his sacred majesty : we are here in our owne countrey , a sad and lamentable affaire it is in armes , and must imploy our hands against our selves , our brothers ; if we must fight , i make no doubt of your deportement in the affaires of war , but could heartily wish , and so i hope you doe all wish with me , that we might be happy in a faire and sudden attonement between his majesty and his high court of parliament ; 't is not improbable , but it may be effected , if not , i hope you will all fight as valiantly as i shall leade you on resolutely , and ( if it so please god ) bring you off with safety . finis . a proclamation requiring all his majesties tenants within the counties of oxford and berks to pay their severall rents, and other yearely payments, at the citty of oxford england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a32078 of text r40803 in the english short title catalog (wing c2695). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a32078 wing c2695 estc r40803 19320345 ocm 19320345 108615 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a32078) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 108615) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1683:25) a proclamation requiring all his majesties tenants within the counties of oxford and berks to pay their severall rents, and other yearely payments, at the citty of oxford england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. by l. lichfield ..., [oxford : 1642/3 i.e. 1643] at head of title: by the king. "given at our court of oxford, the eleventh day of january, in the eighteenth yeare of our reigne." imprint suggested by wing. reproduction of original in the bodleian library. eng rent charges -great britain -history. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. a32078 r40803 (wing c2695). civilwar no a proclamation requiring all his majesties tenants within the counties of oxford and berks to pay their severall rents, and other yearely pa england and wales. sovereign 1643 349 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-08 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-08 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c r honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the king . ¶ a proclamation requiring all his majesties tenants within the counties of oxford and berks to pay their severall rents , and other yearely payments , at the citty of oxford . whereas there are severall rents , tenths , and arreirages of rents , now due and payable to the king and queenes majesties , by diverse and sundry tenants , collectors , and others , within our foresaid counties , which should have been paid by the said tenants , collectors , and others at the audit held at maydenhead for the said counties in october last , but by our command , and for our service were deferred . and we now considering that , by reason of the present distractions of this kingdom , the said rents , tenths , and arreirages of rents , cannot be more conveniently paid for our use then at our citty of oxford , where we now are ; our royall will and pleasure therefore is , and we doe hereby charge and command , that all such tenths , rents , & arrerages , of rents , which are now due unto vs , and ought to be paid to our receiver of our foresaid counties of oxford and berks , for our use , be duly paid unto michaell hollman esq our receiver-generall for the said counties , or to his deputy , at mr richard pulleys chamber in saint iohns colledge in oxford , within tenne daies next after the date of this our proclamation : and they are to bring with them their last acquittances for their rents , and tenths formerly paid by them . willing and commanding the due performance of this our proclamation by all person or persons whom it may concerne , as they will answer the contrary at their perills . ¶ given at our court at oxford , the eleventh day of ianuary , in the eighteenth yeare of our reigne . god save the king . a true copy of his maiesties message sent to the houses of parliament by the earl of dunfermeline. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a79133 of text r201552 in the english short title catalog (thomason e391_8). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 1 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a79133 wing c2838 thomason e391_8 estc r201552 99862051 99862051 160264 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a79133) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160264) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 62:e391[8]) a true copy of his maiesties message sent to the houses of parliament by the earl of dunfermeline. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. dunfermline, charles seton, earl of, d. 1673. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1647] imprint from wing. annotation on thomason copy: after 'houses of parliament': "unto them upon saturday june 5th: 1647"; "london. printed june the 8th 1647". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng charles -i, -king of england, 1600-1649 -early works to 1800. england and wales. -parliament -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a79133 r201552 (thomason e391_8). civilwar no a true copy of his maiesties message sent to the houses of parliament: by the earl of dunfermeline. england and wales. sovereign 1647 111 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-07 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-07 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a true copy of his majesties message sent to the houses of parliament by the earl of dunfermeline . saterday june 5th 1647 i am commanded by his majestie to make known to the houses of parliament . 1. that his majestie went from holdenby unwillingly . 2. that hedesires they will neglect no means for preservation of the honour of the parliament , and the established laws of the land . 3 that they will beleeve nothing that is said or done in his name against the parliament , untill they send unto himself , and know the truth of it . london printed june the 8th 1647 by the king. a proclamation for putting the laws against popish recusants in due execution. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a78996 of text r209820 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.3[57]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a78996 wing c2593 thomason 669.f.3[57] estc r209820 99868676 99868676 160615 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a78996) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160615) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f3[57]) by the king. a proclamation for putting the laws against popish recusants in due execution. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by robert barker, printer to the kings most excellent majestie: and by the assignes of john bill, imprinted at london : 1641 [i.e. 1642] with engraving of royal seal at head of document. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng ireland -history -rebellion of 1641 -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a78996 r209820 (thomason 669.f.3[57]). civilwar no by the king. a proclamation for putting the laws against popish recusants in due execution. england and wales. sovereign 1642 320 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-07 paul schaffner sampled and proofread 2008-07 paul schaffner text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion royal blazon or coat of arms c r honi soit qvi mal y pense diev et mon droit ❧ by the king . ❧ a proclamation for putting the laws against popish recusants in due execution . the kings most excellent majestie , having been formerly moved by his parliament , for putting the laws in execution against papists , whereto he hath from time to time still given his gracious answers , expressing his willingnesse thereunto : but now finding , that no such proceedings against them have been yet had , as might answer his majesties expectation : his majestie therefore , out of his princely and pious care , as well for maintaining the true protestant religion established in this kingdom , as for suppressing by lawfull wayes , all increase and growth of popery ; hath thought fit to publish his royall pleasure therein ; wherefore his majestie doth hereby straitly charge and command , all and every his iudges and iustices of assize , sheriffs , iustices of peace , and other his officers and ministers whatsoever , whom it doth any way concern , that they , and every of them , according to the duties of their severall offices and places , do forthwith , and without further delay , put in due and effectuall execution the laws and statutes of this realm , provided and made against popish recusants , and that without favour or connivence ; as they tender his majesties just and royall commands , the good of this church and kingdom , and will answer for neglect of their duties herein . given at his majesties court at stanford the sixteenth day of march , in the seventeenth yeer of his reign . ❧ god save the king . ¶ imprinted at london by robert barket , printer to the kings most excellent majestie : and by the assignes of john bill . 1641. his maiesties message, sent the twentieth of may, mdcxliii. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a78883 of text r211700 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.7[16]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a78883 wing c2438 thomason 669.f.7[16] estc r211700 99870406 99870406 160998 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a78883) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160998) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f7[16]) his maiesties message, sent the twentieth of may, mdcxliii. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by leonard lichfield, printer to the vniversity, oxford [i.e., london] : 1643. actual place of publication from wing. expressing his majesty's desire for peace, and demanding an answer to his message to parliament of 12 april. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a78883 r211700 (thomason 669.f.7[16]). civilwar no his maiesties message, sent the twentieth of may, m d c xl iii. england and wales. sovereign 1643 548 2 0 0 0 0 0 36 d the rate of 36 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-08 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-08 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion his maiesties message sent the twentieth of may , mdcxl iii. charles r. since his majesties message of the twelfth of april , ( in which he conceived he had made such an overture for the immediate disbanding of all armies , and composure of these miserable and present distractions by a full and free convention of parliament , that a perfect and setled peace would have ensued : ) hath in all this time , above a full month , procured no answer from both houses ; his majesty might well believe himselfe absolved both before god and man , from the least possible charge of not having used his uttermost endeavours for peace . yet when he considers that the sense of all this calamity is in the bowels of his owne kingdome , that all the blood which is spilt of his owne subjects , and that what victory soever ( it shall please god to give him ) must bee over those , who ought not to have lifted up their hands against him , when he considers that these desperate civill dissentions may incourage and invite a forreigne enemy , to make a prey of the whole nation : that ireland is in present danger to be totally lost : that the heavy judgements of god , plague , pestilence , and famine , will be the inevi●able attendants of this unnaturall contention : and that in a short time , there will be so generall a habit of uncharitablenesse and cruelty contracted through the whole kingdome , that even peace it selfe will not restore his people to their old temper and security ; his majesty cannot but againe call for an answer to that his gracious message , which gives so faire a rise to end these unnaturall distractions : and his majesty doth this with the more earnestnesse , because he doubts not the condition of his armies in severall parts , the strength of horse , foot , artillery , his plenty of ammunition , ( when some men lately might conceive he wanted ) is so well knowne and understood , that it must be confest , nothing but the tendernesse and love to his people , and those christian impressions , which alwaies live , and he hopes alwayes shall dwell in his heart , could move him once more to haza●d a refusall : and he requires them as they will answer to god , to himselfe , and all the world , that they will no longer suffer their fellow subjects to welter in each others bloud , that they would remember by whose authority and to what end they met in the councell ; and send such an answer to his majesty , as may open a doore to let in a firme peace and security to the whole kingdome . if his majesty shall againe be disappointed of his intentions therein , the bloud , rapine , and destruction , which may follow in england and ireland , will be cast upon the account of those , who are deafe to the motive of peace and accommodation . oxford , printed by leonard lichfield , printer to the vniversty , 1643. 20. januarii 1641. his majesties letter to both houses of parliament. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a78858 of text r209742 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.3[35]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a78858 wing c2398 thomason 669.f.3[35] estc r209742 99868608 99868608 160593 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a78858) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160593) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f3[35]) 20. januarii 1641. his majesties letter to both houses of parliament. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. england and wales. parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed for f.c. and t.b., london : 1641. [i.e. 1642] with engraving of royal seal of charles i at head of document. reproductions of the originals in the british library (thomason tracts), and the bodleian library (early english books). eng england and wales. -parliament -early works to 1800. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a78858 r209742 (thomason 669.f.3[35]). civilwar no 20. januarii 1641. his majesties letter to both houses of parliament. england and wales. sovereign 1641 453 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-08 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-08 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion 20. januarii 1641. his majesties letter to both houses of parliament . his majesty perceiving the manifold distractions which now are in this kingdome . which cannot but bring great inconvenience , and mischief to this whole government ; in which , as his majesty is most chiefly interested , so he holds himselfe by many reasons , most obliged to do what in him lyes , for the preventing thereof ; though he might justly expect ( as most proper for the duty of subjects ) that propositions for the remedies of these evils , ought rather to come to him , then from him ; yet his fatherly care of all his people being such , that he will rather lay by any particular respect of his owne dignity , then that any time should be lost , for prevention of these threatning evils , which cannot admit the delayes of the ordinary proceedings in parliament ; doth think fit to make this ensuing propositions to both houses of parliament that they will with all speed fall into a serious consideration of all chose particulars , which they shall hold necessary , as well for the upholding and maintaining of his majesties just and regall authoritie , and for the setling of his revenue ; as for the present and future establishing of their priviledges , the free and quiet enjoying of their estates and fortunes , the liberties of their persons , the securitie of the true religion now professed in the church of england , and the setling of ceremonies in such a manner , as may take away all just offence : which when they shall have digested , and composed into one entire body , that so his majestie and themselves may be able to make the more cleare judgement of them : it shall then appeare by what his majesty shall do , how farre he hath been from intending or designing any of those things , which the too great feares and jealousies of some persons seeme to apprehend : and how ready he will be to equall and exceed the greatest examples of the most indulgent princes in their acts of grace and favour to their people . so that if all these present distractions ( which so apparantly threaten the ruine of this kingdome ) do not ( by the blessing of almighty god ) end in an happy and blessed accommodation , his majesty will then be ready to call heaven and earth , god and man to witnesse , that it hath not failed on his part . london , printed for f. c. and t. b. 1641. by the king trustie and welbeloved, we greet you well : hauing obserued in the presidents and customes of former times, that the kings and queenes of this our realme vpon extraordinary occasions haue vsed either to resort to those contributions ... charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1625 approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a22655 stc 9175j.1 estc s124027 33142937 ocm 33142937 28182 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a22655) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 28182) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1885:88) by the king trustie and welbeloved, we greet you well : hauing obserued in the presidents and customes of former times, that the kings and queenes of this our realme vpon extraordinary occasions haue vsed either to resort to those contributions ... charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.). s.n., [london : 1625] blank form for loans to the king. this copy filled in, with date changed in ms. to 1626. reproduction of original in: society of antiquaries. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng finance, public -great britain -to 1688. great britain -kings and rulers -finance. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. broadsides -london (england) -17th century. 2008-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-09 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-11 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-11 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion by the king . trustie and welbeloved , we greet you well . hauing obserued in the presidents and customes of former times , that the kings and queenes of this our realme vpon extraordinary occasions haue vsed either to resort to those contributions which arise from the generality of subjects , or to the private helpes of some well-affected in particular by way of loane ; in the former of which courses as we haue no doubt of the loue and affection of our people when they shall againe assemble in parliament , so for the present we are enforced to proceede in the latter course for supply of some portions of treasure for divers publique services , which without manifold inconveniences to vs and our kingdomes , cannot be deferred : and therefore this being the first time that we haue required any thing in this kind , we doubt not but that we shall receiue such a testimony of good affection from you ( amongst other of our subjects ) and that with such alacrity and readines as may make the same so much the more acceptable , especially seeing we require but that of some , which few men would deny a friend , and haue a minde resolved to expose all our earthly fortune for preservation of the generall ; the summe which we require of you by vertue of these presents is _____ which we doe promise in the name of vs , our heires and successours to repay to you or your assignes within eighteene moneths after the payment thereof vnto the collector . the person that we haue appointed to collect , is _____ to whose hands we doe require you to send it within twelue dayes after you haue receiued this privy seale , which together with the collectors acquittance , shal be sufficient warrant vnto the officers of our receipt for the repayment thereof at the time limited . giuen vnder our privy seale at _____ the _____ day of _____ in the first yeare of our raigne of england , scotland , france , and ireland . 1626. by the king, a proclamation commanding all his majesties subjects and servants that have any office, place, or fee, of his guift or grant, forthwith to give their attendance upon his person england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a32024 of text r39025 in the english short title catalog (wing c2552). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a32024 wing c2552 estc r39025 18206619 ocm 18206619 107092 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a32024) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 107092) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1629:43) by the king, a proclamation commanding all his majesties subjects and servants that have any office, place, or fee, of his guift or grant, forthwith to give their attendance upon his person england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. by leonard lichfield ..., printed at oxford : 1643 [i.e. 1644] "given at our court at oxford the twenty second day of march, in the ninteenth yeare of our reigne." reproduction of original in the bodleian library. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649. a32024 r39025 (wing c2552). civilwar no by the king, a proclamation commanding all his majesties subjects and servants that have any office, place, or fee, of his guift or grant, f england and wales. sovereign 1644 554 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-07 paul schaffner sampled and proofread 2008-07 paul schaffner text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion royal blazon or coat of arms c r honi soit qvi mal y pense by the king . ¶ a proclamation commanding all his majesties subjects and servants that have any office , place , or fee , of his guift or grant , forthwith to give their attendance upon his person . whereas by a statute made in the eleaventh year of our royall progenitor king henry the seaventh , all our subjects ( other then those that are excepted in that act ) having any offices , fees , or annuities of our guift or grant ( besides their common bond of allegiance ) are bound under the penalty of loosing and forfeiting their offices , fees and annuities , to give their attendance upon us , when we shall fortune to goe in the warres in our own person , for the defence of the realme , or against rebells for the subduing and suppressing of them : and whereas diverse of our subjects that have offices , fees or annuities of our guift or grant , and diverse of our meniall servants , who by their places and offices ought at all times to give their attendance upon our person , have neglected their attendance in the time of this rebellion , when we have been engaged in the warre in our own person ; some upon pretence of leave , or dispensation from us , and some upon other pretences , which we shall no longer permit , as well in regard of our honour , as our safety , being resolved to goe in person , for the subduing and repressing of the rebells in armes against us : we have therefore thought fit to publish this our proclamation , and doe hereby command and require , all our subjects and servants whatsoever , that have any offices , places , fees , or annuities from us or of our guift or grant ( other then such as are in present service or imployment in our armies , or are otherwise imployed in our speciall service by our immediat command ) forthwith to repair to our court at , oxford , and give their attendance upon our person there with all convenient speed , and at the farthest , before the twentieth day of aprill next comming , any leave or dispensation , or pretence of licence from us , of any other pretence or excuse whatssoever notwithstanding letting them hereby know , that in case they shall faile in their attendance at the day before prefixed , contrary to our cormmand published in this our proclamation , or shall notafterwards continue their service and attendance upon us according to their duties , they shall incurre our just displeasure , and we shall hold their fees and annuities as void and determined , and dispose of their places and offices to others , as lost and forfeited by their absence . and we doe hereby revoke and recall all licences , leave or dispensations for absence formerly granted or obtained . given at our court at oxford , the twenty second day of march , in the nineteenth yeare of our reigne . 1643 god save the king . printed at oxford , by leonard lichfield , printer to the university . 1643. his majesties message sent by the lord chamberlain to the house of peers, the 28. of december. 1641. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a78881 of text r209721 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.3[28]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 1 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a78881 wing c2435 thomason 669.f.3[28] estc r209721 99868588 99868588 160586 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a78881) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160586) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f3[28]) his majesties message sent by the lord chamberlain to the house of peers, the 28. of december. 1641. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by robert barker, printer to the kings most excellent majesty: and by the assignes of john bill, imprinted at london : 1641. with engraving of royal seal of charles i at head of document. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng ireland -history -rebellion of 1641 -early works to 1800. a78881 r209721 (thomason 669.f.3[28]). civilwar no his majesties message sent by the lord chamberlain to the house of peers, the 28. of december. 1641. england and wales. sovereign 1641 184 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-04 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-05 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2008-05 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion royal blazon or coat of arms c r honi soit qvi mal y pense diev et mon droit . ❧ his majesties message sent by the lord chamberlain to the house of peers , the 28. of december . 1641. his majestie being very sensible of the great miseries and distresses of his subjects in the kingdom of ireland , which go daily increasing so fast , and the blood which hath been already spilt by the crueltie and barbarousnesse of those rebels , crying out so loud ; and perceiving how slowly the succours designed thither go on : his majestie hath thought fit to let your lordships know , and desires you to acquaint the house of commons therewith , that his majestie will take care , that by commissions which he shall grant , ten thousand english voluntiers shall be speedily raised for that service , if so the house of commons shall declare that they will pay them . ¶ imprinted at london by robert barker , printer to the kings most excellent majesty : and by the assignes of john bill . 1641. a proclamation prohibiting the payment and receipt of customes, and other maritime duties upon the late pretended ordinance of both houses of parliament england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a32076 of text r40801 in the english short title catalog (wing c2692). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a32076 wing c2692 estc r40801 19320281 ocm 19320281 108613 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a32076) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 108613) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1683:23) a proclamation prohibiting the payment and receipt of customes, and other maritime duties upon the late pretended ordinance of both houses of parliament england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. by l. lichfield ..., [oxford : 1642] at head of title: by the king. "given under our signe manuall at our court at oxford, the sixteenth day of december, in the eighteenth yeare of our reigne." imprint suggested by wing. reproduction of original in the bodleian library. eng customs administration -great britain -history. customs administration -law and legislation -great britain. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. a32076 r40801 (wing c2692). civilwar no a proclamation prohibiting the payment and receipt of customes, and other maritime duties upon the late pretended ordinance of both houses o england and wales. sovereign 1642 720 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c r honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the king . ❧ a proclamation prohibiting the payment and receipt of customes , and other maritime duties upon the late pretended ordinance of both houses of parliament . wee have made so many declarations of our royall intentions concerning the preserving of the religion and lawes of this land , that wee think it not fit often to repeat , though by gods grace we seriously intend never to decline or depart from the same . but this seems most strange unto us , that whil'st ( especially at , and about london ) our just and legall commands are not obeyed , other orders and ordinances , ( for which there is no legall foundation ) which not only discountenance , but overthrow the lawes of the land that settle religion , and were the fences of the subjects property , are submitted unto and obeyed by many of our weaker subjects : and amongst these a blind obedience hath been yeelded unto the pretended ordinance , for setling customes without an act of parliament , when an act this parliament ( received from us , and so understood by us , as one of the greatest graces the crowne ever conferred on the subject ) declares , no custome is due without an act ; and all such persons as receive the same incurr the forfeiture of a premunire . this we thought would not have found obedience from the merchant , who understood what his owne benefit was thereby , and could not be ignorant how penall it was in him to breake this law ; especially when he found he paid his custome for support of an unnaturall warr against his prince , and to foment an intestine and civill dissention which hath already , and may in the future produce so many evills upon this poore people . but upon the menances and usage some received that denyed it , we find since a more generall obedience in such as trade , then we expected , though we understand by it the trade of the kingdom is much lessened . neverthelesse we thought not fit until this present , by any of our proclamations to prohibite the same , because we hoped before this time , we having so often and by so many means endeavoured the same , some happy understanding might have been between us and both our houses of parliament . but at present finding that the monyes arising from these duties , are a great part of the fewell that maintaines this fire , and supports this unnaturall rebellion against us , and heightens the spirits of such as have no spirit to peace , unlesse they may destroy us , our posterity , and the setled government both of church and state ; we doe hereby declare and proclaime to all our people of what sort soever , that whosoever henceforward shall , by vertue of the pretended ordinance of parliament , pay any monyes for custome or other dutyes therein mentioned , other then to our proper ministers , what is due to us by the known lawes of the kingdome , that we will proceed against him or them in due time , as an ill-affected person or persons to the peace of this kingdome , and as such as endeavour ( as much as in them lyes ) to hinder a true intelligence betwixt us and our people . and for such person , or persons as shall continue to require or receive the same contrary to the statute made this parliament , we shall likewise proceed against them according to the penalty in the said act , and because ( though the law ought to have been every mans prohibition ) we did not , until this time , forbid the same , we doe hereby grant our free pardon to all such as formerly having either paid , or received these customes , shall henceforth refuse the same , and to no other . ¶ given under our signe manuall at our court at oxford , the sixteenth day of december , in the eighteenth yeare of our reigne . god save the king . by the king a proclamation concerning the adiournement of the parliament. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) 1625 approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a22377 stc 8788 estc s122672 33149925 ocm 33149925 28503 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a22377) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 28503) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1876:48) by the king a proclamation concerning the adiournement of the parliament. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.). by bonham norton, and iohn bill, printers to the kings most excellent maiestie, imprinted at london : anno dom. m.dc.xxv [1625] arms with "c r" at top of sheet; text has historiated initial. "giuen at our court at oatlands, the twelfthth day of iuly, in the first yeere of our reigne of great britaine, france and ireland." reproduction of original in: society of antiquaries. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng england and wales. -parliament. plague -england -london -early works to 1800. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. great britain -politics and government -1625-1649. broadsides -london (england) -17th century. 2003-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-05 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-06 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2003-06 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-08 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion cr diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms ❧ by the king. ¶ a proclamation concerning the adiournement of the parliament . the kings most excellent maiesty , hauing taken into his princely consideration , that the infection of the plague is at this present so generally dispersed and spread abroad , in and about the cities of london and westminster , as that the parliament , late assembled at westminster , could not without manifest perill to the lords spirituall , and temporall and commons there assembled , be continued there , so long as the necessitie of the vrgent and important affaires of his maiestie and the whole realme did require ; hath therefore caused the same to bee adiourned from the citie of westminster , to be holden at the citie of oxford , the first day of august next ▪ and hath thought fit hereby to publish and declare the same to all such , whom it may in any wise concerne ; straitly charging and commanding hereby , as well all the lords spirituall and temporall , as also all and euery the knights , citizens , and burgesses , of all and euery the shires , cities , and boroughs within this realme of england , and all others whom it may concerne , that they and euery of them doe personally appeare at the said citie of oxford , the said first day of august now next ensuing , then and there to proceed in those waighty and vrgent affaires which shall bee there handled , as shall be most expedient for the generall good of his maiestie and his realmes . giuen at our court at oatlands , the twelfth day of iuly , in the first yeere of our reigne of great britaine , france and ireland . god saue the king. ¶ imprinted at london by bonham norton , and iohn bill . printers to the kings most excellent maiestie . anno dom. m.dc.xxv . by the king. a proclamation for the better government of his majesties army and for the preventing the plundring, spoyling, and robbing of his majesties subjects, under any pretense whatsoever, upon pain of the punishments herein declared. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a79003 of text r211465 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.5[109]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a79003 wing c2606 thomason 669.f.5[109] estc r211465 99870189 99870189 160821 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a79003) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160821) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f5[109]) by the king. a proclamation for the better government of his majesties army and for the preventing the plundring, spoyling, and robbing of his majesties subjects, under any pretense whatsoever, upon pain of the punishments herein declared. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1642] in this edition the 7th line of text begins with: "that". at foot of page: "given at our court at reading, the 25 day of november, in the eighteenth yeer of our raign. god save the king." imprint from wing. with engraving including royal seal at head of document. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng great britain -militia -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -confiscations and contributions -early works to 1800. a79003 r211465 (thomason 669.f.5[109]). civilwar no by the king. a proclamation for the better government of his majesties army, and for the preventing the plundring, spoyling, and robbing of england and wales. sovereign 1642 753 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-04 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-05 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-05 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms ❧ by the king . ❧ a proclamation for the better government of his majesties army , and for the preventing the plundring , spoyling , and robbing of his majesties subjects , under any pretence whatsoever , upon pain of the punishments herein declared . we having taken into our princely and serious consideration the great misery and ruine falling , and likely to fall upon our good subjects ( if not timely prevented ) by the plundring , robbing , and spoyling of their houses , and taking from them their money , plate , houshold-stuff cattle , and other goods , under pretence of their being disaffected to us and our service ; and these unjust and unlawfull actions done by divers souldiers of our army , and others sheltring themselves in the same , under that title ; have , of our tender commiseration of such their sufferings , as detesting all such horrid and barbarous proceedings , and for their future defence and preservation , thought fit to publish and declare our royall pleasure to be ; that from henceforth no officer , souldier , of horse or foot , or party sent from our army , presume to search for , or seize upon any money , plate , goods , or houshold-stuff belonging to any of our subjects , of what condition soever , without our expresse warrant for the same , under our sign manuall , declaring the cause of such seizure : and if any , either officer or souldier of our army of horse or foot , presume from henceforth , to plunder , spoyl , or rob any of our people , or take from them any their money , plate , houshold-stuff , or any oxen , sheep or other cattle , or any victualls , corn , hay , or other commodities or provisions going to , or from any our markets or otherwise , being in the grounds , houses , or possession of any our subjects , without giving full satisfaction for the same : upon complaint made thereof , we will and command the officer in chief of the quarter within which such fact shall be committed , to proceed against such offendor or offendors by the law martiall , without favour or connivence , and cause him or them to be executed accordingly without mercy . and if any officer in chief of such quarter , shall either neglect or refuse to do justice upon any person whatsoever , offending against any particular herein mentioned , our will is , and we do require the party grieved to repair unto us , wheresoever we shall remain , and appeal to our justice , which we shall be ever most ready to afford any of our subjects for redresse of their suffering , in any the least kinde whatsoever . likewise for the better order in our army and for the preservation of the due government thereof , we do farther strictly charge and command all officers and souldiers , both of horse and foot of the same , as also all parties sent out , that they , nor any of them , presume to depart or be absent from their quarter , without a passe or license under the hand of the officer commanding in chief in such quarter of our army , upon pain of death ; nor that any other , but such our officer in chief , presume to give any passe or other license to any officer or souldier to be absent , upon pain of cashiering . and that our pleasure herein declared , may be fully observed , and produce the effects we intend , for the good and securitie of our subjects , we do hereby further require all the officers commanding in chief , in any the quarters of our army , to cause this our proclamation to be published and made known to all the officers and souldiers under their command , and to see that severe and due punishment be inflicted upon such as shall henceforth offend against any the least particulars herein before mentioned , as they and every of them expect to avoid our high displeasure for the neglect thereof . given at our court at reading , the 25 day of november , in the eighteenth year of our raign . god save the king . by the king ryght trustie,&c. wee greet you well : as that soueraignty which under god we hold ouer you, tyeth us to take care for your safeties and welfare, so the loue of subiect and bond of duety tyes you to ayde and assist us in those actions which haue no other end, but the common preseruation both of us and your selues. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) 1628 approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a22656 stc 9175j.3 estc s122721 38160578 ocm 38160578 29254 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a22656) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 29254) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1924:28) by the king ryght trustie,&c. wee greet you well : as that soueraignty which under god we hold ouer you, tyeth us to take care for your safeties and welfare, so the loue of subiect and bond of duety tyes you to ayde and assist us in those actions which haue no other end, but the common preseruation both of us and your selues. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.). bonham norton and john bill? [london? : 1628?] blank form for executing loans to the crown. imprint suggested by stc (2nd ed.). reproduction of original in: henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng finance, public -great britain -to 1688. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. broadsides -london (england) -17th century. 2008-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-09 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-11 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-11 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion by the king. riyht trustie , etc. wee greete you well . as that soueraignty which vnder god we hold ouer you , tyeth vs to take care for your safeties and welfare , so the loue of subiects and bond of duety tyes you to ayde and assist vs in those actions which haue no other end , but the common preseruation both of vs and your selues ; in which affaires , such hath been our care , and so exceeding great our charge , as that the sale of a great part of our iewels , plate , and lands ( besides the aydes and loanes already had of our people ) haue not sufficed the necessities of these publique seruices . wherefore as our ancestors , kings and queenes of this realme , haue euer vsed vpon vrgent necessities , for the common defence ( occasions nor time not permitting the calling of their people in general ) to resort vnto the priuate helps of those whom they pleased to chuse ; so we not doubting of your obedience in this behalfe , and fidelity you beare towards the surety of our person , defence of your countrey , maintenance of religion and our allies : ( the safegard of all which , all good subiects ought so much to tender , as we looke you should not faile to straine both your credit and your selfe hartily to maintaine and defend ) doe for these causes require of you , by vertue of these presents , the summe of _____ which we doe promise in the name of vs , our heires and successors , to repay to you or your assignes within one yeere after the paiment thereof to the collector . the person that we haue appointed to collect _____ to whose hands we doe require you to send it , within ten dayes after you haue receiued this priuie seale , which together with the collectors acquittance , shal be sufficient warrant vnto the officers of our receipt for the repayment thereof at the time limitted . and because we make our full account of the receipt of so much money at your hands , we require you in no wise to faile hereof . giuen vnder our priuie seale at our palace of westminster , the _____ day of _____ in the _____ yeere of our reigne of england , scotland , ffrance and ireland . a true relation of his majesties private departure from hampton-court, the eleventh of november, betweene foure and five of the clock in the after-noone. as it was delivered to the house of commons this morning, novemb. 12. by sir iohn cook, and master crew, two of the commissioners. with the houses resolution thereupon. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a95175 of text r210677 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.11[95]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a95175 wing t2909 thomason 669.f.11[95] estc r210677 99869452 99869452 162747 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a95175) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 162747) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 246:669f11[95]) a true relation of his majesties private departure from hampton-court, the eleventh of november, betweene foure and five of the clock in the after-noone. as it was delivered to the house of commons this morning, novemb. 12. by sir iohn cook, and master crew, two of the commissioners. with the houses resolution thereupon. charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed for richard royston, [london] : 1647. imprint from wing. includes a paraphrase of charles's note to his jailers. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng charles -i, -king of england, 1600-1649 -early works to 1800. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649 -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a95175 r210677 (thomason 669.f.11[95]). civilwar no a true relation of his majesties private departure from hampton-court, the eleventh of november, betweene foure and five of the clock in the charles king of england 1647 674 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-06 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-08 robyn anspach sampled and proofread 2007-08 robyn anspach text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a true relation of his majesties private departure from hampton court , the eleventh of november , betweene foure and five of the clock in the after-noone . as it was delivered to the house of commons this morning , novemb. 12. by sir iohn cook , and master crew , two of the commissioners . with the houses resolution thereupon . novemb. 12. 1647. the speaker had a letter from gen : cromwell late last night , that his majesty was escaped , but no particulars . this morning sir john cooke and master crew , two of the commissioners , came to the house , and delivered the particulars thus : yesterday in the afternoone his majesty shut himselfe up in his chamber , and commanded that no body should come to him : when it grew dark , he called for a candle , and afterwards for snuffers ; he came not out to prayers , as he was accustomed ; which after some time , bred some mistrust : then one of the commissioners knocked at his chamber doore , and no body answering , went in , and found no body there , the back-doore open , and his majesties cloak lay in the midst of the roome on the floore , which for the present caused some feare that somewhat had been attempted on his person ; but looking farther , found three letters upon the table , written with his majesties owne hand , which argued that he was well . the first was a kind of declaration or remonstrance , which he desired should be communicated to both his houses of parliament , to this effect , that he had as much as in him lay , endeavoured to give his houses satisfaction , and to re-establish a setled peace ; but he saw that nothing reasonable would give them content , that he had certain information that the agitators , or some of that faction , had an intent speedily to murder him , and that master peters had lately expressed so much to an intimate friend of his : therefore his majesty was resolved to retire to some private place for a time , for his owne preservation , &c. the second letter was to my lord mountague , and the rest of the commissioners to give them thanks for their civilities to him , since his comming to hampton-court . the third , to collonel whalley of thanks likewise for his civilities , for he had that morning given charge to the guards and others to have a care of his majesty , having likewise had some intimation of an intended attempt that day upon his majesties person . a fourth letter was found upon his majesties table , subscribed for his majesty , without any name to it more then two letters . in this letter his majesty was warned of the said attempt on his person , and earnestly beseeched to retire to some place of privacy for a time , and broad-street in london was proposed as a place of security . the commissioners could make no probable conjecture as then , whether his majestie should be gone , that the scotch commissioners had been there the day before , but were yesterday come for london . hereupon the house ordered a committee , to examine the whole businesse , and the neglect of those that guarded him , and likewise ordered a stop of all the ports , and a search to be made in london for him . some beleeve he is gone for scotland ; others , that part of the army have conveyed him away : but this day at 12. of the clock there was no certainty of either , but wheresoever he be , god blesse him , and preserve him out of the hands of his enemies . and let all good men say , amen . printed for richard royston . 1647. by the king. a proclamation of his majesties grace, favour, and pardon to all sea-men, sailers, marriners and other water-men. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a79030 of text r211316 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.5[101]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a79030 wing c2681 thomason 669.f.5[101] estc r211316 99870046 99870046 160814 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a79030) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160814) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f5[101]) by the king. a proclamation of his majesties grace, favour, and pardon to all sea-men, sailers, marriners and other water-men. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by l. lichfield, [oxford : 1642] "given at our court at mayden-heath, the tenth day of november, in the eighteenth yeare of our reigne.". with engraving of royal seal at head of document. place and date of imprint from wing. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng sailors -great britain -17th century -early works to 1800. merchant mariners -great britain -17th century -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a79030 r211316 (thomason 669.f.5[101]). civilwar no by the king. a proclamation of his majesties grace, favour, and pardon to all sea-men, sailers, marriners and other water-men. england and wales. sovereign 1642 540 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c r honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the king . ¶ a proclamation of his majesties grace , favour , and pardon to all sea-men , sailers , marriners and other water-men . whereas ever since the beginning of our reigne we have , to the care of the good of our subjects in generall , added particular encouragements to such of them as are sea-men , sailers , and marriners , as well by increasing the wages of such of them as served in our own ships , placing of corporalls in every ship for their learning of the discipline of warre , and chaplaines for their instruction in the protestant religion , as by diverse other acts of grace and favour to them in generall , farre beyond any of our predecessors . notwithstanding which , we find that by the cunning of some traiterous and seditious persons ( who amongst other their false devices , by which they have endeavoured to alienate the hearts of our subjects from us , have suggested that we intended an alteration in religion ) many of our sea-men , sailers and marriners have been seduced to keep our own ships from us , to contribute towards the maintenance of the army which is raised against us ( and which had destroyed us , if god almighty had not protected us in the day of battle ) and have been since drawn on and invited to serve in land-service against us , though they have ever heretofore been freed by us , and many of them ( especially those which belong to the corporation of the trinity-house ) have had speciall exemptions from any such service . which actions of disloyalty we cannot believe they were drawn into by their own inclinations , but by the false informations , or threats and menaces of their seducers . we doe therefore hereby offer our free and gratious pardon to all our subjects being sea-men , saylors , marriners , and all other water-men , for all offences concerning the premises committed against us before the publishing of this our proclamation . provided that this our grace shall not extend to any person who after notice of this our proclamation shall presume to detaine any of our ships from us , or to serve in any of our ships detained from us , or otherwise serve against us either by sea or land , or shall presume by loane , contribution or otherwise to assist the said army now raised against us , or to assemble or muster themselves in armes without authority derived from us under our hand , or to enter into any oath of association for opposing us or our army . but we must and doe declare , that whosoever shall hence forward be guilty of the premises or any of them , we shall proceed against them as enemies to the publike peace , and persons disaffected to us , and to the religion and lawes of the kingdom . ¶ given at our court at mayden-heath , the tenth day of november , in the eighteenth yeare of our reigne . god save the king . by the king, a proclamation of his majesties grace, favour, and pardon to the inhabitants of his counties of stafford and derby england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a32070 of text r36115 in the english short title catalog (wing c2678). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a32070 wing c2678 estc r36115 15607187 ocm 15607187 104086 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a32070) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 104086) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1588:39) by the king, a proclamation of his majesties grace, favour, and pardon to the inhabitants of his counties of stafford and derby england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. by leonard lichfield ..., printed at oxford : 1642. "given at our court at oxford this five and twentieth day of march in the eighteenth yeare of our reigne." reproduction of original in the societies of antiquaries library, london. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649. a32070 r36115 (wing c2678). civilwar no by the king, a proclamation of his majesties grace, favour, and pardon to the inhabitants of his counties of stafford and derby england and wales. sovereign 1642 673 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2009-01 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2009-01 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion royal coat of arms by the king . ¶ a proclamation of his majesties grace , favour , and pardon to the inhabitants of his counties of stafford and derby . whereas we have taken notice , that by the malice , industry and importunity of severall ill affected and seditious persons in our counties of stafford and derby , very many of our weak and seduced subjects of those our counties have not only been drawn to exercise the militia , under colour of a pretended ordinance , without and against our consent , ( a crime of a very high nature , if we would strictly enquire thereinto ; ) but have made contributions of plate , mony , and horses , towards the maintenance of the army now in rebellion against us , and have at last actually themselves taken armes against us ; we doe hereby publish and declare , that we are gratiously pleased to attribute the crimes and offences of our said subjects of those our counties to the power and faction of their seducers , who , we believe , by threats , menaces , and false informations , compelled and led them into those actions of undutifulnesse and disloyalty towards us ; and we doe therefore hereby offer our free and gratious pardon , to all the inhabitants of our said counties of stafford and derby , for all offences concerning the premises committed against us , before the publishing of this our proclamation , except sir iohn gell , and sir william brereton knights , against whom we shall proceed according to the rules of the law , as against traitors and stirrers of sedition against us , and whom we doe hereby require all our officers and ministers of iustice , and all our loving subjects whatsoever , to apprehend and cause to be kept in safe custody , till our pleasure be farther known . provided that this our grace shall not extend to any person , who after the publishing this our proclamation , shall presume by loane , or contribution to assist the said army of rebells , to assemble and muster themselves in armes without authority derived from us under our hand , to enter into any oath of association for opposing us and our army , or to succor or entertain any of the persons excepted in this our proclamation , or in our declaration of the twelfth of august . but we must and doe declare , that whosoever shall henceforward be guilty of the premises , or of either of them , shall be esteemed by us , as an enemy to the publique peace , a person disaffected to us , and to the religion and lawes of the kingdom , and guilty of high treason , and shall accordingly receive condigne punishment , of which we give them timely notice , that they may proceed accordingly at their perills . and we doe hereby require our high-sheriffes , commissioners of array , iustices of the peace , and all other our officers & loving subjects to resist , oppose , and apprehend all such persons , as shall presume to make any leavies in those our counties , under what pretence soever without authority derived from us under our hand . and we likewise will and require them and every of them to be assistant to all such as shall either command the traine-bands of those our counties , or make any leavies in the same by virtue of commission under our great seale or signe manuall . and our pleasure is , that this our proclamation shall be read in all the parish churches and chappells within those our counties of stafford and derby . given at our court at oxford , this five and twentieth day of march , in the eighteenth yeare of our reigne . god save the king . printed at oxford by leonard lichfield , printer to the university . 1642. his majesties message to the house of commons, february 7. 1641. his majestie taking notice of a speech, pretending in the title to have been delivered by mr pym in a conference, ... england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a78906 of text r209768 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.3[42]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a78906 wing c2473 thomason 669.f.3[42] estc r209768 99868631 99868631 160600 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a78906) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160600) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f3[42]) his majesties message to the house of commons, february 7. 1641. his majestie taking notice of a speech, pretending in the title to have been delivered by mr pym in a conference, ... england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by robert barker, printer to the kings most excellent majestie: and by the assignes of john bill, imprinted at london : 1641 [i.e. 1642] title from caption and opening words of text. with engraved border. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng pym, john, 1584-1643. great britain -politics and government -1625-1649 -early works to 1800. a78906 r209768 (thomason 669.f.3[42]). civilwar no his majesties message to the house of commons, february 7. 1641. his majestie taking notice of a speech, pretending in the title to have bee england and wales. sovereign 1642 285 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion ❧ his majesties message to the house of commons , february 7. 1641 his majestie taking notice of a speech , pretending in the title to have been delivered by mr pym in a conference , and printed by order of the house of commons , in which it is affirmed , that since the stop upon the ports against all irish papists by both houses , many of the chief commanders , now in the head of the rebels , have been suffered to passe by his majesties immediate warrant ; and being very certain of having used extreme caution in the granting of passeports into ireland ; so that he conceives , either this paper not to have been so delivered and printed as it pretends , or this house to have received some mis-information ; his majestie would be resolved , whether this speech were so delivered and printed , and if it were , would have this house to review upon what informations that particular was grounded , that either that may be found upon re-examination to have been false , and both this house and his majestie injured by it ; or that his majestie may know by what means , and by whose fault , his authority hath been so highly abused , as to be made to conduce to the assistance of that rebellion , which he so much detests and abhors , and that he may see himself fully vindicated from all reflections of the least suspicion of that kinde . ¶ imprinted at london by robert barker , printer to the kings most excellent majestie : and by the assignes of john bill . 1641. his majesties proclamation against a traiterous band contrived in the north scotland. privy council. 1646 approx. 7 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a78966 wing c2540 thomason 669.f.9[57] estc r212290 99870928 99870928 161155 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a78966) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 161155) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f9[57]) his majesties proclamation against a traiterous band contrived in the north scotland. privy council. charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. scotland. parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by evan tyler, printer to the kings most excellent majestie, printed at edinburgh : 1646. a proclamation of the privy council of scotland against the marquess of montrose and his "band against god and his covenant." dated at end: given under our signet at edinburgh the 5 of april, and of our reign the 22 yeer 1646. at end of document: per actum dominorum commiss. predict. arch. primerose cler. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng montrose, james graham, -marquis of, 1612-1650 -early works to 1800. scotland -history -charles i, 1625-1649 -early works to 1800. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-04 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-05 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-05 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion his majesties proclamation , against a traiterous band contrived in the north. charles , by the grace of god , king of great britain , france , and ireland , defender of the faith. to our lovits our lion king at arms , and his brethren heralds and pursevants our sheriffs in that part , greeting . whereas the committee of estates of our kingdom of scotland , being most carefull , according to the trust committed to them , to use all means for advancing the cause of god , setling the publike peace , and for preventing the practises of such as would in any wise hinder or oppose the same . and seeing a paper emitted under the title of an humble remonstrance , yet being in effect , a band against god and his covenant , us and our authority , and this our native kingdom and its peace and happinesse , tho covered with the specious pretences of pietie and publike liberty , have found themselves oblieged in dutie to take notice thereof , and to undeceive our good subjects by unfolding the wickednesse and treachery of the same , which evidently appears , the persons who have speciall hand therein being formerly under the like guiltinesse of banding , contrary to the nationall covenant which themselves had sworn ; and having since by severall bands and oaths to be seen under their hand writings joyned themselves to the rebellion of that excommunicate traitour james grahame and his irish associates , with whom they have corresponded this time past , have now ( as it seems ) by his advice entred into this band ( the naturall issue of those consultations and meetings they have kept together of late ) without the knowledge of the publike judicatories of our kingdom , contrary to the law of the land , and acts of parliament expresly made in that behalf : and that they may the more easily inveigle the simpler fort , they have usurped to themselves the flourishing titles of lovers of religion , our royall authority , and our kingdoms peace ; their paper notwithstanding clearly evidencing their intentions to be contrary to all these , by their changing and omitting severall essentiall articles in the covenant , which are at length discovered by the commissioners of the kirk in their declaration ; by their slighting and contemning the wayes proposed by both our kingdoms , in sending propositions to us , for attaining a safe and well-grounded peace : and presumptuously taking upon themselves to prescribe other wayes , and to be arbitrators of the present differences betwixt us and our people : by their traducing the publike proceedings of that our kingdom , in their seeming regrait of the silence of the civil judicatories , which by the plague of pestilence and present rebellion ( fomented by the remonstrants themselves , who despised the maine orders given to them by the publike judicatories for suppressing thereof ) hath been so long occasioned , and is now happily provided for by the care of our parliament , which hath appointed these judicatories to meet at the ordinary time , if they be not letted by the indirect practises of thir banders , and such others , who under fair pretexts studie the continuance of the present troubles , and by their open withholding their assisting , and secret resisting the resolutions of the kingdom , do what in them lies to weaken the strength thereof , and render it a prey to forreign powers : as also by their large enumerating the publike burdens , which have been so necessarily laid on for preserving our kingdom from ruine , and are so much the heavier on these parts , that these who now complain most , have by their complyance with the rebels , and refusall to joyn against them , been altogether free thereof as yet : and which have been so sparingly imposed and providently disposed of , that no just occasion of complaint can be made thereof , as will appear by the publike accompts at length perused by the estates of our parliament ; and yet extant to the view of the world . and last , these banders finding no readier mean to dishearten our good subjects in the pursuance of this cause , make large expressions of their sense of the distressed condition of the countrey , whiles they themselves by their by-gone correspondence and present banding with declared traitours and bloodie irishes who have invaded this our kingdom , do really witnesse their intentions to continue , and ( so far as they are able ) increase the troubles and distresses thereof , and seare the bowels of the same . for which purpose they labour to weaken the confidence ●nd union betwixt our kingdoms of scotland and england , which are so firmly joyned in the solemne league and covenant , that no respects can make them forget their mutuall ingagements , or withhold their assistance from others , as the condition of affairs shall require . all which being at length considered by the committee of estates , and they finding this band to be destructive to the covenant , and ends conteined therein , illegall , and against the laws of our kingdom , prejudiciall to the publike peace ( now drawing towards a happy close , if not interrupted by such treacherous plots ) and divisive for fomenting of jealousies and continuing the bloody wars within our kingdoms , have declared they will proceed against the same accordingly : and therefore our will is , and we charge you straitly and command , that incontinent thir our letters seen , you passe , and by open proclamation hereof at the market crosses of edinburgh , stirling , glasgow , dundee , perth , forfar , aberdeen , innernesse , and other places needfull , in our name and authority command , charge , and inhibit all our good subjects , that none of them presume nor take upon hand , to acknowledge or signe the said band , nor joyn themselves with the subscribers thereof in pursuance of the same , under all highest pains which by the law or practise of this our realm can be execute upon such unlawfull and seditious bands . and yet because possibly some of our good subjects have been through mis-information , fear , or other means insnared and drawn to joyn herein , without any ill intention of themselves ; and we being willing to reclaim all such , do therefore declare , that whosoever hath signed or joyned in this band , and will betwixt and the fifteenth of may next to come disclaim and quit the same , shall be free of all censure therefore . the which to do , we commit to you our full power by thir our letters . given under our signet at edinburgh the 5 of april , and of our reign the 22 yeer 1646. per actum dominorum commiss . predict . arch. primerose cler. printed at edinburgh by evan tyler , printer to the kings most excellent majestie . 1646. by the king. a proclamation of his majesties grace, favour, and pardon to the inhabitants of his county of kent. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a79023 of text r211305 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.5[98]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a79023 wing c2671 thomason 669.f.5[98] estc r211305 99870035 99870035 160811 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a79023) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160811) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f5[98]) by the king. a proclamation of his majesties grace, favour, and pardon to the inhabitants of his county of kent. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by l. lichfield, [oxford : 1642] "given at our court at reading, this eight day of november, in the eighteenth yeare of our reigne.". with engraving of royal seal at head of document. place and date of imprint from wing. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng pardons -great britain -early works to 1800. kent (england) -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a79023 r211305 (thomason 669.f.5[98]). civilwar no by the king. a proclamation of his majesties grace, favour, and pardon to the inhabitants of his county of kent. england and wales. sovereign 1642 605 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-07 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-07 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion cr honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the king . ¶ a proclamation of his majesties grace , favour , and pardon to the inhabitants of his county of kent . whereas we have taken notice , that by the malice , industry and importunity of severall ill-affected and seditious persons in our county of kent , very many of our weake and seduced subjects of that our county have not only been drawne to exercise the militia , undercolour of a pretended ordinance , without and against our consent ( a crime of a very high nature , if we would strictly enquire thereinto ) but have made contributions of plate , money and horses , towards the maintenance of the army now in rebellion against vs ; we doe hereby publish and declare , that we are graciously pleased to attribute the crimes and offences of our said subjects of that county to the power and faction of their seducers , who , we beleeve , by threates , menaces , and false informations compelled and led them into these actions of undutifullnesse and disloyalty towards vs ; and we doe therefore hereby offer our free and gracious pardon to all the inhabitants of our said county of kent , for all offences concerning the premises committed against vs before the publishing of this our proclamation ( except sir michaell lively baronet , and thomas blount esquire , ) against whom wee shall proceed according to the rules of the law , as against traitours and stirrers of sedition against vs , and whom wee doe hereby require all our officers and ministers of iustice , and all our loving subjects whatsoever , to apprehend and cause to be kept in safe custody till our pleasure be further knowne . provided that this our grace shall not extend to any person , who after the publishing this our proclamation shall presume by loane or contribution to assist the said army of rebells , to assemble and muster themselves in armes without authority derived from vs under our hand , to enter into any oath of association for opposing vs and our army , or to succour or entertaine any of the persons excepted in this our proclamation , or in our declaration of the 12. of august . but we must and doe declare , that whosoever shall hence forward be guilty of the premises , or of either of them , shall be esteemed by us as an enemy to the publick peace , a person disaffected to vs , and to the religion and law of the kingdome , and shall accordingly receive condigne punishment , of which we give them timely notice , that they may proceed accordingly at their perills . and we doe hereby will and require our high sheriffe , commissioners of array , iustices of the peace , and all other our officers , and loving subjects to resist , oppose and apprehend all such persons as shall presume to make any leavies in that our county under what pretence soever without authority derived from vs under our hand ; and we likewise will and require them and every of them to be assistant to all such as shall either command the traine bands of that our county , or make any leavies in the same by virtue of commission under our great seale or signe manuall . ¶ given at our court at reading , this eight day of november , in the eighteenth yeare of our reigne . god save the king . by the king a proclamation prohibiting the payment and receipt of customes, and other maritime duties upon the late pretended ordinance of both houses of parliament. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a79033 of text r211524 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.5[115]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a79033 wing c2693 thomason 669.f.5[115] estc r211524 99870241 99870241 160827 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a79033) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160827) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f5[115]) by the king a proclamation prohibiting the payment and receipt of customes, and other maritime duties upon the late pretended ordinance of both houses of parliament. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1642] imprint from wing. as the customs afford the fuel to feed this war, it is ordered that no person is to pay or receive them in future. a free pardon to all who henceforth refuse to pay. with engraving of royal seal at head of document. at foot of document: "given under our signe manuall at our court at oxford, the sixteenth day of december, in the eighteenth yeare of our reigne. god save the king." annotation on thomason copy: "decemb: 22 1642". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng customs administration -great britain -17th century -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -finance -early works to 1800. a79033 r211524 (thomason 669.f.5[115]). civilwar no by the king a proclamation prohibiting the payment and receipt of customes, and other maritime duties upon the late pretended ordinance of b england and wales. sovereign 1642 717 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-04 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-05 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-05 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion cr diev et mon droit . honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the king a proclamation prohibiting the payment and receipt of customes , and other maritime duties upon the late pretended ordinance of both houses of parliament . wee have made so many declarations of our royall intentions concerning the preserving of the religion and lawes of this land , that wee thinke it not fit oft to repeate , though by gods grace we seriously intend never to decline or depart from the same . but this seemes most strange unto vs , that whil'st ( especially at , and about london ) our just and legall commands are not obeyed , other orders and ordinances , ( for which there is no legall foundation ) which not onely discountenance but overthrow the lawes of the land that settle religion , and were the sences of the subjects property , are submitted unto and obeyed by many of our weaker subjects : and amongst these a blind obedience hath been yeelded unto the pretended ordinance , for setling customes without an act ; of parliament , when an act this parliament ( received from vs , and so understood by vs , as one of the greatest graces the crowne ever conferred on the subject ) declares , no custome is due without an act ; and all such persones as receive the same incurr the forfeiture of a premunire . this we thought would not have found obedince from the merchant , who understood what his owne benefit was thereby and could not be ignorant how penall it was in him to breake this law ; especially when he found he paid his custome for support of an unnaturall warr against his prince , and to foment an intestine and civill dissention which hath already , and may in the future produce so many evills upon this poore people . but upon the menaces and usage some received that denyed it , we find since a more generall obedience in such as trade , then we expected , though we understand by it the trade of the kingdom is much lessened . neverthelesse we thought not fit untill this present , by any of our proclamations to prohibite the same , because we hoped before this time ; we having so often and by so many meanes endeavoured the same , some happy understanding might have beene between vs , and both our houses of parliament . but at present finding that the monyes arising from these duties , are a great part of the fewell that maintaines this fire , and supports this unnaturall rebellion against vs , and heightens the spirits of such as have no spirit to peace , unlesse they may destroy vs our posterity , and the setled government both of church aod state ; we doe hereby declare to all our people of what sort soever , that whosoever henceforward shall , by vertue of the pretended ordinance of parliament , pay any monyes for custome or other dutyes therein mentioned , other then to our proper ministers , what is due to us by the knowne laws of the kingdome , that we will proceed against him or them in due time , as an ill-affected person or persons to the peace of this kingdome , and as such as endeavour ( as much as in them lyes ) to hinder a true intelligence betwixt vs and our people . and for such person or persons as shall continue to require or receive the same contrary to the statute made this parliament , we shall likewise proceed against them according to the penalty in the said act , and because ( though the law ought to have been every mans prohibition ) we did not , untill this time , forbid the same , we doe hereby grant our free pardon to all such as formerly having either paid , or received these customes , shall henceforth refuse the same , and to no other . given under our signe manuall at our court at oxford , the sixteenth day of december , in the eighteenth yeare of our reigne . god save the king . by the king a proclamation for remouing the receipt of his maiesties exchequer from westminster to richmond. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) 1625 approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a22378 stc 8789 estc s123752 33150353 ocm 33150353 28562 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a22378) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 28562) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1876:49) by the king a proclamation for remouing the receipt of his maiesties exchequer from westminster to richmond. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.). by i.l. and w.t. for bonham norton and iohn bill, printers to the kings most excellent maiestie, printed at oxford : 1625. line 1 of text ends "conside-". "giuen at the court at ricot the one and thirtieth day of iulie, in the first yeare of his maiesties raigne of great brittaine, france and ireland." reproduction of original in: harvard university. library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng england and wales. -exchequer. plague -england -early works to 1800. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. great britain -politics and government -1625-1649. broadsides -london (england) -17th century. 2006-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-05 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-06 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2006-06 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion by the king . a proclamation for remouing the receipt of his maiesties exchequer from westminster to richmond . the kings most excellent maiestie taking into his princely consideration the great and dangerous increase of the plague in and about the citty of westminster , where his maiesties receit of exchequer hath beene hitherto kept , and willing as much as is possible to prevent the further danger , which might ensue as well to his owne officers , which are necessarily to attend the same receit , as to other his louing subiects who shall haue occasion either for receit , or payment of monies to repaire thither : hath therefore taken order for the present remoue of the receit of his said exchequer from thence to his maiesties house at richmond in the countie of surrey : and hath thought fit by this his proclamation to publish the same , to the ende , that all persons whom the same may concerne , may take notice whither to repaire vpon all occasions concerning the bringing in , or issuing of his maiesties treasure at the receit of his exchequer . willing and requiring all sheriffes , bailiffes , collectors , and all other officers , accomptants , and persons whatsoeuer , who are to pay in any monies into the said receit of his maiesties exchequer , or otherwise to attend the same , to keepe their daies and times at richmond aforesaid , and there to doe , pay , and performe in all things as they should , or ought to haue done at westminster , if the said receit of exchequer had continued there . and this to bee done and obserued vntill his maiestie shall publish and declare his further pleasure to the contrary . given at the court at ricot the one and thirtieth day of iulie in the first yeare of his maiesties raigne of great brittaine , france , and ireland . god saue the king. printed at oxford by i. l. and w.t. for bonham norton and iohn bill , printers to the kings most excellent maiestie . 1625. by the king. a proclamation for a solemne fast on wednesday the fifth of february next, upon occasion of the present treaty for peace. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a78992 of text r212206 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.9[18]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a78992 wing c2585 thomason 669.f.9[18] estc r212206 99870850 99870850 161116 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a78992) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 161116) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f9[18]) by the king. a proclamation for a solemne fast on wednesday the fifth of february next, upon occasion of the present treaty for peace. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by leonard lichfield, printer to the vniversity, printed at oxford : 1644. [i.e. 1645] dated at end: oxford, this 27 day of january, in the twentieth yeare of our raigne. 1644. with engraving of royal seal at head of document. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng fasts and feasts -great britain -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a78992 r212206 (thomason 669.f.9[18]). civilwar no by the king. a proclamation for a solemne fast on wednesday the fifth of february next, upon occasion of the present treaty for peace. england and wales. sovereign 1644 547 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c r honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the king . ¶ a proclamation for a solemne fast on wednesday the fifth of februarynext , upon occasion of the present treaty for peace . where as almighty god in his iustice to punish the common and crying sinnes of the land , hath sent a civill sword throughout all our dominions , which hath miserably wasted and threatens a speedy and utter desolation to the same . and now in the height of these calamities , a treaty is assented to , to beginne at vxbridge on thursday the thirtieth day of this instant january , touching the composing and ending of those unhappy differences and distractions , about which so much blood hath been already spilt , which treatie , may by the blessing of god ( who is the disposer of all mens hearts and of all events ) be a meanes to produce a peace . and whereas it is the duty , and hath been the practice of christians under affliction , to set apart some time for publique and solemne humiliation and prayer , for removing of gods judgements , and particularly for a blessing and good successe to the meanes conducing to their deliverance . we doe therefore by this our proclamation appoynt and straitly charge and command , that on wednesday being the fifth of february next ensuing , a solemne fast be kept in all places within our dominions , whether the notice of this our proclamation shall or may come before that time , that both prince and people may then joyne together in a true humiliation and devout and earnest prayers to god , that he would be pleased so to blesse and prosper this intended treaty , that it may produce a happy peace in all our dominions , such as may be for his honour and the good of his church , and of us and all our subjects . and we doe hereby charge and require all our subjects , of what degree or condition soever they be , which shall have notice of this our proclamation , that they doe religiously prepare and apply themselves to a due observation of the same , by fasting , humiliation , and prayer on that day , and in hearing of gods word , as they will answer to god their neglect of this christian duty , and as they will answer to us the neglect of this our just and necessary command . and for the better and more orderly observation of this fast , we doe hereby appoint , that the forme of prayer and service of god set forth in the booke heretofore published for the monthly fast , with such alterations and additions as shall be prepared and fitted for this present purpose , and published in print before the said day , shall be used in all churches and chappells where this fast shall be kept . given at our court at oxford , this 27 day of january , in the twentieth yeare of our raigne . 1644. god save the king . printed at oxford , by leonard lichfield , printer to the university . 1644. a copie of certaine letters which manifest and designe of the late discovered plot first his majesties letter to the city of london, secondly the lord digbies letter to sir bazill brooke, lastly other intercepted letters touching the same businesse. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a69793 of text r15261 in the english short title catalog (wing c6193). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 8 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a69793 wing c6193 estc r15261 12099775 ocm 12099775 54066 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a69793) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 54066) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 242:e81, no 16) a copie of certaine letters which manifest and designe of the late discovered plot first his majesties letter to the city of london, secondly the lord digbies letter to sir bazill brooke, lastly other intercepted letters touching the same businesse. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. digby, kenelm, sir, 1603-1665. [2], 6 p. s.n.], [london : 1643. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng brooke, basil, -sir, 1576-1646? a69793 r15261 (wing c6193). civilwar no a copie of certaine letters, which manifest the designe of the late discovered plot. first, his majesties letter to the city of london. seco england and wales sovereign 1644 1285 19 0 0 0 0 0 148 f the rate of 148 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the f category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2005-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-09 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-10 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2005-10 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a copie of certaine letters , which manifest the designe of the late discovered plot . first , his majesties letter to the city of london . secondly , the lord digbies letter to sir bazill brooke . lastly , other intercepted letters touching the same businesse . printed in the yeare , 1643. his majesties letter . trusty and welbeloved , wee greet you well . when wee remember the many acts of grace and favour wee and our royall predecessors have conferred upon that our city of london , and the many examples of eminent dutie and loyalty , for which that city hath beene likewise famous , wee are willing to beleeve , notwithstanding the great defection wee have found in that place , that all men are not so farre degenerated from their affection to vs & to the peace of the kingdome , as to desire a continuance of the miseries they now feel ; & therefore being informed , that there is a desire in some principall persons of that city to present a petition to vs , which may tend to the procuring a good understanding betweene vs and that our city , wheret the peace of the whole kingdome may be procured wee have thought fit to let you know , that wee are ready to receive any such petition , and the persons who shall be imployed to present the same to vs , shall have a safe conduct ; and you shall assure all our good subjects of that our city , whose hearts are touched with any sense of duty to vs , or of love to the religion and lawes established , in the quiet and peaceable fruition whereof they and their ancestors have enjoyed so great happinesse , that wee have neither past any act , nor made any profession or protestation for the maintenance and defence of the true protestant religion , and the liberty of the subject , which wee will not most strictly and religiously observe ; and for the which , wee will not be alwayes ready to give them any security can be devised . and of these our gracious letters , wee expect a speedy answer from you . and so wee did you farewell . given at our court at oxford , 28. decemb. 1643. to our trusty and welbeloved , our lord major ▪ and aldermen of our city of london , and to all other our wel-affected subjects of that city . there was another letter from the king to the city , dated the 2. of january instant , verbatim as this is , onely the last was thus directed , to our trusty and welbeloved , our lord major , the aldermen , and common-councell of our city of london . the lord digbies letter to sir bazil brooke . sir , the king and queen have both commanded me to give you thanks in their name , for your care and diligence in their service ; and his majesty hath so much confidence in your discretion and warinesse not to be deluded , that in hopes of the good effects towards a happy peace , which you seeme to promise your selfe from this negotiation ; his majesty is pleased to descend very far in writing so gracious a letter to those , who may seeme to have deserved so ill of him . i send you herewithall a copy of the letter it selfe , which varies onely in the stile , not in the matter , from that draught which was sent downe hither ; which , ( if you like , and continue confidence , that it might be effectuall to so blessed an end , as peace and union ) you are to deliver to those parties , seconded with assurances of his majesties most gracious and sincere inclination , to give them full satisfaction in all their reasonable desires ; but if you shall finde cause to lessen the beliefe you had of a powerfull effect by this letter of his majesties , it is then recommended to your discretion , to forbear the deliv●ry of it ; since it would be a very unfit thing , to impose 〈◊〉 great a grace and condescending of his majesty to hazards of being made frustrate and contemned . god send you happy successe in this great undertaking : i professe it is that , wherein my belief and reason goe along more comfortably then with any thing that i have known in projection since these troubles : but it is not fit to wade further into the businesse this hazardous way ; and therefore i shall adde no more , but that i am , your very affectionate servant , decemb. 29. 1643. sir , this inclosed shall serve for you , aswell as for him to whom it is directed : lose no time , you were expected here every day this weeke : if you can bring this businesse to a happy conclusion , besides the generall good , it will be for your owne particular , the best that ever you did ▪ if you come not with this bearer , i pray you send me by him the furred coate i wrote to you for : make all the possible haste you can , that the petitions may speedily be sent hither , and assure your friends , that if they performe their parts of the six propositions , i am confident , the k. will condescend to their desires . decemb. 30 1643. a letter , intituled , to the man in the moon . sir , i wrote to you formerly , but never had any answer . i assure you faithfully , i have not bin wanting to doe what you desired ( as you may perceive by the effects ) and if you have not your desire , blame your selves : but give me leave to tell you , that if you neglect the opportunity now offered you , it may be , you shall never have the like againe ; for i have made her whom you 〈◊〉 given just occasion to be your worst friend , to be 〈◊〉 b●st , and the onely instrument to procure what 〈…〉 sent you ; and be co●fident she shall still be so , provi●●● you doe your parts . consider , i beseech you , what 〈◊〉 gate is opened by bringing in of the scots , for the ●●●struction of this kingdom : if there be not a peace ( whi●● i pray god almighty to send speedily ) you must ●●●pect armies of strangers from severall places , who a●● now a preparing , who certainely at their in-commi●● will over-runne the whole kingdome , and when it is pa●● remedy , you will se your owne errour : therefore ( 〈◊〉 prevent more misery then i am able to expresse to th●● deplorable kingdome and the effusion of the blood 〈◊〉 millions of men , women , and children , which must i●fallibly be this summer ) apply your selves in an humb●● and submissive way to his majesty , whom , i know , ye● will finde ready with armes out-stretched to receive 〈◊〉 both to favour and mercy , and even grant you gra●● beyond expectation : deferre no time for gods sake , and what you will do , do speedily , i say againe do it speedil● and lose no time for reasons i may not write . finis . by the king a proclamation to declare his maiesties pleasure, that a former restraint inioyned to the citizens of london, for repairing to faires for a time, is now set at libertie. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) 1625 approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a22395 stc 8812 estc s122686 33150398 ocm 33150398 28585 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a22395) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 28585) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1876:59) by the king a proclamation to declare his maiesties pleasure, that a former restraint inioyned to the citizens of london, for repairing to faires for a time, is now set at libertie. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.). by bonham norton, and iohn bill, printers to the kings most excellent maiestie, imprinted at london : anno dom. m.dc.xxv [1625] "giuen at our honour of hampton court, the 30 of december. 1625." reproduction of original in: society of antiquaries. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng fairs -england -london -early works to 1800. plague -england -prevention. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. broadsides -london (england) -17th century. 2006-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-03 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-05 derek lee sampled and proofread 2006-05 derek lee text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion royal blazon or coat of arms ¶ by the king. ¶ a proclamation to declare his maiesties pleasure , that a former restraint inioyned to the citizens of london , for repairing to faires for a time , is now set at libertie . whereas the kings most excellent maiestie , out of his princely and christian care of his louing subiects , by his royall proclamation , bearing date the fourth day of august last , to preuent the further spreading of the great infection of the plague , as much as by all good meanes hee might , did , by the aduice of his maiesties priuie councell , forbid the holding and resorting vnto the two great faires of speciall note , then by course of time neere approching , the one vsually kept in smithfield , neere the citie of london , called bartholomew faire , and the other neere cambridge , called sturbridge faire ; and did thereby also further charge and enioyne , all citizens and inhabitants of the said citie of london , that none of them should repaire to any faire , held within any part of this kingdome , vntill it should please god to cease the infection then reigning amongst them : now , seeing it hath pleased almighty god , of his great mercy and goodnesse , to stay his hand from further punishing that citie , and the places adiacent , and that , that contagion and dangerous sicknesse is now ceased there , his maiestie , taking into his princely consideration , that in the mutuall commerce of his subiects standeth their very subsistence , at least , their well-being ; by the like aduice of his maiesties priuie councell , doth hereby publish and declare his will and pleasure to be , that seeing god , of his mercy , hath graciously remooued the cause of the former restraint , that now the citizens , and inhabitants of the cities of london and westminster , and places adioyning , may freely repaire to any faire , hereafter to be held in this kingdome , and that any other of his highnesse louing subiects , may freely buy of them , any wares or merchandize , comming from those cities or places , the said proclamation , bearing date the said fourth day of august , and one other proclamation , bearing date the eleuenth day of october now last past , or any other proclamation or restraint whatsoeuer to the contrary . and his maiestie , doth hereby straitly charge and command , that no maiors , bailifes , iustices of peace , or any other of his maiesties officers , ministers , or louing subiects whatsoeuer , doe presume , vnder colour of the said former proclamations , or of any other restraint whatsoeuer , to interrupt or hinder the citizens or inhabitants of the said cities of london or westminster , or places neere adioyning , to repaire to any faires , and to vtter , sell , barter , or dispose of their wares or merchandize there , at their free will and pleasure . giuen at our honour of hampton court , the 30. of december . 1625. god saue the king. ❧ imprinted at london by bonham norton , and iohn bill , printers to the kings most excellent maiestie . anno dom. m.dc.xxv . by the king a proclamation concerning tobacco. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) 1639 approx. 9 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 3 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a22634 stc 9138 estc s3596 33150549 ocm 33150549 28655 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a22634) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 28655) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1877:45) by the king a proclamation concerning tobacco. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. [2] leaves. by robert barker, printer to the kings most excellent majestie: and by the assignes of john bill, imprinted at london : 1638 [i.e. 1639] caption title. imprint from colophon. regulating domestic retail trade. "given at our court at vvhitehall the five and twentieth day of march, in the fourteenth yeer of our reign." reproduction of original in: society of antiquaries. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng tobacco industry -great britain. monopolies -great britain -early works to 1800. tobacco habit -great britain -early works to 1800. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. 2003-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-11 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-12 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2003-12 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion diev · et · mon · droit honi ❀ soit ❀ qvi ❀ mal ❀ y ❀ pense royal blazon or coat of arms ❧ by the king. ❧ a proclamation concerning tobacco . having been heretofore informed , that thorow the immoderate taking of tobacco , provoking the takers thereof to excessive drinking and other inconveniences , the health of many of our subjects had been much impaired , which had the rather been occasioned for that no restraint had been made of the number , nor regard had of the quality of those that sold tobacco by retail but persons of the meanest condition had promiscuously used to retail the same , keeping no order or assize therein : whereupon we out of our princely care , to represse all such excesses , and to prevent such future inconveniences as might occur thereby , did by the advice of the lords and others of our privy councell , resolve to regulate the ungoverned selling and retailing of tobacco , and to reduce the same into some good order ; and that none but men of sufficiency , and such as should bring certificate of their meetnesse , should from thenceforth be permitted to sell or utter tobacco by retail , and those onely in certain fit places , and to a certain number in every such place , which places and number we did by the like advice of the lords , and others of our privie councell , appoint accordingly : and afterwards by our proclamation , dated the thirteenth day of march , in the ninth yeer of our reign , for the reasons therein expressed we did straitly charge and command , that none should from thenceforth presume to sell or utter tobacco by retail , untill they should have obtained our licence in that behalf . in conformity whereunto , divers of our loving subjects have since taken severall and respective licences under our great seal of england , to sell and utter forrain tobacco by retail , in such respective cities , towns , and places , as in the same licences are expressed , rendring to us , our heirs and successors , such rents as in and by our said licences are respectively reserved in that behalf : by which means not onely the afore mentioned excesses have in some good measure been repressed , and many inconveniences prevented , but also some small addition and improvement hath been made to our revenue . but notwithstanding the premisses , divers ill affected persons , endeavouring for some small advantage to themselves , to bring the retailing of tobacco to that confused and ungoverned liberty it had before , have in contempt of our said proclamation presumed without our licence to vent and utter tobacco by retail , as well in london , and the parts adjacent , as in divers other cities , towns , and places of this our realm , thereby discouraging , and in some sort disabling our said subjects , who have taken our licences , as aforesaid , to pay their rents thereon reserved , and likewise dis ▪ heartning others ( that is to say ) some from suing forth the licences for which they have respectively contracted , others from contracting with our agents appointed in that behalf ; and the better to colour their practises , have spread abroad , especially within our city of london , and the parts adjacent , false reports and rumours , as if we intended to desist from our aforesaid course of reformation : which their practises and bold attempts we have just cause to take in ill part , and not to suffer the same to passe unpunished . yet because some of our subjects , through the false reports and rumours so spread abroad , as aforesaid , may make some doubt of our royall intention in the premisses , therefore we have thought meet hereby to declare and publish to all our people , that we will not leave unfinished so great a work begun with such advice and care , and so much tending to their health and welfare , neither will we suffer our revenue in any part thereof by the wilfull opposition of some few refractory persons to be impaired . and therefore we do hereby straitly charge and command all our loving subjectts , that none of them do from henceforth presume directly or indirectly , to sell , utter , or deliver any tobacco by retail , in any place or places within our said kingdom of england , dominion of wales , and town of barwick , or any of them , without our speciall licence under our great seal of england , to be obtained in that behalf . and we do likewise will and command all pedlers who wander up and down , not making their constant abode in any one place , and all and every other interloper or interlopers whatsoever , that none of them do from henceforth directly or indirectly , sell , utter , or deliver any tobacco by retail , or under colour or pretext of giving tobacco , do by themselves , or any other , take or receive any recompence for the same . and whereas divers of our subjects , who are licensed to retail tobacco in their own houses onely , do notwithstanding retail tobacco in fairs and markets abroad , to the prejudice of such persons as are licensed to sell tobacco in those places , our will and pleasure is , and we do hereby straitly charge and command that from henceforth they and every of them do forbear to sell , utter , or deliver tobacco by retail , in any other places then according to the purport and true meaning of their respective licences under our great seal . and whereas we are informed that much english tobacco , which through the coldnesse of the climate and unaptnesse of the soil not coming to perfect maturity , is altogether unwholsome to be taken , and other tobacco adulterate and mixed with rotten fruits and other corrupt ingredients is dayly sold and uttered to our people ; we do hereby charge and straitly command , that no person whatsoever within our said kingdom of england and ireland , dominion of wales , and town of barwick , or any of them , do from henceforth presume to buy , sell , or utter , directly or indirectly , any tobacco of the growth of our kingdoms of england and ireland , dominion of wales , and town of barwick , islands of jersey , garnsey , and man , or any of them , or any mixed or adulterate tobacco whatsoever : and the better to prevent the great abuse offered and done to our loving subjects in the sale of english tobacco , we do also straitly charge and command that no person whatsoever do at any time hereafter plant , or cause to be planted , any tobacco within our kingdoms of england and ireland , or either of them , or within our dominion of wales , or town of barwick , or within our islands of jersey , garnsey and man , or any of them , and that all tobacco already planted , and now growing there , be presently displanted and utterly destroyed . and to the end the doing hereof be not in any wise omitted or neglected , we do charge and command all constables , tithingmen , headboroughs , and other officers within their severall limits and jurisdictions , carefully to see the same executed accordingly . and further , we do will and command all iustices of peace , maiors , sheriffs , and other principall officers in their severall places , within the compasse of their severall jurisdictions and authorities , upon complaint to them made , to cause the same to be duly performed without partiality , as they and every of them will answer their contempts at their perils . and we do further will and command , that no tobacco whatsoever be from henceforth imported , landed , or unladed to , in , or at any other port , haven , creek , or place within our kingdom of england , dominion of wales , and port and town of barwick , or any of them , then to , in , or at our port of london , without speciall warrant to be obtained from our lord high treasurer of england for the time being in that behalf : and that all merchants , masters , and owners of any ship or ships , and other persons whatsoever within or under our obedience , do take notice of our royall command and pleasure herein , and do carefully and duly observe the same accordingly . and we do hereby straitly charge and command all our subjects to yeeld their due obedience in all and singular the premisses , as they tender our pleasure , and will answer the contrary at their perill . given at our court at vvhitehall the five and twentieth day of march , in the fourteenth yeer of our reign . ❧ god save the king. imprinted at london by robert barker , printer to the kings most excellent majestie : and by the assignes of john bill . 1638. by the king, a proclamation for preventing of disorders in the night-time, in the garrison of oxford england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a32040 of text r39050 in the english short title catalog (wing c2589). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a32040 wing c2589 estc r39050 18207706 ocm 18207706 107118 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a32040) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 107118) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1629:55) by the king, a proclamation for preventing of disorders in the night-time, in the garrison of oxford england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. by leonard lichfield ..., printed at oxford : 1645 [i.e. 1646] "given at our court at oxford, this third of february, in the one and twentieth yeare of our reigne. 1645." reproduction of original in the bodleian library. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649. a32040 r39050 (wing c2589). civilwar no by the king, a proclamation for preventing of disorders in the night-time, in the garrison of oxford england and wales. sovereign 1645 613 1 0 0 0 0 0 16 c the rate of 16 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-04 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-05 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2008-05 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion royal blazon or coat of arms c r honi soit qvi mal y pense by the king . ¶ a proclamation for preventing of disorders in the night-time , in the garrison of oxford . whereas we have been informed , that many and great disorders have been , and are frequently committed in this garrison of oxford both in the evenings , and in the night time . and the lords and commons of parliament here assembled at oxford have besought us , that by our immediate warrant and command , such disorders may for the future be prevented and supprest , and that all persons of what degree or quality soever they be , may be inhibited and restrained from committing the like hereafter . we have therefore thought fit to publish this our proclam●●●●● and do hereby straitly charge and command all heads of colledges and halls within this our university of oxford , and all inhabitants in houses opening into any street , lane , or place of common passage within this city and garrison of oxford , that every evening upon shutting in of day-light , and when the nights shall be dark , they cause lights to be hung up before their colledges , halls , and dwelling houses respectively , towards or into the streets , lanes , and common passages , to continue burning till the tap-too be beaten . and that no person or persons of any degree or quality soever , shall after the beating of the tap-too , stay or continue in any taverne , victualing-house or ale-house , or in any other house or place , where wine , ale , beere , or victuals shall be sold or retayled , unlesse it be such person or persons as are , or shall be lodged or quartered in any such house ; and farther , that no keeper of any taverne , victualing-house , or ale-house , shall permit or suffer any person or persons whatsoever , to continue eating or drinking in any such house , after the time aforesaid ; and if any person or persons being in any such house , shall after the time aforesaid refuse to goe or depart from thence : then the master or keeper of any such house , shall make the same knowne at the maine-guard , to the end , that by assistance from thence , such persons may be removed and carryed to the guard ; and in case he shall not crave such assistance , the master or keeper of the house , aswell as the persons so refusing to depart , shall be taken and carryed to the guards , and punished according to their demerits . and farther , we doe hereby charge and command all persons of what degree whatsoever , that after the beating of the tap-too , they repaire to , and keep within their lodgings , without noyse or disturbance in the streets . and we doe charge and require the governour of our said garrison oxford , that he cause these our orders and commands to be straitly and punctually observed , and to punish all such as shall offend or doe to the contrary , by putting them in guard or otherwise , as is used in garrison townes in time of warre , without any connivance or distinction of persons whatsoever . given at our court at oxford , this third of february , in the one and twentieth yeare of our reigne . 1645. god save the king . printed at oxford , by leonard lichfield , printer to the universitie , 1645. the message from the hovse of commons to the lords by bulstrode whitlocke and presented to their lordships by him. whereunto is added his maiesties most gracious answer to their message, february 22, 1642. whitlocke, bulstrode, 1605-1675 or 6. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a65911 of text r26357 in the english short title catalog (wing w1987). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 10 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a65911 wing w1987 estc r26357 09436560 ocm 09436560 43104 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a65911) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 43104) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1320:6) the message from the hovse of commons to the lords by bulstrode whitlocke and presented to their lordships by him. whereunto is added his maiesties most gracious answer to their message, february 22, 1642. whitlocke, bulstrode, 1605-1675 or 6. charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. [7] p. printed by e. griffin, london : 1642. a discussion of measures to be taken against the irish rebellion. the kings answer appears in paraphrase only. reproduction of original in the harvard university library. eng ireland -history -rebellion of 1641. great britain -politics and government -1625-1649. a65911 r26357 (wing w1987). civilwar no the message from the house of commons to the lords, by master bulstrode whitlocke esquire, and presented to their lordships by him. whereunt england. parliament. house of commons 1643 1621 2 0 0 0 0 0 12 c the rate of 12 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2006-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-02 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-03 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2006-03 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the message from the hovse of commons to the lords , by master bulstrode whitlocke esquire , and presented to their lordships by him . whereunto is added his maiesties most gracious answer to their message , february 22 , 1642. h. elsinge cler. do . com. c r london printed by e. griffin , 1642. at a conference of both houses in the painted chamber , reported againe as followeth by the lord roberts to the house of lords concerning the importance of imbracing and promoving the designe of those petitioners who desire and hope that the state may be eased of the charge of the irish warre , by the undertaking of particular adventurers in the houses of parliament , london and the rest of the kingdome . master whitlocke , who managed the conference , acquainted my lords , that he was commanded by the house of commons to present a vote of that house to your lordships , which being read , he afterwards proceeded . that whereas your lordships were pleased to returne thankes lately to the king with the house of commons for his maiesties favour expressed in the passing of two bils much importing the safety , quiet and content of this kingdome , and the king had thereupon recommended to both houses the care of ireland , so as these propositions read to your lordships even with relation to that message , were seasonable . then he offered by way of pretension , something concerning the tytle , which was , the vote of the lords and commons . this he knew your lordships understood to be but matter of forme , for your lordships consent was that , which must make it to be so . he then proceeded and offered to your lordships three motives , each begining and concluding the entertainement of this course . 1 the reducing of ireland . 2 the proffit of the king . 3 the ease of the people of england . for the first , ireland was in that condition , as not onely the civill power , which was wont to be the former quarrell , but now even religion , the rooting up of the protestant religion , and extirpation of the english is the quarrell . the rebels are so audacious as to scandalize the king and queene ; and the question is not now , whether irish or english , but whether the protestant or popish religion shall stand in that kingdome ; this rage of theirs stayes not there ; they intend to stayne this land with the bloud of protestants . the life and soule of religion is now at stake , and hee made no doubt every good protestant will lay downe his life and fortune for the preservation of it . then he came to the second motive , which he amplified , first by way of disadvantage , and shewed , what a losse it would be to the king , to be bereaved of that large and fruitfull island , which was a third part of the kings dominions , yea a third kingdome . he then shewed how much the preservation of it conduced to the kings profit , and how improveable this would be , by keeping that : now was the time to make him a through king there , and to esta●lish the throne , which had bin disputed and ●ottering in that realme these 400 yeares . he then proceeded to the third motive , and said the people of england , have lately undergone many and heavie payments ; he meant not those illegall payments , which were a just punishment , to such as would submit to such uniust charges , but he spake of the levyes by parliament , the burthen whereof together with the decay of trade , our neighbours in the country were very sensible , by those propositions reade to your lordships , the poorer sort will be eased , the payments made easie , because voluntary , and thereupon will be many and chearefull givers , who must ever have the honour of a memory to have contributed to so good a worke ; so as where profit is an ingredient with piety and loyalty , the plaister will be sooner applyed to ireland . when therefore our duty to god , and the king , may invite to so good a worke , he doubted not of your lordships concurrence with the house of commons for the good of that , which was the good of the kingdome . having said thus much in generall he offered some thing to the propositions in particular . that whereas the first proposition demanded two millions and halfe of acres for the undertakers , which might at first sight looke as a great demand to such as know not the extent of that kingdome which is computed by those who well understood the latitude of it , to containe 15. millions of acres , and therefore to take out two millions and halfe , when two parts of three of that kingdome are in open rebellion , is not so great a demand , as may at first sight appeare ; and the proposition conduceth much to the raising of rent to the king ; he said it was well knowne that the revenew of the exchequer , and court of wards in ireland , did not exceed the summe of 43000 l. yearely , besides the customes which your lordships found not great , except in monopolies and undue charges , what ever the customes are , they will be by these propositions much advanced , 20 or 30 thousand pounds a yeare rent will accrew to the crowne by the reservations in them exprest , besides 7 millions and halfe of acres , over and above the two millions and halfe desired in the propositions left to the kings disposall . the other propositions which are for the manner of bringing in of the money are very necessary , nothing being of more consequence then to dispatch this warre . he observed out of livy , that the romans made their warres great and short , some they finisht within 6 , some within 10 , other within 20 dayes , as with the samnites , latins , &c. he did not mention this , as though it were feasable for us to conclude this warre in so short a time , but onely to prove by the actions of that great state , that nothing is more advantageous to a state , then the speedy dispatch of a warre , and he hopes that if this money comes in , the warre of ireland might be brought to a short issue : he added that he remembred with griefe the former obstructions for ireland , but he now hopeth by the king and your lordships concurrences , that delayes will be turned into dispatches ; and this was necessary because forragine princes though now otherwise imployed , will be a wakened by a lasting warre , to take care of our affaires . he observeth the course of irelands first plantation , to suite much to this propounded . king william the first , gave leave to 12 knights to goe into wales to get what they could and to plant themselves there , from those descended richard le strong bow , first earle of pembrooke , who made the first impression in that kingdome . of which geraldus cambrensis saith , that it should be maintain'd multis caedibus , crebris conflictibus multoque certamine , he hopeth the course now in hand will give a period to that conquest , and this prophesie , and that those intended plantations may be as prosperous to settle , as the former to gaine that kingdome . wherefore this worke being so full of piety , honour , and charity , none shall need to speake for it , the workes speake for it selfe . and so delivering the vote of that house to your lordships he concluded the conference . his maiesties most gracious answer to the message of the house of commons to the lords . his majesty being very glad to receive any proposition that may repaire the calamitie of his distressed kingdome of ireland , especially when it may be without burthen or imposition , and for the ease of his good subjects of this kingdome , hath graciously considered the overture made by both horses of parliament to that purpose , and returnes this answer . that as he hath offered and is still ready to venture his owne royall person for the recovery of that kingdome , if his parliament shall advise him thereunto , soe he will not deny to contribute any other assistance he can to that service by parting with any profit or advantage of his owne there , and therefore relying upon the wisdome of this parliament doth consent to every proposition now made to him without taking time to examine whether this course may not retard the reducing of that kingdome by exasperating the rebells and rendering them desperate of being receaved into grace , if they shall returne to their obedience ; and his majesty will be ready to give his royall assent as to all such bills as shall be tendered unto him by his parliament to the confirmation of every particular of this proposition , &c. h. elsynge , cler-parl . d. com. by the king a proclamation of grace and pardon to all such as shall returne to their obedience, and submit to, and seek his majesties mercy before the end of may next. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a74239 of text r212223 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.9[28]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a74239 thomason 669.f.9[28] estc r212223 50811819 ocm 50811819 161126 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a74239) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 161126) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f9[28]) by the king a proclamation of grace and pardon to all such as shall returne to their obedience, and submit to, and seek his majesties mercy before the end of may next. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by leonard lichfield, printer to the university, printed at oxford : 1645. with engraving of royal seal at head of document. dated at end: given at our court at oxford, the 19th day of april, in the one and twentieth yeare of our raigne. 1645. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a74239 r212223 (thomason 669.f.9[28]). civilwar no by the king. a proclamation of grace and pardon to all such as shall returne to their obedience, and submit to, and seek his majesties mercy england and wales. sovereign 1645 824 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-09 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-11 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-11 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion by the king . ¶ a proclamation of grace and pardon to all such as shall returne to their obedience , and submit to , and seek his majesties mercy before the end of may next . whereas this unnaturall rebellion was begun and fomented upon pretence of maintaining the true protestant religion , the laws , liberty and property of the subject , and the priviledges of parliament ; and was heretofore carryed on in the name of the king and parliament , upon pretence also of the preservation of our honour , and the rights of our crowne , and the safety of our person , and redeeming it from the hands and power of evill counsellors : and under these specious pretences very many of our subjects have been misled into it . but that which was at first known and foreseen by some , may now be manifest to all , even of the meanest capacity , that these were but pretences to colour the ambition , malice , and avarice of a few men ; since it is apparent , that in the prosecution , and for the upholding of the rebellion , there hath been more prophanation and scorne to the protestant religion here established , more oppression of the subject , by depriving them of their lives , liberty and property , without and against law , and more usurpation upon the rights of our crowne , and violation of lawes , and of acts of parliament , and of priviledges of parliament publiquely avowed , then can be parallell'd by any former example in this kingdom . and upon our severall messages and invitations for a treaty for peace , nothing is propounded to us , and insisted upon , concerning the breach of any law , or the liberty , or property of the subject , or the priviledges of parliament ; but changes in the religion established , and alterations of the ancient government of this kingdome both in church and state . and touching the defence and safety of our person , notwithstanding our earnest endeavours for peace , this rebellion is still prosecuted , and new armies now moulded , and forces raised under the name of the parliament and state , with commission to kill and destroy , without exception or regard of our person : so that ( beside the tryalls we have already undergone ) we may easily discerne what safety or defence we are to expect hereafter . and it is evident that the designe tends to the destruction , not onely of our person and posterity , but even of monarchy it selfe : and that the defence of the true protestant religion established , of the lawes , liberty and property of the subject , of the just priviledges of parliament , and of our person , and the rights of our crowne , are laid aside , and can be no longer pretences for this rebellion . and whereas we have reason to beleeve that very many of our subjects , who were heretofore seduced , and misled , are by this , and their own manifold sufferings , brought to a sight of their error , and to a dislike and detestation of this execrable rebellion , which threatens speedy ruine and destruction to the nation : but being heretofore involved and intangled in the guilt of it , are doubtfull of their owne security , and cannot easily find the way to free themselves with safety . in pursuance therefore of our constant purpose , to omit nothing which we shall conceive may give security to those our subjects , who shall not still wilfully and malitiously persist in mischiefe , and which may conduce to the quenching of this fire , and restoring peace to our people in all our dominions , we have thought fit once againe to set forth this our proclamation of grace and pardon : and we doe hereby publish and declare , that to all such of what estate , degree , or condition soever they be ( without exception ) who shall before the end of may next ensuing , returne to their due obedience , and submit to , and desire our mercy , we shall grant them our free and gracious pardon for all offences whatsoever , committed or done , in or by the prosecuring , promoting , assisting , or countenancing of this rebellion , or which have any relation thereunto . and this in the word of a king we shall effectually make good unto them . given at our court at oxford , the 19th day of april , in the one and twentieth yeare of our raigne . 1645. god save the king . printed at oxford , by leonard lichfield , printer to the vniversity . 1645. by the king a proclamation touching tobacco. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) 1627 approx. 14 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 3 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a22435 stc 8853 estc s122709 33152843 ocm 33152843 28979 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a22435) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 28979) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1876:85) by the king a proclamation touching tobacco. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. [2] leaves. by bonham norton and iohn bill, printers to the kings most excellent maiestie, imprinted at london : m.dc.xxvi [1626, i.e. 1627] caption title. imprint from colophon. allowing importation of spanish tobacco as part of the royal monopoly; requiring sealing of tobacco by commissioners in london. "giuen at our court at whitehall, the seuenteenth day of februarie, in the second yeere of our reigne of great britaine, france, and ireland. reproduction of original in: society of antiquaries. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp 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over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng tobacco industry -virginia. tobacco industry -bermuda islands. monopolies -great britain -early works to 1800. great britain -commerce -spain -early works to 1800. spain -commerce -great britain -early works to 1800. great britain -colonies -commerce. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. 2003-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-10 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-12 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2003-12 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms ❧ by the king. ❧ a proclamation touching tobacco . whereas our most deare father , of blessed memory , deceased , for many weighty and important reasons of state , and at the humble suit of his commons in parliament , did heretofore publish two seuerall proclamations ▪ the one bearing date the nine and twentieth day of september , in the two & twentieth yeere of his highnesse reigne of england , france , and ireland , and of scotland the eight and fiftieth , and the other the second day of march then next following , by both of them vtterly prohibiting the importation & vse of all tobacco , which is not of the proper growth of the colonies of virginia , and the sommer-ilands , or one of them , with such cautions ▪ and vnder such paines and penalties , as are in those proclamations at large expressed . and whereas our sayd father , by another proclamation bearing date the thirtieth day of december , in the seuenteenth yeere of his highnesse reigne of england , did straitly charge all and euery person or persons , of what degree or condition soeuer , that they should not from the second day of february then next following , presume to sowe , set , or plant , or cause to be sowen , set , or planted within this realme of england , or dominion of wales , any sort or kinde of tobacco whatsoeuer , and that they , or any of them should not maintaine and continue any old stockes or plants of tobacco formerly sowen or planted , but should foorthwith destroy and roote vp the same . and wheras we , finding the said proclamations to be grounded vpon many weighty reasons and considerations , did since our accesse to our crowne , by our proclamation lately published , renew and confirme the said former prohibitions : neuerthelesse , because the immoderate desire of taking of tobacco hath so farre preuailed in these our kingdomes , as that it cannot on a sodaine bee vtterly suppressed , and the difference , or , at least , the opinion of difference betweene spanish or forreine tobacco , and tobacco of the plantations of virginia , and of our owne dominions , is such , that our subiects can hardly be induced totally to forsake the spanish tobacco ; whereby it commeth to passe , that where wee were willing to haue suffered losse in our customes , so as the sayd forreigne tobacco might haue been kept out , the same is secretly , and by stealth brought in in great quantities , and many great quantities of tobacco are set and sowen within this our realme of england and dominion of wales , and so the mischiefe , intended to be redressed , is not auoided , and yet our reuenue in our customes is much diminished . wee therefore , taking into our princely consideration , as wel the present estate of these times , and how many important necessities doe at this instant presse us , that by all good meanes wee should husband our reuenue to the best , and also considering the many inconueniences which doe and will arise , both to our selues and to our subiects , by the secret importation of spanish tobacco , and planting of english tobacco , whereby diuers of our subiects haue taken liberty to themselues , for the desire of priuate gaine , without respect to the publique , to make such frequent sale of the same , as that thereby not onely our plantations abroad are much hindered , but our customes also are much impayred , wee haue thought fit , by the aduice of our commissioners for our reuenue , as our first part of proceeding concerning tobacco , to restrain● wholly the planting of tobacco within these our realmes , or any the iles thereto belonging , and to forbid the importation of forreine tobacco . and yet to giue way to the infirmitie of our subiects for the present , by the allowing the importation of some smal quantity of spanish or forreine tobacco , not being of the growth of the english plantations , not exceeding the quantitie of fiftie thousand weight in any one yeere to bee brought in by our owne commissioners onely , and to our owne particular vse onely , and not otherwise . and to the end that the extraordinary liberty now taken , may be restrained , the said colonies or plantations not hindered , nor our selfe deceiued in our customes , wee haue likewise by the aduice aforesaid , thought it requisite , to imploy some persons of trust and qualitie to be our commissioners in this seruice , to , and for our owne proper vse , and vpon accompt to be giuen to us for the same . wee doe therefore hereby publish and declare our royall will and pleasure , that , notwithstanding the seuerall proclamations before mentioned , we are well contented to giue way to the importation and sale of so much spanish and forreine tobacco , as shall not exceede the quantitie of fifty thousand weight in any one yeere , as aforesaid , and that the same shall bee our owne merchandise and commodity , and be managed and disposed of by our owne commissioners , or such as they shall appoint for our vse , and not otherwise . and , because that no man shall presume , by colour of this our licence or toleration , to import any other , or greater quantity of spanish or forreine tobacco , nor vtter or put the same to sale , to the preiudice of our seruice hereby especially intended , and to the ouerthrow of our colonies and plantations abroad , wee doe hereby straitly charge and command , that no man , other then our owne commissioners , for our owne proper vse , presume to import any forreine tobacco into our realmes of england or ireland , or any parts thereof . and for their better assistance therin , and the preuention of all abuses , wee haue thought fit , and so ordaine , and doe by these presents publish our royall pleasure , that all tobacco that shall from hencefoorth be imported into this our realme of england , whether it be spanish , or of the growth of virginia , the sommer-ilands , or the west-indies , or other adiacent ilands , beeing english plantations , shall be brought into our port of london onely : also that there shall bee three seuerall seales kept by our commissioners in some conuenient place , where they shall appoint , vnder three lockes , whereofthree of our commissioners shall keepe three seuerall keyes , wherwith both all such forrein tobacco , as shal be so imported , as aforesaid , as also such other tobacco of the growth of virginia , and the sommer-ilands , and other the said plantations as shall be imported , shall be sealed , that is to say , for that of virginia , and the sommer-ilands , a seale engrauen with our armes , and for that of the other english plantations , a seale engrauen with a lion and a crowne , and for the other forreine tobacco , a seale engrauen with a broad arrow and a portcullice , without paying any thing for the sealing of the tobacco of virginia , and sommer-ilands , and other the said plantations , but onely what the parties themselues shall thinke fit to allow for the sealers paines , waxe , and threed . and we doe hereby will and command , that no person or persons whatsoeuer , whether denizen , or stranger , or borne within any of our realms or dominions , doe presume , attempt , or goe about to counterfeit the said seales , or any of them , and that no person or persons whatsoeuer , other then our commissioners , their deputie or deputies doe presume , attempt , or goe about to import any spanish or forreine tobacco whatsoeuer , or to buy , vtter , or sell any tobacco , of what sort soeuer , but such as the roule thereof shall be sealed with one of the seales aforesaid , or to import any other , or greater quantitie of spanish tobacco , then the said fiftie thousand weight onely in any one yeere , or to sowe , set , or plant , or cause to be sowen , set , or planted in any of his , or their grounds , any tobacco whatsoeuer , within our realmes of england , or ireland , or dominion of wales , or any isles or places belonging thereto , or permit , or suffer any old stockes formerly set to continue , vpon paine of forfeiture vnto us , of all such tobacco as shall be imported , set , sowen , planted , suffered , vttered , or put to sale , contrary to the true meaning of these presents , and to haue the same english tobacco vtterly destroyed , in whose hands soeuer the same shall be found , and vpon such further paines and penalties , as by the lawes and statutes of this our realme of england , or by the seueritie , or censure of our court of star-chamber , or by our prerogatiue royall may be inflicted vpon the offenders for their contempt of this our royall command , the one moitie of all which fines to be imposed vpon any the said offenders , wee are graciously pleased shal be bestowed vpon the persons that shall informe against them for the same ; and that such person or persons as shall discouer any planting of tobacco within our realme of england , or other our realmes or dominions , shall haue his charges expended in following of suite against the offendors , allowed out of our part of the fines to be imposed , besides his moitie aforesaid . and further , that euery person or persons , that shall discouer the falsifying , or counterfeiting of any the seales aforesaid , shall haue an hundred crownes for such his discouery out of our part of the fine to be imposed for the same , besides the one moity for himselfe , as aforesaid . and for the better execution of our will and pleasure , we doe hereby command , all and singular customers , comptrollers , searchers , waiters , and other officers , attending in all , and euery , or any of our ports , creekes , or places of lading , or vnlading , for the taking , collecting , or receiuing of any our customes , subsidies , or other duties to take notice of this our pleasure . and we doe hereby command , and giue power and authority vnto our said commissioners , and those whom they shall thinke fit to imploy in our said seruice , and euery , or any of them from time to time , and at all times when they shall thinke fittest , with a constable , or other officer , for their assistance to search any ship , or other vessell or bottome , riding or lying within any port , hauen , or creeke within their seuerall charge and place of attendance , for all tobacco , imported contrary to the intent of this our proclamation , and the same being found , to seize and take to our vse , as also to take notice of the names , and apprehend the bringers in , and buyers of the same , to the end they may receiue condeigne punishment for their offence . and further , to take speciall care , that no more of the said spanish , or other forraine tobacco , shall be imported , then the said fifty thousand weight onely , in any one yeere , and that the same be brought into our port of london onely , as aforesaid , vpon paine that euery of the said officers that shall be found negligent , corrupt , or remisse herein , shall lose his place , and entertainement ▪ and vndergoe such paines and penalties , as by the laws , orthe censure of our said court of star chamber may be inflicted vpon them for the same . and likewise we doe hereby ordaine , will and appoint , that it shall and may be lawfull , to and for our said commissioners , authorised , as aforesaid , to import the said fifty thousand weight of spanish or other forraine tobacco , by him , or themselues , or his , or their deputy or deputies with a constable , or other officer , for their assistance , to enter into any suspected place or places , at such time or times , as they shall thinke to be most conuenient , and there to search , discouer , and finde out any tobacco , imported , vttered , plan●ed , set , sowed , sold or vented , not marked , or sealed , as aforesaid , contrary to the true meaning hereof , and all such tobacco so found to seize , take away , & dispose of & the owners thereof , or in whose custome the same shal be found , to informe , and complaine of , to the end they may receiue punishment , according to our pleasure herein before declared . and further , we doe by these presents , will and require , all and singular mayors , sheriffes , iustices of peace , bailiffes , cōstables , headboroughs , customers , controllers , searchers , waiters , and all other our officers , and ministers whatsoeuer , that they , and euery of them , in their seuerall places and offices , be diligent and attendant in the execution of this our proclamation , and also ayding and assisting , to our said commissioners thereunto by us appointed , or to be appointed , and to their deputies , as well in any search for discouery of any act , or acts to bee performed , contrary to the intent of these presents , as otherwise in the doing , or executing of any matter or thing for the accomplishment of this our royall command . and lastly , our will and pleasure is , and we doe hereby , charge and command our atturney generall , for the time being , to informe against such persons in our court of star-chamber , or exchequer-chamber , as the case shall require from time to time , whose contempt and disobedience against this our royall command , shall merit the censure of these courts . giuen at our court at whitehall , the seuenteenth day of februarie , in the second yeere of our reigne of great britaine , france , and ireland . god saue the king. ¶ imprinted at london by bonham norton and iohn bill , printers to the kings most excellent maiestie . m.dc.xxvi . his majesties declaration for the relief of the poor miners within the county of derby england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a31855 of text r35981 in the english short title catalog (wing c2203). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a31855 wing c2203 estc r35981 15585155 ocm 15585155 103952 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a31855) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 103952) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1588:36) his majesties declaration for the relief of the poor miners within the county of derby england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. by robert barker ... and by the assignes of john bill, imprinted at york : 1642. "given at our court at york, this 15 of august, 1642." reproduction of original in the society of antiquaries library. london. eng lead miners -england. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649. a31855 r35981 (wing c2203). civilwar no his majesties declaration for the relief of the poor miners within the county of derby england and wales. sovereign 1642 445 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-05 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-06 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-06 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion ¶ his majesties declaration , for the relief of the poor miners , within the county of derby . charles r. vvhereas we are well informed , by such as we have expresly imployed , that the miners and workmen of our mines in our county of derby are falling into great wants , and likely to be deprived of the means of sustaining themselves and families by their labours , by occasion of severall oppressions , and the stoppage of the vessels employed in the carriage of lead ( the commodity upon which , by their labours , they subsist ) by the illegall and hostile courses used by sir john hotham at hull . we therefore , tendring the relief of our said poor miners , out of our princely care , have thought good hereby to declare : that all such of our said subjects who are willing , and able in body , and shall voluntarily repair to nottingham , to our present army , without sound of drum , shall forthwith receive five shillings a peece for their charges in coming thither , and be afterwards entertained , and duly receive their pay of six shilings by the weeke , during their service in our present wars . and , upon the disbanding of our army , all such of the miners aforesaid , as have faithfully served vs , shall be , during their lives , freed and exempted from payment of lot , cope , and custome for all such dare as they shall digge in our said mines ; and if it shall happen , any of them to dye in our said service , the widdow of the deceased shall have liberty to employ a servant , and injoy such benefits , anb priviledges , during their lives , as their husbands should have had , in case they had survived . and to the end , that this our declaration , and pious intention may be made known to our said subjects , we do hereby require such parsons , vicars , and curats in our said county , to whom these presents shall come , forthwith to publish the same in their parish churches : and for so doing this shall be , as well unto them , as unto all others whom it may concern , a sufficient warrant and discharge . given at our court at york , this 15 of august . 1642. ¶ imprinted at york by robert barker , printer to the kings most excellent majestie : and by the assignes of john bill . 1642. by the king. a proclamation forbidding all levies of forces without his majesties expresse pleasure, signified under his great seal, and all contributions or assistance to any such levies. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a79017 of text r29202 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.5[45]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 13 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 3 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a79017 wing c2651 thomason 669.f.5[45] estc r29202 99872225 99872225 160758 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a79017) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160758) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f5[45]) by the king. a proclamation forbidding all levies of forces without his majesties expresse pleasure, signified under his great seal, and all contributions or assistance to any such levies. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. [4] p. by robert barker, printer to the kings most excellent majestie: and by the assignes of john bill, [imprinted at london : 1642] imprint from colophon. at bottom of text: given at our court at york the eighteenth day of june, in the eighteenth yeer of our reign. 1642. annotation on thomason copy: "[mostly illegible] "this proclamation .. sheriffe of london, but ..". reproduction of the original in the british library. with engraving of royal seal at head of document. eng prerogative, royal -england -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a79017 r29202 (thomason 669.f.5[45]). civilwar no by the king. a proclamation forbidding all levies of forces without his majesties expresse pleasure, signified under his great seal, and all england and wales. sovereign 1642 2502 1 0 0 0 0 0 4 b the rate of 4 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-02 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-07 olivia bottum sampled and proofread 2008-07 olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion ❧ by the king . ❧ a proclamation forbidding all levies of forces without his majesties expresse pleasure , signified under his great seal , and all contributions or assistance to any such levies . whereas , under pretence that vve intend to make vvar against the parliament ( the contrary whereof is notoriously known to all that are here , and as we hope by this time apparent to all other our subjects , as well by our declaration of the sixteenth of iune , as by the testimonie of all our nobility and councell , who are here upon the place ) and by colour of the authoritie of both houses of parliament ( a major part whereof are now absent from london ) by the contrivance of some few evill persons , disguising and colouring their pernicious designes and hostile preparations under the plausible names of the preservation of publike peace , and defence of us , and both houses of parliament from force and and violence , it hath been endeavoured to raise troopes of horse and other forces : and for that purpose they have prevailed , not onely to prohibit our own moneys to be paid to vs , or to our use , but , by the name and authoritie of parliament , to excite our subjects to contribute their assistance to them , by bringing in moneys , plate , or underwriting to furnish and maintain horses , horsmen , and arms ; and to that purpose certain propositions or orders ( as they are styled by them ) have been printed , whereby they have endeavoured to engage the power and authoritie of parliament ( as if the two houses , without vs , had that power and authoritie ) to save harmlesse , all those that shall so contribute , from all prejudice and inconvenience that may befall them by occasionthereof . and although we well hope that these malignant persons ( whose actions do now sufficiently declare their former intentions ) will be able to prevail with few of our good people to contribute their power or assistance unto them ; yet , lest any of our subjects ( taking upon trust what those men affirm ) without weighing the grounds of it , or the danger to vs , themselves , and the common-wealth , which would ensue thereupon , should indeed beleeve ( what these persons would insinuate , and have them to beleeve ) that such their contribution and assistance would tend to the preservation of the publike peace , and the defence of vs and both houses of parliament , and that thereby they should not incur any danger ; we , that we might not be wanting ( as much as in vs lieth ) to foreshew and to prevent the danger which may fall thereupon , have hereby thought good to declare and publish unto all our loving subjects , that by the laws of the land , the power of raising of forces or arms , or leavying of war for the defence of the kingdom , or otherwise , hath always belonged to vs , and and to vs onely , and that by no power of either , or both houses of parliament , or otherwise , contrary to our personall commands , any forces can be raised , or any war 〈…〉 and therefore , by the statute of the seventh yeer of our famous progenitour , king edward the first , whereas there had been then some variances betwixt him and some great lords of the realm , and , upon treaty thereupon , it was agreed , that in the next parliament after provision should be made , that in all parliaments , and all other assemblies which should be in the kingdom for ever , that every man should come without force and armour , well and peaceably : yet at the next parliament when they met together to take advice of this businesse ( though it concerned the parliament it self ) the lords and commons would not take it upon them , but answered , that it belonged to the king to defend force of armour , and all other force against the peace at all times when it pleased him , and to punish them which should do contrary , according to the laws and vsages of the realm , and that they were bound to aid him , as their soveraign lord , at all seasons when need should be . and accordingly in parliament , in after times , the king alone did issue his proclamations , prohibiting bearing of arms by any person , in , or neer the citie where the parliament was , excepting such of the kings servants as he should depute , or should be deputed by his commandment , and also excepting the kings ministers . and by the statute of northampton , made in the second yeer of king edward the third , it is enacted , that no man , of what condition soever he be ( except the kings servants , in his presence , and his ministers in executing the kings precepts , or of their office , and such as be in their company assisting them ) go , nor ride armed by night or day in fairs , markets , nor in the presence of the iustices , or other ministers , nor in no part elsewhere . and this power of raising forces to be solely in the king , is so known and inseparable a right to the crown , that when , in the reign of king henry the eight , there being a sudden rebellion , the earl of shrewsbury , without warrant from the king , did raise arms for the suppression thereof , and happily suppressed it , yet was he forced to obtain his pardon . and whereas the duke of gloucester , and other great lords , in the eleventh yeer of king richard the second ( upon pretence of the good of the king and kingdom , the king being then not of age , and led away , as they alleadged , by evil counsellours ) did raise forces , and by them mastered their adversaries . in that parliament ( such as it was , for it was held and kept with force , how good use soever hath been made of the presidents therein ) they procured a speciall act of pardon for their raising of men , and that those assemblies should not be drawn into example for the time to come . and as no man can leavie war , or raise forces without the king , so much lesse against the personall commands of the king opposed thereunto : for , by the statute of the 25. yeer of king edward the third ( which is but declaratory of the old law in that point ) it is treason to leavie war against the king in his realm ; within the construction of which statute , it is true ( which was said in the late declaration , under the name of both houses of parliament , of the 26. of may last ) leavying war ( in some sense ) against the kings authority ( though not intended against his person ) is leavying war against the king : and therefore the raising of forces , though upon pretence of removing of some evil counsellors from about the queen , hath been adjudged treason , in the case of the late earle of essex in the reign of queen elizabeth , and in divers other cases . ( and we wish all our subjects to consider , whether , if men shall be raised contrary to our proclamation and against our will , it be not against our authority . ) but it is as true ( and was never denied , but in that declaration ) that the raising of forces against the kings personall command ( being no ideot , nor infant , uncapable of understanding to command ) being accompanied with his presence , is , and is most properly leavying of war against the king ; for if it be a sufficient pretence for raising of men against the kings person , that it is for the defence of the kings authority , and of his kingdom ( though against his expresse command and proclamation ) the irish rebels will have colour for their horrid rebellion ; for they say ( though it be notoriously false ) it is for the defence of the kings authority , and of his kingdom ; and wat tyler , and jack cade , and kett the tanner wanted not publike pretences , which were perhaps just causes of complaints , though not of raising of men . and though these persons have gone about subtilly to distinguish betwixt our person and our authority , as if , because our authority may be where our person is not , that therefore , our person may be where our authority is not ; we require all our good subjects to take notice of the law ( which is in print and full force ) that their allegiance is due unto the naturall person of their prince , and not to his crown or kingdom distinct from his naturall capacitie . and that by the oath of ligeance at the common law ( which all persons above the age of twelve yeers are , or ought to be sworn unto ) they are bound to be true and faithfull , not to the king onely as king , but to our person as king charles ; and to bear vs truth and faith of life and member , and earthly honour ; and that they shall neither know nor hear of any ill or damage intended to vs that they shall not defend . and that when , in the time of king edward the second , hugh spencer being discontented with the king , caused a bill to be written , wherein was contained amongst other things , that homage and the oath of allegiance was more by reason of the kings crown ( that is , his kingdom ) then of his person ; and that seeing the king cannot be reformed by suit of law , if the king will not redresse and put away that which is ill for the common people , and hurtfull to the crown that the thing ought to be put away by force , and that his leiges be bound to govern in aid of him , and in default of him ; he was condemned for it by two parliaments , and perpetually vanished the kingdom . we have made mention of these cases , not so much to cleer our right , that we alone have the power of raising forces , and none of our subjects , either in parliament or out of parliament against our will , or personall command ( which we think no man that hath the least knowledge in our laws , and is not led away by private interests , and may speak his minde freely , will deny ; nor was ever questioned in any parliament before this time ) as to let them see how dangerous the effect and consequence of raising of forces , without vs , may be unto vs , and to the common-wealth , uuder pretence of defence of both . and though we cannot doubt of the affections of our good subjects , considering their interest is involved with ours , and how precious the peace of the kingdom is , and ought to be unto them ; and that according to the words of the statute of the eleventh yeer of king henry the seventh , and the eighteenth chapter , by the duty of their allegiance they are bounden to serve and assist vs at all seasons when need shall require . yet , to the end that our good subjects may know what their duty is , and what we expect from them , and that all others , who , through malice or private interests , shall be transported beyond their duties , may be left without excuse ; we do therefore by this our proclamation charge and command all our subjects uopn their allegiance , and as they tender our honour and safety , and the peace and safety of the kingdom , that they presume not to raise or leavie any horses , horsmen , or arms , or any forces whatsoever , by colour of any authority whatsoever , without our expresse pleasure signified under our great seal , ( other then such as shall be raised , leavied and imprested by the order , as well of our self , as of both houses of parliament , according to an act made this sessions , intituled , an act for the better raising and leavying of souldiers for the present defence of the kingdoms of england and ireland ( by iustices of peace , and otherwise , in such manner as is prescribed in the said act ) or contribute , or give any assistance in money , plate , finding of horses , horsmen , or arms , or any other wayes , to or for any such preparation , levie , or forces : and that such of our good subjects , who through ignorance have been mis-led to consent or subscribe to any such leavie , contribution , or assistance , forthwith , upon publication of this our proclamation , desist from continuing such their contribution or assistance , or giving any countenance to any such leavies , at their utmost perils . and we do likewise straitly charge and command as well all sheriffs , iustices of peace , majors , bailiffs , constables , and all other our officers whatsoever , that they use their utmost endeavours , as well for publishing this our proclamation , as for the suppressing of all leavies , or forces raised , or to be raised without or against our consent : as also all other our loving subjects , that they be attending , aiding , and assisting our said officers and ministers therein , as they , and every of them will answer it at their utmost perils . given at our court at york the eighteenth day of june , in the eighteenth yeer of our reign . 1642. ¶ imprinted at london by robert barker , printer to the kings most excellent majestie : and by the assignes of john bill . 1642. notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a79017e-30 cook 7. rep. calvins case . his majesties message to both houses of parliament, upon his removall to the city of york england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a31993 of text r39018 in the english short title catalog (wing c2468). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a31993 wing c2468 estc r39018 18206348 ocm 18206348 107085 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a31993) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 107085) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1629:37) his majesties message to both houses of parliament, upon his removall to the city of york england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. printed for francis coules and thomsas banks, london : [1642] at head of title, under the royal arms: huntington 15 ̊martii. 1641. [i.e. 1642]. reproduction of original in the harvard university library. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649. a31993 r39018 (wing c2468). civilwar no his majesties message to both houses of parliament, upon his removall to the city of york england and wales. sovereign 1652 583 1 0 0 0 0 0 17 c the rate of 17 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-05 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-06 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-06 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion huntington 15o martii . 1641 : ¶ his majesties message to both houses of parliament , upon his removall to the city of york . his maiesty being now in his remove to his city of yorke , where he intends to make his residence for some time , thinks fit to send this message to both houses of parliament ; that he doth very earnestly desire , that they will use all possible industrie , in expediting the businesse of ireland , in which they shall finde so cheerfull a concurrence by his maiesty , that no inconvenience shall happen to that service by his absence , he having all that passion for the reducing of that kingdom , which he hath expressed in his former messages , and being unable by words to manifest more affection to it then he hath endeavoured to do by those messages ( having likewise done all such acts as he hath been moved unto by his parliament ) therefore , if the misfortunes and calamities of his poor protestant subjects there shall grow upon them ( though his maiesty shall be deeply concerned in , and sensible of their suff●rings ) he shall wash his hands before all the world , from the least imputation of slacknesse in that most necessary and pious work . and that his maiestie may leave no way unattempted , which may beget a good understanding between him and his parliament , he thinks it necessary to declare , that as he hath been so tender of the priviledges of parlament , that he hath been ready and forward to retract any act of his own , which he hath been informed hath trencht upon their priviledges , so he expects an equall tendernesse in then of his maiesties known and unquestionable priviledges ( which are the priviledges of the kingdome ) amongst which he is assured it is a fundamentall one , that his subjects cannot be obliged to obey any act , order , or iniunction , to which his majesty hath not given his consent : and therefore he thinks it necessary to publish , that he expects , and hereby requires obedience from all his loving subjects to the laws established , and that they presume not upon any pretence of order , or ordinance ( to which his maiesty is no partie ) concerning the militia , or any other thing , to do or execute what is not warranted by those laws , his maiesty being resolved to keep the laws himselfe , and to require obedience to them from all his subjects . and his maiestie once more recommends to his parliament the substance of his message of the 20th of ianuary last , that they compose and digest , with all speed , such acts , as they shall think fit , for the present and future establishment of their priviledges ; the free and quiet enjoying their estates and fortunes ; the liberties of their persons ; the security of the true religion now professed in the church of england ; the maintaining his maiesties regall and iust authority , and setling his revenue ; his majesty being most desirous to take all fitting and iust wayes which may beget a happie understanding between him and his parliament , in which he conceives his greatest power and riches doth consist . london printed for francis coules . and thomas banks . to the kings most excellent maiesty the humble petition of the governour, assistants, and fellowship of the merchants-adventurers of england. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a74232 of text r212637 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.7[5]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a74232 thomason 669.f.7[5] estc r212637 99871236 99871236 160987 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a74232) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160987) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f7[5]) to the kings most excellent maiesty the humble petition of the governour, assistants, and fellowship of the merchants-adventurers of england. charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. row, henry, sir. nicholas, edward, sir, 1593-1669. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by leonard lichfield, printed at oxford : 1643. desiring the king "to grant them some particular declaration" of his "royall grace and goodnesse towards the fellowship." with his majesty's answer. the petition is signed: sir henry rovv, governor. the king's reply is dated 26 martii 1643, and signed: edw. nicholas. annotation on thomason copy: "aprill. 8". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng charles -i, -king of england, 1600-1649 -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a74232 r212637 (thomason 669.f.7[5]). civilwar no to the kings most excellent maiesty. the humble petition of the governour, assistants, and fellowship of the merchants-adventurers of englan charles king of england 1643 409 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-08 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-08 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion to the kings most excellent maiesty . the humble petition of the governour , assistants , and fellowship of the merchants-adventurers of england . most humbly sheweth , that the petitioners being , during these miserable distractions of the kingdome , encompassed on all sides with many difficulties ; and well weighing the dangers they may fall into in forraigne parts , if your majestie should withdraw your royall protection from them , upon any displeasure to the companie . doe humbly prostrate themselves before your royall majestie , and for their assurance , in so many feares , humbly beseech your majestie to grant them some particular declaration , at present , of your royall grace and goodnesse towards the fellowship , whereby they may bee enabled to uphold the little remainder of the staple trade of this kingdome , and proceed in the same with encouragement , as your majesties true and loyall subjests . and as in duty bound , they shall daily pray , &c. signed by sir henry row , governor . at the court at oxford , 26. martii . 1643. his maiesty hath commanded me to give this his answer . that if the petitioners are not conscious to themselves of any disloyalty to his maiesty , they have no reason to feare the withdrawing his royall protection from them , his maiesty being so desirous to preserve and advance the publique trade ( a thing of so high concernment to the whole kingdom ) that he hath left no means unattempted to that end . but if the petitioners , or any of them , are falne from their duty , obedience , and allegiance to him , upon an opinion , that his maiesty could not have the benefit of the lawes here against them , he will never consent that they shall have the benefit and protection , due only to his good subiects , abroad , and so evade his iustice every where ; but will precisely observe his resolution declared so long since , and so gratiously , in answer to the petition presented in the beginning of ianuary last from the city of london , in and by which the petitioners , and all other persons concerned , had sufficient warning and instance of his maiesties grace and favour to them . edw. nicholas . printed at oxford by leonard lichfield , 1643. his maiesties gracious message to both his houses of parljament, february the 20th england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a74219 of text r211750 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.5[136]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 1 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a74219 thomason 669.f.5[136] estc r211750 99870454 99870454 160847 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a74219) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160847) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f5[136]) his maiesties gracious message to both his houses of parljament, february the 20th england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) january 9. by leonard lichfield, printer to the vniversity, printed by his majesties command at oxford : 1643. in this edition the fourth line of text begins: the. place and date of publication from steele. with engraving of royal seal at head of document. reproduction of the original in the british library. annotation on thomason copy: "164-". eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a74219 r211750 (thomason 669.f.5[136]). civilwar no his maiesties gracious message to both his houses of parljament, february the 20th. england and wales. sovereign 1643 212 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-08 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-08 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion his maiesties gracious message to both his houses of parlfament , february the 20th . whereas his majesty hath ( together with a treaty ) proposed a cessation of arms to both his houses of parliament now 16. dayes since , to which as yet he hath received no answer : to the end that his majesty may so cleerly understand the houses , that no such imputations ( as have been formerly ) may after be laid upon him upon occasion of any thing that may intervene : his majesty desires , if a cessation shall be approved of by them , that the day upon which the cessation is thought fit to begin , and such particular limits and conditions of that cessation as are necessary to be understood and agreed on before the cessation it selfe can actually begin , be proposed by them at the same time with their approbation of it , since as his majesty supposeth by the present great preparation of severall forces of the earle of essex to march severall wayes , that till such time as this be done , they doe not conceive themselves obliged to an actuall cessation ; so neither till then doth his majesty conceive himselfe obliged to it . to the kings most excellent majestie, the humble petition of the countie of cornvvall this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a45024 of text r36806 in the english short title catalog (wing h3501a). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a45024 wing h3501a estc r36806 16137728 ocm 16137728 104790 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a45024) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 104790) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1594:14) to the kings most excellent majestie, the humble petition of the countie of cornvvall charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. imprinted at london by robert barker ... and by the assignes of john bill, [london] : 1642. at foot: his majesties answer to the petition of cornwall, at the court at york. 26. june 1642. reproduction of original in the harvard university library. eng oaths -england. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. cornwall (england : county) -history. a45024 r36806 (wing h3501a). civilwar no to the kings most excellent majestie, the humble petition of the countie of cornvvall [no entry] 1642 684 2 0 0 0 0 0 29 c the rate of 29 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-02 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion to the kings most excellent majestie the humble petition of the countie of cornvvall . we your majesties most loyall subjects in all duty render unto your majestie all thankfulnesse for your majesties unexempled favour and grace in granting unto your subjects , by the concurrence with your parliament , such lawes and freedoms , which have most fully expressed your majesties gracious goodnesse unto your people ; and we most thankfully receive your majesties free offer of a generall pardon , whereof we most humbly desire to be made partakers . and we most humbly beseech your majestie , never to suffer your subjects to be governed by an arbitrary government , nor admit an alteration in religion . and your petitioners being most feelingly grieved for your majesties discontents ( partly occasioned by divers scandalous pamphlets , and seditious sermons , and no way lessened by unlawfull tumults ) do wish a confluence of all comforts , honour and happinesse unto your majestie , and do most heartily pray for the reconcilement between your majestie and your parliament : and in all humble thankfulnesse for your majesties said grace and goodnesse , your petitioners do offer themselves most ready to maintain and defend with their lives and fortunes your majesties sacred person , honour , estate and lawfull prerogative against all persons whatsoever , according to the oaths of supremacy , and allegiance . cornub . iohn grills high sheriffe . warwick lord mohun . sir iohn trelawney knight and baronet . sir william wrey knight and ba●onet . iohn arundell of trerise esq. charles trevanion esq . walter langdon esq . peter courtney esq . samuel cosowarth esq . richard prideaux esq . iohn arundell esq . renatus billot esq . francis iones esq . robert rous esq . edward trelawney esq . nevil blighe esq . william bastard esq . charles grills esq . nathanael dillon esq . william arundell gent. william courtney gent. edward courtney gent. walter glin gent. edward cook gent. hugh pomeroy esq . ambrose billot gent. iohn samuel gent. nichol . kendall major of lostwithyell . obadiah ghoship cler. iohn kette cler. thomas harrison cler. thomas porter cler. simon lann cler. iohn peter cler. george brush cler. barnard achim gent. theophilus laugherne gent. william guavas gent. nicholas sawell gent. william robinson gent. thomas robinson gent. ioseph iolly gent. thomas tre●r gent. the foresaid gentlemen subscribed at lostwithyell unto the petition directed to his majestie , together with seven thousand more , esquires , gentlemen , freeholders and other inhabitants which subscribed and subsigned the said petition in their severall parishes . ❧ his majesties answer to the petition of cornwall , at the court at york . 26. june 1642. his majestie is so very well pleased with the duety and affection of this petition , that he hath commanded me to signifie his good acceptance of it , and thanks for it to the county of cornwall , and to assure them , that as he will be alwayes ready to increase the happinesse of his people , by consenting to such good new laws , as shall be proposed to him for their advantage , so he will be forward to venture his life in maintenance of the religion and laws established , which he doubts not , with the assistance of the petitioners , and other his good subjects he shall be able to defend : his majestie will be ready to grant such a generall pardon to the petitioners as they desire ; and will no longer expect the continuance of their duety and affection , then himself continues true to those professions he hath so often made of maintaining and defending the religion and laws of this kingdom . falkland . ¶ imprinted at london by robert barker , printer to the kings most excellent majestie : and by the assignes of john bill . 1642. by the king, his majesties gratious offer of pardon to the rebells now in armes against him, under the command of robert earle of essex england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a31928 of text r39011 in the english short title catalog (wing c2340). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a31928 wing c2340 estc r39011 18206192 ocm 18206192 107078 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a31928) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 107078) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1629:33) by the king, his majesties gratious offer of pardon to the rebells now in armes against him, under the command of robert earle of essex england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. by leonard lichfield ..., printed at oxford : 1643. "given at our court at oxford, this eighteenth day of aprill in the nineteenth yeare of our reigne. god save the king." reproduction of original in the bodleian library. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649. a31928 r39011 (wing c2340). civilwar no by the king, his majesties gratious offer of pardon to the rebells now in armes against him, under the command of robert earle of essex england and wales. sovereign 1643 686 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-08 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-08 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion by the king . ❧ his majesties gratious offer of pardon to the rebells now in armes against him ; under the command of robert earle of essex . whereas an actuall and open rebellion is raised , and severall armies marching against us , under the command and conduct of robert earle of essex , and other persons under his commissions and authority , who falsly pretend that what they doe is by virtue of our authority , and for our service and so seduce many of our weak subjects from their duty and allegiance into this horrid and odious rebellion against us . we doe therefore once more declare the said robert earle of essex , and all such who by any commission under him have levied or doe command any souldiers , to be guilty of high treason , and that this rebellion is raised to take away our life from us , to destroy our posterity , to change the blessed protestant religion established by the lawes of the land , to suppresse the law of the kingdom , to take away the liberty of the subject , and to subject both to an unlimited arbitrary power . and we doe therefore will and command all our loving subjects , upon their allegiance , and their oaths of allegiance and supremacy , that they apprehend the said earle of essex , and all such who , by virtue of any commission under him , have levied or doe now command any souldiers in any places of this kingdome , as guilty of high treason . and whereas we understand that , at this time , the said robert earle of essex , and some other commanders who have equall or independent authority from him , doe traiterously lay seige to , and intend to assault our towne of reading , we , considering that the most part of those commanders and souldiers are seduced by specious pretexts above said , have , out of our princely grace and clemency , thought fit , and doe hereby declare , that we are pleased to grant our free and generall pardon as well to all captaines and inferior officers ( not formerly excepted in any of our declarations or proclamations ) as to all common souldiers now before our towne of reading , or elsewhere , as to persons seduced by the cunning and falshood of the authors of the present rebellion : if such captains , inferior officers and souldiers shall disband within six daies after the publishing of this our proclamation , so as they commit no hostile act in the mean while . and we doe farther declare , that such officers as aforesaid , as shall returne to their due obedience to us , and render themselves to the lieutenant-generall , or other principall officer of our army , or to the governor of that our towne of reading , and be willing to serve us , shall be entertained in our army , or , if they be not willing to serve , shall have our pardon and free passe , provided they take an oath never to take up armes against us . and that such common souldiers as shall lay downe their armes , according to this our proclamation , shall also receive our like gratious pardon , and be entertained in our service , if they shall be willing ; or otherwise , taking the aforesaid oath , have five shillings in mony given them , and a passe to carry them to their dwellings . but in case that our gratious mercy to them produce not those good effects we hope for , such extremity of punishment they are to expect , as the highnesse of so treasonable an act in its own nature deserves . given at our court at oxford , the eighteenth day of aprill in the ninteenth yeare of our reigne . god save the king . printed at oxford by leonard lichfield , printer to the university . 1643. two letters of his majesties left upon the table at hampton-court the 11 of november, 1647 the one to colonell whaley, the other to lord mountague : also a letter of advice to his majestie, subscribed by e.r. charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a32147 of text r35874 in the english short title catalog (wing c2852). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a32147 wing c2852 estc r35874 15565655 ocm 15565655 103840 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a32147) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 103840) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1184:40) two letters of his majesties left upon the table at hampton-court the 11 of november, 1647 the one to colonell whaley, the other to lord mountague : also a letter of advice to his majestie, subscribed by e.r. charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. e. r. [2], 6 p. printed for mathew walbancke, [london?] : 1647. requesting that possessions of the king be given to certain individuals. reproduction of original in the huntington library. eng montagu, edward montagu, -baron, 1616-1684. whalley, edward, d. 1675? great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. a32147 r35874 (wing c2852). civilwar no two letters of his majesties left upon the table at hampton-court the 11 of november 1647. the one to colonell whaley, the other to lord mou england and wales. sovereign 1647 676 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2005-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-02 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2006-02 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion two letters of his majesties left upon the table of hampton-court the 11 of november 1647. the one to colonell whaley , the other to the lord mountague . also a letter of advice to his majestie , subscribed by e. r. diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pence royal blazon or coat of arms printed for mathew walbancke 1647. hampton court , 11 novemb. 1647 colonell whaley ; i have been so civilly used by you and major huntington , that i cannot but by this parting farewell acknowledge it under my hand ; as also to desire the continuance of your courtesie , by your protecting of my houshold-stuffs and moveables of all sorts which i leave behinde me in this house , that they be neither spoiled nor imbesled : onely there are three pictures here which are not mine , that i desire you to restore ; to wit my wives picture in blew sitting in a chaire , you must send to mistris kirk ; my eldest daughters picture copied by belcam , to the countesse of anglesey , and my lady stannops picture to cary rawley ; there is a fourth which i had almost forgot , it is the originall of my eldest daughter ( it hangs in this chamber over the board next to the chimney ) which you must send to my lady aubigny . so being confident that you wish my preservation and restitution , i rest your friend , charles r. i assure you it was not the letter you shewed me to day , that made me take this resolution , nor any advertisement of that kinde ; but i confesse that i am loath to be made a close prisoner , under pretence of securing my life . i had almost forgot to desire you to send the black grew bitch to the duke of richmond . hampton court 11 novem. 1647. mountague , first i doe hereby give you and the rest of your fellowes thanks for the civilities and good conversation that i have had from you ; next i command you to send this my message ( which you will finde upon this table ) to the two houses of parliament , and likewise to give a copie of it to colonell whaley , to be sent to send to the general : likewise i desire you to send all my saddle-horses to my son the duke of yorke ; as for what concernes the resolution that i have taken my declaratory message sayes so much that i referre you to it , and so i rest your assured friend charles r. may it please your majesty : in discharge of my duty i cannot omit to acquaint you that my brother was at a meeting last night with eight or nine agitators , who in debate of the obstacle which did most hinder the speedy effecting of their designes , did conclude it was your majesty , and as long as your majesty doth live you would be so ; and therefore resolved , for the good of the kingdome , to take your life away ; and that to that action they were well assured that master dell and mr. peters ( two of their preachers ) would willingly beare them company , for they had often said to these agitators , your majesty is but a dead dogg : my prayers are for your majesties safety ; but do too much fear it cannot be whilest you are in those hands . i wish with my soul your majesty were at my house in broadstreet , where i am confident i could keep you private till this storme were over , but beg your majesties pardon , shall not presume to offer it as an advice ; it is onely my constant zeal to your service , who am your majesties dutifull subject , e. r. novemb. 9. 1647. finis . his maiesties message to both houses of parliament, upon his removall to the city of york. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a78904 of text r229061 in the english short title catalog (wing c2471a). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a78904 wing c2471a estc r229061 45097620 ocm 45097620 171227 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a78904) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 171227) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2568:18) his maiesties message to both houses of parliament, upon his removall to the city of york. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. england and wales. parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.). imprinted at york by robert barker, printer to the kings most excellent majestie: and by the assignes of john bill., [york] : 1642. reproduction of original in the william andrews clark memorial library. eng england and wales. -parliament. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. great britain -politics and government -1625-1649. ireland -history -rebellion of 1641. broadsides -england -17th century. a78904 r229061 (wing c2471a). civilwar no huntington 15. martii. 1641. his majesties message to both houses of parliament, upon his removall to the city of york. england and wales. sovereign 1642 611 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-04 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-05 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-05 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion cr diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms huntington 15. martii . 1641. ❧ his majesties message to both houses of parliament , upon his removall to the city of york . his majestie being now in his remove to his city of york , where he intends to make his residence for some time , thinks fit to send this message to both houses of parliament . that he doth very earnestly desire , that they will use all possible industry in expediting the businesse of ireland , in which they shall finde so cheerfull a concurrence by his majestie , that no inconvenience shall happen to that service by his absence , he having all that passion for the reducing of that kingdom , which he hath expressed in his former messages , and being unable by words to manifest more affection to it , then he hath indeavoured to do by those messages ( having likewise done all such acts as he hath been moved unto by his parliament ) therefore if the misfortunes and calamities of his poor protestant subjects there shall grow upon them ( though his majestie shall be deeply concerned in , and sensible of their sufferings ) he shall wash his hands before all the world , from the least imputation of slacknesse in that most necessary and pious work . and that his majestie may leave no way unattempted , which may beget a good understanding between him and his parliament , he thinks it necessary to declare , that as he hath been so tender of the priviledges of parliament , that he hath been ready and forward to retract any act of his own , which he hath been informed hath trencht upon their priviledges , so he expects an equall tendernesse in them of his majesties known and unquestionable priviledges ( which are the priviledges of the kingdom ) amongst which , he is assured it is a fundamentall one , that his subjects cannot be obliged to obey any act , order , or injunction , to which his majestie hath not given his consent : and therefore he thinks it necessary to publish , that he expects , and hereby requires obedience from all his loving subjects , to the laws established , and that they presume not upon any pretence of order , or ordinance ( to which his majestie is no partie ) concerning the militia or any other thing , to do or execute what is not warranted by those laws , his maiestie being resolved to keep the laws himself , and to require obedience to them from all his subiects . and his maiestie once more recommends to his parliament the substance of his message of the twentieth of january last , that they compose and digest , with all speed , such acts as they shall think fit , for the present and future establishment of their priviledges ; the free and quiet enioying their estates and fortunes ; the liberties of their persons ; the security of the true religion now professed in the church of england ; the maintaining his maiesties regall and iust authority , and setling his revenue ; his maiestie being most desirous to take all fitting and iust wayes , which may beget a happy understanding between him and his parliament , in which he conceives his greatest power and riches doth consist . ¶ imprinted at york by robert barker , printer to the kings most excellent majestie : and by the assignes of john bill . 1642. by the king a proclamation for the better discouery and apprehension of those malefactors, who were actors in the late insolent riots and murders committed in fleetstreet, london, vpon friday, the tenth day of this instant moneth of iuly. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) 1629 approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a22510 stc 8933 estc s122762 33150662 ocm 33150662 28694 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a22510) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 28694) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1876:116) by the king a proclamation for the better discouery and apprehension of those malefactors, who were actors in the late insolent riots and murders committed in fleetstreet, london, vpon friday, the tenth day of this instant moneth of iuly. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. [2] leaves. by bonham norton and iohn bill, printers to the kings most excellent maiestie, imprinted at london : anno dom. m.dc.xxix [1629] caption title. imprint from colophon. "giuen at our court at whitehall, the eighteenth day of iuly, in the fift [sic] yeere of our reigne of great britaine, france and ireland." reproduction of original in: society of antiquaries. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng vaughan, henry. stamford, henry grey, -earl of, 1599?-1673. fleetstreet riot, london, england, 10 july 1629. riots -england -london -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. 2000-00 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2001-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2001-06 tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread 2001-00 tcp staff (michigan) text and markup reviewed and edited 2001-11 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion by the king. a proclamation for the better discouery and apprehension of those malefactors , who were actors in the late insolent riots and murders committed in fleetstreet , london , vpon friday , the tenth day of this instant moneth of iuly . whereas vpon friday , the tenth day of this instant moneth , vpon the occasion of an arrest then made by the sheriffes officers of the citie of london , diuers insolent assaults and tumults were made and raised vpon the constables and watches of the citie , whereupon much bloodshed , and the barbarous murther of diuers of our louing subiects hath insued , and those insolencies so long continued , and at the last grew to such height , that there was an open and violent resistance and opposition made against our lord maior of london , and our sheriffes of our citie , assisted with some of the trained bands necessarily drawne forth to suppresse those outrages , which were committed rather in rebellious then in a riotous manner ; we hauing taken these affronts to justice , and to our publique officers and ministers , into our princely consideration , and hauing already giuen a strict charge and command for the due examination of these so bold and audacious attempts , and finding by the returne of those , whose paines wee haue imployed in that seruice , that very few of the principall actors can by their industry bee yet taken or discouered , and , wee bring resolued , in a case of this extraordinary qualitie and consequence , to proceed according to the strict rule of iustice , against all those who shall bee found to bee the offendors , that by their examples others may hereafter be warned not to dare to runne into the like : to the end therefore that those malefactors may not be concealed , and so escape their due punishments , these are to will and command , all and euery our louing subiects whom it may concerne , especially the chirurgions , in , or neere our city of london or westminster , who haue , or since that day had , any hurt or wounded men in their cure , that they and euery of them vpon their allegiance to us , and the duty they owe to the publike peace of our state , and vpon paine of such punishments , as by our lawes , or by our prerogatiue royall ran be inflicted vpon them , for their neglect herein , doe foorthwith vpon publication of this our royall pleasure , discouer to the lord president of our priuie councell , or to one of our principall secretaries of state , the names of all such persons as they know , or by probable coniecture , doe suspect to have beene actors in any of those late tumults , and the places of their abidings , and that they , and all other persons whatsoeuer , doe their best indeauours , to detaine or apprehend them , or cause them to bee detained or apprehended without expecting any further or other warrant in that behalfe , and by name that they apprehend , or cause to bee apprehended , wheresoever they shall be found , captaine vaughan , henry stamford , and one ward , an ensigne , that so they and euery of them , may bee ready to answere such matters , as on our behalfe shall be obiected against them ; hereof all and euery persons , whom it may concerne in their seuerall places , are to take notice , and carefully to obserue the same , at their vttermost perills . giuen at our court at whitehall , the eighteenth day of iuly , in the fift yeere of our reigne , of great britaine , france , and ireland . god saue the king. ¶ imprinted at london by bonham norton and iohn bill , printers to the kings most excellent maiestie . m.dc.xxix . by the king, his majesties proclamation concerning the bringing in of armes to his magazine in the citty of worcester england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a32031 of text r39034 in the english short title catalog (wing c2565). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a32031 wing c2565 estc r39034 18206843 ocm 18206843 107101 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a32031) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 107101) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1629:49) by the king, his majesties proclamation concerning the bringing in of armes to his magazine in the citty of worcester england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. by leonard lichfield, [oxford : 1642] imprint suggested by wing. "given at our court at oxford, this fourteenth day of december, in the eighteenth yeare of our reigne." reproduction of original in the bodleian library. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649. a32031 r39034 (wing c2565). civilwar no by the king, his majesties proclamation concerning the bringing in of armes to his magazine in the citty of worcester england and wales. sovereign 1642 458 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-04 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-05 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2008-05 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion royal blazon or coat of arms c r honi soit qvi mal y pense by the king . ¶ his majesties proclamation concerning the bringing in of armes to his magazine in the city of worcester . whereas we are informed , that severall persons in our county of worcester , who by law ought not to have armes , have underhand provided themselves of great quantities , and that both they , and other persons have in their hands great store of armes sold , lost and left in that county , by our army , and by the army of the rebells , under the command of the earle of essex , which armes it highly concernes our safety and the peace of that county , in a time of so great danger and distractions , that especiall care be taken , least they remaine in unknowne hands , and so be in danger to be imployed against us , and our good subjects ; therefore our will and pleasure is , and we doe hereby charge and command all such of our subjects in our county of worcester , who by law ought not to have armes , and all such who have in their custody any armes either for horse or foot belonging to any of the souldiers of our army , or to the army under the command of the earle of essex , or were sold or lost by them , that they faile not to bring them in , within fowre dayes after this publication of our pleasure , to our to colonell sandys ; or to such magazine at worcester , and deliver them to colonell sandys ; or to such persons as he shall appoint and hereof we require them not to faile , as they desire not to give us any testimony of their ill affection to us , and as they will answer the contrary at their uttermost perills . and this our proclamation we require the high sheriffe of that our county to cause to be read in all churches and chappells within the same ; that notice of this our pleasure may be taken by our subjects , and speedy obedience given thereunto . and we require that our high sheriffe to search the houses of all such of our subjects , as he shall have cause to suspect to conceale such armes as aforesaid , and to seize the armes and persons of all such , who upon search and examination , shall appeare to have beene disobedient to this our command . ¶ given at our court at oxford , this fourteenth day of december , in the eighteenth yeare of our reigne . god save the king . by the king. a proclamation of his majesties grace, favour, and pardon, to the inhabitants of his county of willts. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a79029 of text r211128 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.5[91]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a79029 wing c2680 thomason 669.f.5[91] estc r211128 99869861 99869861 160804 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a79029) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160804) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f5[91]) by the king. a proclamation of his majesties grace, favour, and pardon, to the inhabitants of his county of willts. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by l. lichfield, [oxford : 1642] "given at our court at oxford, this second day of november, in the eighteenth yeare of our reigne.". place and date of imprint from wing. with engraving of royal seal at head of document. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng pardons -great britain -early works to 1800. wiltshire (england) -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a79029 r211128 (thomason 669.f.5[91]). civilwar no by the king. a proclamation of his majesties grace, favour, and pardon, to the inhabitants of his county of willts. england and wales. sovereign 1642 503 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-07 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-07 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c r honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the king . ¶ a proclamation of his majesties grace , favour , and pardon , to the inhabitants of his county of willts. whereas we have taken notice that by the malice , industry and importunity of severall ill affected and seditious persons in our county of willts , very many of our weake and seduced subjects of that our county have not only been drawne to exercise the militia , under colour of a pretended ordinance , without and against our consent ( a crime of a very high nature , if we would strictly enquire thereinto ) but have made contributions of plate , money and horses , towards the maintenance of the army now in rebellion against vs ; we doe hereby publish and declare , that we are graciously pleased to attribute the crimes and offences of our said subjects of that county to the power and faction of their seducers , who , we beleeve by threates , menaces , and false informations compelled and led them into these actions of undutifullnesse and disloyalty towards vs ; and we doe therefore hereby offer our free and gracious pardon to all the inhabitants of our said county of willts , for all offences concerning the premises committed against vs before the publishing of this our proclamation ( except sir edward hungerford , sir henry ludlow , sir iohn evelin , and walter long esquire ) against all which we shall proceed according to the rules of the law , as against traitours and stirrers of sedition against vs , and whom we doe heereby require all our officers and ministers of iustice , and all our loving subjects whatsoever , to apprehend and cause to be kept in safe custody till our pleasure be further knowne . provided that this our grace shall not extend to any person , who after the publishing this our proclamation shall presume by loane or contribution to assist the said army of rebells , to assemble and muster themselves in armes without authority derived from vs under our hand , to enter into any oath of association for opposing vs and our army , or to succour or entertaine any of the persons excepted in this our proclamation , or in our declaration of the 12 of august . but we must and doe declare , that whosoever shall hence forward be guilty of the premises , or of either of them , shall be esteemed by us as an enemy to the publick peace , a person disaffected to vs , and to the religion and law of the kingdome , and shall accordingly receive condigne punishment , of which we give them timely notice , that they may proceed accordingly at their perills . ¶ given at our court at oxford , this second day of november , in the eighteenth yeare of our reigne . god save the king . by the king, a proclamation concerning some illegall warrants lately issued into severall places in our counties of buckingham and bedford, and other counties, under the name of the earle of essex, or by his pretended authority england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a32030 of text r39033 in the english short title catalog (wing c2562). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a32030 wing c2562 estc r39033 18206745 ocm 18206745 107100 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a32030) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 107100) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1629:48) by the king, a proclamation concerning some illegall warrants lately issued into severall places in our counties of buckingham and bedford, and other counties, under the name of the earle of essex, or by his pretended authority england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. by leonard lichfield ..., printed at oxford : 1643. "given under our signe manuall at our court at oxford, this seaventh day of iune, in the nineteeth [sic] yeare of our reigne." reproduction of original in the bodleian library. eng essex, robert devereux, -earl of, 1591-1646. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649. a32030 r39033 (wing c2562). civilwar no by the king, a proclamation concerning some illegall warrants lately issued into severall places in our counties of buckingham and bedford, england and wales. sovereign 1643 425 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-04 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-05 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2008-05 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion royal blazon or coat of arms c r honi soit qvi mal y pense by the king . ¶ a proclamation concerning some illegall warrants lately issued into severall places in our counties of buckingham and bedford , and other counties , under the name of the earle of essex , or by his pretended authority . we have lately seene some warrants sent abroad under the name of robert earle of essex now in actuall and open rebellion against us , and under the names of sr peter temple , sr william andrews , thomas terrell , and others , who ayde and assist the said earle in his rebellion , commanding diverse inhabitants of those counties to send in horses , armes , uictualls , and money , towards the maintenance of the army raysed under the command of the said earle against us , and intimating that if those to whom those warrants are directed , shall refuse to obey the same , they shall be reputed as enemies to their country , and be proceeded against accordingly . we wonder that any should be so bold , as to make such warrants and publish them , they being utterly illegall and trayterous ; we shall wonder if any shall be so weake to be seduced by such impostures , as to lay aside their duty and alleagiance to their king , for feare to displease those who casting away the feare of god and men , are in rebellion against their soveraigne . but least any should be seduced , and hoping that some may beware of , and so avoyd the danger they may suddainly fall into , in yeelding to these to illegall commands , and so become partakers in the crimes , and runne into the danger of the forfeitures which attend them , we have thought it fitt to declare , and we doe hereby publish and declare , that whosoever shall seduce others , or suffer themselves to be seduced in giving obedience to any such warrants , commands , or perswasions , that they doe thereby incurre the crime of high treason , as ayders , and assistants to those rebells , and must expect to undergoe the penalties and forfeitures justly due for the same . given under our signe manuall at our court at oxford , this seaventh day of iune , in the nineteeth yeare of our reigne . god save the king . printed at oxford by leonard lichfield , printer to the university . 1643. by the king. a proclamation of his majesties grace, favour, and pardon to the inhabitants of his county of somersett. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a79025 of text r211314 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.5[100]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a79025 wing c2675 thomason 669.f.5[100] estc r211314 99870044 99870044 160813 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a79025) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160813) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f5[100]) by the king. a proclamation of his majesties grace, favour, and pardon to the inhabitants of his county of somersett. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by l. lichfield, [oxford : 1642] "given at our court at mayden-head, this ninth day of november, in the eighteenth yeare of our reigne." with engraving of royal seal at head of document. place and date of imprint from wing. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng pardons -great britain -early works to 1800. somerset (england) -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a79025 r211314 (thomason 669.f.5[100]). civilwar no by the king. a proclamation of his majesties grace, favour, and pardon to the inhabitants of his county of somersett. england and wales. sovereign 1642 665 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-07 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-07 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion cr honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the king . ¶ a proclamation of his majesties grace , favour , and pardon to the inhabitants of his county of somersett . whereas we have taken notice , that by the malice , industry and importunity of severall ill-affected and seditious persons in our county of somersett , very many of our weak and seduced subjects of that our county have not only been drawne to exercise the militia , undercolour of a pretended ordinance , without and against our consent ( a crime of a very high nature , if we would strictly enquire thereinto ) but have made contributions of plate , money and horses towards the maintenance of the army now in rebellion against vs ; we doe hereby publish and declare , that we are graciously pleased to attribute the crimes and offences of our said subjects of that county to the power and faction of their seducers , who , we beleeve , by threates , menaces , and false informations compelled and led them into these actions of undutifullnesse and disloyalty towards vs ; and we doe therefore hereby offer our free & gracious pardon to all the inhabitants of our said county of somersett , for all offences concerning the premises committed against vs before the publishing of this our proclamation , except iohn pine , iohn ashe , and william strode of streate esquires , against all which wee shall proceed according to the rules of the law , as against traitours and stirrers of sedition against vs , and whom wee doe hereby require all our officers and ministers of iustice , and all our loving subjects whatsoever , to apprehend and cause to be kept in safe custody till our pleasure be further knowne . provided that this our grace shall not extend to any person , who after the publishing this our proclamation shall presume by loane or contribution to assist the said army of rebells , to assemble and muster themselves in armes without authority derived from vs under our hand , to enter into any oath of association for opposing vs and our army , or to succour or entertaine any of the persons excepted in this our proclamation , or in our declaration of the 12. of august . but we must and doe declare , that whosoever shall hence forward be guilty of the premises , or of either of them , or shall give any obedience to any warrants concerning any musters , leavies , or contributions for leavies whatsoever , under any pretence of authority whatsoever , either from the said iohn pine , iohn ashe , and william strode , or from any other persons whatsoever , without our expresse consent declared under our great seale or signe manuall , shall be esteemed by us as an enemy to the publike peace , a person disaffected to vs , and to the religion and lawes of the kingdome , and shall accordingly receive condigne punishment , of which we give them timely notice , that they may proceed accordingly at their perills . and we doe hereby will and require our high sheriffe , iustices of the peace , and all other our officers , and loving subjects to resist , oppose and apprehend all such persons as shall presume to make any leavies in that our county , under what pretence soever without authority derived from vs under our hand . and we likewise will and require them and every of them to be assistant to all such as shall either command the traine bands of that our county , or make any leavies in the same by virtue of commission under our great seale or signe manuall . ¶ given at our court at mayden-head , this ninth day of november , in the eighteenth yeare of our reigne . god save the king . his maiesties most gratious ansvver to the proposition of both houses of parliament, for ireland sent the twenty fourth of february 1642. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a78927 of text r209784 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.3[49]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a78927 wing c2501 thomason 669.f.3[49] estc r209784 99868646 99868646 160607 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a78927) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160607) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f3[49]) his maiesties most gratious ansvver to the proposition of both houses of parliament, for ireland sent the twenty fourth of february 1642. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1642] imprint from wing. annotation on thomason copy: the '1642' in caption has been altered to "1641". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng ireland -history -rebellion of 1641 -early works to 1800. great britain -foreign relations -ireland -early works to 1800. ireland -foreign relations -great britain -early works to 1800. a78927 r209784 (thomason 669.f.3[49]). civilwar no his maiesties most gratious ansvver to the proposition of both houses of parliament, for ireland sent the twenty fourth of february 1642. england and wales. sovereign 1642 240 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-07 paul schaffner sampled and proofread 2008-07 paul schaffner text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion his maiesties most gratiovs ansvver to the proposition of both houses of parliament , for ireland sent the twenty fourth of february 1641. his majesty being glad to receive any proposition that may repaire the calamity of his distressed kingdome of ireland , especially when it may be without burthen or imposition , and for the ease of his good subjects of this kingdome , hath graciously considered the overture made by both houses of parliament to that purpose , and returnes this answer . that as he hath offered , and is still ready to venture his owne royall person for the recovery of that kingdome , if his parliament shall advise him thereunto , so he will not deny to contribute any other assistance he can to that service , by parting with any profit or advantage of his owne there . and therefore ( relying upon the wisedome of this parliament ) doth consent to every proposition now made to him , without taking time to examine whether this course may not retard the reducing that kingdome , by exasperating the rebells , and rendring them desperate of being received into grace , if they shall returne to their obedience . and his majesty will be ready to give his royall assent to all such bills as shall be tendered unto him by his parliament for the confirmation of every particular of this proposition . finis the king his majesties most gracious speech made to the lord maior the recorder and the rest of the aldermen of this honourable and reknown city of london upon thursday november the 25, 1641. and his message to the lords concerning the trayned bands with theirs and the house of commons petition to his majesty and his royal answer by the earle of warwicke and the earle of bristow : with the examination of divers of the irish apprehended as suspitious persons : and orders from the high court of parliament concerning the suppressing of papists : as also another order for the recalling of the trayned bands to their daily attendance as formerly, nov. 27, 1641. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a32009 of text r24817 in the english short title catalog (wing c2521). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 8 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a32009 wing c2521 estc r24817 08602384 ocm 08602384 41438 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a32009) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 41438) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1250:11) the king his majesties most gracious speech made to the lord maior the recorder and the rest of the aldermen of this honourable and reknown city of london upon thursday november the 25, 1641. and his message to the lords concerning the trayned bands with theirs and the house of commons petition to his majesty and his royal answer by the earle of warwicke and the earle of bristow : with the examination of divers of the irish apprehended as suspitious persons : and orders from the high court of parliament concerning the suppressing of papists : as also another order for the recalling of the trayned bands to their daily attendance as formerly, nov. 27, 1641. charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) england and wales. parliament. house of commons. [6] p. printed for w.r., london : 1641. summaries only. reproduction of original in the harvard university library. eng great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. a32009 r24817 (wing c2521). civilwar no the king his majesties most gracious speech, made to the lord maior, the recorder, and the rest of the aldermen of this honourable and rekno [no entry] 1641 1264 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2005-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-11 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2005-11 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the king his maiesties most gracious speech , made to the lord maior , the recorder , and the rest of the aldermen of this honourable and renowned city of london , upon thursday , november the 25 , 1641. and his message to the lords , concerning the trayned bands , with theirs , and the house of commons petition to his majesty . and his royall answer by the earle of warwicke , and the earle of bristow . with the examination of divers of the irish , lately apprehended as suspitious persons . and orders from the high court of parliament , concerning the suppressing of papists . as also , another order for the recalling of the trayned bands , to their daily attendance , as formerly , nov , 27 , 1641. london , printed for w. r. 1641. five motions moved jn the house of peers , first , for the removeing of papists from the court . 2. for taking them quite off of all places of command whatsoever , in their severall counties : as lieutenants , deputy lieutenants , indges of lyer , and terminer , and iustices of the peace , &c. 3. for confining them to the severall places of their abode , and within five miles thereof . 4. to restraine them from london , and from within-ten miles of the court , wheresoever . 5. for taking away from them licences , formerly granted , and to restraine the grant of them for time to come ; according to severall propositions , sent up to their lordships , by the house of commons . the examination of divers irish apprehended as suspitious persons . the house of commons being informed of some irish people lately come over ; which were held to be suspitious persons , who lodged at one mr. rosses in rosemary lane : wherupon order was given for the serch of the said house , and the bringing of such irish , as should be there found in the house : to the end they might be examined what account they could give for their repaire hither . and notice was given to the house of eight irish men , and three women that were taken , and brought thither by vertue of their warrant ; whereupon order was given for their safe custody , and a committee was appointed to meet in the inner-chamber of the court of wards , and to examine them : then the irish being thither brought before them , were examined what occasions they had hero in london , and whether they brought , received , or sent away letters into ireland , since their arrivall : but they were found to repaire hither onely for necessities sake . and one of them in his examination being demanded of what religion he was , answered , a protestant : and being asked how long he had beene so , answered , three weekes : and being further demanded how he came so lately to be converted , having bin a papist all his life-time before : he answered , that he was taken one night in the watch , and they converted him , which caused a smiling . after their examination , it was ordered , that they should be sent unto the gate-house . but after their report , being delivered into the house by the committee : upon consideration thereof , they gave order for their discharge . and it was likewise ordered , that their host , captaine english , an irish-man : upon information , that he had bin lately in spaine , should be brought before the same committee to be examined : who when hee came , did answer very crosly ; and being asked what country-man he was , said , his name was english , and the like answers he made to other questions ; for which peremptorinesse , he was turned over to the lord chiefe justice to bee further examined , with specification , that good baile should be taken for his forth-comming . the kings maiesties speech to the lord major , recorder , and aldermen of london . his majesty expressed his gracious acceptance of their loyaltie , and obedience , and that he was throughly possessed by that dayes action , of the truth of their affection towards him , as became good subjects : and though he had heretofore doubted thereof ; yet now finding to the contrary , hereafter they should find him to beare in mind their loves : and promised them to governe , according to the lawes of the land ; and especially , he would have great care for the maintaining of the true protestant religion : according to the purity it was established by his late famous predecessors , queene elizabeth , and his royall father king james and for that part of london-derrie , which had not long since bin given to him by law , hee would most freely confirme , and settle it on them againe ; so soone as the present jars , and rebellion in ireland is quieted . and for what other requests they had made to him , he would have them in mind , and satisfie them therein , with all conveniencie . his majesties message , to the lords house , by the lord-keeper . his majesty was expected at the lords house on friday last ; and great preparation was made for his comming ; but because he came not , it pleased his majesty to send a message by the lord-keeper , as followeth . that his majesty thought it fitting , that the trayned bands should be discharged , having long attended on both houses : not onely in respect that it was a great burden unto them , but also that he hoped , that there was no cause of danger , which might require their attendance any longer . when the lords had received this message , they sent word thereof to the house of commons . the answer of the house of commons . the house of commons returned a message to the lords , desiring them to joine with them in petitioning to his majesty , that they might be continued for some few dayes longer , till the affaires of the house were better setled . the lords joyned with them , and sent to his majesty to hampton court , to move him therein . they who carryed the message to the king , were the earle of warwicke , and the earle of bristow . his maiesties answer , the lords brought this answer from his majesty , that he was pleased that the trayned bands should be continued for foure or five dayes longer ; till such time as the house of commons had delivered up their reasons , for longer continuance of them : and that on tuesday next , he would be there himselfe , and then receive them . die saturni . novemb. 27. 1641. an order for the recalling of the trayned bands to their daily attendance againe . to the captaines of the court of guard . this is to require and command your attendance , as formerly , till further order shall be by his maiesty , and the house taken therein . finis . by the king. a proclamation forbidding all the tenants or debtors of such who are in actuall and open rebellion, or who adhere to, or assist the rebells,to pay any rents or debts to such persons or any of them. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a79018 of text r211976 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.7[39]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a79018 wing c2654 thomason 669.f.7[39] estc r211976 99870641 99870641 161021 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a79018) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 161021) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f7[39]) by the king. a proclamation forbidding all the tenants or debtors of such who are in actuall and open rebellion, or who adhere to, or assist the rebells,to pay any rents or debts to such persons or any of them. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by leonard lichfield, printer to the vniversity, printed at oxford : 1643. dated at end: given at our court at oxford, the twenty fifth day of september, in the nineteenth year of our reigne. with engraving of royal seal at head of document. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a79018 r211976 (thomason 669.f.7[39]). civilwar no by the king. a proclamation forbidding all the tenants or debtors of such who are in actuall and open rebellion, or who adhere to, or assist england and wales. sovereign 1643 612 1 0 0 0 0 0 16 c the rate of 16 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-07 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-07 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the king . ¶ a proclamation forbidding all the tenants or debtors of such who are in actuall and open rebellion , or who adhere to , or assist the rebells , to pay any rents or debts to such persons or any of them . whereas we have , by our severall proclamations , bearing date the eight day of march last and the seventh day of aprill last , published our resolution to grant out our commissions for the seizing of the goods , and sequestring the estates of all such persons who are in rebellion or do assist those who are , to the intent that such their goods , and rents , may be safely deposited untill such time as the offenders can be brought to a legall triall , which shall speedily proceed against them as soone as they can be apprehended , and delivered into the hands of iustice . and we did therefore command all persons who were any wayes indebted unto , and all the severall tenants of all such persons , to forbeare to pay any rents , or debts due to the said severall person but to detaine the same in their hands towards the maintenance of the peace of the severall counties , and the reparation of such men who have suffered by the violence of the rebells . since which time hath pleased god so farre , and so eminently to blesse our armies , that we have again reduced severall counties to our obedience , which were for the greatest part , if not totally , possessed by the rebells ; and considering therefore that it very probable our said proclamations were kept from the knowledge of our good subjects of those counties , we have once more thought fit to publish the same , and do hereby declare to all our loving subjects whatsoever , that as we have already issued out such our commissions into severall counties , in which we give authority to the persons truste by us to distinguish between those who have been active and malitious contrivers of this rebellion , and those who have been through weaknesse or feare seduced by them ; so we will dayly issue out other commissions to the same purpose . and we doe straitly charge and command all our loving subjects of what condition soever , as they will answer their disobedience at their utmost perills , that they pay no rents or debts which now are , or hereafter shall grow due to any persons who either are , or lately have been in rebellion , ( and have not since submitted themselvs to us ) or to any such who adhere to , or assist those who are in rebellion , and that they presume not to receive any good money or stock in trust for any such persons , but that they faithfully accompt , and pay the same to such persons as either are , or shall be intrusted by us for that purpose , and we shall proceed against all such persons who shall wilfully , and peremptorily disobey us herein , as against persons notoriously disaffected to us and our service . and our pleasure is that this our proclamation be read in all churches and chappells throughout this our kingdom . given at our cou●● at oxford , the twenty fifth day of september , in the nineteenth yeare of our reigne . god save the king . printed at oxford , by leonard lichfield , printer to the vniversity . 1643. his maiesties message to both houses, concerning disbandings of both armies and his majesties returne to both houses of parliament. oxford, 12. april, 1643. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a78898 of text r212649 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.7[6]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a78898 wing c2462 thomason 669.f.7[6] estc r212649 99871243 99871243 160988 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a78898) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160988) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f7[6]) his maiesties message to both houses, concerning disbandings of both armies and his majesties returne to both houses of parliament. oxford, 12. april, 1643. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. england and wales. parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by his majesties command at oxford, [oxford] : 1643. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. great britain -militia -early works to 1800. a78898 r212649 (thomason 669.f.7[6]). civilwar no his maiesties message to both houses, concerning disbandings of both armies: and his majesties returne to both houses of parliament. oxford england and wales. sovereign 1643 978 1 0 0 0 0 0 10 c the rate of 10 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-04 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-05 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-05 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion his maiesties message to both houses , concerning disbanding of both armies , and his majesties returne to both houses of parliament . oxford , 12. april , 1643. to show to the whole world how earnestly his majesty longs for peace , and that no successe shall make him desire the continuance of his army to any other end , or for any longer time than that , & untill things may be so setled , as that the law may have a full , free , and uninterrupted course , for the defence and preservation of the rights of his majesty , both houses , and his good subjects . 1. as soon as his majesty is satisfied in his first proposition concerning his own revenue , magazines , ships , and forts , in which he desires nothing but that the just , known , legall rights of his majesty ( devolved to him from his prog●nitors ) and of the persons trusted by him , which have violently been taken from both , be restored unto him ; and unto them , unlesse any just and legall exceptions against any of the persons trusted by him ( which are yet unknown to his majesty ) can be made appeare to him . 2. as soon as all the members of both houses shall be restored to the same capacity of sitting and voting in parliament , as they had upon the first of january , 1641. the same of right belonging unto them by their birth rights , and the free election of those that sent them , and having been voted from them for adhering to his majesty in these distractions . his majesty not intending that this should extend either to the bishops , whose votes have been taken away by bill , or to such in whose places upon new writs new elections have been made . 3. as soon as his majesty and both houses may be secured from such tumultuous assemblies as , to the great breach of the priviledges , and the high dishonour of parliaments , have formerly assembled about both houses , and awed the members of the same , and occasioned two severall complaints from the lords house , and two severall desires of that house to the house of commons , to joyne in a declaration against them , the complying with which desire , might have prevented all these miserable distractions , which have ensued which security his majesty conceives can be only setled by adjourning the parliament to some other place , at the least twenty miles from london , the choice of which his majesty leaves to both houses . his majesty will most cheerfully and readily consent that both armies be immediatly disbanded , and give a present meeting to both his houses of parliament at the time and place at and to which the parliament shall be agreed to be adjourned . his majesty being most confident , that the law will then recover the due credit and estimation , and that upon a free debate in a full and peaceable convention of parliaments , such provisions will be made against seditious preaching and printing against his majesty , and the established laws , which hath been one of the chief causes of the present distractions ; and such care will be taken concerning the legall and known rights of his majesty , and the property and liberty of his subjects , that whatsoever hath been published or done in or by colour of any illegall declaration , ordinance or order of one or both houses , or any committee of either of them , and particularly the power to raise armes without his majesties consent , will be in such manner recalled , disclaimed and provided against , that no seed will remaine for the like to spring out off for to future , to disturbe the peace of the kingdome , and to endanger the very being of it . and in such a convention his majesty is resolved by his readinesse to consent to whatsoever shall be proposed to him by bill for the reall good of his subjects , ( and particularly for the better discovery and speedier conviction of recusants , for the education of the children of papists by protestants in the protestant religion , for the prevention of practices of papists against the states , and the due execution of the laws , and true levying of the penalties against them ) to make known to all the world , how causelesse those feares and jealousies have been which have been raised against him , and by that so distracted this miserable kingdom . and if this offer of his majesty be not consented to , ( in which he askes nothing for which there is not apparent iustice on his side , and in which he deferres many things highly concerning both himself and people , till a full and peaceable convention of parliament , which in iustice he might now require ) his majesty is confident that it will then appear to all the world , not only who is most desirous of peace , and whose fault it is that both armies are not now disbanded , but who have been the true and first cause that this peace was ever interrupted , or these armies raised , and the beginning or continuance of the warre , and the destruction and desolation of this poor kingdom ( which is too likely to ensue ) will not , by the most interressed , passionate , or prejudicate person , be imputed to his majesty . printed by his majesties command at oxford , 1643 : a messenger from the dead, or, conference full of stupendious horrour, heard distinctly, and by alternate voyces, by many at that time present. between the ghosts of henry the 8. and charls the first of england, in windsore-chappel, where they were both buried. in which the whole series of the divine judgments, in those infortunate ilands, is as it were by a pencil from heaven, most lively set forth from the first unto the last. nuntius a mortuis. english. perrinchief, richard, 1623?-1673. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a90515 of text r203144 in the english short title catalog (thomason e936_4). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 39 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 10 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a90515 wing p1597 thomason e936_4 estc r203144 99863209 99863209 115398 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a90515) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 115398) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 140:e936[4]) a messenger from the dead, or, conference full of stupendious horrour, heard distinctly, and by alternate voyces, by many at that time present. between the ghosts of henry the 8. and charls the first of england, in windsore-chappel, where they were both buried. in which the whole series of the divine judgments, in those infortunate ilands, is as it were by a pencil from heaven, most lively set forth from the first unto the last. nuntius a mortuis. english. perrinchief, richard, 1623?-1673. henry viii, king of england, 1491-1547. charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 20 p. : ill. (woodcuts) printed for tho. vere, and w. gilbertson, and are to be sold at their shops, at the sign of the angel, and the sign of the bible without newgate, london : 1658. latin verse on p. 20 signed: r.p., i.e. richard perrinchief. originally published in 1657 as: nuntius a mortuis. annotation on thomason copy: "marh ye 4th"; the 8 in the imprint date is crossed out and "7" written in. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng great britain -politics and government -1649-1660 -humor -early works to 1800. great britain -history -commonwealth and protectorate, 1649-1660 -early works to 1800. great britain -history -henry viii, 1509-1547 -early works to 1800. great britain -politics and government -1509-1547 -humor -early works to 1800. a90515 r203144 (thomason e936_4). civilwar no a messenger from the dead, or, conference full of stupendious horrour,: heard distinctly, and by alternate voyces, by many at that time pre perrinchief, richard 1658 6859 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 b the rate of 1 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-11 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-12 jason colman sampled and proofread 2008-12 jason colman text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a messenger from the dead , or , conference full of stupendious horrour , heard distinctly , and by alternate voyces , by many at that time present . between the ghosts of henry the 8. and charls the first of england , in windsore-chappel , where they were both buried . in which the whole series of the divine judgments , in those infortunate ilands , is as it were by a pencil from heaven , most lively set forth from the first unto the last . london , printed for tho. vere , and w. gilbertson , and are to be sold at their shops , at the sign of the angel , and the sign of the bible without newgate , 1658. the messenger from the dead : or , the dreadfull conference between the ghosts of henry the eighth and charls the first , king of england . henry . say ! who art thou that presumest by a sacrilegious impiety to disturbe the ashes of a king , which so many years have been at rest ? when henry had spoken these words , there immediately was heard another voice in a softer , but most doleful accent , which seamed to be the voice of king charls , expressing himself after this manner . charls . i am that unhappy king of england , the undoubted heive of sixty and two monarchs , and who did wear my self the royall crown two and twenty years , and longer . henry . what you a king ! did you ever wear a crown on your head , who have not a head on your shoulders ? charls . i have not alwayes wanted a head , my subjects , wo is me , did lately bereave me of it . henry . your subjects ! how could that be ? what hainous crime have you committed , that could inforce your subjects to so great a violence ? charls . i know not wel what ; but this i am most confident of , that i never did commit adultery with any woman , nor ever defloured any virgin , i never axpelled any man from his house , or lands , of all which henry the eighth my predecessor is condemned to be guilty by all the world ; here charls made a little pause , to see what answer that henry would return to him ; but when he perceived him to be stil silent he thus did prosecute his discourse ; my father being dead strange rumours were spread of it ; not long afterwards i marryed with the daughter of france , and in the beginning of my raign made two unfortunate wars , the one with the spaniard , the other with the french , a parliament being called at oxford i lost the love of my people , for dissolving it at that instant when the duke of buckingham was questioned for having a hand in my fathers death ; at this i perceived that the people did repine , but i was too constant alwayes to my own counsailes , and although many parliaments were afterwards called , i dissolved them all . this inforced me to put unusuall taxes upon my people ; by which and by the enertainment of the queen mother of france ( a lady most extreamly hated by the generallity of the nation ) i wonderfully increased their evil opinion of me ; at the last we did proceed to armes ( the parliament then bearing sway , by me not suddainly to be dissolved ) and the war not thriving with me , i was brought to london , a court was called , not before heard of , and i protesting against the unlawfullness of it , and that there was no power on earth by which i was to be tryed , they passed the sentence of death on me , according unto which i suffered . henry . the greatest prejudice that can arrive unto a prince , is the loss of his peoples love . and thus my neece mary queen of scotland , having lost the affections of that nation , amongst other things suffered for that indiscretion by the loss of her head in england ; but if you are discended from such kings as you do boast you are , had it not been better for you to have your bones to rest amongst them , then here to interrupt my peace at windsor ? charls . i dying did desire to be buryed at west-minster , but my starres which did shine but clowdily , and obscurely on me , in my life , were as inauspicious to me at my death . i suffered many things grievous to relate . at west-minster i received my fatal sentence where my predecessors were accustomed to be crowned ; at saint james i was kept in custody , a place much beloved of me by reason of my child-hood spent there , and the many innocent recreations of my youth ; at white-hall i was beheaded , the scaffold being erected before the doors of the court , and i passed through that place in which i was accustomed to be present at masks and showes , and at the entertainment of the ambassadors of forrain princes . henry . are you charls the son of king james , and do you not yet perceive wherefore you are oppressed with such a weight of affliction ? do you not plainly perceive the admirable course and tenour of the divine justice ? it was greivous to you to be in custody at s. james , because in your tender years , you did there delight your self with innocent pastimes . do you not cal to mind how heretofore i seized upon that place by violence ? as indeed what place was free from my cruelties and oppressions , you are not ignorant how most unjustly i brought unto my exchequer , to satisfy my own avarice , all the estates of the carthusian , bernardine , and cistercian monks , and of all the other orders , but especially of the order of saint benedict , whose lands and revenues were the greatest , and whose covents , and houses were the fairest ? how many innocent men have i imprisoned , because they would not be subject to my will ? it was i that caused some abbots to be hanged before their own doors , to become a terrour to the other monks . do you not know that even your own palace , was heretofore the house of the archbishops of york , which i extorted from cardinall wolsey , whom i advanced to great honours and riches , whiles i found him a profitable minister to my lust , and afterwards crushed him to peices when i found it to be expedient for my avarice ; it was i who although i never started from the obedience of the church of rome , but onely in one particular to satisfy my lust ; did afterwards compell all the bishops of the land , to subscribe to what i commanded , the bishop of rochester onely excepted , whom because i could not overcome , neither by threatnings , nor perswasions , i made him shorter by the head . charls . but i was never accused of such enormities ; must i suffer for the offences of others , the stedfastness and unaltered resolution of my spirit , was never prejudicicall unto any . henry . yes , unto your self , and to all that had relation to you ; besides , flatter not your self , he who receiveth money of a judge for the seat of judicature , perverteth justice . you need not to fear that any private designes or combinations should dispossesse you of your life , for so the punishment would not answer the offence , it is expedient and necessary that publick sins should be publickly expiated . i afterwards that i began to offend , did not act fearfully , nor did seek out corners , for the commiting of iniquity , but made pretences of justice for my impiety . i divorced my self from my lawfull wife , and pretended law for it . on the same account i brought the goods of divers men into my treasury , whosoever opposed me , i impeached them of treason , and caused them to suffer accordingly for it , therefore when i did acts of unrighteousness , and pretended law , i ought not to wonder if i my self should suffer punishment in the same nature . charls . should a king suffer by his subjects ? henry . we deserve greater punishments , because we commit greater offences , they offend against a mortall king , we against a king immortall ; but could not you ( unless by the divine providence you were destined to be a sacrifice , for the expiation of the crimes of your predecessours , and your own ) could you not by your own power dissolve the parliament , and so bring about your own counsailes , for the managing of the affaires of the nations , according to your own will ? charls . i told before that i had dissolved many sever all parliaments , but understand what followed ; my native subjects the scots did by force of armes invade england , and whiles i staid at york to carry on with more vigour the affaires of the war , the lord of kimbolton did present me with a petition , to which twelve of the nobility had set their hands . when king henry had heard the name of kimbolton , he fetched a déep sigh , as if from the bottome of his heart , and said , henry . ah! at kimbolton it was , that the most excellent mirrour of her sex and the example of all vertues my first wife queen katharine dyed , whom i divorced from my bed that i might bring into it anne bollen an incontinent woman , whom not long afterwards being taken in adultery i caused to be beheaded by the common hangman ; that this divoree from my first wife contrary to all laws both divine and humaine might remaine unquestioned , being not able to defend one wickedness but by another , i did assume unto my self to govern this nation , by an arbitrary power , which was the original of all the calamities that have since befallen , either to my self , or you , or to our unfortunate kingdomes . charls . having rashly ( as i have said ) estranged my selfe from the love of my english subjects , and finding the scots to grow more and more upon me , i was inforced to make use of those counsailes which i thought most expedient for my present safety , i observed that my dissolution of so many parliaments , ( called to give redress to the sufferings and complaints of the people ) was one of the greatest reasons that at first did pull upon me their suspition , and afterwards their hatred , they feared also that i would introduce amongst them an innovation of religion , which laying a force upon their consciences they accounted the greatest tyr any that could be in the world , therefore to give them a plenary and a thorough satisfaction on the one side , and to be discharged of the scots army on the other side , i gave order that a parliament should be called againe not to be dissolved by me without their own liking and approbation ; to this many of the most apparent of my counsaile did readily agree with me , and amongst others my own kinsman , the unfortunate duke of hamilton . henry . you were more tame ( beleeve me ) then i would have bin , had it bin in my time , my subjects should have found i would have dealt more roundly with them , but i most plainly do perceive that the measure of my iniquities was compleated in you my successour , and the divine vengeance did mark you out for destruction . the houses got by me , by violence and rapine , must be pluckt from you , to be established on another that is more worthy of them . were you so weak , that when it proceeded so far you could not with largesses and honours procure and confirm unto your self a strong party even in that parliament ? charls . i did indeed attempt it , but all things did fall out cross to my expectation , for all the bishops and the catholick lords , who were faithfull to me , were cast forth by the adverse party , who were more powerfull and numerous . they used their utmost indeavours to promote my interests . the catholicks hoped that i would moder ate that severity of the laws which were made against them by you and q elizabeth , and king james my father , laying a great penalty on all those who would not acknowledge them to be the supreame governours , in the territories of their dominions . the bishops and prelats were eager to maintaine my cause , that so they might preserve their own dignities , and fortunes , that is their bishopricks , and benefices , which seemed otherwise to be in a most ruinous condition . having by this meanes lost above forty voyces in the upper house ; those who remained were more flexible , and did conforme themselves to the temper and resolution of the rest . henry . but could you by no printed papers , insinuate into the minds of your subjects , how much you stood devoted to their safety and prosperity ? when i was resolved to use my arbitrary power , that i might appeare unto the world to undertake nothing by force , i caused books to be dictated according to my own pleasure , which were presented to me as if they came from the monks themselves . if any refused to subscribe unto them i caused them to be hanged up , especially the chiefest of them , to be a terrour to the rest . thus when i was pleased to exercise my will , i caused divers for fear of death , to subscribe to what i did propound unto them , and that so handsomly , as if it had been their own motion . charls . but i did deal more gently , nevertheless being resolved at the last to have recourse to armes , i did betake my self to the northern part of my kingdome , and having erected the royall standard , not far from notingham , the most faithfull of my subjects , did from every part of the kingdome resort unto me , whose number in a short time was so great that they hold out a war for above the space of seven years against the parliament ; it is remarkeable to see with what resolution , above all the rest , the roman catholicks did adventure their lives , and their fortunes for me , and that not onely in one field , but wheresoever their war made triall of their valour ; but the army of the parliamen prevailed , and i being driven to the greatest extremities did betake my self unto the scots , as to my last refuge , amongst whom i did not long continue but i was delivered to some of note in the english army , who carrying me from one place to another , have at last brought me hither in this sad condition wherein you see me . henry . the english were alwayes much addicted to their parliaments , in which they found a constant redress for all their greivances , it is therefore less to be admired that they revolted from you ; but how came it to pass that those of your own nation the scots should make war against you ? charls . the revolt of the scots was the cheifest cause of my ruine , for if i had to deal onely with the english , i could have kept them in obedience , or have reduced them to it by the assistance of my faithfull subjects , both im england , and in ireland ; but the scots fell off from me upon this account ; it was my desire that throughout all my dominions , there might not be onely the same form of faith , but of rights , and ceremonies , and that the liturgy of the church of england , together with the surplice might be used by the ministers of scotland . this i must confess i did by the perswasion of the arch-bishop of canterbury , whom i did reverence as a patriarch , which when the people of scotland understood , and perceived that it began to be put in practise , they presently cried out that papistry , and the abomination of rome began be introduced , hereupon seditions began to increase which were much fomented by the pulpits . at the last the scots were resolved to defend their religion by armes , and as already i have made mention they invaded england , and possessed themselves of new-castle . henry . it is cleerer then the noon day , and you see all along , what it is to govern by an arbitrary power . charls . too late i perceive it , but i do not yet understand wherefore those calamities did not overwhelm you , who did first practise it with so much constancy and so much cruelty . henry . ah charls you are much deceived , if you think me free from punishment , punishment doth alwayes follow sin , neither was there ever any one that hath got cleerly off , and not payed for his impiety . not to speak of the torments which i do now indure ; what pangs did i not feel within me whiles i was alive being perpetually scourged with rods of knotted steel by the three beadles of avarice , cruelty , and incontinency . in the first place , my avarice was so unsatisfied that after i had overthrown three hundred and seventy six monasteries , and with one edict taken away all their goods and lands , one year was not fully expired , before i oppressed my subjects , with greater taxes then before . being palate-taken by this first morsell , not long afterwards , i brought into my treasury all the other monasteries of the kingdome , it is not easy to comprehend how many & how rich they were . whiles i made havock of these , i did feed my subjects with vain hopes that the goods thus gotten would so cram my treasury , that they should never have need to fear any more subsidies , which news was so welcome to the people that they were greatly pleased , and much applauded what i did ; but they were so deluded of their expectations , that after this i exacted more upon them then all my predecessors had done in five hundred years before . after that i had plundred and levelled to the ground , about one thousand churches , and converted to my use the goods appropriate to them , after that by force i had seized upon their gold , their silver , and consecrated vessailes , and sold the brass , the lead , the stones and timber belonging to them ; and out of the church of canterbury alone , had taken two great chests so full of gold , and precious stones , that four men could hardly stir either of them , i was driven to so extreame a penury , that whereas at first by my proclamation , two ounces of brass were to be mixed with ten ounces of silver , i afterwards gave order that two ounces of silver , should be mighled with ten ounces of brass ; after this manner was i tormented by my covetousness , neither did i suffer less by my cruelty . secondly , for the first 20 years before i exercised any violent & arbitrary power , no king before me did shed less blood ; in all that time there were but two noble men that lost their lives , but after that i began to show my self in my own colours , i was as greedy of blood as i was before of gold , and made a great laughter of all ages , sexes , and orders whatsoever , and for no other trespass but that they opposed my pleasure . four queens that successively had bin married to me , did lose their lives , either by the axe , or by a grief as fatall as the axe . i proscribed two princesses , two cardinalls , and the third who was not onely my kinsman , but at that time out of the kingdome . i did put to death by the common hangman 12 eminent personages who were either dukes , or marquesses , or earls , or the sons of earls , two and twenty barons , and knights , sixteen abbots and priors , seventy seven priests and religious men , and others of a lower rank almost not to be numbred . and in this so black a cruelty i was feared by none more then by the most faithful of my won friends , as the events of wolsey norris , of the family of the bullens , and of the howards , have declared . thirdly , moreover i did so prostrate my self unto lust , that after the divorse of my best and my first wife , i saw no lady handsommer then other , with whom i not presently fell in love , neither made i love to any whom i would not enjoy . was it not for the punishment of my sins , that you and your father were crowned kings of england , when i left nothing unattempted , that i might hinder you from the possession of the kingdom of england , and by some heir of my own might confirm it in my own house . two wives i did drive out of my bed , and two out of the world , the fifth i caused to be ripped up alive , being then in labour and full of her childing throwes , that her child might be preserved , adding to the cruelty these barbarous , and inhumane words , that wives could more easily be found then children . i married the sixth wife , and intertained thoughts of taking her our of the world , when not long afterwards i was taken out of the world my self . but in this great care of mine , and iudeavour for posterity , not any of my race lived threescore years after my death ; it is true that a child of mine , of nine years of age , did succeed me in the government , but not well able to govern himself , much less the kingdome , and who departed out of the world , before he departed out of his nonage , my daughter mary , did afterwards receive the crown , but rejected the religion of her brother , i might well expect to have had issue by her , being five years married to philip , the catholick king of spain , but god the revenger of so many murders , and abhominations committed , would not that my race should inherite the land ; for he is not to be mocked , neither doth his word fall upon the ground , which saith , for the sins of the fathers the daies of the children , shall be shortned . she therefore in a short time dying without issue , the kingdome is translated unto you . it is true that my daughter elizabeth succeeded my daughter mary , but being never married she also without issue descended into the sleep of death . thus do i find true what the kingly prophet did foretell me . the seed of the wicked shall perish , psalm . 37. and in another place . thou shalt destroy their fruit from the earth , and their seed from the sons of men , psalm . 12. by wofull experience , i do say , i have proved the truth of his prophecy , for it pleased god to laugh at the vain counsails of men , and the same prophet giveth this reason of it , for they imagined counsailes which they could not bring to pass . psalm . 21. for their is no counsaile against the lord . pro. 21. as now too late i have learned . will you have me yet further to confirme the truth of this unto you . when i was dying i did leave unto my son edward twelve tutors , all of them catholicks , as i conceived , and commanded them to bring him up in the catholick religion , the supremacy of the church onely excepted , which i would have him to continue , and to reserve unto himself , but i who violated the testaments of others , and overthrew so many monuments of piety , did not deserve that my own should be kept ; of so many tutors the duke of somerset unkle to edward , by his mothers side , after my death was tutor alone unto him , and brought him up in that religion , which i forbad him , and hated . i commanded also that a more sumptuous monument should be provided for me , then was ever raised for any of my predecessors , and as yet i have no monument at all , although of all the kings of england , not one of them had three children that successively swayed the scepter but my self . but , alas , i need not fear that i shall be ever lost in the memory of men , i have purchased to my self an everlasting name , by my enormous offences . all sorts of men do strive as it were in emulation who shall hate me most . i am become justly odious to the catholicks because i divided england from the communion of the church of rome . i am abhomination to the orders of the religious , because i have extinguished their charters and themselves , and have sold their lands , and houses . i am detestable both to the clergy , and the laity , because i have raised a persecution , against even the whole name of catholicks , which continueth to this day . the protestants hate me , because through all the course of my life , i did pursue them with fire and sword ; luther named me a big-bellied beast , and a tyrant ; calvin hath written bitterly against me , and brandeth me in his books , as destitute of all fear of god , and the shame of men . all lettered men will evermore curse my memory , beause i have utterly destroyed such excellent monuments of learning and antiquity that the christian world can hardly parralell . finally whiles i was alive , most men hated me , all men feared me , no man loved me . in my last dayes , like orestes , i was tormented with the consciousness of my sins , and desired to reconcile my self to the church , and to make some amends for the injury offered to my wife , the latter i did in some part performe , for i provided in my will , that my daughter mary born of queen katharine , whom before i had disinherited , should succeed in the kingdome , if my son edward should dye without children . oh how often have i discoursed with my friends of the first , but as i deceived many of them , heretofore by the same artifice , so now i my self became suspected to them all , and they grew to be jealous of me , and to shun me , as diving into their secrets . and thus being abandomed by all , i dyed without the communion of the church , repeating oftentimes in my last houre these words , we have lost all . being dead , i had the same end as ahab , and it is the more remarkable because it was in the ruines of a religious house , for as my corps nasty with excessive fatness , and too great a belly , was on the way tobe convaied hither , the coffin of lead in which it was put did crack by chance , and opened ; to soder which , a plummer being sent for , my corps was set down in the said ruines of the house , there , whiles the plummer was running from place to place , being very busie at his work , his dog most greadily did lick the blood that issued from me . a revenge from god for the effusion of so much blood , which in my life time i had soilled . charls , do you not now see sufficiently how god hath scourged me in my own person ; never think that i have eseaped unpunished ! charls . this is a sad story indeed , and most worthy to be remembered , and seriously to be considered of by all posterity . henry . but these things which i have rehearsed , although they seem greivous to the eares of the living , yet they are but meer delights , if they be compared to the torments which i indure amongst those who inhabite the regions of darkness , for besides those punishments which i have pulled upon me by my own sins , whatsoever evills that my posterity hath committed by my example , it doth increase my sufferings by a new addition . charls . i would to god that flattery had never been heard of in the courts of princes , would to god that i had never heard that we are above the law , and are to give an account to god onely for what we have committed upon earth , neverthelesse it doth administer some comfort to me , that i have made no innovation in religion , i have been above my other predecessors most gentle to the catholicks , and came neerest to their religion , and used my supremacy with the greatest moderation . and because in my apprehension it was not fit for a lay-man , i committed almost the whole exercise of the ecclefiasticall affaires to the arch-bishop of canterbury . henry . and have not you observed in these late troubles , that none of all the bishops of england , but the arch-bishop of canterbury , alone did lose his head ? charls . was i guilty of it ? by his instigations indeed i shewed more countenance to some practises of the church of rome , then either my father did , or the queen your daughter that raigned before him ; i confess my self not to be altogether without fault , nevertheless i would fain understand , being more moderate then any of my predecessors , and more forward then they in the promoting the peace of the church , wherefore i am visited with far more grevous punishments then any of them all ? henry are you still to understand that the jealous god who visiteth the sins of the fathers . on the children , doth most usually exact the punishments of the most enormous offences on the third of fourth generation , for if the should inflict present punishment upon all sins , men would be apt to beleive that they were quickly , and easily expiated , neither doth the defer the punishment unto so many generations , that the memory of the offender may perish from the earth , and that we could not know for what enormity the pushment was inflicted . you are the third king from me , and do suffer punishment in the third generation ; for although my two daughters mary and elizabeth did raigne successively , yet they do make but one generation with edward their brother and my son . if therfore you do number the generations or the kings , edward succeeded me , james succeeded him , and you succeeded james . neither do i beleive it is without the providence of god , that so direfull a revenge hath fallen on you , the most moderate , and the most innocent of them all , that so all might understand that not so much your sins , as the hereditary evils , and the wickedness annexed to your crown and your titles , are taken vegeance of in your person , according to that of the prophet ; the fathers have eaten a sowre bunch of grapes , and the teeth of the children are set on edge . ezekiel . 18. which is not so to be undestood , that children altogether guiltless and innocent should be overwhelmed in the punishments of their most ungodly fathers , for the soul that sinneth shall dye , but that children not so guilty , and as it were innocent in comparison of their fathers , are oftentimes involved in their punishments ; for if this punishment had come to pass in the dayes of some luxurious and wicked king , i should have looked to further for the causes of it , but on the crimes of so dissulute a grovernour ; but that your subjects who do call themselves protestants , should affict upon you so ignominious a death as by making you shorter by the head , when your enemies can accuse you of no gross offence , must certainly be imputed to nothing else , but to the capitall sin of my misgovernance , in which though not so visibly , others and your self , no doubt have partaken with me . charls . o how just are the judgments of god , and his wayes past finding out ? for in whatsoever a man finneth , he either sooner or later shall be punished by it , either in himself , or in his posterity . i would to god when i was alive and in my prosperity , or that in the time of my imprisonment when i had leasure enough , that i had seriously thought on these things . o that in the bitterness of my soul i had observed the proceedings of the divine justice , ow slowly it came on , and how long it did hang over my devoted head . an incomparable scholler , and highly esteemed in the days of my father and q'een elizabeth , hath left recorded that god doth most for kings , and kings , againe do least for god . but be wise o you princes , and learn righteous judgment , o you judges of the earth ; o that the flattery of being obove all laws had never sounded in my eares ; o that i had never been accused of arbitrary government ; o that i had known that my highest prerogative had b●en the love and the obedience of my subjects ! i had leisure enough to write and to compose a whole book on other anguments , as on the overthrowes of my armyes , on my own miseries and calamities , and on the insolencies of other men ; but these things which i ought to lay most neer unto my heart , and on which above all things i ought most to meditate , did never enter into my thought . i would to god that the bishop of london , honest juxon , for so i was accustomed to call him , or he who intirely loved me , and was to me a faithfull counsailer in all other things , and who laid down his life for my sake , william laud , the arch-bishop of canterbury , had advertised me of these things either by letters from himself , or by words of mouth from his friends ; he had before his death , the tedious leisure of three years imprisonment , to meditate and to ruminate on them . but they were hid from their eyes . o how blind were my seers ! but , jam sero sapinus , sed sine fruge phriges . true trojans we , whose hapless fates , is to grow wise when'tis too late . henry . you do confess that you came more neer in your religion to the church of rome , the either your father or queen elizabeth , if you had been absolutely a catholick i do beleive it had been better for you ; for what doth it profit you to have inclined to the roman catholike faith , unless you altogether did profess it . it doth not suffice to sit down in the porch unless you enter into the church . it was not sufficient to salvation for king agrippa that he was almost a christian , nay because he was not wholly converted when paul preached , he is now howling with me in the kingdome of darkness . you acknowledge that you were more inclined to the catholike church , then either of your two predec effors that immediately swayed the scepter before you , had you been wholly devoted to it , it is likely that it might have been better for you . charls . it is likely that my armies were the more unfortunate , because i was so indulgent to it . the super stition of the papists , and the most petulant probhaneness of the other part of my army , have rendred me a greater subject of calamity and contempt then i believe i should have otherwise appeared to the world . i have bled enough already . think not to give new wounds unto me by striking at me in my religion . what the sacred authority of the word of god , and the light of my own conscience hath convinced me unto : what neither the frequent solicitations of forraign princes , nor the hourly importunity of my dearest wife , could disswade me from ; what ( dying ) i commanded my children to imbraces , i shall never after death be induced to retract . in this resolution i do expect the day of a joufull resurection , the morning ayre whereof i do already feel refreshing me . the unrighteous shall then tremble at the sound , and the summens of a trumpet from heaven ; they shall wish that the rocks and the hills might cover them , that sobeing hid from the presence of the lamb , they might lye for ever confin'd to the dull peace of a grave . the end . in malevolos hujus narratiunculae obtrectatores . zoile me laceres morsu mea scripta canino , neve meris dicas omnia suta dolis , extimus historiae cortex ( volo ) fictus habetur , vera sed huic intus ligna subesse scies . istaque corporeis licet auribus invia nostris , mentis at internae sensibus hausta putes . fia , age , mendacem me , carptor inepte , poetam occine ; narranti , res dabitipsafidem . r. p. detractor , tear not with a dogged tooth these leaves , nor yet upbraid them with untruth , though counterfeit the bark without be found , know that the tree within is good , and sound . and what 's not obvious to the outward eare , more deep impression in the mindn doth bear ; the tax me not that poet-like i faign , this story , to its speaker , truth will gaine . by the king. a proclamation for the ease of the citty of oxford, and suhurbs [sic], of the connty [sic] of oxford, of unnecessary persons lodging or abiding there. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a74218 of text r211743 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.5[133]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a74218 thomason 669.f.5[133] estc r211743 99870448 99870448 160845 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a74218) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160845) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f5[133]) by the king. a proclamation for the ease of the citty of oxford, and suhurbs [sic], of the connty [sic] of oxford, of unnecessary persons lodging or abiding there. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1643] at foot of page: ginen [sic] at our court at oxford, the twentieth day of ianuary, in the eighteenth yeare of our reigne. god save the king. place and date of publication from madan. imprint from wing. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng oxfordshire (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a74218 r211743 (thomason 669.f.5[133]). civilwar no by the king. a proclamation for the ease of the citty of oxford, and suhurbs [sic], of the connty [sic] of oxford, of unnecessary persons lo england and wales. sovereign 1643 729 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-09 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-11 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-11 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion by the king . a proclamation for the ease of the citty of oxford , and suburbs , of the county of oxford , of unnecessary persons lodging or abiding there . his maiesty being inforced to draw into these parts and places divers regiments of souldiers , who want fit places to billet them in , by reason ( as he is informed ) there are many women and children as well as men , who have no necessary employment either about his maiesties person , or court , or army , and yet haue thrust themselves into houses and lodgings in these places , from whence they keepe out others , which must be placed here , and are but a burden in the consumiug those provisions which are and must be made for those , whose attendance and service is necessary , hath therefore , by the advice of the lords , and others his highnesse commissioners , of his princely care , thought fit to publish and declare his royall pleasure and command as followeth . 1. that all such as have houses , or parts of houses , or other roomes , fit for the entertaining , lodging , or disposing of any souldiers , or others , doe truly deliver the number of roomes they have , the number of beds , the true number of persons there lodged , entertained or reaceaved , and their names , as neere as they can , and to whom they doe belong , or under whose command they are . 2. that all such as are so lodged or entertained doe truly deliver what their qualities are , under whose command , or upon what attendance , either to the court or army , what their names are , and doe truly set downe what bedds they haue to receave them , and where . 3. that if any doe refuse to give such true information , or doe mis-informe in any thing , or doe colour any others to lodge there which ought not so to be , that he or shee shall be subiect to that punishment which the offence deserveth . 4. that if any person shall not immediatly , orwithin twenty foure houres after the publishing of this proclamation , depart from this citty and suburbs thereof , and county aforesaid , who cannot justify their abiding here as aforesaid , they shall be sent away by the officers of the army , or ministers af iustice , as the cause shall require , with such disgrace as they diserve for such their fault herein . 5. that if in this country there be any women or children lodged or entertained under pretence of attending the army , or any souldiers therein , that the commanders in that place shall examine and certify to the kings commisioners , what they conceave to be fit , according to whose certificate , that shall be done which shall be just in such case . 6. that if any have houses of abiding in this country , or neere thereunto , that they remoue therevnto speedily , where they shall haue the kings protection for their safety . 7. that if any shall in any of these thinges offend , they ere hereby to know , that they shall not only incurre the danger of contempt to his maiecty for such their offence , but also such other punishment as the nature of their offences shall deserve . 8. that if any person come into the citty or suburbes thereof he shall that night , or before , discover unto sir lacob ashley the governour of the citty , his owne name , and the names of his servants , or company and the place from whence he came , and the occasion of his comming . and that the master of the house shall , before any new commer shall lodge in any house , deliuer the name of such person and his company , to the governour of the citty , upon the like pain as aforesaid . giuen at our court at oxford , the twentieth day of ianuary , in the eighteenth yeare of our reigne . god save the king . by the king a proclamation for restraint of disorders in souldiers, prested [sic] for his maiesties seruice. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) 1625 approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a22367 stc 8778 estc s122665 33150342 ocm 33150342 28557 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a22367) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 28557) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1876:40) by the king a proclamation for restraint of disorders in souldiers, prested [sic] for his maiesties seruice. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 2 leaves. by bonham norton and iohn bill, printers to the kings most excellent maiestie, imprinted at london : anno dom. m.dc.xxv [1625] caption title. imprint from colophon. "giuen at the court at white-hall, the fifteenth day of may, in the first yeere of the reigne of our most gracious souereigne lord king charles, of great britaine, france and ireland." reproduction of original in: society of antiquaries. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng england and wales. -army. military discipline -great britain -early works to 1800. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. 2003-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-05 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-06 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2003-06 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-08 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense = royal blazon ¶ by the king. ¶ a proclamation for restraint of disorders in souldiers , prested for his maiesties seruice . the kings most excellent maiestie , beeing informed of the great spoyles , dammages , and losses that his louing subiects lately suffered by the uiolences and disorders committed by souldiers , when they last passed through the seuerall counties of this realme to the port of douer ; and his maiestie hauing a tender care to secure his louing subiects , both in their persons and goods , against all such offences or feares , hath therefore thought fit , with the aduice of his priuie councell , for repressing and preuenting the like attempts , actes , or iniuries , by this proclamation , to giue solemne warning , and publish his royall commandement concerning the same ; wherein , to the end all pretence of disorder shall bee taken from the souldiers , his maiestie in the first place doth giue strict charge and command , to all captaines , lieutenants , corporals , conductors , and all other officers , who haue , or shall haue any charge or command of conducting any of the seuerall companies , appointed out of the seuerall counties of this realme , to plymmouth , that they doe , not onely see the souldiers of their seuerall bands and charges respectiuely , duely payd their conduct-monies , and prouided for of fit necessaries in their passage , but doe also carefully leade and conduct them from place to place , whither they are to goe , keeping alwayes with their companies , and suffering none of them vpon any pretence to wander or straggle from the rest . secondly , that no person or persons whatsoeuer , after hee or they hath , haue , or shall receiue his or their prest-money , doe presume to absent or hide himselfe when hee shall be called to goe with the companies , nor being in company , shall wander or straggle from his or their colours , or from the captaine , lieutenant , corporall , conductor , or other officer , to whom the conducting of them shal be assigned ; but that they all behaue themselues quietly and orderly , as becomes good subiects , without offering iniury or violence in their passage to any others , either in their persons , families , goods or cattell , or fall into any outrage or disorder amongst themselues . and if any of the sayd souldiers shall , notwithstanding this publique warning , and their captaines or conductors care and restraint , breake out and commit any outrage , take or spoile any mans house or goods in the townes or fields as they passe , straggle from their companies , or otherwise outragiously behaue themselues , that then euery such souldier so offending , be by vertue of this his maiesties proclamation , foorthwith committed to the constable of the place next adioyning , and by him in safe and sure maner conducted to the gaole of the countie , there to remaine without baile or maineprise , vntill hee shall be proceeded against by the strictest course of law which his fact shall deserue , for an example to others to auoid the like offences . and for the better execution of this his maiesties honourable , iust , and necessary commandement , his maiestie straitly chargeth and commandeth all lieutenants , deputy-lieutenants , maiors , sheriffes , iustices of peace , bayliffes , headboroughs , and other officers , and all other his maiesties good and louing subiects , to take care to preuent and represse all such disorders , as aforesaid , and to be ayding and assisting to the said captaine and captaines , or other conductor or conductors of souldiers respectiuely , and to such constable and constables , as shall haue the charge of conducting any such disorderly souldiers to the gaole respectiuely , in the due execution of this his maiesties commandement concerning the premisses , as they tender their duety and allegiance to his maiesty , and the peace and good of their countrey , and will answere for the contrary at their vttermost perils . giuen at the court at white-hall , the fifteenth day of may , in the first yeere of the reigne of our most gracious souereigne lord king charles , of great britaine , france and ireland . god saue the king. ¶ imprinted at london by bonham norton , and iohn bill , printers to the kings most excellent maiestie . anno dom. m.dc.xxv . his majesties declaration: to all his loving subjects, of the causes which moved him to dissolve the last parliament. published by his majesties speciall command england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a22757 of text r212833 in the english short title catalog (stc 9262). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 42 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 30 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a22757 stc 9262 estc r212833 99835842 99835842 68 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a22757) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 68) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1171:19) his majesties declaration: to all his loving subjects, of the causes which moved him to dissolve the last parliament. published by his majesties speciall command england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. finch of fordwich, john finch, baron, 1584-1660. [2], 55, [1] p. printed by robert barker, printer to the kings most excellent majestie: and by the assignes of john bill, london : mdcxl. [1640] possibly written by john finch, baron finch of fordwich? (stc). most formes are in one of two impositions, found in various combinations. reproductions of the originals in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery and the british library (thomason tracts). eng great britain. -parliament -early works to 1800. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649 -early works to 1800. a22757 r212833 (stc 9262). civilwar no his majesties declaration: to all his loving subjects, of the causes which moved him to dissolve the last parliament. published by his majes england and wales. sovereign 1640 7573 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2002-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-04 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-05 tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread 2002-05 sara gothard text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-06 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion his majesties declaration : to all his loving subjects , of the causes which moved him to dissolve the last parliament . published by his majesties speciall command . diev . et . mon. droit . honi . soit . qvi. mal . y. pense london : printed by robert barker , printer to the kings most excellent majestie : and by the assignes of john bill . mdcxl . diev . et . mon. droit honi . soit . qvi. mal . y. pense . his majesties declaration to all his loving subjects : of the causes which moved him to dissolve the last parliament . the kings most excellent majestie well knoweth , that the calling , adjourning , proroguing , and dissolving of parliaments , are undoubted prerogatives inseparably annexed to his imperiall crown , of which he is not bound to render any account but to god alone , no more then of his other regall actions . neverthelesse his majestie , whose piety and goodnesse have made him ever so order and govern all things , that the cleernesse and candor of his royall heart may appear to all his subjects , especially in those great and publike matters of state , that have relation to the weal and safetie of his people , and the honour of his royall person and government : hath thought fit , for avoiding and preventing all sinister constructions and misinterpretations , which the malice of some persons ill-affected to his crown and soveraignty , hath , or may practise to infuse into the mindes and ears of his good and faithfull subjects , to set down by way of declaration , the true causes aswell of his assembling , as of his dissolving the late parliament . it is not unknown to most of his majesties loving subjects , what discouragements he hath formerly had by the undutifull and seditious carriage of divers of the lower house in preceding assemblies of parliament , enough to have made him averse to those ancient and accustomed wayes of calling his people together , when in stead of dutifull expressions towards his person and government , they vented their own malice and disaffections to the state , and by their subtile and malignant courses , endeavoured nothing more then to bring into contempt and disorder all government and magistracy . yet his majestie well considering that but few were guilty of that seditious and undutifull behaviour , and hoping that time and experience had made his loving subjects sensible of the distemper the whole kingdom was in danger to be put into by the ill govern'd actions of those men , and his majestie being ever desirous to tread in the steps of his most noble progenitors , was pleased to issue forth his writs under the great seal of england , for a parliament to be holden on the thirteenth day of april last . at which day , his majestie by the lord keeper of his great seal was graciously pleased to let both houses of parliament know , how desirous he was , that all his people would unite their hearts and affections in the execution of those councels that might tend to the honour of his majestie , the safety of his kingdoms , and the good and preservation of all his people . and withall how confident he was that they would not be failing in their duties and affections to him and to the publique . he laid open to them the manifest and apparant mischiefs threatned to this and all his other kingdoms , by the mutinous and rebellious behaviour of divers of the scottish nation , who had by their examples drawn many of his subjects there into a course of disloyalty and disobedience not fit for his majestie in honour , safety , or wisdom to endure . how to strengthen themselves in their disloyall courses , they had addrest themselves to forraign states , and treated with them to deliver themselves up to their protection and defence , as was made apparant under the proper hands of the prime ring-leaders of that rebellious faction . these courses of theirs , tending so much to the ruine and overthrow of this famous monarchy , united by the descent of the crown of england upon his majestie , and his father of blessed memory ; his majestie ( in his great wisdom , and in discharge of the trust reposed in him by god , and by the fundamentall laws of both kingdoms , for the protection and government of them ) resolved to suppresse , and thereby to vindicate that soveraigne power entrusted to him . he had by the last summers triall found , that his grace and goodnesse was abused , and that contrary to his expectation and their faithfull promises , they had , since his being at barwick , and the pacification there made , pursued their former rebellious designes , and therefore it was necessary now for his majestie by power to reduce them to the just and modest condition of their obedience and subjection , which when ever they should be brought unto , or seeing their own errours , should put themselves into a way of humility and obedience becoming them , his majestie should need no other mediatours for clemency and mercy to them , then his own piety and goodnesse , and the tender affection he hath ever born to that his native kingdom . this being of so great weight and consequence to the whole kingdom , and the charge of an army , fit to master such a businesse , amounting to so great a sum as his majestie had no means to raise , having not onely emptied his own coffers , but issued between three and four hundred thousand pounds which he borrowed of his servants , upon security out of his own estate , to provide such things as were necessary to begin such an action with ; his majestie after the example of his predecessors , resorted to his people in their representative body the parliament , whom he desired ( with all the expressions of grace and goodnesse which could possibly come from him ) that taking into serious and dutifull consideration the nature of these bleeding evils , and how dangerous it was to lose the least minute of time , lest thereby those of scotland should gain opportunity to frame their parties with forraign states , that they would for a while lay aside all other debates , and passe an act for the speedie payment of so many subsidies as might enable his majestie to put in readinesse for this summer those things which were to be prepared before so great an army could be brought into the field . for further supply necessary for so great an undertaking , his majestie declared that he expected it not till there might be a happy conclusion of that session , and till their just grievances might be first graciously heard and relieved . wherein , as his majestie would most willingly have given them the precedence before matter of supply , if the great necessity of his occasions could have permitted , so he was graciously pleased for their full assurance and satisfaction therein to give them his royall word , that without determining the session upon granting of the subsidies , he would give them before they parted , as much time as the season of the yeer , and the great affairs in hand would permit , for considering all such petitions as they should conceive to be good for the common-wealth , and what they could not now finish , they should have full time to perfect towards winter ; his majesty graciously assuring them , that he would go along with them for their advantage through all the expressions of a gracious and pious king , to the end there might be such a happy conclusion of that as might be the cause of many more meetings with them in parliament . from their first assembling untill the 21. of april , the house of commons did nothing that could give his majestie any content or confidence in their speedy supplying of him : whereupon he commanded both the houses to attend him in the banquetting house at whitehall in the afternoon of that 21. day of april . where by the lord keeper his majestie put them in minde of the end for which they were assembled , which was for his majesties supply , that if it were not speedy , it would be of no use unto him ; part of the army then marching at the charge of above a hundred thousand pounds a moneth , which would all be lost if his majestie were not presently supplied , so as it was not possible to be longer forborn . yet his majestie then exprest that the supply he for the present desired , was onely to enable him to go on with his designes for three or four moneths , and that he expected no further supply till all their just grievances were relieved . and because his majestie had taken notice of some misapprehensions about the levying of the shipping-money , his majestie commanded the lord keeper to let them know , that he never had any intention to make any revenue of it , nor had ever made any ; but that all the money collected had been paid to the treasurer of the navie , and by him expended , besides great sums of money every yeer out of his majesties own purse . that his majestie had once resolved this yeer to have levied none , but that he was forced to alter his resolution , in regard he was of necessity to send an army for reducing those of scotland , during which time it was requisite the seas should be well guarded : and besides his majestie had knowledge of the great fleets prepared by all neighbouring princes this yeer , and of the insolencies committed by those of algiers , with the store of ships which they had in readinesse . and therefore though his majestie for this present yeer could not forbear it , but expected their concurrence in the levying of it , yet for the future to give all his subjects assurance how just and royall his intentions were , and that all his aime was but to live like their king , able to defend himself and them , to be usefull to his friends and considerable to his enemies , to maintain the soveraigntie of the seas , and so make the kingdom flourish in trade and commerce , he was graciously pleased to let them know , that the ordinary revenue now taken by the crown could not serve the turn , and therefore that it must be by shipping-money or some other way , wherein he was willing to leave it to their considerations what better course to finde out , and to settle it how they would , so the thing were done which so much imported the honour and safety of the kingdom ; and his majestie for his part would most readily and cheerfully grant any thing they could desire for securing them in the propriety of their goods and estates , and in the liberty of their persons . his majestie telling them it was in their power to make this as happy a parliament as ever was , and to be the cause of the kings delighting to meet with his people , and his people with him . that there was no such way to effect this as by putting obligations to trust and confidence upon him , which as it was the way of good manners with a king , so it was a surer and safer course for themselves , then any that their own jealousies and feares could invent , his majestie being a prince that deserved their trust , and would not lose the honour of it , and a prince of such a gracious nature that disdained his people should overcome him by kindnesse . he had made this good to some other subjects of his , and if they followed his counsell , they should be sure not to repent it , being the people that were neerest and deerest to him , and subjects whom he did and had reason to value more then the subjects of any his other kingdoms . his majestie having thus graciously expressed himself unto them , he expected the house of commons would have the next day taken into consideration the matter of supply , and laid aside all other debates till that were resolved of according to his desire . but instead of giving an answer therein , such as the pressing and urgent occasions required , they fell into discourses and debates about their pretended grievances , and raised up so many , and of so severall natures , that in a parliamentary way they could not but spend more time then his majesties great and weighty affaires could possibly afford . his majestie foreseeing in his great wisdom that they were not in the way to make this a happy parliament , which he so much desired and hoped , that nothing might be wanting on his part to bring them into the right way for his honour , the safety of the kingdom , and their own good , he resolved to desire the assistance of the lords of the higher house , as persons in rank and degree neerest to the royall throne , and who having received honour from him and his royall progenitors , he doubted not would for those and many other reasons be moved in honour and dutifull affection to his person and crown , to dispose the house of commons to expresse their duties to his majestie , in expediting the matter of supply , for which they were called together , and which required so present a dispatch . for this purpose , his majestie in his royall person came again to the lords house on wednesday the 24. day of april , where himself declared to the lords the cause of his coming , which was , to put them in minde of what had been by the lord keeper in his name delivered unto both houses the first day of the parliament , and after at whitehall , how contrary to his expectation the house of commons having held consultation of matter of religion , property of goods , and liberty of parliament ; and voted some things concerning those three heads , had thereby given them the precedence before the matter of his supply , that his necessities were such , they could not bear delay , that what ever he had by the lord keeper promised he would perform , if the house of commons would trust him . for religion , that his heart and conscience went together with the religion established in the church of england , and he would give order to his archbishops and bishops , that no innovation in matter of religion should creep in . for the ship-money , that he never made or intended to make any profit to himself of it , but onely to preserve the dominion of the seas , which was so necessary , that without it the kingdom could not subsist ; but for the way and means by ship-money , or otherwise he left it to them . for property of goods , and liberty of parliament , he ever intended his people should enjoy them , holding no king so great as he that was king of a rich and free people , and if they had not property of goods , and liberty of persons , they could be neither rich nor free . that if the house of commons would not first trust him , all his affairs would be disordered , and his businesse lost . that though they trusted him in part at first , yet before the parliament ended he must totally trust them , and in conclusion they must for execution of all things wholly trust him . therefore since the matter was no more then who should be first trusted , and that the trust of him first was but a trust in part , his majestie desired the lords to take into their considerations his and their own honour , the safety and welfare of this kingdom , with the great danger it was in , and that they would by their advice dispose the house of commons to give his supply the precedence before the grievances . his majestie being departed , the lords took into serious consideration what his majestie had commended to their care , and forthwith laying aside all other debates , such was their lordships dutifull and affectionate carriage , they remembring well what had been formerly declared in his majesties name to both houses , his majesties gracious promises and expressions then and at this time , with the pressing and urgent occasions which so much imported the honour of his majestie and the good of this kingdom , their lordships delivered their votes in these words , we are of opinion that the matter of his majesties supply should have precedence , and be resolved of before any other matter whatsoever ; and we think fit there shall be a conference desired with the house of commons to dispose them thereunto . accordingly the next day being saterday the 25. day of april , a conference was had in the painted chamber by a committee of both houses , where the lord keeper , by the lords command , told the house of commons of his majesties being the day before in person in the higher house , how graciously he had expressed himself , in matter of religion , propertie of goods , and liberty of parliament ; and that he would therein graciously hear and relieve them , and give them what in reason could be desired , with the effect of what else had bin graciously delivered unto them by his majestie , as well touching his constant zeal and affection to the religion established in the church of england , as touching the ship-money , and the necessity of his affairs , which was such , that delay was as prejudiciall as denyall , and that if time were lost , both houses could not recover it ; and therefore their lordships , though they would move nothing , nor give any advice concerning subsidies , but decline it , as that which naturally was to begin with the house of commons , yet being alike interessed and concerned in the honour and safety of the kingdom , they held it fit to let them know their opinions and desires , which was , that they should go first on with the matter of his majesties supply , as that which was most necessary and fit to have precedence ; and that being done , they would cheerfully joyn with them in the presenting of their grievances . the house of commons having heard their lordships opinion and desire , instead of concurring with their lordships in preferring the consideration of his majesties supply before their grievances , they spent the whole day on munday following being the 27. of april , in taking causelesse exceptions to what had been at the conference related to them ; and the next day being tuesday the 28. of april , they desired a conference with the lords , and their lordships meeting them presently in the painted chamber , they were so far from their expressing of any willingnesse to joyn with their lordships in what had been upon so weighty reasons recommended unto them , that on the contrary they challenged the lords for invading the priviledges of the house of commons , alleadging , that the lords having in the former conference acknowledged that the matter of subsidie and supply ought to begin in the house of commons , had in their voting that it was fit and most necessary that matter of supply should have precedence before all other businesse , not onely been transported beyond the bounds which their lordships had formerly set to themselves , but by medling with matter of supply , had as far as in them lay , concluded both the matter and order of proceeding , which the house of commons took to be a breach of their priviledge , and for it desired reparation of their lordships . and because the lords had in the first conference enumerated those three particulars , of religion , propriety of goods , and priviledge of parliament , the house of commons collected they had taken notice of some proceedings in their house concerning those particulars , and thereby broken another great priviledge of the house of commons established in parliament , and called , the indempnity of the commons . this how strange and unexpected soever , the lords heard with patience , and being desirous to remove all impediments , and clear any mistakings that might retard or avert the resolutions of supplying his majestie , they seriously debated in the higher house what had been objected by the house of commons , and resolved , first , that their lordships former voting , that in their opinions his majesties supply should have precedence before all other matters , was no breach of the priviledges of the house of commons . and secondly , that it was no breach of the priviledges of the house of commons for their lordships to hear what his majestie declared to them , and thereupon to report the same to the house of commons . and to the end the house of commons might have a right understanding of their lordships proceedings , their lordships desired another conference with them , which was accordingly had on fryday the first of may in the painted chamber , where by the command of the lords , the lord keeper declared to the house of commons , that the lords of the higher house had , as in duty and affection to his majesties crown and government they were bound , taken into serious consideration the great and weighty motives of his majesties calling this parliament , the great evils and calamities that hung over their heads , and the apparent danger the kingdom was like to run into , if by speedy and fitting supply his majestie were not enabled to prevent it . how insupportable delay and protraction was , and how impossible for both houses to recover the losse of time in a matter of so pressing and urgent necessity . that his majestie had both in the higher house , and in the banquetting house at whitehall , expressed his gracious and princely desire to do all that from a just and gracious king might be expected , whereby this parliament might have a happy conclusion . how his majestie had promised all their just grievances should be graciously heard and relieved . that their lordships were witnesses his majestie had given his royall word herein , which their lordships for their parts did as much trust and confide in as ever subjects did . it was also then further declared unto them , that his majestie had lately honoured their house with his presence again , and had there renued the remembrance of what had before been delivered to both houses , with the impossibility of admitting delay , & the clearnes of his majesties intentions and resolutions , to give all just satisfaction to what with reason could be desired of him . that his majestie had taken notice of somewhat voted in the house of commons concerning religion , propriety of goods , and liberty of parliament , by which his majestie conceived the matter of his supply set aside , which he had so often and with such weight of reason desired might have precedence . that his majestie after very gracious assurances of his constant affection and zeal for true religion , and for preventing all innovations therein , reiterating his often promises for relieving all their just grievances , with his royall intentions in that particular of ship-money which he found much stood upon , was pleased to desire their lordships ( as persons in rank and degree neerest him , in honour as much or more concern'd then other , and in the safety and prosperity of the kingdom at least equally interessed with others ) that in a case of this great and important weight , their lordships would by their counsell and perswasion encline the house of commons to give his majestie a speedy answer and resolution in the matter of supply . that their lordships had taken his majesties desire into serious and dutifull consideration , and upon great and solemn debate had , only voted in these words , we are of opinion that the matter of his majesties supply should have precedence , and be resolved of before any other matter whatsoever . and that they did think fit there shold be a conference desired with the house of commons to dispose them thereunto ; which as it was just and honourable for their lordships to do , so it was no breach of any priviledge of the house of commons . for though their lordships did admit , that the bill of subsidies ought to begin in the house of commons , and when it is agreed unto by the lords , must be returned back , and be by their speaker presented , and therefore their lordships disclaimed to meddle with subsidy or supply , by such beginning in the higher house , or by naming the number of subsidies , times of payment , or any such circumstances incident to a bill ; yet their lordships might confer and talk about supplies in generall , and give their advice therein , that being no whit derogatory to the priviledges of the house of commons , their lordships in all reason being likelier to communicate in the councels and secrets of state , as those that were neerer to the royall throne , and having just cause therein to impart their fears and foresight of dangers to the house of commons . that such proceedings of their lordships , as they were grounded upon just and weighty reason , so they were agreeable to ancient usage and custome , and were fully justified by that establishment in parliament mentioned by the house of commons at the last conference , being made at gloucester , in the 9. yeer of henry the fourth , and stiled not the indempnity of the commons ( as had been said ) but the indempnity of lords and commons . and for the other breach of priviledge which had been objected , their lordships declared , that his majestie had told them the house of commons had resolved something concerning those three heads , of religion , propriety of goods , and priviledge of parliament . how his majestie knew of this resolution belonged not to their lordships to enquire into , their lordship 's not medling with any thing that others said to the king , but what the king said to them . and that their lordships were so far from holding it any violation of the priviledges of the house of commons for their lordships to hear what the king declared to them , and for them thereupon to report the same to the house of commons , that on the contrary in dutie to his majestie , their lordships could do no other ; and the communicating of it was an argument of affection and desire of good correspondence with the house of commons , and merited no such misconstruction as had been made of it ; neither did that establishment in parliament 9. h. 4. contain any words that could be construed to make their lordships proceedings in this behalf any breach of the priviledges of the house of commons . their lordships proceedings and intentions being thus cleared , the lord keeper by their lordships command added further , that their lordships could not but return to their first grounds and resolutions , which were in all fair and affectionate manner to stir up in those of the house of commons the just consideration of those great and imminent dangers that threatned the kingdom at this time , and how dangerous and irrecoverable delay was , and withall to dispose them to take into their first and best thoughts the matter of his majesties supply , and give him a speedie answer therein . which their lordships were confident would be the means to make this a happy parliament , and to avert the publike calamities that menaced the ruine and overthrow of this famous monarchie . this having been delivered at that conference in their lordships names , was by his majestie most graciously interpreted as the noble testimony of their lordships affections to his person and government , for which his majestie by the lord keeper the next day gave their lordships hearty thanks . and withall that nothing on his part might be left undone , his majestie that morning also being saterday the second of may , sent a message to the house of commons , which was delivered to them in these words ; that his majestie hath divers times , and by sundry wayes acquainted this house with the urgent necessity of supply , and with the great danger inevitably to fall upon the whole state , upon his own honour , and the honour of this nation if more time shall be lost therein . that neverthelesse his majestie hitherto hath received no answer at all . and therefore considering that as heretofore his majestie hath told this house , that a delay of his supply is as destructive as a deniall , his majestie doth again desire them to give him a present answer concerning his supply , his majestie being still resolved on his part to make good whatsoever he hath promised by himself or the lord keeper . after which message delivered unto them , they spent from nine in the morning till six a clock at night , in many discourses and debates touching their pretended grievances , but never came to any resolution what supply they would give his majestie , or whether they would give him any at all , but adjourned the farther debate till munday following . at which time , because his majestie had understood , the matter of shipping-money was that which was most insisted upon , and that the taking away of that not onely for the present but for the future , would be pleasing and acceptable unto them , his majestie sent another message unto them , which was before they entred into any debate delivered unto them in these words . whereas upon saterday last his majestie was pleased to send a message to this house , desiring you to give a present answer concerning his supply , to which as yet his majestie hath had no other , but that upon this day you will take it into further consideration , therefore his majestie the better to facilitate your resolutions this day , hath thought fit to let you know , that of his grace and favour he is pleased , upon your granting of twelve subsidies , to be presently passed , and to be paid in three yeers , with a proviso that it shall not determine the session , his majestie will not onely for the present forbear the levying of any shipping money , but will give way to the utter abolishing of it by any course that your selves shall like best . and for your grievances his majestie will according to his royall promise , give you as much time as may be now , and the rest at michaelmas next . and his majestie expects a present and positive answer upon which he may rely , his affairs being in such condition as can endure no longer delay . notwithstanding this gracious message , and all other his majesties former desires and promises , and the lords earnest perswasions , the house of commons spent eight or nine houres more in debating the matter of supply , without coming to any resolution at all , and so mixed the consideration of that with other matters impertinent , and trenching highly to the diminution of his majesties royal prerogative , that his majestie plainly discerned they went about to weary & tire him with delayes , and though in words some did not deny to supply him , yet in that also most moved to clog the bill of subsidies in such sort , that his majestie could not have accepted it without great prejudice to his prerogative ; and they were so far from declaring what they would do , that they entertained themselves with discourses tending to render odious to his people that gracious government of his , under which all his people have , during his happy reign , lived in such peace and felicitie , when all the neighbouring kingdoms and states were in troubles and combustions . his majestie was hereupon enforced by the advice of his privie councell to resolve to break up and dissolve the parliament , from which he could hope for no other fruit then the hindring of his great affairs , and disordering his happy government . and therefore on tuesday the fifth of may , his majestie came again in person to the lords house , and sending for the speaker , and the house of commons , when they were come up , said thus ; my lords , there can no occasion of my comming to this house be so unpleasing to me , as this is , at this time : the fear of doing that , which i am to do this day , made me not long ago come to this house , where i expressed , as well my feares , as the remedies i thought necessary for the eschewing of it ; unto which , i must confesse , and acknowledge that you , ( my lords of the higher house ) did give me so vvilling an eare , and vvith such affection , did shevv your selves thereafter , that certainly , i may say , if there had bin any means to have given an happy end to this parliament , you took it ; so , that it vvas neither your lordships fault , nor mine , that it is not so : therefore in the first place , i must give your lordships thanks for your good endeavours . i hope you remember vvhat my lord keeper said to you , the first day of the parliament , in my name ; vvhat likevvise he said in the banquetting-house in vvhite-hall , and vvhat i lately said to you in this place my self . i name all this unto you , not in doubt that you do not vvell remember it , but to shevv you , that i never said any thing , in vvay of favour to my people , but that by the grace of god , i vvill punctually , and really perform it . i know that they have insisted very much on grievances , and i vvill not say , but that there may be some ( though i vvill confidently affirm , that there are not by many degrees so many , as the publique voice doth make them . ) vvherefore i desire you to take notice , now especially at this time , that out of parliament , i shall be as readie , ( if not more vvilling ) to hear , and redresse , any just grievances , as in parliament . there is one thing , that is much spoken of , though not so much insisted on as others , and that is religion ; concerning which , albeit i expressed my self fully the last day in this place to your lordships , yet , i think it fit again , on this occasion , to tell you , that , ( as i am most concerned , so ) i shall be most carefull , to preserve , that purity of religion , which , i thank god , is so well established in the church of england , and that , as well out , as in parliament . my lords , i shall not trouble you long vvith vvords , it being not my fashion ; vvherefore to conclude , vvhat i offered , the last day , to the house of commons , i think is well knovvn to you all , as likevvise hovv they accepted it , vvhich i desire not to remember , but vvish that they had remembred , hovv , at first , they vvere told , in my name , by my lord keeper , that delay vvas the vvorst kinde of deniall ; yet i vvill not lay this fault on the vvhole house ( for i vvill not judge so uncharitably of those , vvho , for the most part , i take to be loyall , and vvell-affected subjects ) but , that it hath been the malicious cunning , of some fevv sediciously-affected men , that hath been the cause of this misunderstanding . i shall novv end , as i began , in giving your lordships thanks , for your affection shevvn to me at this time ; desiring you , to go on to assist me , in the maintaining of that regall povver , that is truly mine , and , as for the libertie of the people , that they novv so much seem to startle at ; knovv , ( my lords ) that no king in the vvorld shall be more carefull to maintain them in , the propertie of their goods , libertie of their persons , and true religion , then i shall be . and novv , my lord keeper , do vvhat i have commanded you . then the lord keeper added . my lords , and you gentlemen of the house of commons , the kings majestie doth dissolve this parliament . by all the proceedings herein declared , it is evident to all men , how willing and desirous his majestie hath been to make use of the ancient and noble way of parliament , used and instituted by his royall predecessours , for the preservation and honour of this famous monarchie ; and that on his majesties part , nothing was wanting that could be expected from a king , whereby this parliament might have had an happy conclusion , for the comfort and content of all his majesties subjects , and for the good and safetie of this kingdom . on the contrary , it is apparant how those of the house of commons ( whose sinister and malicious courses inforced his majestie to dissolve this parliament ) have vitiated and abused that ancient and noble way of parliament , perverting the same to their own unworthy ends , and forgetting the true use and institution of parliaments . for whereas these meetings and assemblies of his majestie with the peeres and commons of this realm , were in their first originall , and in the practice of all succeeding ages , ordained and held as pledges and testimonies of affection between the king and his people , the king for his part graciously hearing and redressing such grievances as his people in humble and dutifull manner should represent unto him , and the subjects on their part , as testimonies of their dutie , supplying his majestie upon all extraordinary occasions , for the support of his honour and soveraigntie , and for preserving the kingdom in glory and safetie ; those ill-affected members of the house of commons , in stead of an humble and dutifull way of presenting their grievances to his majestie , have taken upon them , to be the guiders and directors , in all matters that concern his majesties government both temporall and ecclesiasticall , and ( as if kings were bound to give an account of their regall actions , and of their manner of government , to their subjects assembled in parliament ) they have in a very audacious and insolent way entred into examination and censuring of the present government , traduced his majesties administration of iustice , rendred ( as much as in them lay ) odious to the rest of his majesties subjects , not onely the officers and ministers of state , but even his majesties very government ; which hath been so just and gracious , that never did this or any other nation enjoy more blessings and happinesse , then hath been by all his majesties subjects enjoyed ever since his majesties accesse to the crown , nor did this kingdom ever so flourish in trade and commerce , as at this present , or partake of more peace and plentie in all kindes whatsoever . and whereas the ordinary revenues of the crown not sufficing to defray extraordinary charges , it hath ever been the usage in all parliaments to aid and assist the kings of this realm with free and fitting supply towards the maintenance of their wars and for making good their royall undertakings , whereby the kingdome entrusted to their protection , might be held up in splendor and greatnes , those ill-affected persons of the house of commons have been so far from treading in the steps of their ancestours , by their dutifull expressions in this kinde , that contrarily they have introduced a way of bargaining and contracting with the king , as if nothing ought to be given him by them , but what he should buy and purchase of them , either by quitting somewhat of his royall prerogative , or by diminishing and lessening his revenues . which courses of theirs , how repugnant they are to the duty of subjects , how unfit for his majestie in honour to permit and suffer , and what hazard and dishonour they subject this kingdome to , all men may easily judge , that will but equally and impartially weigh them . his majestie hath been by this means reduced to such straights and extremities , that were not his care of the publique good and safety the greater , these men ( as much as in them lies ) would quickly bring ruine and confusion to the state , and render contemptible this glorious monarchy . but this frowardnesse and undutifull behaviour of theirs , cannot lessen his majesties care of preserving the kingdomes entrusted to his protection and government , nor his gracious and tender affection to his people ; for whose good and comfort his majestie by gods gracious assistance will so provide , that all his loving subjects may still enjoy the happinesse of living under the blessed shade and protection of his royall scepter . in the mean time , to the end all his majesties loving subjects may know , how graciously his majestie is enclined to hear and redresse all the just grievances of his people , as well out of parliament as in parliament , his majestie doth hereby further declare his royall will and pleasure , that all his loving subjects , who have any just cause to present , or complain of any grievances or oppressions , may freely addresse themselves , by their humble petitions to his sacred majestie , who will graciously hear their complaints , and give such fitting redresse therein , that all his people shall have just cause to acknowledge his grace and goodnesse towards them , and to be fully satisfied , that no persons or assemblies can more prevail with his majestie , then the pietie and iustice of his own royall nature , and the tender affection he doth and shall ever bear to all his people and loving subjects . finis . london , printed by robert barker , printer to the kings most excellent majestie : and by the assignes of john bill . mdcxl . a message from the royall prisoner at windsor to the kingdome of scotland and his majesties resolution, concerning the ordnance and impeachment of high treason against his royal person, by the parliament and army, and his majesties speech and prayer, upon receipt of the intelligence, of their chusing commissioners, for bringing him to a speedy tryall, dated from windsor the 3. of january, 1648 ... england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a31972 of text r35854 in the english short title catalog (wing c2434). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 12 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a31972 wing c2434 estc r35854 15565337 ocm 15565337 103820 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a31972) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 103820) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1184:25) a message from the royall prisoner at windsor to the kingdome of scotland and his majesties resolution, concerning the ordnance and impeachment of high treason against his royal person, by the parliament and army, and his majesties speech and prayer, upon receipt of the intelligence, of their chusing commissioners, for bringing him to a speedy tryall, dated from windsor the 3. of january, 1648 ... england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. [2], 6 p. printed for w. fielding, london : 1648. reproduction of original in the huntington library. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. a31972 r35854 (wing c2434). civilwar no a message from the royall prisoner at windsor, to the kingdome of scotland; and his majesties resolution, concerning the ordnance and impeac england and wales. sovereign 1649 1943 6 0 0 0 0 0 31 c the rate of 31 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2006-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-01 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-05 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2006-05 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a message from the royall prisoner at windsor , to the kingdome of scotland ; and his majesties resolution , concerning the ordnance and impeachment of high treason , against his royal person , by the parliament and army , and his majesties speech and prayer , upon receipt of the intelligence , of their chusing commissioners , for bringing him to a speedy tryall . dated from windsor the 3 of january , 1648. liknwise , a declaration from gloucester-shire , vvorcestershire , and hereford-shire , concerning the king , and his tryall ; and a declaration of the ministers of lancashire , touching his majesty , and the army ; delivered in their pulpits to their severall congregations . royal blazon or coat of arms london , printed for w. fielding , 1648 a message from the royall prisoner at windsor to the kingdom of scotland , concerning the dangerous proceedings of the lord gen : fairfax and the army against his majesties person . right honorable , his majesty hath received intelligence from westminster , that the generall councell of the army are resolved to bring him to a speedy tryall , and to that , have drawn up the bill of attainder and charge against him , for profecuting the same ; all which his majesty doth very ill rescent ; for , ( with a sad and melancholy heart , and tears trickling down his sacred cheekes ) he saith , that his conscience begins to dictate sad and dismall apprehensions to his memory , and that he much feareth , the clouds begin to gather to a head , for the eclipsing and evacuating the splendor and glory of his dayes : however , hee hath made his peace with god , and is resolved to undergoe the crosse and afflictions of this transitory life , be it with losse of life , or imprisonment . yesterday by another expresse from london , the king received a further confirmation of the proceedings of the lords , commons , and his excellency , touching the orddance of attainder , for impeaching him of high treason , who after receipt thereof , betook himself to private meditation , and as it is said , besought the lord in prayer , for the space of two hours , humbly imploring his sad and miserable condition , and desiring of the lord , to inspire his heart with wisdom and understanding , and to inable him to stand firm in the presence of all those , who are now acting and contriving things of so great consequence against him , and also , that he may have both power and knowledge , to answer to all the objections , clauses and particulars , which shall be exhibited against him . which done , his majesty withdrew from his privy chambed , and took a walk upon the territs of the castle , who fixing his eyes towards london , was seene to lay his hand upon his breast , , uttering many sad and mournfull expressions . his majesty hath had some conference with one mr. sanders , who intimates , that he desireth to heare his charge , and to be brought to a speedy tryall . we hear that the royall prisoner duke hamilton hath sent a message to scotland , purporting the affairs of england between king , parliament , and army : the rest of the royall party begins to bewayl their sad and deplorable conditions , and some have vowed , that if once they could escape this present net of justice , they would enter into protestation , never to incur the like penalty for the future . windsor 3 jan. 1648. jan : the third , the commons communicated the ordinance ( for tryall of the king ) to the house of peers for their concurrence , which was assented to . and for the better confirmation of the present trvall , and foundation thereof , and prevention of the like for the future , the house declared , viz. resolved , that the lords and commons assembled in parliament do declare , and adjudge , that by the fundamentall laws of this realm , it is treason in the kings of england for the time to come , to levy warre against the parliament and kingdom of england . the commons appointed to consider of drawing up of a charge against , and consider of the manner of the tryall of his majesty , reported an ordinance this day to the house , for attainting him of high-treason , and for trying him by such commissioners as should be nominated in the body of the said ordinance . the house having read it the first time ordered to have it read again to morrow morning at ten a clock . the charge runs thus , that charles stewart hath acted contrary to his trust , in departing from the parliament setting up his standard making a war against them , and thereby been occasion of much blood●hed and misery to the people , whom he was set over for good : that he gave commissions to irish rebells , &c. and since was occasion of a second war , &c besides what done contrary to the liberties of the sbuject , and tending to the destruction of the fundamentall laws and liberties of this kingdom , &c. the bill of attainder runs high , against his person , charging him with high treason : his tryall will be at westminster , and his majesty is expected to be there on mund●y next . the further resolution of the army touching the king . his excellency , and the general councell of the army have fully resolved upon their debates , touching the tryal of the king , and are resolved to bring him to a present tryal , the manner of it is as followeth , viz. 6 lords , forty commons , and ten colonels , lieutenant colonels , and majors , who are to receive instructions ( as commissioners ) ior managing and prosecuting of the bills of attainder and impeachment against the person of the king ; and are resolved to establish and confirme a true and lasting government within this kingdome , and that the best they can imagine for a common-wealth , which containeth these particulars , viz. 1 the magistrate to have power in things civill and naturall . 2 the subject to be free , submitting to the civill lawes . 3 no toleration for popery nor prelacy . 4 none to be forced to fight in war against their will ▪ &c. and the generall councell have further resolved and declared , that the parliament shall not proceed against any persons to give judgment , but according to what is law , rason , and equity . and for the better facilitating and establishing of a true and lasting peace within this nation , the generall councel of the army have passed the remaining part of the articles for an agreement of the people , and are determined speedily to consider of a forme of conclusion and subscription to this agreement as to the officers of the army . summons are also sent to the prince of wales , and the duke of york , to require their present appearance , and to desist from their engagement , in acting against this kingdom , and involving their place of nativity in another bloudy and intestine war , and a day is prefixed , for their return , that in case they refuse to yeeld obedience to the said summons , then to be declared against as enemies to the peace of this kingdom , and to be degraded of all titles and honours , belonging to either of them . yet notwithstanding , we have one precious flower and blossome to six our eyes upon , viz. the duke of gloucester , ( the kings youngest son ) who in all probability , will speedily be advanced to great honours and dignities , to the great admiration of the whole kingdom . yesterday the committee reported the ordinance of attainder against charles stuart , and the names of such commissioners as should try him , which are , the earl of denbigh , earl of pembroke , e. of kent , e of mnlgrave , e. of nottingham , and lord grey of wark . of the house of commons , the lord munson , l. lisle , l. grey of groby , lieu. gen. crumwell , m. g. skippon , com. gen : ireton , sir henry mildmay , sir iohn danvers , col. walton , col : moor , col : boswell , col : rossiter , col : ven , col : thorney , col : lassels , and about 30 members more . of the army that are not members of the house of commons , the l. gen. fairfax , col : whalley , col : rich , col : vvaller , col : tomlinson , col : scroop , col : sanders , col : pride , col : twisleton col : huson , col : barkstead , col : horton , col : desborough , col : dean , and col : okey . of the city of london , alderman pennington , alderman vvoollaston , ald : fooks , ald : gibbs , and alderman andrews . the judges are , the lord chief justice rolls , chief justice of england , justice st. iohn , lord chief justice of the common-pleas , and lord chief baron vvild . and two out of all the 40 counties throughout the kingdom , all which commissioners , who are to fit as a jury , are to consist of 150 , and any 20 of them are to be a c●mmittee for tryall of the king , and to give sentence against him . by this ordinance the commissioners are limited to a moneths time , to make a finall determination of the businesse , the place of tryall is said to be at westminster . a message is said to be sent from the parliament , to the severall counties of the kingdom of england , concerning the tryall of the king , for satisfaction of the people . letters this day from severall counties in the west of england purports , that the knights , gentry , and commonalty ▪ of gloucester-shire , somerset shire , hereford-shire , and worcester-shire , have declared their unanimous resolutions to comply with the army , for the setling of the peace of this bleeding and distracted kingdom , and executing of speedy and impartiall justice upon the grand delinquents of this kingdome , and that all of them may bee brought to a speedy tryall , to answer to their charge and impeachment exhibited against them ▪ but from the north letters say , that the clergy in those parts cannot rescent the proceedings in the south , especially the black-coats of lancashire , who doe openly declare in pulpit to their severall congregations , that the wayes of the army are inconsistent with the word of god , and that their designs tends to nothing more , then the subversion of religion , government , and law ; but some of the grandees are silenced , and taken into custody by the well affected of that county . finis . a worthy speech spoken at the guild hall by the earle of holland with the resolution of the earle of pembroke, earle of northumberland, ... : also some passages concerning his maiesties letter to the lord major touching the carrying in of plate into guild hall ... this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a44155 of text r40998 in the english short title catalog (wing h2423). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 9 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a44155 wing h2423 estc r40998 19569535 ocm 19569535 109112 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a44155) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 109112) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1690:3) a worthy speech spoken at the guild hall by the earle of holland with the resolution of the earle of pembroke, earle of northumberland, ... : also some passages concerning his maiesties letter to the lord major touching the carrying in of plate into guild hall ... holland, henry rich, earl of, 1590-1649. charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. [2], 6 p. printed by t. fawcet, london : june 21, 1642. reproduction of original in the university of illinois (urbana-champaign campus). library. eng great britain -politics and government -1642-1649. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. a44155 r40998 (wing h2423). civilwar no a worthy speech spoken at the guild-hall by the earle of holland. with the resolution of the earle of pembroke, earle of northumberland, ear [no entry] 1642 1400 1 0 0 0 0 0 7 b the rate of 7 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-12 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2009-01 scott lepisto sampled and proofread 2009-01 scott lepisto text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a worthy speech spoken at the guild-hall by the earle of holland . with the resolution of the earle of pembroke , earle of northumberland , earle of bedford , earle of holland , viscount say and seyle . sir edward hungerford . and sir thomas barrington . declared in their severall speeches at the guild-hall , on munday the 20. day of june , 1642. also some passages concerning his maiesties letter to the lord major , touching the carrying in of plate into guild-hall . together with a command from the high court of parliament , to the officers of jreland . as also the cruelty used by the lord macquere to the protestants in jreland , one of the rebels now prisoner in the tower . with severall votes of the lord keeper , concerning the lawfulnesse of the exercise of the militia . ordered by the lords and commons in parliament , that these particulars shall be forthwith printed . jo. browne cler. parl. london , printed by t. fawcet . iune , 21. 1642. on munday being the 20. day of iune , the earle of pembrooke , the earle of northumberland , the earle of holland , the earle of bedford , the lord sey , sir thomas barrington , sir edward hungerford , and divers other members of the house of commons came to the guild-hall , where were assembled the lord maior and aldermen , with the common councell of the citie , where being seated in a discreet order , the lord of holland made a worthy speech , the effect was as followeth . 1. he endeavoured to cleere all doubts that were raised by the letter sent from his maiesty to the lord maior , withall declaring that their actions and intentions were imployed to advance his maiesties honour . likewise manifesting the great love they had received of the citie , giving them great thanks for the same , animating them on to a continuance and perseverance in the same , declaring how the malignant party by their practises and endeavours strive to destroy and confound the very being of parliaments , and the liberty and propriety of the subiect , telling them that it was their cause which the parliament maintained , their owne , their wives , their childrens lives lying at stake , for however faire pretences seeme to cover and colour the designe , these forraigne preparations and domesticke actions can portend nothing lesse then such a fatall attempt . severall speeches were made by the other members of parliament , tending to the same purpose , which were received with generall applause , and every one departed to his habitation exceeding well satisfied , and absolutely resolved to hazard both lives and fortunes , for the defence of his maiesty , and the priviledge of parliament . remarkable passages concerning the kings majesties letter to the lord major of the city of london , touching the carrying in of plate into guild-hall . on the 18. day of this present june , the lord major of this city received a letter from his majestie , wherein he was commanded to stop the bringing of plate into guild-hall , which being received by the said lord major , hee with all speed , was intended to publish such his maiesties commands , neverthelesse he thought it convenient to send for the aldermen of the city requiring their advice , who councelled him first to acquaint the house and to show the said letter , which councell was approved of and the letter presented to the parliament , who gave order that a generall councell should bee held that night at guild-hall , and that a committee of lords and commons should be there to consult and determine what were most secure , and fit to be done , neverthelesse the manifold distractions and urgent occasions of greater importance tooke up so much time , that they were inforc't to put it off till a further time for a consideration thereof . the lords and commons assembled in parliament , taking into their serious consideration the deplorable estate of ireland , have by an order from both houses of parliament , appointed that on the two and twentieth day of this instant : june , all the commanders should meet at st. lawrence church at nine of the clocke in the morning , where after a sermon , they are to repayre to guild-hall , there to take the protestation , and to enter into pay . likewise an information was given concerning the lord paget's iourney towards the king , with the coppie of a letter sent from him , wherein was declared the reasons of his departure , which letter being read , it was ordered that enquiry should be made for the printer , and that the said printed papers should be burnt . this day also a true intelligence was given , of certaine jrish rebels , namely the lord maguieres , which in the begining of this rebellion kept seven-score protestants two dayes in a church , and afterward whipt them into a river , and drowned men , women and children , in a most inhumane manner , with many more cruelties of the same nature , being sent for by the parliament , was brought to london , and now lyes in the tower with his comrades , waiting till gregory shall play the midwife , and deliver them up to the gallowes . likewise letters were read in the house from ireland , declaring that the lord conway , with the assistance of the scots forces , had obtained a great victory against the rebels , which good successe did much affect the house , many other matters of great importance tooke up the time , so that the members of the high court of of parliament could hardly spare so much time , as to meet at the guild-hall , to discusse of the letter sent from his maiesty to the lord maior of this citie . neverthelesse the said letter doth no way deterre the said citizens from bringing in their plate , and moneys , for dayly and hourely people of all degrees , carry in what they are able to spare , with great willingnesse , to the great comfort of the parliament , and all wellwishers to the peace of church , and kingdome . 1. martii , 1642. lord keeper present . both houses petition the king , wherein is this clause . viz. wherefore they are inforced , in all humility , to protest , that if your majesty shall persist in that deniall , the dangers and distempers of the kingdome are such , as will endure no delay ; but unlesse you shall be graciously pleased to assure them by these messengers , that you will speedily apply your royall assent to the satisfaction of their former desires , they shall be inforced for the safety of your maiesty and your kingdomes , to dispose of the militia , by the authority of both houses , in such manner as hath beene propounded to your majesty , and they resolve to doe it accordingly . 15. martii , 1642. the lord keeper present ▪ and voted , and argued for this gollowing vote , viz. that in case of extreame danger , and of his maiesties refusall , the ordinance agreed on by both houses , doth obliege the people , and ought to be obeyed by the fundamentall lawes of this kingdom . thirdly , he named his deputy lievtenants , and sent lievtenants names to the house of commons , and often asked the clerke of the peers house for his deputations , and commanded him to deliver them to one of his servants ; which he accordingly did in his presence . 25. martii , 1642. lord keeper present . fourthly , he agreed to the severall forms of deputations for the militia . mereurii , 15. 1642. ordered by the lords in parliament , that these particulars shall be forthwith printed and published . jo. browne , cleric . parl. by the king. a proclamation of his majesties grace, favour, and pardon to the inhabitants of his county of his citty of exceter. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a79022 of text311 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.5[99]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a79022 wing c2669 thomason 669.f.5[99] 99870041 99870041 160812 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a79022) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160812) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f5[99]) by the king. a proclamation of his majesties grace, favour, and pardon to the inhabitants of his county of his citty of exceter. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by l. lichfield, [oxford : 1642] "given at our court at maydenhead, this ninth day of november, in the eighteenth yeare of our reigne." with engraving of royal seal at head of document. place and date of imprint from wing. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng pardons -great britain -early works to 1800. exeter (england) -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a79022 311 (thomason 669.f.5[99]). civilwar no by the king. a proclamation of his majesties grace, favour, and pardon to the inhabitants of his county of his citty of exceter. england and wales. sovereign 1642 690 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-08 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-08 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c r honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the king . ¶ a proclamation of his majesties grace , favour , and pradon to the inhabitants of his county of his citty of exceter . whereas we have taken notice , that by the malice , industry and importunity of severall ill-affected and seditious persons in our county of exceter , very many of our weake and seduced subjects of that our county have not only been drawne to exercise the militia , under colour of a pretended ordinance , without and against our consent ( a crime of a very high nature , if we would strictly enquire thereinto ) but have made contributions of plate , money and horses towards the maintenance of the army now in rebellion against vs ; we doe hereby publish and declare , that we are graciously pleased to attribute the crimes and offences of our said subjects of that county to the power and faction of their seducers , who , we beleeve , by threates , menaces , and false informations compelled and led them into these actions of undutifullnesse and disloyalty towards vs ; and we doe therefore hereby offer our free & gracious pardon to all the inhabitants of our said county of our city of exceter , for all offences concerning the premises committed against vs before the publishing of this our proclamation ( except sir george chudleigh , and sir iohn northcote baronets , sir samuell rolle , and sir nicholas martyn knights , ) against whom we shall proceed according to the rules of the law , as against traitours and stirrers of sedition against vs , and whom wee doe hereby require all our officers and ministers of iustice , and all our loving subjects whatsoever , to apprehend and cause to be kept in safe custody till our pleasure be further knowne . provided that this our grace shall not extend to any person , who after the publishing this our proclamation shall presume by loane or contribution to assist the said army of rebells , to assemble and muster themselves in armes without authority derived from vs under our hand , to enter into any oath of association for opposing vs and our army , or to succour or entertaine any of the persons excepted in this our proclamation , or in our declaration of the 12. of august . but we must and doe declare , that whosoever shall hence forward be guilty of the premises , or of either of them , or shall give any obedience to any warrants concerning any musters , leavies , or contributions for leavies whatsoever , under any pretence of authority whatsoever , either from the said sir george chudleigh , sir iohn northcote , sir samuell rolle , and sir nicholas martyn , or from any other persons whatsoever , without our expresse consent declared under our great seale or signe manuall , shall be esteemed by us as an enemy to the publick peace , a person disaffected to vs , and to the religion and lawes of the kingdome , and shall accordingly receive condigne punishment , of which we give them timely notice , that they may proceed accordingly at their perills . and we doe hereby will and require our high sheriffe , iustices of the peace , and all other our officers , and loving subjects to resist , oppose and apprehend all such persons as shall presume to make any leavies in that our county of that our citty under what pretence soever without authority derived from vs under our hand ; and we likewise will and require them and every of them to be assistant to all such as shall either command the traine bands of that our county , or make any leavies in the same by virtue of commission under our great scale or signe manuall . ¶ given at our court at maydenhead , this ninth day of november , in the eighteenth yeare of our reigne . god save the king . by the king. a proclamation for a generall fast to be held throughout this kingdome on the second friday in every moneth proclamations. 1643-10-05. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a78991 of text r211983 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.7[44]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a78991 wing c2584 thomason 669.f.7[44] estc r211983 99897913 99897913 171051 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a78991) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 171051) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2552:6) by the king. a proclamation for a generall fast to be held throughout this kingdome on the second friday in every moneth proclamations. 1643-10-05. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by leonard lichfield, printer to the vniversity, oxford [i.e. london] : 1643. dated at end: oxford this fifth day of october, in the nineteenth year of our reigne. a london counterfeit, perhaps issued about october 16 (madan). arms 43; steele notation: kingdome raised reconciled. reproduction of original in the henry e. huntington library. eng fasting -law and legislation -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. broadsides -england a78991 r211983 (thomason 669.f.7[44]). civilwar no by the king. a proclamation for a generall fast to be held throughout this kingdome on the second friday in every moneth. england and wales. sovereign 1643 705 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-04 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-05 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2008-05 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion royal blazon or coat of arms c r honi soit qvi mal y pense by the king . a proclamation for a generall fast to he held throughout this kingdome on the second friday in every moneth . vvhen a generall fast was first propounded unto vs , in contemplation of the miseries of our kingdome of ireland , we readily gave our consent unto it , and in our court , and in our person have duely observed it , as a religious duty , fit to be exercised in a time of common calamity . but when vve have seen what ill use hath been made of those publicke meetings under the pretence of religion , in pulpits , and prayers and sermons of many seditious lecturers to stir up and continue the rebellion raised against vs within this kingdome ; and that those who first moved and seemed to affect the reliefe of our distressed subjects of ireland , have deserted the care thereof , and diverted the meanes ordained for the support and preservation of that kingdome , to the destruction of vs and of this kingdome of england : vve have thought it fit to command that such an hypocriticall fast , to the dishonour of god , and the slander of true religion be no longer continued and countenanced by our authority , which hath been too long continued already , to such false and traiterous ends . and yet vve being desirous ( as by our duty to almighty god vve are bound ) by all possible meanes to expresse our own humiliation , and the humiliation of our people , for our owne sins , and the sins of this nation , ( as vve have great cause ) are resolved to continue a monthly fast , but not on the day formerly appointed and so much abused by those who are in rebellion against vs , by using it as a principall engine to their owne designes . vve doe therefore hereby command , that from henceforth no fasts , or publicke meetings under that name be held on the last vvednesday of the moneth in any part of this our kingdome of england , as for many moneths it hath been , nor upon any other day , then as hereby is appointed by vs , which vve are well assured , none of our subjects may or ought to doe without , much lesse against our command : but instead thereof vve doe expresly charge and command , that in all churches and chappells in all parts of this our kingdome of england and dominion of wales , there be a solemne fast held , and religiously observed on the second friday in every moneth , with publicke prayers to god , and preaching in all places where it may be had , when and where we may all both prince and people as one man , earnestly powre out our prayers to god , for the diverting of his heavy judgements from vs , for the continuing of his gracious protection over vs and this nation , for the avoyding of all malitious practices against vs , and the setling and establishing of a happy peace amongst us . and to the end that with one heart and voice we may performe so religious an exercise , we have caused devout formes of prayers to be composed and printed , and intend to disperse them into all the parts of this our kingdome , and doe command that they be used in all churches and chappells at the solemne and publicke meetings . and if thus we shall heartily and unfainedly apply our selves to our good god and gracious father , whom we have offended , and praise him for his many and even miraculous deliverances past , we may with comfort and confidence hope that he will in mercy looke upon vs , and be reconciled unto vs . given at our court at oxford this fifth day of october , in the nineteenth year of our reigne . god save the king . oxford , printed by leonard lichfield , printer to the vniversity . 1643. charles by the grace of god, king of scotland ... forsameikle as out of the royall and fatherly care which we have had of the good and peace of this our ancient and native kingdome ... scotland. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) 1638 approx. 11 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a11710 stc 21999 estc s123150 23273816 ocm 23273816 26490 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a11710) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 26490) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1803:28) charles by the grace of god, king of scotland ... forsameikle as out of the royall and fatherly care which we have had of the good and peace of this our ancient and native kingdome ... scotland. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. by robert young ..., imprinted at edinburgh : [1638] second pt. of title from text. date of imprint suggested by stc (2nd ed.). "cum priuilegio." "given under our signet at glasgow the 29 of november, and of our reigne the fourteenth year. 1638." dissolves the general assembly. reproduction of original in the bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng scotland -history -charles i, 1625-1649. scotland -politics and government -1625-1649. scotland -proclamations. 2007-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2009-01 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2009-01 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion royal coat of arms charles by the grace of god , king of scotland , england , france and ireland , defender of the faith. to our lovits heraulds , pursevants , our sheriffs in that part conjunctly and severally specially constitute , greeting . forsameikle as out of the royall and fatherly care which we have had of the good and peace of this our ancient and native kingdome , having taken to our serious consideration all such things as might have given contentment to our good and loyall subjects : and to this end had discharged by our proclamation the service book , book of canons , and high commission , freed and liberate all men from the practising of the five articles , made all our subjects both ecclesiasticall and civill lyable to the censure of parliament , generall assembly , or any other judicatorie competent , according to the nature and qualitie of the offence : and for the free entrie of ministers , that no other oath be administrate unto them then that which is contained in the act of parliament : had declared all by-gone disorders absolutely forgotten and forgiven : and for the more full and cleare extirpating all ground and occasion of fears of innovation of religion , we had commanded the confession of faith , and band for maintenance thereof , and of authoritie in defence of the same , subscribed by our deare father , and his houshold , in anno 1580. to be renued and subscribed again by our subjects here : like as for settling of a perfect peace in the church and common-wealth of this kingdome , we caused indict a free generall assembly to be holden at glasgow the xxi . of this instant , and thereafter a parliament in may , 1639. by which clement dealing , we looked assuredly to have reduced our subjects to their former quiet behaviour and dutifull carriage , whereto they are bound by the word of god , and laws both nationall and municipall , to us their native and soveraigne prince . and albeit the wished effects did not follow , but by the contrary , by our so gracious procedure they were rather emboldened , not only to continue in their stubborne and unlawfull wayes , but also daily adde to their former procedures acts of neglect , and contempt of authoritie , as evidently appeared by open opposing of our just and religious pleasure and command , exprest in our last proclamation anent the discharge of the service book , book of canons , high commission , &c. protesting against the same , and striving by many indirect meanes to withdraw the hearts of our good people , not only from a hearty acknowledgement of our gracious dealing with them , but also from the due obedience to those our just and religious commands , notwithstanding we had been formerly so oft petitioned by themselves for the same . by their daily and hourely guarding and watching about our castle of edinburgh , suffering nothing to be imported therein , but at their discretion , and openly stopping and impeding any importation of ammunition , or other necessaries whatsoever to any other of our houses within that kingdome : denying to us their soveraigne lord that libertie and freedome , which the meanest of them assume to themselves ( an act without precedent or example in the christian world ) by making of convocations and councell tables of nobilitie , gentrie , burrows and ministers within the city of edinburgh , where not regarding the lawes of the kingdome , they without warrant of authoritie conveene , assemble , and treat upon matters , as well ecclesiasticall as civill , send their injunctions and directions throughout the countrey to their subordinate tables , and other under ministers appointed by them for that effect . and under colour and pretext of religion exercing an unwarranted and unbounded libertie , require obedience to their illegall and unlawfull procedures and directions , to the great and seen prejudice of authoritie , and lawfull monarchicall government . and notwithstanding it was evidently manifest by the illegall and unformall course taken in the election of their commissioners for the assembly , whereof some are under the censure of this church , some under the censure of the church of ireland , and some long since banished for open and avowed teaching against monarchie , others of them suspended , and some admitted to the ministerie contrary to the forme prescribed by the lawes of this kingdome , others of them a long time since denounced rebels , and put to the horne , who by all law and unviolable custome and practique of this kingdome , are , and ever have been incapable , either to pursue , or defend before any judicatorie , far lesse to be judges themselves ; some of them confined , and all of them by oath and subscription bound to the overthrow of episcopacie . and by this and other their under-hand working , and private informations and perswasions , have given just ground of suspicion of their partialitie herein , and so made themselves unfit judges of what concerneth episcopacie . and al 's it was sufficiently cleared by the peremptorie and illegall procedures of the presbyteries , who at their own hand by order of law , and without due forme of processe , thrust out the moderators lawfully established , and placed others , whom they found most inclinable to their turbulent humors , associate to themselves for the choosing of the said commissioners for the assembly , a laick elder out of each paroch , who being in most places equall , if not moe in number then the ministerie , made choice both of the ministers , who should be commissioners from the presbyteries , as also of a ruling elder , being directed more therein by the warrants from the foresaid pretended tables , then by their own judgements , as appears by the severall private instructions sent from them , far contrary to the lawes of the countrey , and lowable custome of the church : by which doings it is too manifest , that no calme nor peaceable procedure or course could have been expected from this assembly , for settling of the present disorders and distractions . yet we were pleased herein in some sort to blinde-fold our own judgement , and over-look the saids disorders , and patiently to attend the meeting of the said assembly , still hoping that when they were met together , by our commissioner his presence , and assistance of such other well disposed subjects who were to be there , and by their own seeing the reall performance of all that was promised by our last proclamation , they should have been induced to return to their due obedience of subjects : but perceiving that their seditious disposition still increases , by their repairing to the said assembly with great bands and troupes of men , all boddin in fear of warre , with guns and pistolets , contrary to the lawes of this kingdome , custome observed in all assemblies , and in high contempt of our last proclamation at edinburgh the xvi . of this instant : as also by their peremptory refusing of our assessors , authorized by us ( although fewer in number then our dearest father was in use to have at divers assemblies ) the power of voting in this assembly , as formerly they have done in other assemblies ; and by their partiall , unjust and unchristian refusing , and not suffering to be read the reasons and arguments given in by the bishops , and their adherents to our commissioner , why the assembly ought not to proceed to the election of a moderator without them , neither yet to the admitting of any of the commissioners of the saids commissioners from presbyteries , before they were heard object against the same , though earnestly required by our commissioner in our name . and notwithstanding that our commissioner under his hand , by warrant from us , gave in a sufficient declaration of all that was contained in our late proclamation and declaration , the same bearing likewise our pleasure of the registration of the same in the books of assembly for the full assurance of the true religion to all our good subjects ; and yet not resting satisfied therewith , lest the continuance of their meeting together might produce other the like dangerous acts , derogatorie to royall authoritie , we have thought good , for preveening thereof , and for the whole causes and reasons above-mentioned , and divers others importing the true monarchicall government of this estate , to dissolve and break up the said assembly . and therefore our will is , and we do discharge and inhibit all and whatsoever pretended commissioners , and other members of the said pretended assembly , of all further meeting and conveening , treating and concluding any thing belonging to the said assembly , under the pain of treason , declaring all and whatsoever that they shall happen to do in any pretended meeting thereafter , to be null , of no strength , force nor effect , with all that may follow thereupon : prohibiting and discharging all our lieges to give obedience thereto , and declaring them , and every one of them , free and exempt from the same , and of all hazzard that may ensue for not obeying thereof . and for this effect we command and charge all the foresaids pretended commissioners , and other members of the said assembly , to depart forth of this city of glasgow within the space of xxiiii ▪ houres after the publication hereof , and to repair home to their own houses , or that they go about their own private affaires in a quiet manner . with speciall provision alwaies , that the foresaid declaration , given in under our commissioners hand , with all therein contained , shall notwithstanding hereof stand full , firme and sure to all our good subjects in all time coming , for the full assurance to them of the true religion . and our will is , and we command and charge , that incontinent these our letters seen , ye passe , and make publication hereof by open proclamation at the market crosse of glasgow , and other places needfull , wherethrough none pretend ignorance of the same . given under our signet at glasgow the 29. of november , and of our reigne the fourteenth year . 1638. sic subscribitur hammiltovn , traquaire , roxburgh murray , linlithgow , perth , kingorne , tullibardin , hadintoun , galloway , annandaill , lauderdaill , kinnoull , dumfreis , southesk , belheaven , angus , dalyell , j. hay , w. elphinstoun , ja. carmichael , j. hammiltoun . imprinted at edinburgh by robert young , printer to the kings most excellent majestie . cvm privilegio . the most blessed and truest newes from ireland, shewing, the fortunate successe of the protestants, and gods just vengance on the rebels. with a list of the protestant commanders, and the chief of the rebels commanders, and the townes that the protestants have relieved. with the humble petition of the baronets, esquires, ministers, gentlemen, freeholders, and others peacably affected in the county palatine of lancaster, to the kings most excellent majesty. with his majesties answer thereunto. barry, john, 17th cent. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a51446 of text r2626 in the english short title catalog (wing m2869). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 15 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a51446 wing m2869 wing b973_incorrect estc r2626 12630192 ocm 12630192 64727 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a51446) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 64727) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 252:e148, no 21 or 1861:26) the most blessed and truest newes from ireland, shewing, the fortunate successe of the protestants, and gods just vengance on the rebels. with a list of the protestant commanders, and the chief of the rebels commanders, and the townes that the protestants have relieved. with the humble petition of the baronets, esquires, ministers, gentlemen, freeholders, and others peacably affected in the county palatine of lancaster, to the kings most excellent majesty. with his majesties answer thereunto. barry, john, 17th cent. charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 6, [2] p. printed for t.w. and g.h., london, : 1642. "blessed newes from ireland" signed: john barry. item at reel 1861:26 incorrectly identified as wing b973. reproductions of original in thomason collection, british library. eng england and wales. -army -registers. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. ireland -history -rebellion of 1641. lancashire (england) -history -sources. a51446 r2626 (wing m2869). civilwar no the most blessed and truest newes from ireland, shewing, the fortunate successe of the protestants, and gods just vengance on the rebels. wi barry, john 1642 2190 16 0 0 0 0 0 73 d the rate of 73 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2005-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-04 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2006-04 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the most blessed and truest newes from ireland , shewing , the fortunate successe of the protestants , and gods just vengance on the rebels . with a list of the protestant commanders , and the chief of the rebels commanders , and the townes that the protestants have relieved . with the humble petition of the baronets , esquires , ministers , gentlemen , freeholders , and others peaceably affected in the county palatine of lancaster , to the kings most excellent majesty . with his majesties answer thereunto . london , printed for t. w. and g. h. 1642. a list of the protestant commanders , and the chiefe of the rebels commanders , and the towns th●t the protestants ●ave releeved . the protestant commanders lord ormond . lord brabason . earle of baramore . lord lisly . earle of kildare . s. george wentworth captain armstrong lord pore . s. thomas lucas . lord thomond . sir rich. greenvile . colonell monk . captain scout . lord lambart . lieut. col. loftus , sir iohn sherlock . serj. major wa●●●n . serj. major paget . serj. ma. willoughby the chiefe rebels . earle of care . l. vis . mountgarret l. vis . herne . lord dunsane . l. bar. of dunbony . l. bar. of logmoe . earle of wickloe . earle of waxford . ear . of catherlaugh lord muskre . lord l●●●●●● . lord d●lvin . lord arkin . col. fitz. gerard . captaine demsey . col. hugh birne . tow●● re●●ved by the protestants . athy . killtrush . drogheda . cast . tippar . castle catherlaugh . cloughgrenan . wi●glee . ballilenon . cast . rebon . stradbally . ballin●kill . dent . knockardnegurrath . burr●s . knocknemease . o duns . 〈…〉 int. clogham . kingsale . blessed newes from ireland . sir , since many idle rumours are divulged among you , concerning the present condition of ireland , some of which are improbable , other are so doubtfull , that men have just cause of suspition not to believe . my purpose is therefore at this time intended perfectly to resolve you of the truest affaires , and most reall estate of all ireland . the lord ormond , the earle of kildare , the lord br●ha●●n , cap. armstrong , quarter-master generall of the horse , and sir george wentworths troupe , under the command of captaine herman , every one with their severall forces overcame the castle tippar , which the rebel had possest , taking from thence great stone of ammunition , who marching onwards with great courage to kiltullin , burned by the way many villages of the rebels ; and from thence marching to athy , burnt the castle and towne of ki●●●sh , belonging to the rebellions colonel fitz-gerald ; from thence they took great store of provision , which the rebels before had taken from the english . then sr. patrick wymes bringing us a fresh supply of souldiers , consisting of 500. foot , and 100. horse , the english army marched to the castle of catherlagh , where the lord ●●l●in , earle of west-meath , the lord mountggarrat , the lord lo●pon , resisted them with strōg forces , but our men had undaunted spirits , and feared them not in the least respect , and wee having the advantage of them , being on a hil , gave them three vollies of shot , before they came within shot of us , and continuing very eager with them , we took the l. muskgroo prisoner , & slew about nine score more , then they fled & yeelded up the castle . from thence we marched to cloughgrenan , a castle of great strength , and conquered that also ; but the rebels perceiving their approach , fired the towne ; but captain harman knowing that part of the countrey very well , followed them , and slew a great number of them , and relieved 5 hundred protestants , exceedingly distressed there . then we marched on , and relieved captaine george grehams castle called , ballilenon ; and by the help of the lord lievtenants , and sir thomas lucas troups , castle rebon and pert were removed . marching to stradbally , we slew many passing over the river barron , where the rebels are encamped ; and marching to his majesties fort of mary-borough , by the helpe of the lord lislyes forces , they relieved ballynekill : marching onwards , wee killed threescore rebels at knockardnegurrah , the other fled , and yeelded up the towne . the lord lievtenant , the earle of baramore , the lord poore , earle of alentia , the lord thomond , sir thomas lucas , sir richard grenvile , captaine armestrong , and captaing scout , with their severall troups & forces , relieved burros , the duke of buckinghams castle , and passing the river noare , neere unto florence , fitz-patrick , there was a stone cause-way over a bog , and passing thereby , we killed many rebels , and relieved three hundred english prisoners . then they relieved knocknemease , and in the morning burr , and put foure or five hundred english therein , who had endured a long siege by the rebels . in their returne back they burnt the country of o duns , till they came to castle-ruffe , and by the help of colonell monke , and captaine treswel , the one commanding the lord generals , and the other the lord lislyes horse-troops , slew foure hundred at the p●ssage of portnehint , possest by the rebels . s. patricke relieved the english in ballynekill , who were in great distresses for want of victuals , sending the eighty barrels of wheat and beere belonging to dempsey , a notorious rebell : all whose villages they burnt , especially the territory of clanmaleero . foure miles from athy at the bridge of magainy , were about seven thousand foot , and two hundred horse of the rebels , conducted ( as the prisoners taken told us ) by viscount mountgarrat , the lord viscount ikerin , the earle of care , the lord dunsane , the lord astry , the lord baron of dunbony , the baron of loghmoe , and most of the principall rebels , of the counties of wickloe , vvexford , catherlaugh , kildare , kilkenny , and queens county , who drew up part of their forces to pankardstown , neere grang mellon . by the directions of the lord generall , corner butler , and cornet magrah , were sent to discover the rebels , and their forces being understood to be so great , a councell of of warre was called , and it was debated what resolution was fittest to be taken . it was concluded , that two thousand foure hundred foot , and foure hundred horse should be raised against them , and put into this order of marching : first , cornet pollard , with thirty horse and forty firelocks , as a vantcurriers , and forlorne hope . then the baggage belonging to the horse . in the next place six troops of horse led by sir tho. lucas , comissary generall for the horse in two divisions . then followed the baggage of the foot vieres . next captain edmund matthew , the lord pillon , son to the earle of roscommon , the lord brabason , sonne to the earle of meath , sir robert farrer , collonell john barry , serjeant major john oagle , every one in the severall ranks and orders . then followed foure divisions of foot , each consisting of three hundred . the artillery and ammunition followed . then two troops of horse by sir richard greenvile , after him lievtenant devalier . and the lord ormund marched in the reere . on the left hand there lay of the rebels , the lord mountgarrat , earle of care , and colonell hugh birne : against them marched sir iohn sherlocke , lieutenant collonell of the lord lambarts regiment , lievtenant collonel lofins , serjeant major vvarren , serjant maior pageat , seriant maior vvilloughby and encountred very sharply with them , and slew three hundred and seventy rebels , and the rest fled . they have taken waterford , arkloo , washford , and some other towns , but we hope to recover them very suddenly . and when more happy fortune , and convenient successe shall be given us , i will transport the truth thereof unto you . in the meane time , i beseech you to accept the affectionate love of , from athy , may 14. 1642. your most indulgent friend , john barry . the humble petition of the baronets , esquires , ministers , gentlemen , freeholders , and others peaceably affected in the county palatine of lancaster . shewing to your sacred majesty , ovr heart-breaking sense and sorrow for the unhappy rents and dstractions in your majesties dominions , especially in the session of so grave and godly an assembly , ( most graciously conveened by your majesty ) endeavouring the glory of almighty god in the reformation of religion , and the honour and weale of your majesty , and your realms , in setling and securing your royall throne in plenty & peace . but perceiving the long and remote distance of your majesty from that honourable assembly , to have distracted the hearts of your good subjects , and animated the popish and malignant party amongst us , and fearing it may expose us to the danger and fury of a forraigne foe , retard the setling of the weighty affaires in our land , and the subduing of the rebels in ireland ; and finding your majesties late resolution for that expedition , to threaten danger to your royall person , farre more worth then ten thousand of us . we therefore your majesties most loyall subjects out of our zeale to gods true religion , your majesties honour and safety , and the peace and welfare of your dominions ; and out of the deepe sense and apprehension of our interest in the same , do in all humility present and prostrate our selves , and supplication at your royall feet , beseeching your majesty to return to your great councell ( there presentative body of your kingdome ) in whom this nation hath so farre confided , that they have intrusted them with their lives , liberties ; and in which multitude of counsellours there is health and stedfastnesse , and whereby the royall throne may be established in righteousnesse , and we with the rest of your faithfull subjects shall continually praise and pray for your prosperous and happy raigne over us . at the court at , yorke the 10 of may , 1642. his majestie hath expressely commanded me to give you this his answer to your petition . that this petion , as some others of this nature is grounded upon mis-information , and being grieved and highly essended to see how his good people have been and are abused by the false rumors and intelligences , which have procured , causlesse feares and apprehensions , referres the petitioners to the answers hee hath given to the declaration presented to him at now market , and to the petition presented to him the 26. of march last at yorke , wherein his majesty saith , you will clearely perceive , that he is not gone , but driven from his parliament : his majesty likewise , for your further information of his proceedings and intentions , recommends to your view and consideration , his two messages , and declaration concerning hull , and his message touching the reasons of his refusall to grant the militia , all which , when they shall be fully represented to the rest of your county , he doubts not , but that you will rest very well satisfied of his consent and resolution for the maintaining of , and governing his people by the law of the land , his unmoveable resolution for the maintenance and defence of the true protestant profession , and the suppression of the barbarous irish rebellion , and his majesty saith , that he believes you may then finde reason to petition the parliament to comply with his majesties just desires , and gracious offers , which is the only way safely and speedily to cure , the present distractions of this kingdom , and with gods blessing to put a happy end to the irish rebellion : for the effecting whereof , as his maiesty hath often said , he will neither spare paines , nor decline any hazzard of his person or fortune . edward nicholas . finis . charles by the grace of god, king of england, scotland, france & ireland, defender of the faith, &c., to all and singular archbishops, bishops, archdeacons, deanes, and their officials ... to whome these presents shall come, greeting whereas we are credibly giuen to vnderstand, that by reason of grieuous visitation in this time of the great contagion of the plague amongst our poore subiects ... england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) 1636 approx. 8 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a22610 stc 9074 estc s3768 33150938 ocm 33150938 28827 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a22610) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 28827) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1877:32) charles by the grace of god, king of england, scotland, france & ireland, defender of the faith, &c., to all and singular archbishops, bishops, archdeacons, deanes, and their officials ... to whome these presents shall come, greeting whereas we are credibly giuen to vnderstand, that by reason of grieuous visitation in this time of the great contagion of the plague amongst our poore subiects ... england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.). by robert barker, printer to the kings most excellent maiestie: and by the assignes of iohn bill, imprinted at london : 1636. "witnes our selfe at copt-hall, the seuenth day of october, in the twelfth yeere of our reigne." reproduction of original in: harvard university. library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng plague -england -london. london (england) -history -17th century. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. broadsides -london (england) -17th century. 2006-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-04 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-05 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2006-05 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion royal blazon or coat of arms diev et mon droit charles by the grace of god , king of england , scotland , france , & ireland , defender of the faith , &c. to all and singular archbishops , bishops , archdeacons , deanes , and their officials , parsons , uicars , curates , and to all spirituall persons ; and also to all justices of peace , maiors , sheriffes , bailiffes , constables , church-wardens , and headboroughes ; and to all officers of cities , boroughes , and townes corporate ; and to all other our officers , ministers , and subiects whatsoeuer they be , aswell within liberties , as without , to whom these presents shall come , greeting . whereas we are credibly giuen to vnderstand , that by reason of grieuous visitation in this time of the great contagion of the plague amongst our poore subiects , in the cities of london and westminster , and borough of southwarke , and parts adioyning , the inhabitants of some parishes and places are brought into such distresse , as that the parishes are not able of themselues to support and relieue the poore of the said parishes , and to prouide for the infected , and for the necessary watching and warding of the houses which are shut ; and albeit , the justices of peace haue done their best endeauours , by taxing the parishes and townes adiacent , to supply these wants and necessities ; yet so many difficulties haue occurred , that although for the time past they haue prouided in some competent measure , yet by the continuance of the infection , they finde the burden to grow euery day more and more heauy : whereof our selfe being informed on the twenty fifth of september last , haue with the aduice of our councell , thought fit , that for the present , a collection should be made of the charitable beneuolences of well disposed people , within the cities of london and westminster , and in the counties of middlesex and surrey , and borough of southwarke , and to the beneuolence of all cities , townes corporate , villages , and priuiledged places within the said counties , not extending the same further for the present ; because it is hoped , that by gods goodnesse , the infection will abate ( the winter season , and cold weather now approaching ) before it shall be needfull to pray the ayde of more remote counties ; not doubting , but that all good christians , duely considering the misery , and pitifull calamity , which so many poore distressed and deiected christians doe vndergoe by such an ineuitable and grieuous visitation , will in their owne pious commiseration of their great extremity , be herewith moued , out of the bowels of compassion , and forward , as feeling members one of anothers miseries , freely and willingly to extend their liberall contributions towards the reliefe and comfort of a number of wretched creatures in this their great necessity . know ye therefore , that we well weighing the wofull and lamentable estates of our said poore and distressed subiects , and commiserating the same , of our especiall grace , and princely compassion doe order and grant , that a collection be made of the charitable deuotions , and liberalities of all our louing subiects , within the seuerall counties , cities , and townes corporate aboue named , for , and towards the reliefe and succour of the said poore inhabitants of london , and other infected places adioyning : which collection , we will , grant , appoint , and require , shall be ordered in manner and forme following : that is to say , we will , grant , appoint , and require all and singular parsons , vicars , curats of the seuerall churches and chappels within the said counties , precincts , cities , villages , and townes corporate aboue mentioned , with all possible speed to publish , and recommend this collection to the charity of all well disposed persons within their churches and precincts , with an especiall exhortation to the people , for the better stirring vp of their liberall and extraordinary contributions in so good and charitable a deed . and we will and command , that you the churchwardens of every parish within the counties , cities , and places aforesaid respectiuely , to take a care of the furtherance of the said collection : and if any housholder , or parishioner be absent when these our letters patents shall be there published , you the said churchwardens , to goe to the habitations of such persons , and to aske their charity for the purpose aforesaid : and what shall be by you so gathered , to be by the minister and your selues , endorsed on the backside of these our letters patens , or the copy or briefe hereof , in words at length , and not in figures , with your names subscribed thereunto : and the summe and summes of money so gathered and endorsed , to be paid ouer as is hereafter mentioned . and lastly , our will and pleasure is , that the moneys collected in surrey , be paid ouer to the hands of sir thomas grymes knight , and edward bromefield esquire , justices of peace in the said county of surrey , for the present reliefe of southwarke , newington and other places adiacent as stand in need by reason of the infection . and the moneys collected in middlesex , to be paid to the hands of thomas gardiner esquier , recorder of london , and to iohn herne esquier , two of the justices of peace for the county of middlesex , or to either of them , for the present reliefe of westminster , and other places in middlesex adiacent , or neere to the cities of london and westminster , as stand in need by reason of the infection . and the moneys collected in london , to be paid to the lord maior there for the time being , and by him to be deliuered euer , as there shall be any remainder at the end of his yeere , to his successor : which moneyes so collected in london , to be , vpon conference betweene the said lord maior and recorder of the city of london , disposed as shall be most needfull , not onely for the reliefe of such places , as by reason of the infection , doe , or shall stand in need , in london , westminster , and middlesex , but also as occasion and necessity shall require , shall out of the same adde thereunto to the ayde and reliefe of southwarke , newington , and other places in surrey , in manner and forme before recited , according to the true meaning of our gracious intention by these our letters patents , any statute , law , ordinance , or prouision heretofore made to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding . in witnes whereof we haue caused these our letters to be made patents , for the space of foure whole moneths , next after the date hereof to endure . witnes our selfe at copt-hall , the seuenth day of october , in the twelfth yeere of our reigne . dawe . god saue the king. ¶ imprinted at london by robert barker , printer to the kings most excellent maiestie : and by the assignes of iohn bill . 1636. the humble petition and representation of the gentry, ministers, and others of the counties of cumberland and westmerland, to his sacred maiestie with his maiesties answer thereunto, york, 5 iuly, 1642. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a44992 of text r36804 in the english short title catalog (wing h3442). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 7 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a44992 wing h3442 estc r36804 16137606 ocm 16137606 104788 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a44992) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 104788) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1594:12) the humble petition and representation of the gentry, ministers, and others of the counties of cumberland and westmerland, to his sacred maiestie with his maiesties answer thereunto, york, 5 iuly, 1642. charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. [2], 6 p. printed by robert barker ... and by the assignes of john bill, york : 1642. royal seal on p. [4]; his majesty's answer on following p. 5-6. reproduction of original in the harvard university library. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. cumberland (england) -history. westmorland (england) -history. a44992 r36804 (wing h3442). civilwar no the humble petition and representation of the gentry, ministers, and others of the counties of cumberland and westmerland, to his sacred mai [no entry] 1642 1099 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2005-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-11 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-12 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2005-12 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the humble petition and representation of the gentry , ministers , and others of the counties of cumberland and westmerland , to his sacred maiestie . with his majesties answer thereunto . york 5 iuly . 1642. york : printed by robert barker , printer to the kings most excellent majestie : and by the assignes of iohn bill . 1642. to the kings most excellent maiestie . the humble petition and representation of the loyall and dutifull affections of the gentry , ministery , and others , your majesties subjects of the counties of cumberland and vvestmerland , whose names are hereunto annexed . most gracious soveraign , we acknowledge , with all possible retribution of gratitude , your majesties princely favour in yeelding your royall assent to such bills as have passed since the beginning of this present parliament . as for your gracious declaration to continue the same as occasion required , for remedying the evils and perils incident to church and state , and for your firm resolution that the laws of the land should be the rule of your government ; but more particularly endeared to our memories is that royall sense your majestie expressed of our dangerous condition and impendent fears , when we stood ingaged as part of the pledge to the scottish army ; and your personall recommendation thereof to the speedy consideration of both your houses of parliament . the former benefits we hold as the fruit of your generall care , equally extending to all ; by this you suffered your royall nature to be tendered with a compassion more neerly regarding us ; for which grace we conceive our selves tyed in a more singular and strait obligation then the most of your other subjects are , in which respect our just fears might have presented us too remisse in performance of this duty , after so many had gone before us , but that our paucity , and the inconsiderablenesse of these counties for quantity and quality , with-held us thus long , untill the too visible distempers of the times justled out such fears , as now unseasonable : our own sense is our assurance of your gracious government , we see and acquiesce in this truth , that your majesties profession of the true protestant religion , & the exercise of it go together ; nor can we take up any more effectuall ground for a belief of sincerity . all our happinesse , and that of all your dominions would be compleat , and what were wanting we were in the way for , if a right understanding were renewed between your majestie and great councell . it is therefore our humble desire , that your majestie would still be pleased in your wisdome to recollect , and in your goodnesse to imbrace all good means that may tend to this happy union , whereby we may reap the true enjoyment of the long labours of your majestie and great councell , for the effecting whereof we shall redouble our petition , that some place may be thought on , which may be free from exception both of danger and distrust ; and then we doubt not , but by gods almighty power , such wayes and means might happily be propounded , as may reconcile all differences and mistakings ; and your majestie have full satisfaction in your demands . and we ( as we are bound ) shall be ready , according to our power , with our lives and fortunes to defend your majesties person , honour , crown , and dignity , the religion and laws established against all maligners of your majesties royall prerogative , and the peace and prosperity of this kingdom . hereunto were annexed the names of foure thousand , seven hundred , seventy and four , of the knights , gentlemen , and others , of the counties aforesaid . diev et mon droit at the court at york , 5 iuly . 1642. his majestie hath commanded me to give this expresse answer to this petition . that his majestie is very well pleased with the duty and assertion of this petition , and hath commanded me to signifie his good acceptance of it , and thanks for it to the petitioners , and to assure them , that if some others had had the same sense of , and gratitude for his iustice and favour towards them in the yeelding of his royall assent to so many good bills as the petitioners have , and given as good credit to his professions and protestations for the defence of the religion and laws established as the petitioners give , and been as ready to recollect and imbrace all good means that might tend to a happy union , and renew a right understanding between his majestie and his parliament , as his majestie hath been , is , and ever shall be ; this ( by the help of god ) had been by this time a most secure , united , and happy kingdom , free from all the present iealousies , distractions , and dangers . and as his majestie consents with the petitioners in a most earnest desire that such a way may be discovered and pursued , which might reconcile all differences and mistakings , and by which he might have full satisfaction in his just demands ; so he likewise consents with them , that the choice of some place free from exception , both of danger and distrust , would be the most probable , and indeed a certain means to attain that end : which out of his great affection to iustice and peace , and his care of the freedome , ( which is the principall priviledge ) of parliament , his majestie hath often intimated , and of late seriously recommended to both houses ; but not onely without successe , but without answer . his majestie doth likewise assure the petitioners , that he will no longer expect , that they should make good their professions of being ready , according to their power , with their lives and fortunes to defend his person , honour , crown , and dignity , then he shall be ready , occording to his power , with his life and fortune to defend the religion and laws established , against all maligners of the peace and prosperity of the kingdom . falkland . finis . by the king, a proclamation for restraint of disorderly and vnnecessary resort to the court england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) 1625 approx. 8 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-11 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a22370 stc 8780 estc s122666 23959483 ocm 23959483 27023 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a22370) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 27023) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1813:37) by the king, a proclamation for restraint of disorderly and vnnecessary resort to the court england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. [2] p. by bonham norton and iohn bill ..., printed at london : m.dc.xxv. [1625] caption title. imprint taken from colophon. "giuen at the court at white-hall, the seuenteenth day of may, in the first yeere of his maiesties reigne of great britaine, france and ireland."--p. [2]. contains plague precautions for meeting the queen at summer progresses to dover and elsewhere.--cf. stc (2nd ed.). reproduction of original in the harvard university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng plague -england. proclamations -great britain. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. great britain -politics and government -1625-1649. 2003-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-05 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-08 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2003-08 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion ❧ by the king. ¶ a proclamation for restraint of disorderly and vnnecessary resort to the court. the kings most excellent maiesty , hauing taken into his princely consideration , the many inconueniences which may fall out by the vnlimited concourse of people of all sorts to his court , or the townes or parishes neere the same , especially at this time , and in this season of the yeere , which growes euery day more dangerous for increasing the infection , already begun in the citie of london , and confines of the same ; and being graciously and prouidently carefull to take away and preuent all occasions tending thereunto , hath thought fit by aduice of his priuie councell , by this proclamation to publish and declare his royall pleasure and commandement concerning the same , that although his maiestie cannot but conceiue great ioy and contentment , when his louing subiects , out of their loyall and dutifull affections towards him , shall desire to see the persons of himselfe , or of his deare consort the queene , who is ( by gods blessing ) shortly to come ouer into england ; yet , in his princely care of his people , hee is contented to dispence with those publike shewes of their zeale , chearefulnes , and alacritie at this time ▪ lest the present occasions of ioy and reioycing , should produce a contrary effect , by dispersing the infection into other parts of the realme , where his maiestie shall keepe his royall court and residence . and therefore his maiestie doth hereby straitly charge and command , that aswell in the iourney , which himselfe shortly intendeth to douer in kent , for the reception of his deare consort , the queene , at her arriuall , as also in his , and her maiesties returne from thence , and in all other iourneys and progresses , which they or either of them shall make this summer now ensuing , till they shall returne to a standing house in winter , no person or persons whatsoeuer , not being thereunto called or appointed , or not hauing speciall cause of personall attendance at the court for his maiesties seruice , or for some necessary occasion of extremity concerning their owne estate , doe presume to follow , or resort to the court with petitions , or vpon other pretence , or vnto any citie , towne , uillage , or priuate house within twelue miles of the same , as they tender his maiesties displeasure , and will answere for the same , as contemners of this his maiesties iust and royall commandement . and whereas many of his maiesties louing subiects haue been heretofore wont to pester the court , vnder colour of repairing thither for healing the disease called the kings euill , his maiestie doth hereby publish and declare his pleasure , that vntill michaelmas next , and after his coronation shall be solemnized , he wil not admit any person or persons to come to the court for healing ; and doth straitly charge and forbid , that no person or persons doe in the meane time presume to importune his maiestie in that behalfe : and for auoyding many , and great abuses in that behalfe , his maiesty doth straitly charge and command , that no person or persons doe at any time hereafter resort to his maiestie , or his court for healing of that disease , without bringing a certificate from the minister , and churchwardens of the parish wherein they inhabite , or some other neighbours of more eminent quality , expressing the time they haue been troubled with that infirmity , and that they haue not at any time before been healed by his maiestie , or the late king : and to auoid the great disorder of poore people , who are vsed to come flocking into the high wayes , and streetes , where his maiestie is to trauell , vnder colour of reliefe from the almoner , his maiestie hath taken order , that in all the townes and parishes , through which hee shall passe , his maiesties sayd almoner shall deliuer his maiesties almes to the ouerseers of the poore , to be distributed amongst them , for their better & more equall reliefe , then they should receiue by comming abroad in that dishonourable & vndecent maner ; which therfore his maiesty straitly chargeth and commandeth them to forbeare , and all maiors , sheriffes , iustices of peace , constables , and other officers , to take due care of accordingly . and for other wandering poore , uagabonds , rogues , and such like base and vnruly people , which pester the high way , and make it their trade or profession to liue by begging , pilfering , or other vnlawfull shifting , his maiestie doth hereby straitly charge and command , aswell the knight marshall of his houshold and his deputies , as all maiors , sheriffes , iustices of peace , constables , and other his maiesties officers and louing subiects , to cause such as bee impotent , to bee foorthwith returned into their owne countreys , and such as be able to labour , to bee sent to the houses of correction , or otherwise ordered according to the lawes : to which end also , his maiestie likewise chargeth and commandeth the sayd sheriffes , iustices , and other officers , to cause diligent watch by night , and ward by day to be kept by honest and substantiall housholders , in euery citie , towne , uillage , and parish , through which his maiesty shall passe , and within twelue miles compasse of his maiesties passage or court , aswell to be ready vpon all occasions to suppresse disorders and breaches of the peace , as to make speciall search for all such persons , as shall pretend themselues to bee his maiesties seruants , or followers of the court , and craue lodging without hauing billets for the same , and to apprehend all such as they shall finde so lodged or entertained , & not billeted , and to bring them before the knight marshal , or his deputy , and in all other things to be assisting to him and them concerning the premisses , for all occasions of his maiesties seruice . and because his maiestie findeth much disorder in some of his owne seruants , in vnnecessary pestering of the court , when there is no cause for their attendance or imployment , his maiesty straitly forbiddeth , that any of his seruants do either in this iourney of his maiesties intended to douer , or elsewhere in his summers progresse , or vntil his maiestie shal come to keepe a standing house in winter , resort to the court , execpt such onely of his maiesties seruants , as are , or shall be set downe in the liste , or shall be allowed for seruice within doores , and aboue staires , by the lord chamberlaine of his maiesties honourable houshold , or below staires , by the treasurer and comptroller of the houshold , or for seruice without doores by the knight marshall , vpon paine of his maiesties displeasure , and incurring the censure of a high contempt . and to the end his maiesties royall pleasure herein before declared , may bee in all points obserued , his maiestie straitly chargeth and commandeth his knight marshall , and all maiors , sheriffes , iustices of peace , constables , headboroughs , bayliffes , and other his maiesties officers whatsoeuer , to see all things concerning the premisses , carefully performed , and put in due execution , according to the dueties of their seuerall places , as they and euery of them will answere for any their neglects herein , at their vttermost perils . giuen at the court at white-hall , the seuenteenth day of may , in the first yeere of his maiesties reigne of great britaine , france and ireland . god saue the king. ¶ printed at london by bonham norton and iohn bill , printers to the kings most excellent maiestie . m.dc.xxv . by the king. a proclamation prohibiting the buying or disposing of any the lading of the ship called the sancta clara, lately brought into south-hampton. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a79032 of text in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.5[122]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a79032 wing c2691a thomason 669.f.5[122] 99870309 99870309 160834 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a79032) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160834) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f5[122]) by the king. a proclamation prohibiting the buying or disposing of any the lading of the ship called the sancta clara, lately brought into south-hampton. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1643] the spanish ambassador, don alonco de cardenas, complains that the sancta clara has been treacherously brought to southampton by captain bennet stratford from sancto domingo, laden with silver, .. the admiralty are to judge the matter carefully, and no one is to deal in the cargo under cover of warrants from parliament. -steele. imprint from wing. with engraving of royal seal at head of document. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng cardenas, alonso de. -early works to 1800. strafford, bennet -early works to 1800. sancta clara (ship) -early works to 1800. pirates -great britain -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -finance -early works to 1800. a79032 (thomason 669.f.5[122]). civilwar no by the king. a proclamation prohibiting the buying or disposing of any the lading of the ship called the sancta clara, lately brought into s england and wales. sovereign 1643 579 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c r honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the king . a proclamation prohibiting the buying or disposing of any the lading of the ship called the sancta clara , lately brought into south-hampton . complaint having been made unto his majesty , by don alonco de cardenas ambassador from the king of spaine , that a ship called the sancta clara belonging to the said king and his subjects , hath been lately treacherously brought to south-hampton , by one captain bennet strafford and others , from sancto domingo , the said ship being laden with silver , cocheneale , and other wares and merchandizes to a very great value ; and that the said ship and goods , being by the said ambassador arrested , and the said bennet strafford apprehended , whil'st a suite for the said ship and goods is depending in the court of admiralty , the silver ( part of the lading of the said ship to a very great value ) hath been disposed of contrary to law , without any other security given for the same , then the empty name of publicke faith , which without his majesty cannot ( as is well knowne to all the world ) be engaged , or if engaged without his majesty , is not valid , or to be relyed on for satisfaction . and it is further complained by the said ambassador , that the cocheneale , and other merchandizes formerly sequestred at london and south-hampton , albeit they are not perishable , but have rather encreased in their price and value , are likely to be sold against the will of those who pretend to be the owners , ( parties to the suite depending in the said court of admiralty ) which is alleadged to be apparently against the rules of law , and practices of that court in such cases . his majesty well weighing what may be the ill consequences of such injurious proceedings , manifestly contrary to the law , and the articles of treaty between the two crownes , and plainly foreseeing how heavily it may light upon such of his good subjects , who have estates in spaine , and how destructive it may prove to the trade and commerce of his subjects and kingdomes , doth hereby not only expresly charge and command the judge of his admiralty , and all others whom it may concerne , to proceed in a businesse of such value and consequence , with care , expedition , and according to justice ; but doth also expresly prohibite all persons , of what condition soever , upon pretence of any order or warrant from one or both houses of parliament , or any authority derived from thence , to buy , meddle with , or dispose of any part of the said cocheneale , or other goods or merchandizes belonging to the said ship , untill the propriety thereof shall be judicially decided and determined , upon paine of his majesties high displeasure , and of being responsible and lyable to payment and satisfacton for whatsoever damage shall happen to any of his majesties subjects , whose goods or estates shall for that cause be embargued or seized in spaine : given at the court at oxford , the second day of january , in the eighteenth yeare of his majesties reigne . god save the king . his maiesties speech at leicester, to the gentlemen, free-holders, and inhabitants of that county, july 20 england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a32113 of text r39154 in the english short title catalog (wing c2781). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a32113 wing c2781 estc r39154 18240547 ocm 18240547 107222 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a32113) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 107222) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1629:64) his maiesties speech at leicester, to the gentlemen, free-holders, and inhabitants of that county, july 20 england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. imprinted at yorke, and re-printed at london by alice norton, [london] : 1642. royal arms with initials at head of title. reproduction of original in the harvard university library. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649. a32113 r39154 (wing c2781). civilwar no his maiesties speech at leicester, to the gentlemen, free-holders, and inhabitants of that county. july 20. england and wales. sovereign 1642 493 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-07 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-07 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c r royal blazon or coat of arms his maiesties speech at leicester , to the gentlemen , free-holders , and inhabitants of that county . july 20. gentlemen , since i have found my presence so very acceptable amongst my good subjects in these northern parts , and that the errors and mistakes amongst them , have wholly proceeded from mis-information , and are removed with more satisfaction , and ease to them then they were received ; i hold it a piece of my duty , to take the utmost pains i can , fully to inform and undeceive my people ; and rather to prevent crimes , then to punish them : in this errand i am come to you , amongst whom there hath not beene the least misunderstanding , to shew you , that i doe not suspect any malice in the place , or in the people , though persons of as ill dispositions have been busie in it , and amongst you , as in any county in england , & such who have taken as great pains to do mischief , and to bring confusion as good men should for peace & happines : though t is as true , that very many worthier persons amogst you have appeared of contrary affections , which i shal always acknowledge : i am come to you in a time too , when nothing could invite me to such a iourney , but my affection to , and good esteeme of you ; having sent such propositions for peace and accommodation to my two houses of parliament , that i hope to have no other use of your affections , but in your prayers ; being sure they will submit to them with allacrity , if the unexcusable enemies to the peace of the kingdome be not strong enough to prevaile : and then you will finde your selves so much concerned ( for i have required nothing that with more iustice can be denied me ( if it be duly weighed ) then my crowne , or my life may be taken from me ) that i shall not need to aske your assistance : i know you will bring horse , men , money , and hearts worthy such a cause . your religion , your liberties , your lawes ( which i will defend with my life , i meane the good knowne lawes of the land , not ordinances without my consent , which till within these twelve moneths was never heard of from the foundation of this kingdom ) will be the quarrell : and in such a cause the taking away my townes , ships , armes , and money from me , shall not dishearten me : the concurrence and affection of my people with gods blessing will supply and recover all . imprinted at yorke , and re-printed at london by alice norton , 1642. by the king. a proclamation for the discovery of rebells invading the county of glocester, and for the apprehending of spies and intelligencers. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription b02020 of text r173713 in the english short title catalog (wing c2609a). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 b02020 wing c2609a estc r173713 51617733 ocm 51617733 175173 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b02020) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 175173) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2718:15) by the king. a proclamation for the discovery of rebells invading the county of glocester, and for the apprehending of spies and intelligencers. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by leonard lichfield, printer to the university, printed at oxford : 1643 [i.e., 1644] with royal coat of arms at head of document. dated at end: given at our court at oxford this fourteenth of january, in the nineteenth year of our reigne. reproduction of the original in the bodleian library. eng gloucestershire (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. broadsides -england -17th century. b02020 r173713 (wing c2609a). civilwar no by the king. a proclamation for the discovery of rebells invading the county of glocester, and for the apprehending of spies and intelligenc england and wales. sovereign 1644 350 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c r honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the king . ¶ a proclamation for the discovery of rebells invading the county of glocester , and for the apprehending of spies and intelligencers . whereas the rebells in our city of glocester , warwick-castle , and diverse other places , doe frequently make incursions into our county of glocester , ( notwithstanding we have sent diverse of our forces into that our county for the security thereof ) we doe therefore hereby charge and command all and every person inhabiting in any towne or village in that county , as soone as they or any of them shall have notice of the comming in of such rebells , to give notice thereof to one or more of our commissioners for that county dwelling nearest the said towne or village , or to the governour or principall officer of our next garrison or quarter ; which if he or they shall neglect or faile to doe ; we shall esteeme him or them persons ill-affected to us , and the peace of the country , and shall cause their persons , goods and estates to be seised for such misdemeanors . and we doe farther charge and command all and every person whatsoever , not to converse with receive , entertain , or harbour any of the rebells , scouts , spies , or intelligencers , but to apprehend them , or discover to some one or more of our commissioners , or the principall officer of the next garrison or quarter upon the paine aforesaid . and we doe straitly command every minister , parson , incumbent , or curate of every parish-church within our county of glocester to read and publish the same on the next sunday after the receipt hereof , in the time of divine service . given at our court at oxford this fourteenth of january , in the nineteenth yeare of our reigne . god save the king . printed at oxford , by leonard lichfield . printer to the university , 1643. to the kings most excellent maiestie the humble petition of the baronets, esquires, ministers, gentlemen, free-holders, and others peaceably affected in the countie palatine of lancaster. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a45012 of text r43270 in the english short title catalog (wing h3484). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a45012 wing h3484 estc r43270 27122649 ocm 27122649 109974 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a45012) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 109974) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1721:9) to the kings most excellent maiestie the humble petition of the baronets, esquires, ministers, gentlemen, free-holders, and others peaceably affected in the countie palatine of lancaster. charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.). by a.n. for iohn franke, printed at london : 1642. lower half of sheet contains reply to petition: at the court at yorke, xith may. 1642. his majestie hath expressly commanded me to give you this his answer to your petition ... edw. nicholas. reproduction of original in bodleian library. eng lancashire (england) -history. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649. a45012 r43270 (wing h3484). civilwar no to the kings most excellent maiestie the humble petition of the baronets, esquires, ministers, gentlemen, free-holders, and others peaceably [no entry] 1642 700 2 0 0 0 0 0 29 c the rate of 29 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-02 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion to the kings most excellent maiestie . the humble petition of the baronets , esquires , ministers , gentlemen , free-holders , and others peaceably affected in the countie palatine of lancaster . shewing to your sacred majestie , ovr heartbreaking sense & sorrow for the unhappy rents & distractions in your majesties dominions , especially in the time of the session of so grave & godly a● assembly ( most graciously convened by your majestie ) endevouring the glory of almightie god in the reformation of religion , and the honour and weal of your majesty , and your realms in setling and securing of your royall throne in plenty and peace . but perceiving the long and remote distance of your majesty from that honorable assembly to have distracted the hearts of your good subjects , and animated the popish and malignant party among us , and fearing it may expose us to the danger and fury of a forreigne foe , retard the setling of the weighty affaires in our land , and the subduing of the rebels in ireland , and finding your majesties late resolution for that expedition to threaten danger to your royall person , far more worth then ten thousand of us . we therefore your majesties most loyall subjects out of our zeale to gods true religion , your majesties honour and safety , and the peace and welfare of your dominions , and out of the deep sense and apprension of our interest in the same , doe in all humility present and prostrate our selves and supplication at your royall feet , beseeching your majesty to return to your great councell ( the representative body of your kingdome ) in whom this nation hath so far confided , that they have intrusted them with their lives , liberties , and in which multitude of counsel●ours , there is health and stedfastnesse , and whereby your royall throne may be established in righteousnesse , and we with the rest of your faithfull subjects shall continually prayse and pray for your prosperous and happy reigne over us . at the court at yorke , xith may . 1642. his majestie hath expresly commanded me to give you this his answer to your petition . that this petition ( as some others of this nature ) is grounded upon mis-information , and ( being grieved and highly offended to see how his good people have been , and are abused by false rumours and intelligences ( which have procured causelesse feares , and apprehensions ) refers the petitioners to the answers he hath given to the declaration presented to him at new-market , and to the petition presented to him the 26. of march last at yorke , wherein his majesty faith , you will cleerely perceive that he is not gone , but driven from his parliament ; his majesty likewise for your further information of his proceedings and intentions , recommends to your view and consideration his two messages and declaration concerning hull , and his message touching the reasons of his refusall to grant the militia : all which when they shall be fully represented to the rest of your county , he doubts not but that you will rest very well satisfied of his constant resolution for the maintaining of , and governing his people by the law of the land , his unmoveable resolution for the maintenance , and defence of the true protestant profession , and the suppression of the barbarous irish rebellion : and his majestie faith , that he beleeves you may then find reason to petition the parliament to comply with his majesties just desires and gracious offers , which is the only way safely and speedily to cure the present distractions of this kingdome and ( with gods blessing ) to put a happy end to the irish rebellion , for the effecting whereof ( as his majestie hath often said ) he will neither spare paines , nor decline any hazard of his person or fortune . edw. nicholas . printed at london by a. n. for iohn franke . 1642. his majesties speech to the gentry of the county of yorke, attending his majestie at the city of yorke, on thursday the 12th of may, 1642. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a74222 of text r210532 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.5[20]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a74222 wing c2805 thomason 669.f.5[20] estc r210532 99869318 99869318 160733 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a74222) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160733) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f5[20]) his majesties speech to the gentry of the county of yorke, attending his majestie at the city of yorke, on thursday the 12th of may, 1642. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed at yorke, and now reprinted at london by alice norton, for humphrey tuckey, at the blacke spread eagle in fleet-street, [london] : 1642. reproduction of the original in the british library. with engraved border. eng hotham, john, -sir, d. 1645 jan. 2 -early works to 1800. prerogative, royal -great britain -early works to 1800. hull (england) -history -17th century -sources. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a74222 r210532 (thomason 669.f.5[20]). civilwar no his majesties speech to the gentry of the county of yorke, attending his majestie at the city of yorke, on thursday the 12th of may, 1642. england and wales. sovereign 1642 632 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-05 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-06 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2008-06 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion his majesties speech to the gentry of the county of yorke , attending his majestie at the city of yorke , on thursday the 12th of may , 1642. gentlemen , i have cause of adding not altering , what i meant to say when i gave out the summons for this dayes appearance , i little thought of these messengers , or of such a message as they brought , the which , because it confirmes mee in what i intend to speake , and that i desire you should be truly informed of all passages between me and the parliament , you shall here read , first , my answer to the declaration of both houses concerning hull , the answer of the parliament to my two messages concerning hull , together with my reply to the same , and my message to both houses declaring the reasons why i refused to passe the bill concerning the militia . all which being read his majesty proceeded . i will make no paraphrases upon what yee have heard , it more benefiting a lawyer then a king , onely this observation , since treason is countenanced so neere me , it is time to looke to my safety : i avow it was part of my wonder , that men ( whom i thought heretofore discreet , and moderate ) should have undertaken this imployment , and that since they came ( i having delivered them the answer : you have heard , and commanded them to returne personally with it to the parliament ) should have flatly disobeyed me upon pretence of the parliaments command . my end in telling you this , is to warne you of them , for since these men have brought me such a message , and disobeyed so lawfull a command . i will not say what their intent of staying here is , onely i bid you take heed , not knowing what doctrine of disobedience they may preach to you , under colour of obeying the parliament . hitherto i have found and kept you quiet , the enjoying of which was a chiefe cause of my comming hither ( tumults and disorders having made mee leave the south ) and not to make this a seat of warre , as malice would ( but i hope in vaine ) make you beleeve ; now if disturbances doe come , i know whom i have reason to suspect . to be short , you see that my magazine is going to be taken from me ( being my owne proper goods ) directly against my will ; the militia ( against law and my consent ) is going to be put in execution : and lastly , sir iohn hothams treason is countenanced ; all this considered none can blame me to apprehend dangers . therefore i have thought fit ( upon these reall grounds ) to tell you , that i am resolved to have a guard ( the parliament having had one all this while upon imaginary iealousies , ( onely to secure my person . in which i desire your concurrence and assistance , and that i may be able to protect you , the lawes , and the true protestant profession from any affront or injury that may be offered , which i meane to maintaine my selfe without charge to the countrey , intending no longer to keepe them on foote , then i shall be secured of my just apprehensions by having satisfaction in the particulars before mentioned . printed at yorke , and now reprinted at london by alice norton , for humphrey tuckey , at the blacke spread eagle in fleet-street . 1642. charles by the grace of god, king of great britaine ... forsomuch as we and the estates of our parliament presently conveened, remembring that at the first institution of the colledge of justice ... scotland. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) 1633 approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a11704 stc 21994 estc s2323 23273282 ocm 23273282 26486 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a11704) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 26486) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1803:25) charles by the grace of god, king of great britaine ... forsomuch as we and the estates of our parliament presently conveened, remembring that at the first institution of the colledge of justice ... scotland. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. r. young, [edinburgh : 1633] second pt. of title from text. imprint suggested by stc (2nd ed.). "given under our signet at edinburgh the twentie eight day of june, and of our reigne the ninth year. 1633." reproduction of original in the town house (aberdeen, scotland). charter room. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng taxation -scotland. scotland -history -charles i, 1625-1649. scotland -proclamations. 2007-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms charles by the grace of god , king of great britaine , france , and ireland , defender of the faith , &c. to our messengers , our sheriffs , in that part , conjunctly and severally specially constitute greeting . forsomuch as we and the estates of our parliament presently conveened , remembring that at the first institution of the colledge of justice , and divers times thereafter in parliaments ratifying the same ; our royall ancestors and estates of our realme then assembled , found the erection of that honourable consistorie , which is a biding monument of the glorie of their reignes , not onlie to be usefull for royall service , but also necessarie and profitable for the peace of this our kingdome , and to the seene good and comfort of all our subjects ; and considering that the provision allowed of before to the lords of session was no wayes sufficient for defraying of their charges ; and that through their continuall attendance , their private affaires are neglected , and great losses thereby sustained by them : therefore , and to the effect , the said senators and lords of our session , present and to come , may be more encouaged to go on , and to persist as they do , in their zeale , and affections to our service , and in faithfull ministration of justice , to the generall weale of this our realme and our lieges ; the said estates , with our speciall approbation , and gracious good-liking , have most freelie condescended , statute , and enacted , that a taxation be presently imposed upon their lands and means , which with our consent foresaid , they ordaine to be collected and payed to the effect , in maner , and at the termes following : that is to say , the duke , marquesses , earles , vicounts , lords , and commissioners of shires for the temporall estate , have granted that there shall be vplifted of everie pound land of old extent within this our kingdome pertaining to dukes , marquesses , earles , vicounts , lords , barons , freeholders , and fewers of our proper lands , the summe of ten shillings money at every one of the four tearms following , viz. the summe of ten shillings money at the feast and tearm of martinmasse next to come in this instant year of god , 1633. the summe of other ten shillings money at the feast and tearm of martinmasse , in anno 1634. the summe of other ten shillings money at the feast and tearm of martinmasse , 1635. and the summe of other ten shillings money at the feast and tearme of martinmasse , 1636. and for the spirituall men and burrowes parts of the same taxation , that there shall be uplifted of all archbishoprickes , bishoprickes , abbacies , pryories , and other inferiour benefices , and of every free burgh within this our kingdome , at every one of the foure tearms abouespecified ; the just taxation thereof , as they have been accustomed to be taxed in all time by-gone , whensoever the temporall lands of this our kingdome were stented to tenne shillings the pound land of old extent . and for inbringing the tearms payment of our burrowes parts of the same taxation , our other letters are direct , charging the provest , and bayliffs of each burgh to make payment of the taxt and stent thereof to collector generall , appointed for receiving of the same taxation , or to his deputs & officers in his name , having his power to receive the same , at the feast & tearm of martinmas , in the year of god one thousand six hundred thirtie years , under the pain of rebellion & putting of them to our horn : for whose reliefe , our will is , and we charge you straitly and command , that incontinent these our letters seene , yee passe , and in our name and authoritie command and charge the councell of that our burgh of to conveene with you the said provest and bayliffs , and elect certaine persons to stent their neighbours ; and the same election being made , that ye charge the persons elected to accept the charge upon them , in setting of the said stent upon the inhabitants of that our said burgh : and to conveene and set the same , and to make a stent roll thereupon as effeiris , within twentie foure hours next after they be charged by you thereto , under the paine of rebellion , and putting of them to our horn . and if they failye , the said twentie foure hours being by-past , that ye incontinent thereafter denounce the disobeyers our rebels , and put them to our horne , and escheat and inbring all their moveable goods to our use for their contemption . and likewise the said stent roll being made and set downe as said is , that ye in our name and authoritie command and charge the burgesses , indwellers , and inhabitants within that our burgh , to make payment of their said stent to you our said provest and bayliffs , conforme to the taxt roll to be made and given out thereupon , within three dayes next after they be charged by you thereto , under the paine of rebellion , and putting of them to our horne . and if they failye therein , the said three dayes being by-past , that yee incontinent thereafter denounce the disobeyers our rebells , and put them to our horne , and escheat and inbring all their moveable goods to our use , for their contemption . and if need be , that ye our said provest and bayliffs poynd and distrenyie therefore , as ye shall thinke most expedient , according to justice , as ye will answer to us thereupon . the which to doe , wee commit to you conjunctly and severally , our full power , by these our letters , delivering them by you duely execute and indorsed againe to the bearer . given under our signet at edinburgh the twentie eight day of june , and of our reigne the ninth year . 1633. per actum parliamenti . a declaration by the kings majestie concerning his majesties going away from hampton-court written by his own hand and left upon the table in his majesties bed-chamber, dated at hampton-court novemb. 11, 1647 : presented to the parliament ... friday nov. 12, 1647, with his majesties propositions for satisfying of the presbyterians and independents, the army, and all his majesties subjects of england and scotland. charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a31845 of text r30886 in the english short title catalog (wing c2189). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a31845 wing c2189 estc r30886 11681396 ocm 11681396 48109 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a31845) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 48109) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1481:21) a declaration by the kings majestie concerning his majesties going away from hampton-court written by his own hand and left upon the table in his majesties bed-chamber, dated at hampton-court novemb. 11, 1647 : presented to the parliament ... friday nov. 12, 1647, with his majesties propositions for satisfying of the presbyterians and independents, the army, and all his majesties subjects of england and scotland. charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. [2], 6 p. printed by robert ibbitson ..., london : 1647. reproduction of original in the harvard university library. eng charles -i, -king of england, 1600-1649. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649. a31845 r30886 (wing c2189). civilwar no a declaration by the kings majestie concerning his majesties going away from hampton-court: written by his own hand, and left upon the table charles i, king of england 1647 956 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2005-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-01 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2006-01 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a declaration by the kings majestie concerning his majesties going away from hampton-court : writen by his own hand , and left upon the table in his majesties bed-chamber . dated at hampton-court , novem. 11. 1647. presented to the parliament , by the lord mountague , and read in both houses of parl : friday nov. 12. 1647. with his majesties propositions for satisfying of the presbyterians and independents , the army , and all his majesties subjects of england and scotland . for the speaker of the lords pro tempore , to be communicated to the lords and commons in the parliament of england , at westminster , & the commissioners of the parliament of scotland , and to all my other subjects of what degree or calling whatsoever . charles rex . cr diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms london , printed by robert ibbitson in smithfield , 1647. a declaration by the kings majestie . concerning his going away from hampton court . hampton court the 11 of novemb. 1647. liberty being that which in all times hath been , but especially now , is the common theame , and desire of all men . common reason shewes that kings lesse then any should indure captivity , and yet i call god and the world to witnesse , with what patience i have indured a tedious restraint , which so long as i had any hopes that this sort of my sufferings might conduce to the peace of my kingdome , or the hindering of more effusion of blood ; i did willingly undergoe : but now finding by too certaine proofes , that this my continued patience would not onely turne to my personall ruine , but likewise be of much more prejudice than furtherance to the publique good : i thought i was bound , as well by naturall as politicall obligations to seek my safety ; by retiring my selfe for some time from the publique view , both of my friends and enemies . and i appeale to all indifferent men , to judge if i have not just cause to free my selfe from the hands of those who change their principles with their condition ; and who are not ashamed openly to intend the destruction of the nobility , by taking away their negative voice , and with whom the levellers doctrine is rather countenanced then punished . and as for their intentions to my person , their changing and putting more strict guards upon me , with the dischaging most of all those servants of mine , who formerly they willingly admitted to wait upon me , doth sufficiently declare : nor would i have this my retirement mis-interpreted , for i shall earnestly and incessantly endeavour the setling of a safe and well-grounded peace , where ever i am , or shall be ; and that ( as much as may be ) without the effusion of more christian blood , for which how many times have i desired , prest to be heard , and yet no eare given to me . and can any reasonable men think that ( according to the ordinary course of affaires ) there can be a settled peace without it ; or that god will blesse those who refuse to heare their owne king , surely not ? nay i must further adde , that ( besides what concerns my selfe ) unlesse all other cheife interests have not only an hearing , but likewise just satisfaction given unto them , ( to wit the presbyterians , independents , army , those who have adhered to me , even the scots ) i say there cannot ( i speak not of miracles , it being of my opinion , a sinful presumption , in such cases to expect or trust to them ) be a safe or lasting peace now as i cannot deny but that my personall security is the urgent cause of this my retirement , so i take god to witnesse that the publique peace is no lesse before mine eyes ; and i can find no better way to expresse this my profession ( i know not what a wiser man may doe ) then by desiring and urging , that all cheife interests may be heard , to the end each may have just satisfaction , as for example ; the army : for the rest ( though necessary yet i suppose are not difficult to content ) ought ( in my judgement ) to enjoy the liberty of their consciences have an act of oblivion , or indempnity ( which should extend to all the rest of my subjects ) and that al their arreares should be speedily and duly paid , which i will undertake to doe , so i may be heard , and that i be not hindered from using such lawfull and honest meanes , as i shall choose . to conclude , let me be heard with freedome , honour , and safety , and i shall ( instantly ) breake through this cloud of retirement , and shew my selfe really to be pater patriae . charles rex . for the speaker of the lords , pro tempore , to be communicated to the lords and commons in the parliament of england at vvestminster , and the commissioners of the parliament of scotland : and to all my other subjects of what degree or calling whatsoever . charles rex . dated at hampton court , the 11. of novem. 1647. finis . novemb. 12. 1647. imprimatur g. m. by the king, a proclamation of his majesties grace, favour, and pardon to the inhabitants of his counties of stafford and derby england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a32029 of text r39031 in the english short title catalog (wing c2561). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 7 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a32029 wing c2561 estc r39031 18206711 ocm 18206711 107098 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a32029) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 107098) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1629:47) by the king, a proclamation of his majesties grace, favour, and pardon to the inhabitants of his counties of stafford and derby england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. by leonard lichfield ..., printed at oxford : 1642 [i.e. 1643] "given at our court at oxford, this sixth day of march, in the eighteenth yeare of our reigne." reproduction of original in the bodleian library. eng england and wales. -royal navy. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649. a32029 r39031 (wing c2561). civilwar no by the king, a proclamation of his majesties grace, favour, and pardon to the inhabitants of his counties of stafford and derby england and wales. sovereign 1643 1193 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-07 paul schaffner sampled and proofread 2008-07 paul schaffner text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion royal blazon or coat of arms c r honi soit qvi mal y pense by the king . ¶ a proclamation concerning his majesties navy . whereas wee by our gratious proclamation , bearing date the tenth of november now last past , freely offered our grace , favour , and pardon to all seamen , sailers , mariners and other watermen , who having been formerly seduced by some traiterous and seditious persons , were this last yeare used as instruments , to detaine our ships from vs ; yet under this proviso neverthelesse , that they did speedily returne to their obedience and loyalty , and did not from thenceforth presume to serve in any of our ships detained from vs , or otherwise to serve against vs by sea or land , or by loane , contribution , or otherwise to assist the army raised against vs , or to assemble or muster themselves in armes , without authority derived from vs , or enter into any oath of association , for opposing vs or our army , as by the said proclamation more at large may appeare . and whereas afterwards , we by another proclamation , bearing date the tenth of february now last past , did again admonish all our subjects of the quality before mentioned , and also all our officers , victuallers and servants of all sorts belonging to our ships or navy , that they should from thenceforth , forbear to intermeddle in the graving , rigging furnishing , manning , or serving of , or in our ships , by the direction of robert earle of warwick , or any other , without our speciall direction and warrant , upon the paines , in the said last proclamation mentioned , as by that proclamation it may also at large appeare . and whereas we have bin informed , that some wicked & seditious persons intending to seduce our good subjects , and with false-hoods to abuse them , that they not knowing the truth , might still be misled ( as formerly they have been ) to serve the wicked designes , and treasonable practices of such as are in rebellion against vs , have given out and published , that whatsoever is intended for the preparation and setting out of the navy in the spring now approaching , is done by our speciall direction and expresse warrant , which is utterly false , we not having any purpose or reason to trust our navy , or any of our ships in their hands and power who have given so cleer a testimony of their former disloyalty unto vs , and of their endeavours to destroy vs and our kingdom : we doe therefore hereby publish and declare , that we have not given , nor doe intend to give any such command , direction or consent , that any of our ships , or any other ships of this our kingdom , shall be prepared , victualled , rigged , man'd , or set to sea , by , or under the command or conduct of the earle of warwick , or any other person or persons whatsoever , by any pretended authority from one or both the houses of parliament , without and against our consent and expresse command . and we doe further give notice hereby to all our subjects , whom it may any wayes concerne , that as we are and ever shall be carefull to the utmost of our power to protect our good subjects from the malice of ours and their enemies , either at home or abroad , and to that end shall use all the just means we possibly can to restore them to their former peace , whereby they may enjoy the comfort of the true protestant religion in the integrity thereof , the freedome of the known lawes , the liberty of their persons , and propriety of their estates , and just priviledges of parliament , whatsoever is malitiously and slanderously suggested to the contrary , so we will by the due course of law , vindicate our honour with a just indignation against and upon all those who from henceforth , after so many gratious admonitions and offer of free pardon for what is past , ( which we doe now again gratiously and freely renew ) shall wilfully and malitiously presume to give assistance in any thing to the said earle of warwick , or any other , who upon any specious , but false pretences , shall endeavour in this yeare now ensuing , to prepare , rigge up , victuall , furnish , manne , or set forth any of our own shippes , or any other shippes of warre , appertaining to any others , without our warrant under our hand and seale ; we being well assured , that under the pretence of making a defence for the kingdome against some imaginary forraigne enemy ( where in truth we know not of , or have cause to suspect any such ) the purpose of the contriver of these rebellious actions , is manifest to be in the first place wickedly and traiterously to convert our navy , and the navy of the kingdom to the destruction of vs and of our crown , and good subjects , and to make themselves masters thereof , if they can therein prevaile ( as we hope by gods blessing they shall not ) and if they prevaile not , then by the convoy of those ships to convey themselves and those who goe with them into some forraigne parts , with a purpose that neither themselves nor those who serve them shall returne to their native country , to whom they have been so professed enemies , and by this means to rob the kingdom of the shipping which is the defence thereof ; and that these are the undoubted intentions , if the former acts of hostility against vs performed the last yeare , by some of those ships set out under the name of the said earle , and by the authority of the two houses of parliament , were not sufficient to satisfy vs and all others , the late barbarous actions of , and by some of those ships , within a very few daies now past at burlington bay in our county of yorke , to the hazard of the life of our dearest consort the queene , at the time of her landing there ( if god in his great mercy had not protected and delivered her ) not casually but purposely committed , will give sufficient testimony thereof to all the world , to the perpetuall shame of the actors and abettors thereof , for which in due time they must expect their just reward . given at our court at oxford , the sixth day of march , in the eighteenth yeare of our reigne . 1642 . god save the king . printed at oxford by leonard lichfield printer to the university . 1642. a speech, or complaint, lately made by the spanish embassadour to his majestie at oxford, upon occasion of the taking of a ship called sancta clara in the port of sancto domingo, richly laden with plate, cocheneal and other commodities of great value, by one captaine bennet strafford, and by him brought to southampton. being a matter of high concernment betwixt the two kings of spaine and england. also a proclamation prohibiting the buying or disposing of any the lading of the ship called the sancta clara, lately brought into southampton. / translated out of spanish, in oxford, by sr torriano, an italian. cardenas, alonso de. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a80052 of text r3713 in the english short title catalog (thomason e245_12). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 14 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a80052 wing c496 thomason e245_12 estc r3713 99872468 99872468 124905 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a80052) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 124905) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 42:e245[12]) a speech, or complaint, lately made by the spanish embassadour to his majestie at oxford, upon occasion of the taking of a ship called sancta clara in the port of sancto domingo, richly laden with plate, cocheneal and other commodities of great value, by one captaine bennet strafford, and by him brought to southampton. being a matter of high concernment betwixt the two kings of spaine and england. also a proclamation prohibiting the buying or disposing of any the lading of the ship called the sancta clara, lately brought into southampton. / translated out of spanish, in oxford, by sr torriano, an italian. cardenas, alonso de. charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. torriano, giovanni. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i). spain. legación (england and wales) 8 p. printed for nathaniel butter, london, : jan. 17. 1643. attributed to alonso de cardenas. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng strafford, bennet. sancta clara (ship) pirates -england -early works to 1800. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649 -early works to 1800. a80052 r3713 (thomason e245_12). civilwar no a speech, or complaint, lately made by the spanish embassadour to his majestie at oxford, upon occasion of the taking of a ship called sanct cardenas, alonso de. 1643 2369 1 0 0 0 0 0 4 b the rate of 4 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-04 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-05 pip willcox sampled and proofread 2007-05 pip willcox text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a speech , or complaint , lately made by the spanish embassadour to his majestie at oxford , upon occasion of the taking of a ship called sancta clara in the port of sancto domingo , richly laden with plate , cocheneal and other commodities of great value , by one captaine bennet strafford , and by him brought to southampton . being a matter of high concernment betwixt the two kings of spaine and england . also a proclamation prohibiting the buying or disposing of any the lading of the ship called the sancta clara , lately brought into southampton . translated out of the spanish , in oxford , by sr torriano , an italian . london , printed for nathaniel butter , jan. 17. 1643. don alonso de cardenas , the embassador ordinary for the king of spaine , his speech unto his majestie at oxford , decemb. the 30. 1642. occasioned by the taking out of the port of sancto domingo one of the king of spaine his ships called sancta clara , laden with plate , and other merchandize of rich value , by cap. bennet strafford , by him brought unto southampton , and there made prize ; together with the answer of his majesty sent on new-yeers day unto the said embassadour , by the lords mowbray and faulkland . sir , the unsufferable wrong the king my master hath lately sustained by a subject of your majesties ( wherein many of his owne merchants have likewise borne some share , and what your majesty for the future may do is not yet known ) have in obedience to my masters commands ( who is but too sensible of this affront , and his peoples losses , ) constrained mee to make this my repaire unto your majesty , and to trouble you in these your most serious and important affaires of your kingdomes , it having not been my unhappinesse since i had first the charge of this honourable imployment , to provoke discontent by such messages unto your majesty , especially at such a time wherein my master perfectly understanding how it fareth with your majesty , for the cordiall reference he ever bore unto your majesties owne person , had rather afford your majesty a cordiall then a corrasive : yet this in briefe must be the sum of my complaint unto your majesty . that on the eighth of october stilo veteri , there arrived in the habour , or rather close port of sancto domingo of the west indies ( the very centre of my masters dominions ) a ship of your majesties , and a pinnace , under the command of captain bennet strafford , an english man , and a member of your majesties fleet at sea , which letting fall anchor under colour of ●aking in fresh water , & some other necessary provision , about one or two of the clock the same evening ( the master and other officers of my masters faire ship , called la sancta clara , lately having taken in her lading of silver ingots , to the number of 2000. with coucheneale , tobacco , indie hides , to eight hundred tunne weight ) was in a thievish and piratick manner stollen out of the said harbour by the captaine of your majesties ship above mentioned , that is , bennet strafford , whose men comming aboard the said ship , under pretence of chearing and merry making , observing the wind served for their designe , cut the cables , and let her drive , till such time that the captain perceiving his advantage , forthwith seized and boarded the said ship , clapping all my masters sailers and other officers there aborad her under the hatches , carried the ship unto cape de bona speranza there landed them ashore in his long boate like slaves and captives , manned my masters ship with his owne men , unto your towne of southampton , and there made prize of her , exposing my masters goods to most unconsiderable rates and valuation , to make the better dispatch of his unlawfull attempt . sir , i am rigorously commanded by the king of spaine my master , to intimate to your majestie , that an affront of this kind hath never been committed against him by the crowne of england , or by any other crowne or state , during the time of their league and amity , neither during his peace , sworne either between your majesties father or your selfe , can any evident proofe be brought of the least appearance of violation either betwixt crownes or kingdomes on his catholike majestie my masters part : for instance whereof , my master desireth your majesty to consider his sincere and princely dealing with your majesties self , as touching your rebels in ireland , whom he hath been any way so far from succouring , ayding , or countenancing , that hee hath straitly charged all his subjects of all his territories and dominions , by open proclamation , upon paine of death , not onely not to aid or relieve them with any armes , shipping , ammunition or victualls ; but not to trade with them during the time of their rebellion against your majesty , upon any termes , semblances , or pretences whatsoever ; having further given in command unto the officers of his finances and excheate , that the pensions usually paid unto certaine of the nobility of ireland , in way of acknowledgement that they or their fathers have done him any memorable service , either in the low-countries or any other his dominions , shall in no wise be any longer paied to any of them , either father , childe , or any of the linage that stand at this time , or ever shall stand in opposition against your majesty or undoubted issue ; and hath in particular disabled sr. philomie o neale of the large gratuite annuity of 4000. ducates per annum , though granted not by his now majesty & my master of spain , but by his father unto the earle of tyrone his heyrs & successors by pattent ; by all which i earnestly desire your majesty to weigh my masters high discontent , and in that regard his just demands : a ship of that estimate is taken in such a daring scornfull manner , not upon the maine ( that in some sort had quallified the affront though not the damage ) but out of my masters port , laden with bullyon for his owne particular use , by a subject , yea , a servant of your majesties crowne arriving there ( as it seemed ) for reliefe ; and having partaken of all the favour the haven then could afford , his subjects and servants turned ashore as villaines and slaves ; his ship and goods made prize . my masters demands unto your majesty in a wrong of so high a condition are these : that the said captaine may receive condigne punishment , as who ( what lay in him ) hath broken the league on your majesties behalfe ; that full restitution be made both to my master and the owners , according to the just valuation of the goods , as by bil of lading shal be made manifest ; that strict orders may forthwith passe from your majesty , for the staying of farther havock , and embeselling of the goods yet remaining in the ship at southampton ; that full reparation be likewise made for stay of the ship , and frustration of her voyage ; upon refusall of which i am expresly to declare unto your majestie , that the king my master will cause speedy stay and arrest to be made upon all the english merchants ships throughout his ports , which must needs occasion great discontent , losse and inconvenience to both the crownes , if no other worse thing arise . this speech , or rather complaint of the embassadors ended , the king withdrew him unto the window in his presence-chamber at christ church ; there spake certaine words in private , and after ( before certain lords there about him ) told him , that unto his message or complaint some time to morrow he would by his secretary , or some other , send him an answer ; whereat the embassador tooke leave of the king , and repaired unto his lodging in new-colledge . new-years day ( being sunday , ianuarie 1. ) about foure of the clock in the after-noone , the lord mowbray and the lord faulkland brought from the king unto the embassadour this answer following . my lord , the king our master hath commanded vs to returne this answer as touching your heavie complaint unto him yesterday . that his majesty hath with deep discontent resented the particulars of your lordships message , or complaint . yet neither himselfe , nor any ministers , agents , or servants of his , by sea or land , are in any wise ( as from him ) to be blamed of any breach of amitie ; much lesse of this , being in so high a nature as his lordship had lately related it . that captain bennet strafford was never employed by him in any of his ships or pinnaces : and therefore ( when time should serve ) should not onely answer for what hee did in his majesties ships , but by whose authoritie hee came there . that his majesty further desired , that what at this time , above all other , might be done against the league , either by sea or land , might not be imputed unto him ; his majestie ( through the distempers of some of his subjects ) having as little command over his ships , as he had over his towns and castles . that he would issue forth a proclamation , with all convenient speed , to prevent the further embezelling of the merchandizes of the ship ; and likewise for the restoring what should be found in the hands of any of his subjects or officers , and therein would give especiall command unto the iudge of his admiraltie . but would be sorrie the king of spaine should make all his subjects trading under him to suffer , for the villanous act of one person , authorized by he knew not whom . c r honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the king . a proclamation prohibiting the buying or disposing of any the lading of the ship called the sancta clara , lately brought into southampton . complaint having been made unto his majesty , by don alonco de cardenas ambassador from the king of spain , that a ship called the sancta clara , belonging to the said king and his subjects , hath beene lately treacherously brought to southampton , by one captaine bennet strafford and others , from sancto domingo , the said ship being laden with silver , cocheneal , and other wares and merchandizes , to a very great value ; and that the said ship and goods being by the said ambassadour arrested , and the said bennet strafford apprehended , whilest a suit for the said ship and goods is depending in the court of admiralty , the silver ( part of the lading of the said ship , to a very great value ) hath been disposed of , contrary to law , without any other security given for the same , then the empty name of publicke faith ; which without his majesty cannot ( as is well knowne to all the world ) be engaged ; or if engaged without his majesty is not valid , or to be relyed on for satisfaction . and it is further complained by the said ambassadour , that the cocheneale , and other merchandizes formerly sequestred at london and southampton , albeit they are not perishable , but have rather encreased in their price and value , are likely to be sold against the will of those who pretend to be the owners , ( parties to the suite depending in the said court of admiralty ) which is alledged to be apparently against the rules of law , and practices of that court in such cases . his majesty well weighing what may be the ill consequences of such injurious proceedings , manifestly contrary to the law , and the articles of treatie between the two crownes , and plainly fore-seeing how heavily it may light upon such of his good subjects who have estates in spaine , and how destructive it may prove to the trade and commerce of his subjects and kingdomes , doth hereby not onely expresly charge and command the judge of his admiraltie , and all others whom it may concerne , to proceed in a businesse of such value and consequence , with care , expedition , and according to justice : but doth also expresly prohibite all persons , of what condition soever , upon pretence of any order or warrant from one or both houses of parliament , or any authoritie derived from thence , to buy , meddle with , or dispose of any part of the said cocheneale , or other goods or merchandizes belonging to the said ship , untill the propriety thereof shall be judicially decided and determined , upon paine of his majesties high displeasure , and of being responsible and liable to payment and satisfaction for whatsoever damage shall happen to any of his majesties good subjects , whose goods or estates shall for that cause be embargued or seized in spaine . given at the court at oxford , the second day of januarie , in the eighteenth yeere of his majesties reigne . god save the king , finis . by the king. his majesties gratious proclamation to the cities of london and vvestminster. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a78812 of text r211126 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.5[89]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a78812 wing c2344 thomason 669.f.5[89] estc r211126 99869859 99869859 160802 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a78812) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160802) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f5[89]) by the king. his majesties gratious proclamation to the cities of london and vvestminster. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1642] place and date of publication from wing. "given at our court at ayno this 27 of october, in the eighteenth yeare of our raigne." reproduction of the original in the british library. eng london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a78812 r211126 (thomason 669.f.5[89]). civilwar no by the king. his majesties gratious proclamation to the cities of london and vvestminster. england and wales. sovereign 1642 922 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-09 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-11 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-11 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion by the king . his majesties gratious proclamation to the cities of london and vvestminster . whereas amongst other arts used by the promoters of this horrid and desperate rebellion against vs , great industry and subtility hath been applyed to corrupt our subjects of our cities of london and westminster , first by engaging them in factions and tumults to awe the members of both our houses of parliement who would not consent to their seditious designes ; then by perswading them to loanes and contributions for the maintenance of the army now in rebellion against vs , upon pretence that the same was raised for the defence of our person , the protestant religion , the laws of the land , and priviledge of parliament ( whereas in truth it is for the destruction of them all ) by their yeelding obedience to , and executing the pretended ordinance of the militia : and lastly by infusing into them a desperate sense of their own condition , and that we are so much incensed against them for the premises , that we intend to plunder , and give up the wealth of those our cities , as a prey to our souldiers : we do hereby declare , that we are yet far from being so much incensed against those our cities , as these men desire to be believed , and in truth have endeavoured to make vs : but we beleive that those tumults were contrived by the persons whom we haue formerly accused of that practice , and raised out of the meanest and poorest people of those our cities and suburbs , without the privity and consent of the best and substantiall gi. izens and inhabitants , and that the loanes and contributions which have been since raised ( though they have passed more generally than we expected from the duty and sobriety of men of fortunes and understanding ) have beene wrested and extorted from them by threats and menaces , and feare of plundering and violence . and therefore we do hereby offer our free and gracious pardon to all the citizens and inhabitants of our said cities of london and westminster , for all offences concerning the premises committed against vs before the publishing of this our proclamation ( except all those persons whom we have excepted in our declaration of the 12 of august , and except alderman fulke and captaine manwaring , against all which we shall proceed according to the rules of law , as against traytors and stirrers of sedition against vs ) and we do assure them in the word of a king , that no violence shall be offered by our army , or any part of it to any of them , not doubting but their demeanour will henceforward be such , that vve shall not be compelled to bring our army against them . provided that this our grace shall not extend to any person , who after the publishing this our proclamation shall presume by loane or contribution to assist the said army of rebels to assemble and muster themselves in armes without authority derived from vs under our hand , or to enter into any oath of association for the assistance of the earle of essex , how spetiously soever the same be pretended for our safety , for since the encounter on sunday 23. of this moneth , where they used all possible meanes and malice to have destroyed vs , and where it pleased god to give vs so great a victory over them ( though with the losse of many worthy men ) no man can be satisfied in the mischiefe and malice of their rebellion , shall take armes by vertue of any pretended ordinance , or shall enter into any oath of association against vs , or without our consent , shall be esteemed by vs as an enemy to the publique peace , a person disaffected to vs , the religion and law of the kingdome , and shall accordingly receive condigne punishment ; of which we give them timely notice , that they may proceed accordingly at their perills . and to the end that they may receive all possible and particular assurance from vs of our gratious intentions towards them , we shall be willing that such a number of grave and substantiall citizens be imployed from our said city to vs , as shall by them be thought fit , who may propose such things to vs on their behalfe as shall be desired , to which we shall give a gracious and just answer . and we do assure them and all the world , that as the scandals and imputations upon vs concerning our favouring of papists have been groundlesse , and maliciously contrived by the authors of this rebellion to beget a misunderstanding between vs and our subjects , so all the professions we have made in our severall declarations for the suppression of popery , and the maintenance of the true reformed protestant religion established in the church of england , and for the defence of the laws of the land , and the just priviledges of parliament shall be as inviolably observed by vs , as we expect blessing from the almighty god , and obedience from our subjects . given at our court at ayno this 27 of october , in the eighteenth yeare of our raigne . animadversions vpon those notes which the late observator hath published upon the seven doctrines and positions which the king by way of recapitulation (hee saith) layes open so offensive this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a25456 of text r22035 in the english short title catalog (wing a3210). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 25 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a25456 wing a3210 estc r22035 12569996 ocm 12569996 63421 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a25456) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 63421) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 953:29) animadversions vpon those notes which the late observator hath published upon the seven doctrines and positions which the king by way of recapitulation (hee saith) layes open so offensive charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 8 p. printed for william sheares, london : 1642. reproduction of original in bodleian library. caption title. imprint from colophon. an answer to henry parker's observation upon some of his majesties late answers and expresses. eng parker, henry, 1604-1652. -observations upon some of his majesties late answers and expresses. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. a25456 r22035 (wing a3210). civilwar no animadversions upon those notes which the late observator hath published upon the seven doctrines and positions which the king by way of rec [no entry] 1642 4809 7 0 0 0 0 0 15 c the rate of 15 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2005-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-11 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-04 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2006-04 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion animadversions vpon those notes which the late observator hath published upon the seven doctrines and positions which the king by way of recapitulation ( hee saith ) layes open so offensive . position i. that the parliament has an absolute indisputable power of declaring law : so that all the right of the king and people depends upon their pleasure . to this the observator saith , it has beene answered , that this power must rest in them , or in the king , or in some inferiour court , or els all suits will be endlesse , and it cannot rest more safely then in parliament . animadversion i. the observator hath contracted his maiesties words , but hath kept the sense in more generall termes , and seemes ( though but faintly ) to justifie the position , by approving ( i know not whose answer ) that this power can rest no where more safely , then in parliament . he meanes the parliament without the king ; if he had allowed the king his place in parliament , i know no understanding man but will easily subscribe , that the king in parliament , or the parliament with him , have an absolute undisputable power , both to make and declare law ; and to end all suites of what kind soever , determinable by humane law within the kingdome . and here is the most safe resting of this power ( and here it hath ever rested ) and not in the king alone ( who claimes not that power , but is willing to governe his subjects according to the knowne lawes ) and much lesse in any inferiour court . but that such an absolute undisputable power of declaring law , as hath lately bin assumed , by the major part of the present sitting parliament , should be resting in them , is neither necessary for the ending of suites , nor can be safe , either for king or subject . if they may declare that for a law , a fundamentall law , which never yet was enacted , or had any being ; and deny the plain undoubted lawes that have beene enacted , or frustrate them by some unheard of interpretation , ( as if such interpretation had been some mentall ( or rather parliamentall ) reservation laid up within the parliament walles , to be produced upon emergent occasions , by their successors ) they will have so full an arbitrary power , that the right and safety of king and people must wholly depend upon their votes . which power can never be safe , either for king or people , nor can they produce one president that may warrant such a power . but they are not bound or limited by such presidents . that 's the second position . posit . 2. that parliaments are bound to no presidents . observ : statutes are not binding to them , why should then presidents ? yet there is no obligation stronger then the honour and justice of a parliament . animad. 2. if statutes be not binding to them , there is no reason that presidents should be . and he saith true , statutes are not binding to them , that is , de facto , they are not ( for they in some things goe directly against them ) but de jure , they are ; that is , they ought to be binding to them , till they be repealed by the same power they were made , that is , by bill orderly passed both houses , and ratified by his majesties royall assent . and unlesse they can shew better reason then their bare assertion : presidents ( as they are the best warrant , so ) they are , and ought to be the limits and bounds of their proceedings . he might have said as truly , that oathes are not binding to them : and therefore neither statutes nor presidents . but the observator tells us ( pag 44. ) that the oathes of supremacy and allegiance are not endangered , by making the kingdom , and not the king , the proper subject of power , and he yeelds reason for it . for ( saith he ) hee that ascribes more to the whole universality , then to the king , yet ascribes to the king a true supremacy of power and honour above all particulars . i wonder what he meanes by a true supremacie of power and honour above all particulars . surely , he meanes nothing but priority of place , and height of title ; for he is allowed little power over some particulars , namely , over the members of either house , and whom else they please to exempt ( as they did serjeant major skippon for his power and commands . ) but this distinction helpes them : the members of either house are sharers in that supremacie which is in the vniversality and above his ; and by the power of that supremacie they can exempt whom they please from the power of this , inferiour ( pardon the ph●se , absurdities cannot be exprest without a solecisme ) supremacy . very good . but , in good sober sadnesse , doth the observator thinke this distinction was thought on by the framers and enjoyners of that oath , or that the members of the house , at their entring the house , did take their oath to the king , as to the supreame over all , with exception of themselves , or reservation of an higher supremacy to themselves , when they should be entred ? it is hardly credible ; nor doe all ( that desire to tender all due honour to the parliament ) beleeve that they are so the vniversality , or the kingdome , as the observatour presumes . they are trusted by the vniversality and kingdome , and wee pray , that they may dischardge that trust , not knowing , but that a multitude of men subject ( every one of them ) to errour , may faile in their judgement , and being not exempted from the common condition of the sinfull sonnes of adam , may possibly , not rightly dischardge the trust committed to them , as well , as the king , who is blasted with foule sailings , anderrours , and judgement . mee thinkes , men that so much detest popery , should not borrow the grounds of their reasoning from them : and i shall as soone beleeve the councell of trent , telling us that they are the vniversall church , and therefore cannot possibly erre , as that the parliament is the vniversall unerring and unpervertibly just body of the kingdome . and surely , the spirit of declaring must needs reside in a strangely large measure in them , who have power , thus to declare not onely law , but oathes too ; a greater , then which the popes flatterers never gave him ; and hardly ever any pope assumed so great : quo te constringam mutantem protea nodo ? how shall these men bee bound to doe right , who so easily unty the knots of these sacred bookes of law and oathes ? why , yes ; there is a bond that will doe it ; the obligation of the iustice , and honour of a parliament . but can any man bee sure , that they whom neither law , custome , and presidents of their ancestours , nor oathes can bind , will bee alwayes held in by the obligation of iustice and honour ? is it not possible , that they may ( in time ) find a power in themselves of declaring that obligation void , as well , as have done the other ? the same obligation of iustice and honour , is as strong upon kings , ( and hath ever beene held more powerfull and obstrictive in them , then in any state mannaged by a community ; and yet they dare not trust his majesty , though so obliged . the observatour then must pardon mee , if i desire , they may rather bee held in , ( and hold themselves so to bee ) by the old obligations of law , presidents , and oathes , rather then that the kings liege-people should bee put wholly to confide to that single obligation of the iustice , and honour of a parliament . position 3. that they are parliaments , and may judge of publike necessity without the king , and dispose of anything . observ. they may not desert the king , but being deserted by the king , when the kingdome is in distresse , they may judge of that distresse , and relieve it , and are to bee accompted by vertue of representation as the whole body of the state . animadver. 3. his majesty sets downe this position in more words , but these are much to the same purpose , and upon these the inference which his majesty makes followes undeniably , that then the life and liberty of the subject , and all good lawes made for the security of them , may bee disposed of , and repealed by the major part of both houses , at any time present , and by any wayes and meanes procured so to bee : and his maiesty shall have no power to protect them . they see nothing , that see ●ot the misery , which may follow upon such a vast transcendency of arbitary power , if it were invested in the parliament , which ( i dare boldly ●●y ) was never claimed by any parliament , though in conjunction with ( the ●ead of it ) the king . every ( the meanest ) subject hath such a right and propriety in his goods , that without law , they cannot bee taken from him , though to be employed for the publike good . and though the safety of the people , be the highest law , and that doe ( many times ) give a power above other lawes , and against them , to the supreme magistracy in a state , to dispose of private mens estates , yet the unchangeable rule of iustice , must have place , even in that highest law , and that requires a compensation to be made to those , whose states or goods are so disposed of ; and never gives power to uphold the publike good with private injury . nor can it bee imagined , that a state upheld , by such helps , should not be able to make a just compensation to those , by whom it was upheld . but let us heare our observatour . they may not ( saith hee ) desert the king . gramercy , for that ; i am glad to heare they have yet any obligation upon them to tie them to the king . yet i know not well what he meanes by deserting the king : if he mean it in that sense , which he doth the kings deserting of them , which ( out of question ) is his not assenting to whatsoever they shall think fit ; then in reason , they should not , by their disallowing all his proposals , have driven him to dissent from theirs , and so to have disserted them . well ; but being deserted by the king , when the kingdome is in distresse , they may judge of that distresse , and relieve it . al their power then is upon supposition of the kings deserting them . so that if it appeare , that his majesty hath not deserted them ( as many good men beleeve he hath not , in the redresse of any real grievance , ) then they have no such power . and however , they claime this power only when the kingdome is in distresse ; but how , if the kingdom be not in distresse , or ( at least ) that distresse be onely or principally , caused by their claiming of that power which cannot consist with the honour and royall estate of his majestly ; which all men ( by their late protestation ) are bound to defend . if it beso , we may easily discerne how far they may stretcht this power , which they claim onely in order to distresse ; and that they may make as much use of it , as the pope doth of his power in temporals ; in ordine ad spiritualia . he claimes no more , though ( some have said , hee hath right to more ; ) and the parliament will need no more , to doe as much as hee takes upon him to doe with christian princes and states . but they must have a right to their power in this case of distresse ; whence have they that ? why , they have it as the whole body of the state , and that they are , and must be so accompted , by vertue of representation very good . but let us consider his words a little more . there is no understanding man , but must and will acknowledge ( unlesse he wilfully derogate from them , ) that the parliament represents the body of the state , for those ends , for which they convene , as an ambassadour doth the prince that sends him , in the mannage of that businesse for which hee is sent ; but this is not an absolute representation to all intents and purposes . besides , whom do they represent ? the body ( saith hee ) of the state . bee it so : but it is onely the body , without the head . and if they were not by representation onely , but really , the whole body of the people ( if it were possible , they should convene together ) they are all but an assembly of subjects , of men to be governed , not to rule , to be commanded , not to command their head and soueraigne : and then there can be no vertue of representation that can advance them to the power , which the observatour ascribes to them , when such power was never in the whole body , which is represented . no ? never such power in the whole body ? i know the observatours stomack will rise here . did not the peoples consent , at first make kings and conveigh power into their hands ? truely sir , not solely ; but grant it , what then ? marry , he saith then it is a principle in nature . quic quid efficit tale est magis tale ; in english , if the people make a king , they are more king themselves , or if they give power , they have more power : and may resume and exercise that power when they please . excellent learning , and well applied , i believe hee learned this piece from suarez the iesuite . but the observatour , may know , that that rule admits many limitations ; and surely , it holds onely in causis totalibus , which the people are not in the constitution of kings . but suppose their consent , did at first give power to kings ; when their consent is given for them and their successours to a king and his heires , can the succeeding people cut off the entaile , and retract the consent their ancestours have given ? by what right ? with what justice ? i know not , but the people may contract for them and their successours in the conveyance of soveraigne power ( if ever they had it in their hands to give ) as any man may in the conveyance of his lands or goods : and that such conveyance may be as binding to successours in the one as in the other : and then i am sure , they cannot have power at all times , and in all succeeding ages , to resume what they have so given . our kings right ( so farre as it is derived from the people ) is of this kind . and if he had no other grounds for his claime of soveraignty , ( as it is most certaine , that he hath ) such a consent once granted , were sufficient to bind the people , that it cannot ever bee lawfull for them ; by a major part of them ( comming in with their nolumus hunc regnare super nos ) to deprive him of that right . but surely , they would never make so absolute a grant of their power to princes as to devest themselves of it . good sir , shew mee that proviso in their grant . but it seemes to you unnaturall they should : i doe not wonder it should seeme so to you , who make it agreeable to the clearest beames of humane reason , and the strongest inclinations of nature ; ( and by consequence , as you would perswade the world , justifiable ; ) for every private man to defend himselfe by force if assaulted , though by the force of a magistrate , or his owne father , and though hee bee not without all confidence by flight , &c. i wish whilest you have such recourse to nature , you would not forget christianity , which teaches subjection and obedience , and gives no liberty ; ( either to private men , or the major part of the communalty ) of resistance , but saith , they that resist , shall receive to themselves damnation . and if the observatour bee a gentleman , hee should tender how he hath recourse to nature in point of right , least hee give occasion to some wat ▪ tyler's chaplaine , to preach againe upon that text : when adam dolve and eve span , who was then a gentleman . hee may find a goodly sermon upon that text , set downe by john stow in richard the second , and such doctrine delivered upon it , the use , of which would shake his title to his inheritance , and the name of gentleman . position 4. that no member of the parliament ought to bee troubled for treason , &c. without leave . observ. this is intended of suspitions onely , and when leave may seasonably bee had , and when competent accusers appeare not in the impeachment . animad. 6. his majesty hath said so much of this and so little of it hath beene answered , ( or indeed is answerable , ) that i shall not need to say much . only i observe the modesty of this observatour ; that he doth not absolutely say , they are not to be troubled for those crimes ; out not upon suspition onely , &c. i know not what hee may call suspitions , but i beleeve , the best evidences , may easily be held for bare suspitions , if they may not have liberty to speake out ; and that they cannot have , unlesse the accuser be first in safe custody , and brought to triall , where they may legally bee produced . and , i beleeve , few wise men will thinke it reasonable , that the grounds of suspition of treason , should necessarily bee opened before triall . position 5. that the soveraigne power resides in both houses of parliament ; the king having no negative voyce . observ. this power is not claimed as ordinary , nor to any purpose ; but to save the kingdome from ruine , and in case , where the kingdome is so seduced , as that hee prefers dangerous men , and persecutes his loyall subjects . animad 5. his majesty infers upon this position . that himselfe must be subject to their commands . this sounds , but harshly in the cares of loyall subjects ; that any posture wherein they can be put , can raise subjects to a capacity of soveraignty , and reduce their soveraigne to become their subject . but hee comforts us here , and tels us , this power is not claimed as ordinary , nor to any purpose , &c. this is but poore comfort , it is not : but it may be in good time , if they please . he doth not say , they shall not hereafter , or cannot claime it as ordinary , and to other purposes then that he names . so that there may bee other causes , that may make them claime this power , as well as this . but indeed , they need no other , if it bee in their power to declare that to be the case of the king and kingdom when they please . but they will never do it , but where there is a just cause for it ; and the truth leads them to it . truly , i beleeve honourably of the iustice and wisedome of parliaments ; but i doe beleeve , that they are not either infallible , or that they cannot possibly doe amisse . and the observatour must bring better arguments ; ( and i feare , hee cannot bring so good to make mee beleeve otherwise , ) then ever yet were brought for the infallibility of a generall councell . but i have said enough for the present of the residence of soveraigne power in the parliament , and the ground of their claime to it , by the vertue of representation in my third animadversion . i shall here only give the reader a briefe glosse upon the language here used by the observatour . to save the kingdome from ruine , ( that is , from monarchy or being governed by the king . the king is seduced , ) that is , hee is perswaded ( by his own understanding , and other evill counsellours , ) not to part with his soveraignty , nor to become a subiect to his subiects . hee prefers dangerous men , ( that is , such as would have him still to bee their king , prosecutes his loyall subiects , ) that is , such as would rule him , and the people at their pleasure . position 6. that the levying of forces against the personall commands of the king , ( though accompanied with his presence ) is not levying of warre against the king : but warre against his authority , not person , is warre against the king . observ. if this were not so the parliament seeing a seduced king , ruining himselfe , and the kingdome , could not save both , but stand and looke on . animad. 6. i thought this position so strangely paradoxall , and so apparently contrary to reason , and common sense , that no man would have appeared in the defence of it . yet this observator never blushes , nor blinks at it , but affirmes it stoutly . but for all that , i shall beleeve very slowly . that the kings person can at any time be without the king , or without his authority : or that they may destroy the kings person , to preserve the king . my faith is not strong enough to beleeve these sublime points , and mysteries of state : i shall subscribe thus farre , that warre against the kings authority , ( though in the absence of his person ) is warre against the king : but that the king and his person should be in two places , will never ( i feare ) downe with me . but however i le see his reason : what 's that ? why else the parliament seeing a seduced king ruining himselfe and his kingdome could not save both , but must stand and looke on . surely this reason is full of waight , and ready to burst , it is so big with probability . i suppose the reader understands his language heere , by my former glosse ; but if we should take the words as they sound , the reason would seem as strange , as that which it is brought to confirme . the king ruining himselfe and his kingdome , a mad king , or an ideot ( hee meanes ) and then 't were fit the parliament appointed him a guardian . ruining himselfe and his kingdome . it is possible ; that the king should ruine himself and his kingdom . what ? the king alone ? is he alone able to doe it without the people ? it is hardly credible ? if he have the people on his side , and a prevailing major party , i thinke the observator ( standing to his owne principles ) will not deny that he hath soveraigne power with him , and that it is unnaturall to thinke the community should destroy itselfe . but the community ( he will say ) is to be lookt at in parliament . well , but good sir , may not the people withdraw the power of representation , which they granted to the parliament ; was their grant so absolute , and so irrevocable , that they dispossest themselves wholly of taking or exercising that power , their owne proper persons ? remember your principles about the conveying of soveraigne power into the hands of kings , and if you can shew no better cards for their power of representation , then the peoples revocable consent , ( and i would faine know why it should be more revocable from kings then men ) you will finde their tenure in it very tickle . posit . 7. that according to some parliaments they may depose kings . observ. t is denied that any king was deposed by a free parliament fairely elected . animad. 7. i like this note better then all the rest , and am wholly of his minde : that never any free parliament , fairely elected , deposed any king : and i hope ( whatsoever his principles seemes to insinuate ) they doe not beleeve they have power to do it , and pray that they may never attempt , ( at least , not be able ) to depose the king , or destroy monarchy . the authors protestation . having finished these sudden animadversions : i doe protest in the presence of almighty god , with my life , power , and estate , to maintaine and defend , so farre as lawfully i may , the true reformed protestant religion , his majesties person , honour , and royall estate , the just liberties of the subject , and the power and priviledges of parliament ( so far as i shall be able to know or understand them ) and to doe all other things contained in the late protestation . and this i doe sincerely , and from my heart , beleeving my selfe to be under the guilt of perjury , if i faile in any one thing here protested . and therefore shall never hold my selfe absolved , by observing one , if i violate it in any other part . i shall ever defend his majesties person , honour , and royall estate , as my sole soveraign , and the parliament ( next under him ) in the highest capacity of subjects as the supreame indicatory , the great councell and body representative of this kingdome , and i pray , that all those that doe not joyne with me , may either speedily be converted or confounded . faxit deus . london , printed for william sheares , 1642. notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a25456e-30 pag. 2. pag. 3. pag. 16. rom. 〈…〉 ▪ the papers which passed at nevv-castle betwixt his sacred majestie and mr alex: henderson concerning the change of church-government. anno dom. 1646. charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a78958 of text r213547 in the english short title catalog (wing c2535a). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 87 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 34 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a78958 wing c2535a estc r213547 99895592 99895592 153109 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a78958) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 153109) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2347:17) the papers which passed at nevv-castle betwixt his sacred majestie and mr alex: henderson concerning the change of church-government. anno dom. 1646. charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. henderson, alexander, 1583?-1646. aut marshall, william, fl. 1617-1650, engraver. [4], 58, [2] p. : port. (metal cut) printed [by john grismond] for r. royston, at the angel in ivie-lane, london : m. dc. xl. ix. [1649] printer's name from madan. the frontispiece is signed: guil: marshall sculp:. probably issued with the "eikon basilike". last leaf is blank. reproduction of original in the henry e. huntington library. eng church polity -early works to 1800. great britain -church history -17th century -early works to 1800. a78958 r213547 (wing c2535a). civilwar no the papers which passed at nevv-castle betwixt his sacred majestie and mr alex: henderson: concerning the change of church-government. anno charles i, king of england 1649 15241 4 5 0 0 0 0 6 b the rate of 6 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-04 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-08 robyn anspach sampled and proofread 2007-08 robyn anspach text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion fidei defensor non enim to spreverunt solum ●ed me spreverunt , ne regnem super ips●● per ecclesiam p●tor . giul : marshall sculp ; the papers which passed at nevv-castle betwixt his sacred majestie and mr alex : henderson : concerning the change of church-government . anno dom. 1646. london . printed for r. royston , at the angel in ivie-lane m. dc.xl.ix . for mr. alex : henderson . his majesties first paper . mr. henderson , i know very well what a great disadvantage it is for me , to maintaine an argument of divinity with so able and learned a man as your self , it being your , not my profession ; which really was the cause that made me desire to heare some learned man argue my opinion with you , of whose abilities i might be confident , that i should not be led into an errour , for want of having all which could be said , layed open unto me : for indeed , my humour is such , that i am still partiall for that side , which i imagine suffers for the weaknesse of those that maintaine it ; alwaies thinking that equall champions would cast the ballance on the other part ; yet since that you ( thinking that it will save time ) desire to goe another way , i shall not contest with you in it , but treating you as my physitian , give you leave to take your owne way of cure ; onely i thought fit to warne you , lest if you , ( not i ) should be mistaken in this , you would be faine ( in a manner ) to begin anew . then know that from my infancy i was blest with the king my fathers love , which , i thanke god , was an unvaluable happinesse to me , all his daies , and among all his cares for my education , his chief was , to settle me right in religion ; in the true knowledge of which , he made himself so eminent to all the world , that , i am sure , none can call in question the brightnesse of his fame in that particular , without shewing their own ignorant base malice : he it was , who laid in me the grounds of christianity , which to this day i have been constant in ; so that whether the worthinesse of my instructor be considered , or the not few yeares that i have been setled in my principles ; it ought to be no strange thing , if it be found no easie worke , to make me alter them : and the rather , that hitherto , i have ( according to saint paul's rule , rom. 14. 22. ) been happy in not condemning my selfe , in that thing which i allow : thus having shewed you how , it remaines , to tell you what , i believe , in relation to these present miserable distractions . no one thing made me more reverence the reformation of my mother , the church of england , than that it was done ( according to the apostles defence , act. 24. 18. ) neither with multitude , nor with tumult , but legally and orderly ; and by those , whom i conceive to have onely the reforming power ; which with many other inducements , made me alwayes confident that the worke was very perfect , as to essentials ; of which number church-government being undoubtedly one , i put no question , but that would have been likewise altered , if there had been cause ; which opinion of mine , was soone turned into more than a confidence , when i perceived that in this particular ( as i must say of all the rest ) we retained nothing but according as it was deduced from the apostles to be the constant universall custome of the primitive church ; and that it was of such consequence , as by the alteration of it , we should deprive our selves of a lawfull priesthood , and then , how the sacraments can be duly administred , is easie to judge : these are the principall reasons , which make me believe that bishops are necessary for a church , and , i think , sufficient for me ( if i had no more ) not to give my consent for their expulsion out of england ; but i have another obligation , that to my particular , is a no lesse tie of conscience , which is , my coronation oath : now if ( as s. paul saith , rom. 14. 23. ) he that doubteth is damned if he eat , what can i expect , if i should , not onely give way knowingly to my peoples sinning , but likewise be perjured my selfe ? now consider , ought i not to keep my selfe from presumptuous sinnes ? and you know who sayes , what doth it profit a man , though he should gaine the whole world , and lose his owne soule ? wherefore my constant maintenance of episcopacy in england , ( where there was never any other government since christianity was in this kingdome ) methinks , should be rather commended than wondered at ; my conscience directing me to maintaine the lawes of the land ; which being onely my endeavours at this time , i desire to know of you , what warrant there is in the word of god , for subjects to endeavour to force their kings conscience ? or to make him alter lawes against his will ? if this be not my present case , i shall be glad to be mistaken ; or , if my judgment in religion hath been misled all this time , i shall be willing to be better directed : till when , you must excuse me , to be constant to the grounds which the king my father taught me . newcastle , may 29. 1646. c. r. for his majestie , mr. alexander henderson's first paper . sir , 1. it is your majesties royall goodness , and not my merit , that hath made your majesty to conceive any opinion of my abilities ; which ( were they worthy of the smallest testimony from your majesty ) ought in all duty to be improved for your majesties satisfaction . and this i intended in my coming here at this time , by a free , yet modest expression of the true motives and inducements which drew my mind to the dislike of episcopall government , wherein i was bred in my younger years at the university . like as i did apprehend that it was not your majesties purpose to have the question disputed by divines on both sides ; which i would never ( to the wronging of the cause ) have undertaken alone ; and which seldome or never hath proved an effectuall way , for finding of truth , or moving the minds of men to relinquish their former tenents , dum res transit à judicio in affectum ; witness the polemicks between the papists and us , and among our selves , about the matter now in hand , these many yeares past . 2. sir , when i consider your majesties education under the hands of such a father , the length of time wherein your majesty hath been setled in your principles of church-government ; the arguments which have continually in private and publique , especially of late at oxford , filled your majesties eares for the divine right thereof ; your coronation oath ; and divers state-reasons which your majesty doth not mention : i doe not wonder , nor think it any strange thing , that your majesty hath not at first given place to a contrary impression . i remember that the famous joannes picus mirandula proveth by irrefragable reasons ( which no rationall man will contradict ) that no man hath so much power over his own understanding , as to make himself believe what he will , or to think that to be true which his reason telleth him is false ; much lesse is it possible for any man to have his reason commanded by the will , or at the pleasure of another . 2. it is a true saying of the school-men , voluntas imperat intellectui quoad exercitium , non quoad specificationem , mine owne will , or the will of another may command me to thinke upon a matter ; but no will or command can constraine me to determine otherwise then my reason teacheth me . yet sir , i hope your majesty will acknowledge , ( for your paper professeth no lesse ) that according to the saying of ambrose , non est pudor ad meliora transire , it is neither sinne nor shame to change to the better : symmachus in one of his epistles ( i thinke to the emperour theodosius and valentinian ) alleageth all those motives , from education , from prescription of time , from worldly prosperity , and the flourishing condition of the roman empire , and from the lawes of the land , to perswade them to constancy in the ancient pagan profession of the romans , against the imbracing of the christian faith . the like reasons were used by the jewes for moses against christ ; and may be used both for popery and for the papacy it selfe , against the reformation of religion & church-government ; and therefore can have no more strength against the change now , than they had in former times . 3. but your majesty may perhaps say , that this is petitio principii , and nothing else but the begging of the question ; and i confesse it were so , if there can be no reasons brought for a reformation or change ; your majesty reverences the reformation of the church of england , as being done legally and orderly , and by those who had the reforming power : and i doe not deny , but it were to be wisht , that religion where there is need , were alwaies reformed in that manner , and by such power , and that it were not committed to the prelats , who have greatest need to be reformed themselves , not left to the multitude , whom god stirreth up when princes are negligent : thus did jacob reforme his owne family , moses destroyed the golden calfe , the good kings of judah reformed the church in their time : but that such reformation hath been perfect , i cannot admit . asa tooke away idolatry , but his reformation was not perfect ; for jehosaphat removed the high places , yet was not his reformation perfect , for it was hezekiah that brake the brasen serpent , and josiah destroyed the idol-temples , who therefore beareth this elogie , that like unto him there was no king before him . it is too well knowne that the reformation of k. henry 8. was most imperfect in the essentials of doctrine , worship , and government ; and although it proceeded by some degrees afterward , yet the government was never reformed , the head was changed , dominus non dominium ; and the whole limbs of the antichristian hierarchy retained , upon what snares and temptations of avarice and ambition , the great enchanters of the clergy , i need not expresse . it was a hard saying of romanorum malleus grosted of lincolne , that reformation was not to be expected , nisi in ore gladii cruentandi : yet this i may say , that the laodicean lukewarmnesse of reformation here , hath been matter of continued complaints to many of the godly in this kingdom ; occasion of more schisme and separation then ever was heard of in any other church ; and of unspeakable griefe and sorrow to other churches , which god did blesse with greater purity of reformation . the glory of this great worke we hope is reserved for your majesty , that to your comfort and everlasting fame the praise of godly josiah may be made yours ; which yet will be no dispraise to your royall father , or edward 6. or any other religious princes before you ; none of them having so faire an opportunity as is now by the supreme providence put into your royall hands . my soule trembleth to think and to foresee , what may be the event , if this opportunity be neglected . i will neither use the words of mordecay , esth. 4. 14. nor what savanarola told another charles , because i hope better things from your majesty . 4. to the argument brought by your majesty ( which i believe none of your doctors , had they been all about you , could more briefly and yet so fully and strongly have expressed ) [ that nothing was retained in this church but according as it was deduced from the apostles to the constant universall practise of the primitive church ; and that it was of such consequence , as by the alteration of it , we should deprive our selves of the lawfulnesse of priesthood ( i thinke your majesty meanes a lawfull ministry ) and then how the sacraments can be administred , is easie to judge . ] i humbly offer these considerations : first , what was not in the times of the apostles , cannot be deduced from them : we say in scotland , it cannot be brought but , that is not the ben ; but ( not to insist now in a litourgy , and things of that kind ) there was no such hierarchy , no such difference betwixt a bishop and a presbyter , in the times of the apostles , and therefore it cannot thence be deduced ; for i conceive it to be as cleare as if it were written with a sun-beame , that presbyter and bishop are to the apostles one and the same thing , no majority , no inequality or difference of office , power , or degree betwixt the one and the other , but a meer identity in all . 2. that the apostles intending to set downe the offices and officers of the church , and speaking so often of them , and of their gifts and duties , and that , not upon occasion , but of set purpose ; doe neither expresse nor imply any such pastor or bishop as hath power over other pastors , although it be true , that they have distinctly and particularly exprest the office , gifts , and duties of the meanest officers , such as deacons . 3. that in the ministery of the new testament there is a comely , beautifull , and divine order and subordination ; one kind of ministers both ordinary and extraordinary being placed in degree and dignity one before another , as the apostles first , the evangelists , pastors , doctors , &c. in their owne ranks : bnt we cannot find in offices of the same kind , that one hath majority of power , or priority of degree before another ; no apostle above other apostles ( unlesse in morall respects ) no evangelist above other evangelists ; of deacon above other deacons ; why then a pastor above other pastors ? in all other sorts of ministers ordinary and extraordinary a parity in their owne kind , only in the office of pastor an inequality . 4. that the whole power and all the parts of the ministry , which are commonly called , the power of order and jurisdiction , are by the apostles declared to be common to the presbyter and bishop : and that , mat. 15. 16 , 17. the gradation in matter of discipline or church censures , is from one , to two , or more ; and if he shall neglect them , tell it to the church ; he saith not , tell it to the bishop : there is no place left to a retrogradation from more to one , were he never so eminent . if these considerations doe not satisfie , your majesty may have more , or the same further cleared . 5. secondly , i doe humbly desire your majesty to take notice of the fallacy of that argument , from the practice of the primitive church , and the universall consent of the fathers . it is the argument of the papists for such traditions as no orthodox divine will admit . the law and testimony must be the rule . we can have no certaine knowledge of the practice universall of the church for many years ; eusebius the prime historian confesseth so much : the learned josephus scaliger testifieth , that from the end of the acts of the apostles untill a good time after , no certainty can be had from ecclesiasticall authors about church matters . it is true , diotrephes sought the preheminence in the apostles times , and the mystery of iniquity did then begin to work ; and no doubt in after-times some puffed up with ambition , and others overtaken with weaknesse , endevoured alteration of church government , but that all the learned and godly of those times consented to such a change as is talked of afterwards , will never be proved . 6. thirdly , i will never think that your majesty will deny the lawfulnesse of a ministery , and the due administration of the sacraments in the reformed churches , which have no diocesan bishops , sith it is not only manifest by scripture , but a great many of the strongest champions for episcopacy , doe confesse , that presbyters may ordaine other presbyters ; and that baptisme administred by a private person , wanting a publick calling , or by a midwife , and by a presbyter , although not ordained by a bishop , are not one and the same thing . 7. concerning the other argument taken from your majesties coronation oath ; i confesse , that both in the taking and keeping of an oath ( so sacred a thing is it , and so high a point of religion ) much tendernesse is required : and farre be it from us , who desire to observe our owne solemne oath , to presse your majesty with the violation of yours . yet sir , i will crave your leave , in all humblenesse and sincerity to lay before your majesties eyes this one thing , ( which perhaps might require a larger discourse ) that although no humane authority can dispense with an oath , quia religio juramenti pertinet ad forum divinum ; yet in some cases it cannot be denied but the obligation of an oath ceaseth : as when we swear homage and obedience to our lord and superiour , who afterwards ceaseth to be our lord and superiour ; for then the formall cause of the oath is taken away , and therefore the obligation ▪ sublata causa tollitur effectus ; sublato relato , tollitur correlatum . or when any oath hath a speciall reference to the benefit of those to whom i make the promise , if we have their desire or consent , the obligation ceaseth ; because all such oaths from the nature of the thing , doe include a condition . when the parliaments of both kingdomes , have covenanted for the abolishing or altering of a law , your majesties oath doth not binde you , or your conscience to the observing of it ; otherwise no lawes could be altered by the legislative power . this i conceive hath been the ground of removing episcopall government in scotland , and of removing the bishops out of the parliament of england . and i assure my selfe , that your majesty did not intend at the taking of your oath , that although both houses of parliament should find an alteration necessary , although ( which god almighty avert ) you should lose your selfe , and your posterity , and crowne , that you would never consent to the abolishing of such a law . if your majesty still object , that the matter of the oath is necessary & immutable ; that doth not belong to this , but to the former argument . 8. i have but one word more concerning your piety to your royall father , and teacher of happy memory , with which your majesty does conclude . your majesty knows that king james never admitted episcopacy upon divine right ; that his majesty did sweare and subscribe to the doctrine , worship , and discipline of the church of scotland ; that in the preface of the latter edition of basilicon doron , his majesty gives an honourable testimony to those that loved better the simplicity of the gospel , than the pomp and ceremonies of the church of england , and that he conceived the prelats to savour of the popish hierarchy , and that ( could his ghost now speake to your majesty ) he would not advise your majesty to run such hazards for those men who will chuse rather to pull downe your throne with their own ruine , than that they perish alone . the lord give your majesty a wise and discerning spirit to chuse that in time which is right . june 3. 1646. for mr. alex : henderson , a reply to his answer to my first paper , june 6. 1646. his majesties second paper . mr. henderson , if it had been the honour of the cause which i looked after , i would not have undertaken to put pen to paper , or singly to have maintained this argument against you ( whose answer to my former paper is sufficient , without other proofs , to justifie my opinion of your abilities ) but , it being meerly ( as you know ) for my particular satisfaction , i assure you that a disputation of well chosen divines , would be most effectuall ; and , i believe you cannot but grant , that i must best know , how my self may be best satisfied , for certainly my taste cannot be guided by another mans palate , and indeed i will say , that when it comes ( as it must ) to probations , i must have either persons or books to cleare the allegations , or it will be impossible to give me satisfaction : the fore-seeing of which , made me at first ( for the saving of time ) desire that some of those divines , which i gave you in a list , might be sent for . 2. concerning your second section , i were much too blame , if i should not submit to that saying of s. ambrose which you mention , for i would be unwilling to be found lesse ingenuous than you shew your selfe to be in the former part of it ; wherefore my reply is , that as i shall not be ashamed to change for the better , so i must see that it is better before i change , otherwise inconstancy in this were both sin and shame ; and remember ( what your selfe hath learnedly enforced ) that no mans reason can be commanded by another mans will . 3. your third begins , but i cannot say that it goes on , with that ingenuity , which the other did ; for i doe not understand , how those examples cited out of the old testament do any way prove that the way of reformation , which i commend , hath not been the most perfect , or , that any other is lawfull , those having been all by the regall authority ; and because henry the eights reformation was not perfect , will it prove that of k. edward and q. elizabeth to be unperfect ? i believe a new moode and figure must be found out to forme a syllogisme , whereby to prove that : but however , you are mistaken ; for , no man who truely understands the english reformation , will derive it from henry the eight , for he onely gave the occasion ; it was his sonne who began , and q. elizabeth that perfected it ; nor did i ever averre , that the beginning of any humane action was perfect , no more then you can prove that god hath ever given approbation to multitudes to reforme the negligence of princes : for , you know , there is much difference between permission , and approbation : but all this time , i find no reasons ( according to your promise ) for a reformation , or change ( i mean since q. elizabeths time . ) as for your romanorum malleus his saying ; it is well you come of it , with [ yet this i may say ] for it seems to imply , as if you neither ought nor would justifie that bloudy ungodly saying : and for your comparing our reformation here to the laodicean lukewarmnesse , proved by complaints , grievings , &c. all that doth , and but unhandsomely , petere principium ; nor can generalls satisfie me ; for , you must first prove , that those men had reason to complaine , those churches to be grieved , and how we were truely the causers of this schisme and separation : as for those words which you will not use , i will not answer . 4. here indeed you truly repeat the first of my two maine arguments ; but by your favour , you take ( as i conceive ) a wrong way to convince me ; it is i must make good the affirmative , for i believe a negative cannot be proved ; instead of which , if you had made appear the practice of the presbyterian government in the primitive times , you had done much ; for i doe averre , that this government was never practised before calvin's time ; the affirmative of which , i leave you to prove ; my taske , being to shew the lawfulnesse , and succession of episcopacy , and , as i believe , the necessity of it : for doing whereof , i must have such books as i shall call for ; which possibly upon perusall , may , one way or other , give me satisfaction ; but i cannot absolutely promise it without the assistance of some learned man , whom i can trust , to find out all such citations , as i have use of : wherefore blame me not , if time be unnecessarily lost . 5. now for the fallaciousnesse of my argument ( to my knowledge ) it was never my practice , nor doe i confesse to have begun now ; for , if the practice of the primitive church , and the universal consent of the fathers , be not a convincing argument , when the interpretation of scripture is doubtfull , i know nothing ; for , if this be not , then of necessity the interpretation of private spirits must be admitted : the which contradicts saint peter , 2 pet. 1. 20. is the mother of all sects , and will ( if not prevented ) bring these kingdomes into confusion : and to say , that an argument is ill , because the papists use it , or , that such a thing is good , because it is the custome of some of the reformed churches ; cannot weigh with me , untill you prove , these to be infallible , or that to maintaine no truth : and how diotrephes ambition ( who directly opposed the apostle s. john ) can be an argument against episcopacy , i doe not understand . 6. when i am made a judge over the reformed churches , then , and not before , will i censure their actions ; as you must prove , before i confesse it , that presbyters without a bishop , may lawfully ordain other presbyters : and as for the administration of baptisme , as i thinke none will say , that a woman can lawfully , or duely administer it , though when done , it be valid ; so none ought to doe it , but a lawfull presbyter , whom you cannot deny , but to be absolutely necessary for the sacrament of the eucharist . 7. you make a learned succinct discourse of oathes in generall , and their severall obligations , to which i fully agree ; intending , in the particular now in question , to be guided by your owne rule , which is [ when any oath hath a speciall reference to the benefit of those to whom i make the promise , if we have their desire , or consent , the obligation ceaseth ] now , it must be known , to whom this oath hath reference , and to whose benefit ? the answer is cleare , onely to the church of england ; as by the record will be plainly made appeare ; and you much mistake in alleaging , that the two houses of parliament ( especially as they are now constituted ) can have this disobligatory power , for , ( besides that they are not named in it ) i am confident to make it clearly appeare to you , that this church never did submit , nor was subordinate to them ; and that it was onely the king and clergy , who made the reformation , the parliament meerly serving to help to give the civill sanction : all this being proved ( of which i make no question ) it must necessarily follow , that it is onely the church of england ( in whose favour i took this oath ) that can release me from it : wherefore when the church of england ( being lawfully assembled ) shall declare that i am free , then , and not before , i shall esteem my self so . 8. to your last , concerning the king my father , of happy and famous memory , both for his piety and learning ; i must tell you , that i had the happinesse , to know him much better than you ; wherefore i desire you , not to be too confident , in the knowledge of his opinions ; for , i dare say , should his ghost now speake , he would tell you , that a bloudy reformation was never lawfull , as not warranted by gods word , and that preces & lacrymae sunt arma ecclesiae . 9. to conclude , having replied to all your paper , i cannot but observe to you , that you have given me no answer to my last quaere ; it may be you are ( as chaucer sayes ) like the people of england , what they not like , they never understand : but in earnest , that question is so pertinent to the purpose in hand , that it will much serve for my satisfaction ; and besides it may be usefull for other things . newcastle , june 6. 1646. c. r. for his majestie . mr. alexander henderson's second paper . sir , the smaller the encouragements be , in relation to the successe , ( which how small they are , your majesty well knowes : ) the more apparent , and , i hope , the more acceptable will my obedience be , in that which in all humility i now go about , at your majesties command : yet while i consider , that the way of man is not in himselfe , nor is it in man that walketh , to direct his owne steps ; and when i remember how many supplications , with strong crying and tears , have been openly and in secret offered up in your majesties behalfe , unto god that heareth prayer , i have no reason to despaire of a blessed successe . 1. i have been averse , from a disputation of divines , 1. for saving of time ; which the present exigence & extremity of affairs , make more then ordinarily pretious ; while archimedes at syracuse was drawing his figures & circlings in the sand , marcellus interupted his demonstration . 2. because the common result of disputes of this kind , answerable to the prejudicate opinions of the parties , is rather victory then verity ; while tanquam tentativi dialectici , they study more to overcome their adverse party , than to be overcome of truth , although this be the most glorious victory . 3. when i was commanded to come hither , no such thing was proposed to me , nor expected by me . i never judged so meanly of the cause , nor so highly of my selfe , as to venture it upon such weaknesse . much more might be spoken to this purpose ; but i forbeare . 2. i will not further trouble your majesty with that which is contained in the second section , hoping that your majesty will no more insist upon education , prescription of time , &c. which are sufficient to prevent admiration , but ( which your majesty acknowledges ) must give place to reason , and are no sure ground of resolution of our faith , in any point to be believed : although it be true that the most part of men make these and the like , to be the ground and rule of their faith : an evidence , that their faith is not a divine faith , but an humane credulity . 3. concerning reformation of religion in the third section ; i had need of a preface to so thorny a theame , as your majesty hath brought me upon ; 1. for the reforming power ; it is conceived , when a generall defection , like a deluge , hath covered the whole face of the church , so that scarcely the tops of the mountains doe appeare , a generall councell is necessary ; but , because that can hardly be obtained , severall kingdomes ( which we see was done , at the time of the reformation ) are to reforme themselves , and that by the authority of their prince , and magistrates : if the prince or supreme magistrate , be unwilling , then may the inferior magistrate , and the people , being before rightly , informed in the grounds of religion , lawfully reforme , within their owne sphere ; and if the light shine upon all , or the major part , they may , after all other meanes assayed , make a publique reformation . this , before this time , i never wrote or spoke ; yet the maintainers of this doctrine , conceive that they are able to make it good . but , sir , were i worthy to give advice to your majesty , or to the kings and supreme powers on earth , my humble opinion would be , that they should draw the minds , tongues , and pens of the learned , to dispute about other matter , then the power or prerogative of kings and princes ; and in this kind , your majesty hath suffered and lost more , then will easily be restored to your selfe or your posterity , for a long time . it is not denied but the prime reforming power , is in kings and princes , quibus — deficientibus , it comes to the inferior magistrate , quibus deficientibus , it descendeth to the body of the people ; supposing that there is a necessity of reformation , and that by no meanes it can be obtained of their superiors . it is true that such a reformation , is more imperfect , in respect of the instruments , and manner of procedure ; yet for the most part , more pure and perfect in relation to the effect and product . and for this end did i cite the examples of old of reformation by regall authority ; of which none was perfect , in the second way of perfection , except that of josiah . concerning the saying of grostead , whom the cardinals at rome confest to be a more godly man , than any of themselves ; it was his complaint , and prediction of what was likely to ensue , not his desire , or election , if reformation could have been obtained , in the ordinary way . i might bring two unpartiall witnesses , jewel and bilson , both famous english bishops , to prove that the tumults and troubles raised in scotland , at the time of reformation , were to be imputed to the papists opposing of the reformation , both of doctrine and discipline , as an hereticall innovation ; and not to be ascribed to the nobility , or people , who under god , were the instruments of it ; intending and seeking nothing , but the purging out of errour , and setling of the truth . 2. concerning the reformation of the church of england , i conceive , whether it was begun or not , in k. henry the 8. time , it was not finished by q. elizabeth : the father stirred the humors of the diseased church ; but neither the sonne nor the daughter ( although we have great reason to blesse god for both ) did purge them out perfectly : this perfection is yet reserved for your majesty : where it is said , that all this time i bring no reasons , for a further change ; the fourth section , of my last paper , hath many hints of reasons against episcopall government , with an offer of more , or clearing of those ; which your majesty hath not thought fit to take notice of . and learned men , have observed many defects in that reformation : as that the government of the church of england , ( for about this is the question now ) is not builded upon the foundation of christ and the apostles ; which they , at least cannot deny , who professe church-government to be mutable and ambulatory ; and such were the greater part of arch-bishops and bishops in england , contenting themselves with the constitutions of the church , and the authority and munificence of princes , till of late , that some few have pleaded it to be jure divino : that , the english reformation hath not perfectly purged out the roman leven ; which is one of the reasons that have given ground to the comparing of this church to the church of laodicaea , as being neither hot nor cold , neither popish nor reformed , but of a lukewarme temper , betwixt the two : that it hath depraved the discipline of the church , by conforming of it to the civil policy : that it hath added many church offices , higher & lower , unto those instituted by the son of god ; which is as unlawfull as to take away offices warranted by the divine institution : and other the like , which have moved some to apply this saying to the church of england , multi ad perfectionem pervenirent , nisi jam se pervenisse crederent . 4. in my answer to the first of your majesties many arguments , i brought a breviate of some reasons to prove , that a bishop and presbyter are one and the same in scripture : from which , by necessary consequence , i did inferre the negative ; therefore , no difference in scripture between a bishop and a presbyter ; the one name signifying , industriam curiae pastoralis ; the other , sapientiae maturitatem , saith beda . and whereas your majesty averres , that presbyterian government was never practised , before calvin's time ; your majesty knows , the common objection of the papists , against the reformed churches ; where was your church , your reformation , your doctrine , before luther's time ? one part of the common answer is , that it was from the beginning , and is to be found in scripture : the same i affirme of presbyterian government : and for proving of this , the assembly of divines at westminster , have made manifest , that the primitive christian church at jerusalem was governed by a presbytery : while they shew , 1. that that the church of jerusalem consisted of more congregations than one , from the multitude of believers , from the many apostles , and other preachers in that church , and from the diversity of languages among the believers . 2. that all these congregations , were under one presbyteriall government , because they were , for government , one church , acts 11. 22 , 26. and because that church was governed by elders , acts 11. 30. which were elders of that church , and did meet together for acts of government : and the apostles themselves , in that meeting , acts 15. acted not as apostles , but as elders ; stating the question , debating it , in the ordinary way of disputation ; and having , by search of scripture , found the will of god , they conclude , it seemed good to the holy ghost and us : which in the judgement of the learned , may be spoken by any assembly , upon like evidence of scripture . the like presbyterian government had place in the churches of corinth , ephesus , thessalonica , &c. in the times of the apostles ; and after them , for many years , when one of the presbytery was made episcopus praeses , even then , communi presbyterorum confilio , ecclesiae gubernabantur , saith jerome ; & episcopos magis consuetudine , quam dispositionis divinae veritate , presbyteris esse majores , & in commune debere ecclesiam regere . 5. farre be it from me to think such a thought , as that your majesty did intend any fallacy , in your other maine argument , from antiquity . as we are to distinguish between intentio operantis , & conditio operis ; so may we in this case consider the difference between intentio argumentantis , & conditio argumenti . and where your majesty argues , that , if your opinion be not admitted , we will be forced to give place to the interpretation of private spirits , which is contrary to the doctrine of the apostle peter , and will prove to be of dangerous consequence ; i humbly offer to be considered by your majesty , what some of chief note among the papists themselves have taught us , that the interpretation of scriptures , and the spirits whence they proceed , may be called private , in a threefold sense . 1. ratione personae , if the interpreter be of a private condition . 2. ratione modi & medii , when persons , although not private , use not the publique meanes which are necessary for finding out the truth , but follow their owne fancies . 3. ratione finis , when the interpretation is not proposed as authenticall to bind others , but is intended onely for our owne private satisfaction . the first is not to be despised ; the second is to be exploded , and is condemned by the apostle peter ; the third ought not to be censured : but that interpretation which is authenticall , and of supreme authority , which even mans conscience is bound to yeild unto , is of an higher nature . and , although the generall councell should resolve it , and the consent of the fathers should be had unto it , yet there must alwaies be place left to the judgment of discretion , as davenant , late bishop of salisbury , beside divers others , hath learnedly made appeare in his booke , de judice controversiarum ; where also the power of kings in matter of religion , is solidly and unpartially determined . two words onely i adde ; one is , that notwithstanding all that is pretended from antiquity , a bishop having sole power of ordination and jurisdiction , will never be found in prime antiquity . the other is , that many of the fathers did , unwittingly , bring forth that anti-christ , which was conceived in the times of the apostles , and therefore are incompetent judges in the question of hierarchy . and upon the other part , the lights of the christian church , at , and since the beginning of the reformation , have discovered many secrets , concerning the anti-christ and his hierarchy , which were not knowne to former ages : and diverse of the learned , in the roman church , have not feared to pronounce , that , whosoever denies the true and literall sense of many texts of scripture , to have been found out in this last age , is unthankfull to god , who hath so plentifully powred forth his spirit upon the children of this generation , and ungratefull towards those men , who with so great paines , so happy successe , & so much benefit to gods church , have travailed therein : this might be instanced in many places of scripture : i wind together diotrephes and the mystery of iniquity , the one , as an old example of church-ambition , which was also too palpable in the apostles themselves ; and the other as a cover of ambition , afterwards discovered ; which two , brought forth the great mystery of the papacy at last . 6. although your majesty be not made a judge of the reformed churches , yet you so farre censure them , and their actions , as , without bishops , in your judgment , they cannot have a lawfull ministery , nor a due administration of the sacraments : against which dangerous & destructive opinion , i did alledge what i supposed , your majesty would not have denied , 1. that presbyters without a bishop , may ordaine other presbyters . 2. that baptisme , administred by such a presbyter , is another thing than baptisme administred by a private person , or by a midwife . of the first your majesty calls for proofe : i told before that in scripture , it is manifest , 1 tim. 4. 14. neglect nor the gift that is in thee , which was given thee by the prophesie , with the laying on of the hands of the presbytery ; so it is in the english translation : and the word presbytery , so often as it is used in the new testament , alwaies signifies the persons , and not the office . and although the offices of bishop and presbyter were distinct ; yet doth not the presbyter derive his power of order , from the bishop . the evangelists were inferiour to the apostles ; yet had they their power , not from the apostles , but from christ : the same i affirme of the 70 disciples , who had their power immediately from christ , no lesse than the apostles had theirs . it may upon better reason be averred , that the bishops have their power from the pope , than that presbyters have their power from the prelats . it is true , jerome saith , quid facit , exceptâ ordinatione episcopus , quod non facit presbyter ; but in the same place he proves from scripture , that episcopus & presbyter are one and the same ; and therefore when he appropriates ordination to the bishop , he speaketh of the degenerated custome of his time . 2. concerning baptisme , a private person may perform the external action and rites , both of it and of the eucharist ; yet is neither of the two a sacrament , or hath any efficacy , unlesse it be done by him that is lawfully called thereunto , or by a person made publique and clothed with authority by ordination . this errour in the matter of baptisme , is begot by another errour , of the absolute necessity of baptisme . 7. to that which hath been said , concerning your majesties oath , i shall adde nothing ; not being willing to enter upon the question , of the subordination of the church to the civill power , whether to king , or parliament , or both , and to either of them , in their owne place . such an headship as the kings of england hath claimed , and such a supremacy as the houses of parliament crave , with appeales from the supreme ecclesiasticall judicature to them as set over the church , in the same line of subordination , i doe utterly disclaime upon such reasons as give my selfe satisfaction , although no man shall be more willing to submit to civill powers , each one in their owne place ; and more unwilling to make any trouble than my selfe : onely concerning the application of the generalls of an oath , to the particular case now in hand ; under favor , i conceive not how the clergy of the church of england , is , or ought to be principally intended , in your oath : for , although they were esteemed to be the representative church , yet even that is for the benefit of the church collective , salus populi , being suprema lex , and to be principally intended . your majesty knowes it was so in the church of scotland , where the like alteration was made . and , if nothing of this kind can be done without the consent of the clergy , what reformation can be expected in france , or spaine , or rome it selfe ? it is not to be expected , that the pope , or prelate will consent to their owne ruine . 8. i will not presume upon any secret knowledge of the opinions held by the king , your majesties father , of famous memory ; they being much better known to your majesty , i did onely produce , what was profest by him , before the world : and although prayers and tears be the arms of the church ; yet , it is neither acceptable to god , nor conducible for kings and princes , to force the church to put on these armes : nor could i ever heare a reason , why a necessary defensive warre against unjust violence is unlawfull , although it be joyned with offence and invasion which is intended for defence , but so that armes are layed down when the offensive warre ceaseth : by which it doth appeare , that the warre on the other side , was , in the nature thereof , defensive . 9. concerning the forcing of conscience , which i pretermitted in my other paper , i am forced now , but without forcing of my conscience , to speake of . our conscience may be said to be forced ; either by our selves , or by others . by our selves , 1. when we stop the eare of our conscience and will not hearken , or give place to information , resolving obstinately , ne si persuaseris , persuadebis ; which is no lesse then a resisting of the holy ghost , and the hardning of our hearts . 2. or when we stop the mouth , and suppresse the clamours of our conscience ; resolving rather to suffer the worme to gnaw , and the fire to burne inwardly , then to make profession of that we are convinced to be truth . 3. or when we seare our conscience , as with an hot iron , that it becometh senslesse ; which is the punishment of the former : unto which is opposed , the truly tender conscience ; such as josiah had , 2 king. 22. 19. againe , 1. our conscience is said to be forced by others , when they obtrude upon us what is in it self evill and unlawfull ; which if we admit , against our own conscience , we sin , two waies ; one is , by doing that which is in it self evill and unlawfull ; the other is , by doing it against a dictate of conscience , which is a contempt of god , whose vicegerent it is . 2. or when others urge us to do that which is in it selfe good , or may lawfully be done , but through error of conscience , we judge it to be evill and unlawfull : in this case , if we do not that which is prest upon us , we sin , because the thing is good and lawfull : and if we doe it , we sin , because we do against our conscience . which in this case bindeth , but obligeth not : and yet there is a way to escape out of this labyrinth , it being repugnant to the equity of the will of god to lay a necessity of sinning upon any man : the onely way is , to lay aside such a conscience , it being a part of the old man , which we are commanded to put off ; otherwise , we being sufficiently informed , and yet cleaving to our old error , we rather doe violence to our conscience our selves than suffer violence from others . the application , for answering the quaere , i leave to your majesty . newcastle , june 17. 1646. for mr. alex : henderson . in reply to his second paper , june 22. 1646. his majesties third paper . 1. it were arrogance , besides losse of time , in me to vie preambles with you ; for , it is truth i seek , and neither praise , nor victory ; wherefore i shall onely insist upon those things which are meerly necessary to my owne satisfaction ; in order to which , i desired the assistance of some divines ; whereupon i will insist no further , save onely to wish , that you may not ( as i have knowne many men doe ) lose time by being mistaken in the way to save it , wherein i have onely sought to disburden my selfe , but to lay no blame upon you , and so i leave it . 2. nor will i say more of the second then this , that i am glad you have so well approved of what i have said concerning my education and reason ; but then remember , that another mans will , is at least , as weake a ground , to build my faith upon , as my former education . 3. in this there are two points ; first , concerning the reforming power , then anent the english reformation ; for the first , i confesse you now speak clearly , which before you did but darkly mention , wherein i shall mainly differ with you , untill you shall shew me better reason : yet thus farre i will goe along with you , that when a generall councell cannot be had , severall kingdomes may reforme themselves , ( which is learnedly and fully proved by the late archbishop of canterbury in his disputation against fisher ) but , that the inferior magistrates or people ( take it which way you will ) have this power , i utterly deny ; for which , by your favour , you have yet made no sufficient proofe , to my judgement : indeed , if you could have brought , or can bring authority of scripture , for this opinion , i would and will , yet , with all reverence submit ; but as for your examples , out of the old testament , in my mind , they rather make for , than against me , all those reformations being made by kings ; and it is a good probable ( though i will not say convincing ) argument , that if god would have approved of a popular reforming way , there were kings of judah & israel sufficiently negligent and ill to have made such examples by ; but by the contrary , the 16. chap. of numbers shewes clearly , how god disapproves of such courses : but i forget this assertion is to be proved by you ; yet i may put you in the way , wherefore let me tell you that this pretended power in the people , must ( as all others ) either be directly , or else declaratorily by approbation , given by god ; which , how soon you can doe , i submit ; otherwise you prove nothing : for the citing of private mens opinions ( more then as they concurre with the generall consent of the church in their time ) weighs little with me , it being too well known , that rebels never wanted writers to maintain their unjust actions ; and though i much reverence bishop jewels memory , i never thought him infallible ; for bilson i remember well what opinion the king my father had of him for those opinions , and how he shewed him some favour in hope of his recantation , ( as his good nature made him do many things of that kind ) but whether he did , or not , i cannot say : to conclude this point , untill you shall prove this position by the word of god , ( as i will regall authority ) i shall think all popular reformation , little better than rebellions ; for , i hold that no authority is lawfull but that which is either directly given , or at least , approved by god . 2ly . concerning the english reformation , the first reason you bring why q. elizabeth did not finish it , is , because she tooke not away episcopacy , the hits of reason against which government , you say , i take no notice of ; now i thought it was sufficient notice , yea and answer too , when i told you , a negative ( as i conceived ) could not be proved , and that it was for me to prove the affirmative ; which i shall either doe , or yeild the argument , as soone as i shall be assisted with bookes , or such men of my opinion , who , like you , have a library in their braine : and so i must leave this particular , untill i be furnished with means to put it to an issue ; which had been sooner done , if i could have had my will : indeed your second well proved , is most sufficient , which is , that the english church government is not builded upon the foundation of christ and the apostles ; but i conceive your probation of this , doubly defective ; for first , albeit our archbishops and bishops should have professed church-government to be mutable & ambulatory , i conceive it not sufficient to prove your assertion : and secondly , i am confident you cannot prove , that most of them maintained this walking position , ( for some particulars must not conclude the generall ) for which you must find much better arguments than their being content with the constitution of the church , and the authority and munificence of princes , or you will fall extreamly short : as for the retaining of the roman leven , you must prove it , as well as say it , else you say little : but that the conforming of the church discipline to the civill policy , should be a depraving of it , i absolutely deny ; for i averre , that without it , the church can neither flourish , nor be happy : and for your last instance , you shall doe well to shew the prohibition of our saviour against addition of more officers in the church than he named ; and yet in one sense i doe not conceive that the church of england hath added any ; for , an archbishop is onely a distinction for order of government , not a new officer , and so of the rest ; and of this kind , i believe there are diverse now in scotland which you will not condemne , as the moderators of assemblies , and others . 4. where you find a bishop , and presbyter , in scripture , to be one and the same ( which i deny to be alwaies so ) it is in the apostles time ; now i think to prove the order of bishops succeeded that of the apostles , and that the name was chiefly altered , in reverence to those who were immediately chosen by our saviour , ( albeit , in their time , they caused diverse to be called so , as barnabas and others ) so that , i believe , this argument makes little for you : as for your proofe of the antiquity of presbyterian government , it is well that the assembly of divines at westminster can doe more then eusebius could , and i shal believe , when i see it ; for , your former paper affirmes , that those times were very dark for matter of fact , and will be so still for me if there be no clearer arguments to prove it , than those you mention : for , because there were diverse congregations in jerusalem ; ergo , what ? are there not divers parishes in one diocesse ? ( your two first i answer but as one argument ) and because the apostles met with those of the inferiour orders , for acts of government ; what then ? even so in these times doe the deanes and chapters , and many times those of the inferiour clergy assist the bishops ; but i hope you will not pretend to say , that there was an equality between the apostles and other presbyters , which not being , doth ( in my judgment ) quite invalidate these arguments : and if you can say no more for the churches of corinth , ephesus , thessalonica , &c. than you have for jerusalem , it will gaine no ground on me : as for saint jerome , it is well knowne that he was no great friend to bishops , as being none himselfe , yet take him altogether , and you will find that he makes a clear distinction between a bishop and a presbyter , as your self confesses ; but the truth is , he was angry with those who maintained deacons to be equall to presbyters . 5. i am well satisfied with the explanation of your meaning concerning the word fallacy , though i think to have had reason for saying what i did : but by your favour , i doe not conceive that you have answered the strength of my argument , for when you and i differ upon the interpretation of scripture , and i appeale to the practise of the primitive church , and the universall consent of the fathers , to be judge between us , methinks you should either find a fitter , or submit to what i offer ; neither of which ( to my understanding ) you have yet done ; nor have you shewne how , waving those judges i appeale unto , the mischief , of the interpretation by private spirits , can be prevented . indeed , if i cannot prove by antiquity , that ordination and jurisdiction belongs to bishops , ( thereby cleerly distinguishing them from other presbyters ) i shall then begin to misdoubt many of my former foundations ; ( as for bishop davenant , he is none of those , to whom i have appealed , or will submit unto ) but for the exception you take to fathers , i take it to be a begging of the question ; as likewise those great discoveries of secrets , not knowne to former ages , i shall call new-invented fancies , untill particularly you shall prove the contrary ; and for your roman authours , it is no great wonder for them to seek shifts whereby to maintaine novelties , as well as the puritans : as for church-ambition , it doth not at all terminate , in seeking to be pope ; for , i take it to be no point of humility to endeavour to be independent of kings , it being possible , that papacy in a multitude may be as dangerous as in one . 6. as i am no judge over the reformed churches , so neither doe i censure them , for many things may be avowable upon necessity , which otherwaies are unlawfull ; but know , once for all , that i esteeme nothing the better because it is done by such a particular church ( though it were by the church of england , which i avow most to reverence ) but i esteem that church most , which comes nearest to the purity of the primitive doctrine and discipline , as i believe this doth . now concerning ordination , i bad you prove that presbyters without a bishop might lawfully ordaine , which yet i conceive you have not done ; for , 2 tim. 1. 6. it is evident , that saint paul was at timothies ordination ; and albeit that all the seventy had their power immediately from christ , yet it is as evident that our saviour made a clear distinction between the twelve apostles and the rest of the disciples , which is set downe by three of the evangelists , whereof s. marke calls it an ordination , mark 3. 15. & s. luke sayes , and of them he chose twelve , &c. luke 6. 13. onely s. matthew doth but barely enumerate them by their name of distinction , mat. 10. 1. i suppose out of modesty , himselfe being one , and the other two being none , are more particular . for the administration of baptisme , giving , but not granting what you say , it makes more for me , than you : but i will not engage upon new questions , not necessary for my purpose . 7. for my oath , you doe well not to enter upon those questions you mention ; and you had done as well to have omitted your instance ; but , out of discretion , i desire you to collect your answer out of the last section ; and for your argument , though the intention of my oath be for the good of the church collective , therefore can i be dispensed withall by others than the representative body ? certainly no more than the people can dispense with me for any oaths i took in their favours , without the two houses of parliament ; as for future reformations , i will only tell you that incommodum non solvit argumentum . 8. for the king my fathers opinion , if it were not to spend time ( as i believe ) needlesly , i could prove by living and written testimonies , all , and more , then i have said of him , for his perswasion in these points which i now maintain ; and for your defensive war , as i do acknowledge it a great sin for any king to oppresse the church , so i hold it absolutely unlawfull for subjects ( upon any pretence whatsoever ) to make war ( though defensive ) against their lawfull soveraigne ; against which no less proofs will make me yeild but gods word ; and let me tell you , that upon such points as these , instances , as well as comparisons , are odious . 9. lastly , you mistake the quaere in my first paper to which this pretends to answer ; for my question was not concerning force of arguments ( for i never doubted the lawfulnesse of it ) but force of armes , to which , i conceive , it sayes little or nothing , unlesse ( after my example ) you refer me to the former section ; that which it doth , is meerly the asking of the question , after a fine discourse of the several wayes of perswading rather than forcing of conscience : i close up this paper , desiring you to take notice , that there is none of these sections but i could have enlarged to many more lines , some to whole pages ; yet i chose to be thus brief , knowing you will understand more by a word than others by a long discourse ; trusting likewise to your ingenuity , that reason epitomized , will weigh as much with you as if it were at large . june 22. 1646. c. r. for his majestie , concerning the authority of the fathers , and practice of the church . july 2. 1646. mr. alex : henderson's third paper . having in my former papers pressed the steps of your majesties propositions , and finding by your majesties last paper , controversies to be multiplyed , ( i believe ) beyond your majesties intentions in the beginning ; as concerning the reforming power : the reformation of the church of england ; the difference betwixt a bishop and a presbyter ; the warrants of presbyterian government ; the authority of interpreting scripture ; the taking and keeping of publique oathes ; the forcing of conscience ; and many other inferior and subordinate questions , which are branches of those maine controversies : all which in a satisfactory manner to determine in few words , i leave to more presuming spirits , who either see no knots of difficulties , or can find a way rather to cut them assunder , than to unloose them : yet will i not use any tergiversation ; nor doe i decline to offer my humble opinion with the reasons thereof , in the owne time concerning each of them ; which in obedience to your majesties command , i have begun to doe alalready . onely sir , by your majesties favourable permission , for the greater expedition , and that the present velitations may be brought to some issue , i am bold to entreat that the method may be a little altered , and i may have leave now to begin at a principle , and that which should have been , inter precognita ; i meane the rule , by which we are to proceed , and to determine the present controversie of church policy ; without which we will be led into a labyrinth , and want a thred to wind us out againe . in your majesties first paper , the universall custome of the primitive church , is conceived to be the rule . in the second paper , section the 5. the practise of the primitive church , and the universall consent of the fathers , is made a convincing argument , when the interpretation of scripture is doubtfull ; in your third paper , sect. 5. the practice of the primitive church , and the universall consent of the fathers , is made judge ; and i know , that nothing is more ordinary in this question , then to alleage antiquity , perpetuall succession , universall consent of the fathers , and the universall practise of the primitive church , according to the rule of augustine , quod universa tenet ecclesia , nec à consilio institutum , sed semper retentum est , non , nisi authoritate apostolicâ , traditum rectissime creditur . there is in this argument at the first view , so much appearance of reason , that it may much worke upon a modest mind ; yet being well examined and rightly weighed it will be found to be of no great weight ; for beside that the minor will never be made good in the behalfe of a diocaesan bishop , having sole power of ordination and jurisdiction , there being a multitude of fathers , who maintaine that bishop and presbyter are of one and the same order ; i shall humbly offer some few considerations about the major , because it hath been an inlet to many dangerous errors , and hath proved a mighty hinderance and obstruction to reformation of religion . 1. first , i desire it may be considered , that whiles some make two rules for defining controversies ; the word of god and antiquity , ( which they will have to be received with equall veneration ) or , as the papists call them , canonicall authority , and catholicall tradition ; and others , make scripture to be the onely rule , and antiquity the authentick interpreter ; the latter of the two seemes to me to be the greater errour : because the first setteth up a parallel , in the same degree with scripture ; but this would create a superior , in a higher degree above scripture : for the interpretation of the fathers shall be the {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , and accounted the very cause and reason for which we conceive and believe such a place of scripture to have such a sence ; and thus , men shall have dominion over our faith , against 2 cor. 1. 24. our faith shall stand in the wisdome of man , and not in the power of god , 1 cor. 2. 5. and scripture shall be of private interpretation ; for the prophesie came not of old by the will of man , 2 pet. 1. 20 , 22. nisi homini deus placuerit , deus non erit , homo jam deo propitius esse debebit , saith tertullian . 2. that scripture cannot be authentically interpreted but by scripture , is manifest from scripture : the levites gave the sense of the law by no other means , but by scripture it self , neh. 8. 8. our saviour for example to us , gave the true sense of scripture , against the depravations of satan , by comparing scripture with scripture , and not by alleaging any testimonies out of the rabbins , mat. 4. and the apostles , in their epistles ; used no other help , but the diligent comparing of propheticall writings ; like as the apostle peter , will have us to compare the clearer light of the apostles , with the more obscure light of the prophets , 2 pet. 1. 19. and when we betake our selves to the fathers , we have need to take heed , that , with the papists , we accuse not the scriptures of obscurity or imperfection . 3. the fathers themselves ( as they are cited by protestant writers ) hold this conclusion , that scripture is not to be interpreted , but by scripture it selfe : to this purpose , amongst many other testimonies , they bring the saying of tertullian , surge veritas , ipsa scripturas tuas interpretare , quam consuetudo non novit ; nam si noscet , non esset : if it knew scripture , it would be ashamed of it selfe , and cease to be any more . 4. that some errors have been received , and continued for a long time , in the church : the error of free will beginning at justin martyr , continued till the time of reformation , although it was rejected by augustine , as the divine right of episcopacy was opposed by others . the error about the vision of god , that the souls of the saints departed , see not the face of god , till the judgment of the great day , was held by universall consent : the same may be said of the error of the millenaryes ; and , which more nearly toucheth upon the present question , the auncients erred grosly about the antichrist and mystery of iniquity , which did begin to worke in the dayes of the apostles . many other instances might be brought to prove the universall practise of the church , as were not warranted by the apostles ; as in the rites of baptisme and prayer ; and the forming up and drawing together of the articles of that creed , that is called symbolum apostolicum ; the observation of many feasts and fasts both aniversary and weekly . 5. that it is not a matter so incredible , or impossible , as some would have it appeare to be , for the primitive church to have made a sudden defection from the apostolicall purity : the people of israel , in the short time of moses his absence on the mount , turned aside quickly , and fell into horrible idolatry , exod. 32. soone after the death of josuah , and the elders that had seen the great works , which the lord had done for israel , there arose another generation after them , which did evill in the sight of the lord , judg. 2. & 7. soone after the building of the temple , and setling of religion by david and salomon , the worship of god was defiled with idolatry : when rehoboam had established the kingdome , he forsook the law of the lord , and all israel with him , 2 chron. 12. 1. and the apostle sayes to the galatians , gal. 1. 6. i marvell that you are so soone removed unto another gospel : why then shall we thinke it strange , that in the matter of discipline , there should be a sudden defection , especially it being begun in the time of the apostles ? i know it is a common opinion , but i believe there be no strong reasons for it , that the church which was nearest the times of the apostles was the most pure and perfect church . 6. that it is impossible to come to the knowledge of the universall consent and practice of the primitive church : for many of the fathers wrote nothing at all , many of their writings are perished , ( it may be that both of these have dissented from the rest ) many of the writings which we have under their names are supposititius , & counterfeit , especially about episcopacy which was the foundation of papall primacy : the rule of augustine afore-mentioned doth too much favour traditions , and is not to be admitted , without cautions and exceptions . many the like considerations may be added ; but these may be sufficient to prove , that the unanimous consent of the fathers , and the universall practice of the primitive church , is no sure ground of authenticall interpretation of scripture . i remember of a grave divine in scotland , much honoured by k. james of happy memory , who did often professe that he did learne more of one page of john calvin , then of a whole treatise of augustine : nor can there be any good reason , ( many there be against it ) why the ancients should be so farre preferred to the moderne doctors of the reformed churches , and the one in a manner deified , and the other vilified : it is but a poor reason that some give , fama miratrix senioris aevi , and is abundantly answered by the apologist for divine providence . if your majesty be still unsatisfied concerning the rule , i know not to what purpose i should proceed or trouble your majesty any more . newcastle , july 2. 1646. for mr. alex : henderson , july 3. 1646. his majesties fourth paper . i shall very willingly follow the method you have begun in your third paper ; but i doe not conceive , that my last paper multiplies more controversies than my first gave accasion for ; having been so far from augmenting the heads of our disputation , that i have omitted the answering many things , in both your papers , expresly to avoid raising of new and needlesse questions ; desiring to have only so many debated , as are simply necessary to shew , whether , or not , i may with a safe conscience give way to the alteration of church-government in england ; and indeed i like very well , to begin with the setling of the rule , by which we are to proceed , and determine the present controversie ; to which purpose ( as i conceive ) my third paper shewes you an excellent way ; for there , i offer you a judge between us , or desire you to finde out a better , which , to my judgement , you have not yet done , ( though you have sought to invalidate mine ) for , if you understand to have offered the scripture , though no man shall pay more reverence , nor submit more humbly to it , than my self ; yet we must find some rule to judge betwixt us , when you and i differ upon the interpretation of the self-same text , or it can never determine our questions ; as for example , i say you misapply that of 2 cor. 1. 14. to me ( let others answer for themselves ) for i know not how i make other men to have dominion over my faith , when i make them onely serve to approve my reason ; nor doe i conceive how , 1 cor. 2. 5. can be applied to this purpose ; for there saint paul onely shewes the difference between divine and humane eloquence , making no mention of any kind of interpretation throughout the whole chapter , as indeed saint peter does , 2 pet. 1. 20. which i conceive makes for me ; for , since that no prophesie of scripture is of any private interpretation ; first , i inferre , that scripture is to be interpreted ; for else , the apostle would have omitted the word private : secondly , that at least the consent of many learned divines is necessary , and so à fortiore , that of the catholique church , ought to be an authentique judge , when men differ : and is it a good argument ? because ( mat. 4. 4. 7. 10. ) scripture is best interpreted by it selfe , therefore that all other interpretations are unlawfull ? certainfull you cannot thinke : thus having shewed you that we differ , about the meaning of the scripture , and are like to do so ; certainly there ought to be for this , as well as other things , a rule or a judge between us , to determine our differences , or , at least , to make our probations and arguments relevant ; therefore evading , for this time , to answer your 6 considerations ( not i assure you for the difficulty of them , but the starting of new questions ) i desire you onely to shew me a better , than what i have offered unto you . newcastle , july 3. 1646. c. r. for mr. alex : henderson , a particular answer to mr. alex : hendersons , july 3. 16. 1646. his majesties fifth paper . untill you shall finde out a fitter way to decide our difference in opinion concerning interpretation of scripture than the consent of the fathers , and the universall practice of the primitive church , i cannot but passe you my judgment anent those 6 considerations , which you offered to invalidate those authorities , that i so much reverence . 1. in the first you mention two rules for defining of controversies , and seeke a most old way to confute them , as i thinke ; for you alleage , that there is more attributed to them , then i believe you can prove , by the consent of most learned men ( there being no question , but there are alwaies some flattering fooles that can commend nothing but with hyperpolick expressions ) and you know that supposito quolibet , sequitur quidlibet ; besides doe you thinke , that albeit some ignorant fellowes , should attribute more power to presbyters , than is really due unto them , that thereby their just reverence and authority is diminished ? so i see no reason why i may not safely maintaine that the interpretation of fathers , is a most excellent strengthning to my opinion , though others should attribute the cause and reason of their faith unto it . 2. as there is no question , but that scripture is the farre best interpreter of it selfe , so i see nothing in this , negatively proved , to exclude any other , notwithstanding your positive affirmation . 3. nor in the next , for i hope you will not be the first to condemne your selfe , me , and innumerable others , who yet unblamably have not tyed themselves to this rule . 4. if in this you onely intend to prove , that errors were alwaies breeding in the church , i shall not deny it , yet that makes little ( as i conceive ) to your purpose ; but if your meaning be , to accuse the universall practice of the church with error , i must say it is a very bold undertaking ; and , ( if you cannot justifie your selfe by cleare places in scripture ) much to be blamed , wherein you must not alleage , that to be universally received , which was not , as i dare say , that the controversie about free will , was never yet decided , by oecumenicall , or generall councell ; nor must you presume to call that an error , which really the catholique church maintained ( as in rites of baptisme , formes of prayer , observation of feasts , fasts , &c. ) except you can prove it so by the word of god ; and it is not enough to say , that such a thing was not warranted by the apostles , but you must prove by their doctrine , that such a thing was unlawfull , or else the practice of the church is warrant enough for me to follow and obey that custome whatsoever it be , and thinke it good , and shall believe that the apostles creed was made by them , ( such reverence i beare to the churches tradition ) untill other authors be certainly found out . 5. i was taught that de posse ad esse was no good argument ; and indeed to me it is incredible , that any custome of the catholike church was erroneous , which was not contradicted , by orthodox , learned men , in the times of their first practice , as is easily perceived that all those defections were , ( some of them may be justly called rebellions ) which you mention . 6. i deny it is impossible , ( though i confesse it difficult ) to come to the knowledge of the universall consent , and practice of the primitive church , therefore i confesse a man ought to be carefull how to believe things of this nature ; wherefore i conceive this to be onely an argument for caution . my conclusion is , that albeit i never esteemed any authority equall to the scriptures ; yet i doe think the unanimous consent of the fathers , and the universall practice of the primitive church , to be the best and most authenticall interpreters of gods word , and consequently the fittest judges between me and you , when we differ , untill you shall find me better : for example , i think you for the present , the best preacher in newcastle , yet i believe you may erre , and possibly a better preacher may come , but till then , must retaine my opinion . newcastle , july 16. 1646. c. r. the end . by the king. a proclamation for the speedy payment of all such summes of money as are due to his majesty for customes or other duties upon merchandize, into his majesties receipt at his city of oxford. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a74221 of text r211765 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.5[145]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a74221 wing c2633 thomason 669.f.5[145] estc r211765 99870466 99870466 160856 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a74221) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160856) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f5[145]) by the king. a proclamation for the speedy payment of all such summes of money as are due to his majesty for customes or other duties upon merchandize, into his majesties receipt at his city of oxford. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1642] at foot of page: given at our court at oxford, this 23. or february, in the eighteenth yeare of our reigne. god save the king. imprint from wing. with engraving of royal seal at head of document. annotation on thomason copy: "march 11". reproductions of the originals in the british library (early english books) and the beinecke library, yale university (goldsmith's-kress library of economic literature). eng customs administration -great britain -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -finance -early works to 1800. a74221 r211765 (thomason 669.f.5[145]). civilwar no by the king. a proclamation for the speedy payment of all such summes of money as are due to his majesty for customes, or other duties upon england and wales. sovereign 1642 371 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-07 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-07 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion cr diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the king . a proclamation for the speedy payment of all such summes of money as are due to his majesty for customes , or other duties upon merchandize , into his majesties receipt at his city of oxford . whereas great summes of money are due to vs , as well in our ancient right , as by severall acts made this parliament for customes , duties , and impositions upon merchandize , which either have not been paid to our farmors , officers , or collectors , or remain still in their hands , whereby we have not in this our great necessity the benefit of our own revenue ; vve doe hereby vvill and command all our officers , farmors and collectors , in all and every of our ports of this kingdome , who have received any duties , customes or impositions upon merchandize , due to vs , either by any act of parliament , or in our ancient right since the beginning of this parliament , that they forthwith pay all such summs of money , as remaines in their hands upon any such receipts , into the receipt of our exchequer at our city of oxford , and at , or into no other place . and vve likewise vvill and command all such persons who have entred into bonds , or other obligations to any ministers , officers or collectors of the said customes , for the payment of such duties , that they pay the same into our said receipt at our city of oxford , and at , or into no other place , and vve doe hereby promise to save and keep harmelesse all such persons from any penalty or dammage , by reason of such bonds ; and wee doe expect a strict obedience to these our commands from all persons whom it may concerne , as they tender our service , and will answer the contrary at their utmost perills . given at our court at oxford , this 23. of february , in the eighteenth yeare of our reigne . god save the king . at the court at york, 28 martii, 1642 his majestie hath given me expresse command to give you this his answer to your petition. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a31827 of text r41267 in the english short title catalog (wing c2150). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a31827 wing c2150 estc r41267 31354725 ocm 31354725 110243 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a31827) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 110243) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1736:14) at the court at york, 28 martii, 1642 his majestie hath given me expresse command to give you this his answer to your petition. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. nicholas, edward, sir, 1593-1669. 1 sheet ([1] p.). by robert barker ... and by the assignes of john bill, imprinted at york : 1642. text begins: that this petition (as some others of this nature) is grounded upon misinformation ... "signed by master secretary nicholas." reproduction of original in the bodleian library. eng charles -i, -king of england, 1600-1649. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. broadsides -london (england) -17th century. a31827 r41267 (wing c2150). civilwar no at the court at york, 28 martii, 1642 his majestie hath given me expresse command to give you this his answer to your petition. england and wales. sovereign 1642 300 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-05 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-06 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-06 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion ❧ at the court at york . 28. martii . 1642. his majestie hath given me expresse command to give you this his answer to your petition . that this petition ( as some others of this nature ) is grounded upon mis-information , and ( being grieved and highly offended to see how his good people have been , and are abused by false rumors and intelligences , which have procured causlesse fears and apprehensions ) refers the petitioners to the two answers he hath given to his parliament , viz. to the declaration presented to him at new-market , and to the petition presented to him the six and twentieth of this moneth at york : wherein you will cleerly perceive , that his maiestie is not gone , but driven away from his parliament , and therefore his maiestie hath reason to think , that now ( understanding the love he bears to , and confidence he hath of his peoples fidelity ; as likewise his constant resolution for the maintaining of , and governing by the laws of the land ) you may finde reason to petition the parliament to comply with his maiesties iust desires , and gracious offers , this being the onely way , safely and speedily to cure the present distractions of this kingdom , and ( with gods blessing ) to put a happy end to the irish rebellion for the effecting whereof ( as his maiestie hath often said ) he will neither spare pains , nor decline any hazard of his person or fortune . signed by master secretary nicholas . ¶ imprinted at york by robert barker , printer to the kings most excellent majestie : and by the assignes of john bill . 1642. the protestation of the freeholders of yorkshire, may 13. 1642. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a91127 of text r182231 in the english short title catalog (wing p3867). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a91127 wing p3867 estc r182231 47683487 ocm 47683487 172945 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a91127) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 172945) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2658:3) the protestation of the freeholders of yorkshire, may 13. 1642. charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) 1 sheet ([1] p.). for t. bates., printed at london : 1642. the king's answer is included at the bottom of the sheet. reproduction of original in: eton college. library. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. yorkshire (england) -history -17th century. broadsides -england -london -17th century. a91127 r182231 (wing p3867). civilwar no the protestation of the freeholders of yorkshire, may 13th. 1642. vvhereas his majesty hath beene pleased to give summons to the gentry of t [no entry] 1642 635 5 0 0 0 0 0 79 d the rate of 79 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-07 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-08 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-08 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the protestation of the freeholders of yorkshire , may 13. 1642. vvhereas his majesty hath beene pleased to give summons to the gentry of this county to attend him at his court at yorke the twelfth of may instant , to advise with him in some particulars concerning the honour and safety of his majesties person , and the wel-being and peace of this our county , and in the said summons was pleased to omit the freeholders of this county , out of a tender respect of putting them to any extraordinary charge , yet we conscious of our sincere loyalty to his majesty our gracious soveraign , and concerning our selves according to the proportions of our estates , equally interested in the common good of the county , did take boldnes to come in person to yorke , and were ready to attend his majesties pleasure there . and whereas his majesty was pleased then to propound severall things to the purpose aforesaid , at the meeting of the country , to consider a fit answer to returne to his majesty thereupon , the doores of the meeting house were shut against us , we utterly excluded , and in our absence a referree of knights and gentlemen chosen without our knowledge or consent to draw up the said answer : we the free-holders who petitioned his majesty the day above said , concerning our selves abundantly injured in the election ( not knowing any warrant by writ or otherwise for the same of the said referree , & that we ought not however to be concluded by any resolution of theirs without our assent in their election ; doe absolutely protest and declare against the said election ; and as farre as concernes us disavow whatsoever shall be the result of their consultation thereupon , and doe desire a new and faire election o● a referree may be made , we admitted to our free votes in the same , and some one or more to be nominated by us , allowed to deliver our sense for us at anot●er meeting : and that we shall not make good in the least r●sp●ct any th●ng whatsoever which shall otherwise be concluded upon . by the king . vvhereas upon summons from vs divers gentlemen of this our county of yorke did attend upon thursday the 12. of this instant , when we declared our resolution for the reasons then delivered by vs , to have a guard to secure and defend our person , and desired therein the concurrence and assistance of the gentry of this county . and whereas divers gentlemen of this county for many reasons and occasions could not then appeare to receive our pleasure in that behalfe , whereunto divers have subscribed , we have therfore thought good hereby to give notice as well to those gentlemen who were not then present , as to those which did then attend vs , that our command is , that as well those gentlemen who are charged with horse , as others , appeare at yorke upon friday the 20. of this moneth , in such manner and equipage as will be convenient for the guard of our person . and we require and command that in the intrim no other warrants , order , or command whatsoever shall distract or hinder this our service . and we further wil & command , that this our order be forthwith published by the sheriffe of this our county , for which this shall be sufficient warrant ▪ given at our court at yorke the 14. day of may , in the eighteenth yeare of our reigne . vivat rex . 1642. printed at london for t. bates . 1642. huntington 15⁰ martii, 1641. his majesties message to both houses of parliament upon his removall to the citie of york. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a78902 of text r209813 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.3[55]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a78902 wing c2467 thomason 669.f.3[55] estc r209813 99868670 99868670 160613 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a78902) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160613) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f3[55]) huntington 15⁰ martii, 1641. his majesties message to both houses of parliament upon his removall to the citie of york. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by robert barker, printer to the kings most excellent majestie: and by the assignes of john bill, imprinted at london : 1641 [i.e. 1642] with engraving of royal seal at head of document. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng charles -i, -king of england, 1600-1649 -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a78902 r209813 (thomason 669.f.3[55]). civilwar no huntington 15 martii, 1641. his majesties message to both houses of parliament upon his removall to the citie of york. england and wales. sovereign 1642 607 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms huntington 15o martii , 1641. ❧ his majesties message to both houses of parliament upon his removall to the citie of york . his majestie being now in his remove to his city of york , where he intends to make his residence for some time , thinks fit to send this message to both houses of parliament ; that he doth very earnestly desire , that they will use all possible industry , in expediting the businesse of ireland , in which they shall finde so cheerfull a concurrence by his majestie , that no inconvenience shall happen to that service by his absence , he having all that passion for the reducing of that kingdom , which he hath expressed in his former messages , and being unable by words to manifest more affection to it , then he hath indeavoured to do by those messages ( having likewise done all such acts as he hath been moved unto by his parliament ) therefore if the misfortunes and calamities of his poor protestant subjects there shall grow upon them ( though his majestie shall be deeply concerned in , and sensible of their sufferings ) he shall wash his hands before all the world , from the least imputation of slacknesse in that most necessary and pious work . and that his majestie may leave no way unattempted , which may beget a good understanding between him and his parliament ; he thinks it necessary to declare , that as he hath been so tender of the priviledges of parliament , that he hath been ready and forward to retract any act of his own , which he hath been informed hath trencht upon their priviledges , so he expects an equall tendernesse in them of his majesties known and unquestionable priviledges ( which are the priviledges of the kingdom ) amongst which , he is assured it is a fundamentall one , that his subjects cannot be obliged to obey any act , order , or injunction to which his majestie hath not given his consent : and therefore he thinks it necessary to publish , that he expects , and hereby requires obedience from all his loving subjects to the laws established , and that they presume not upon any pretence of order , or ordinance ( to which his majestie is no partie ) concerning the militia or any other thing , to do or execute what is not warranted by those laws , his majestie being resolved to keep the laws himself , and to require obedience to them from all his subjects . and his majestie once more recommends to his parliament the substance of his message of the 20th of ianuary last , that they compose and digest , with all speed , such acts as they shall think fit , for the present and future establishment of their priviledges ; the free and quiet enjoying their estates and fortunes ; the liberties of their persons ; the security of the true religion now professed in the church of england ; the maintaining his majesties regall and just authority , and setling his revenue ; his majestie being most desirous to take all fitting and just wayes , which may beget a happy understanding between him and his parliament , in which he conceives his greatest power and riches doth consist . ¶ imprinted at london by robert barker , printer to the kings most excellent majestie : and by the assignes of john bill . 1641. by the king. a proclamation for the speedy payment of the monies assessed by parliament for disbanding the armies proclamations. 1641-07-06. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a32054 of text r217253 in the english short title catalog (wing c2634). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a32054 wing c2634 estc r217253 99828944 99828944 33377 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a32054) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 33377) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1984:12) by the king. a proclamation for the speedy payment of the monies assessed by parliament for disbanding the armies proclamations. 1641-07-06. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by robert barker, printer to the kings most excellent majesty: and by the assigns of john bill, imprinted at london : 1641. at end of text: given at his majesties palace at westminster the sixt day of july, in the seventeenth yeer of the reign of our soveraign lord charles by the grace of god king of england, scotland, france, and ireland, defender of the faith, &c. god save the king. eng england and wales. -army -early works to 1800. england and wales. -parliament -early works to 1800. a32054 r217253 (wing c2634). civilwar no by the king. a proclamation for the speedy payment of the monies assessed by parliament for disbanding the armies. england and wales. sovereign 1641 438 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-07 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-07 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion cr diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms ❧ by the king . ❧ a proclamation for the speedy payment of the monies assessed by parliament for disbanding the armies . whereas for the present raising of great sums of money for the speedy disbanding of both the armies ( a matter of high concernment in the happy setling of peace between his majesties two kingdoms of england and scotland ) an act hath been lately made and published by authority of this present parliament , entituled , an act for the speedy provision of monies for disbanding the armies , and setling the peace of the two kingdoms of england and scotland : whereby it is enacted , that all and every person and persons of the severall ranks and degrees mentioned in the same act , shall for the purpose aforesaid , contribute and pay the severall sums of money set down and appointed by the said act : and howsoever his majestie ( out of the experience of the forward affections of his loving subjects towards him , and the publike good of both kingdoms ) can no way doubt of their alacrity and readinesse herein : yet for a more speedy and generall publishing of the said act to all his people , whereby the said money may be leavied and paid within the respective times limited by the said act , he hath thought fit ( by advice of his parliament ) to make this publike declaration therein , that all manner of persons of what degree , condition , or quality soever , according to the tenour and intent of the said act , do without delay make payment of the severall sums appointed and assessed by the said act , at such dayes and times , and to such persons , and at such places as are limited by the said act , under the pains and penalties therein provided and expressed , and to be further punished according to the law , and the merit of their offences in a businesse of such consequence to the publike . given at his majesties palace at westminster the sixt day of july , in the seventeenth yeer of the reign of our soveraign lord charles by the grace of god king of england , scotland , france , and ireland , defender of the faith , &c. ❧ god save the king . ¶ imprinted at london by robert barker , printer to the kings most excellent majesty : and by the assignes of john bill 1641. c.r. a letter sent from his majesty to the high sheriffes of the counties of yorke, lincolne, stafford, derby, chester, lancaster, nottingham, westmorland, cumberland, northumberland and the bishoprick of durham, &c. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a78854 of text r210541 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.5[29]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a78854 wing c2393 thomason 669.f.5[29] estc r210541 99869328 99869328 160742 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a78854) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160742) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f5[29]) c.r. a letter sent from his majesty to the high sheriffes of the counties of yorke, lincolne, stafford, derby, chester, lancaster, nottingham, westmorland, cumberland, northumberland and the bishoprick of durham, &c. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. england and wales. parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed for i.t., london : 1642. includes: a proclamation for putting the laws against popish recusants in due execution. sir george wentworth has been appointed receiver of the revenue from forfeitures of popish recusants in the northern counties. .. -steele. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng catholics -great britain -legal status, laws, etc. -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a78854 r210541 (thomason 669.f.5[29]). civilwar no c.r. a letter sent from his majesty to the high sheriffes of the counties of yorke, lincolne, stafford, derby, chester, lancaster, nottingha england and wales. sovereign 1642 678 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-08 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-08 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c. r. a letter sent from his majesty to the high sheriffes of the counties of yorke , lincolne , stafford , derby , chester , lancaster , nottingham , westmorland , cumberland , northumberland and the bishoprick of durham , &c. whereas by letters patents under our great seale of england , we have granted unto sir george wentworth the office of receiver of our revenew , arising by the forfeitures of popish recusants , in the northerne counties , thereby authorizing him to receive , and take up in our name , and to our use all the rents and forfeitures due and payable to us , for or in respect of recusancy , or conviction of any person or persons whatsoever , or by force of any act or acts of parliament made against recusants notwithstanding ; which , as we are informed , you have not onely taken upon you to discharge recusants within that county , from paying their rents and forfeitures into our receipt at yorke , to our said receiver , or his deputy , but pretend they have no power to receive the same . thereby making our grant of no effect : which having taken into our princely consideration , and foreseeing that by this meanes our revenew will not onely be impaired ; but if timely redresse be not applied , may be in danger to be destroyed and lost ; we have thought good , and by these presents require and command you , that from henceforth you forbeare , upon any pretence whatsoever , to receive the said forfeitures or compositions for recusancy , or to hinder the said sir george or his deputies in receiving or collecting the same , according to his said grant , untill our pleasure therein be further made knowne . given at our court at yorke quinto die maii , 1642. by the king a proclamation for putting the laws against popish recusants in due execution . the kings most excellent majesty , having been formerly moved by his parliament , for putting the laws in execution against papists , whereto he hath from time to time still given his gracious answers , expressing his willingnesse therunto : but now finding , that no such proceedings against them have been yet had , as might answer his majesties expectation : his majesty therefore , out of his princely and pious care , as well for maintaining the true protestant religion established in this kingdom , as for suppressing by lawfull wayes , all increase and growth of popery ; hath thought fit to publish his royall pleasure therein : wherefore his majesty doth hereby straitly charge and command , all and every his judges and justices of assize , sheriffs , justices of peace , and other his officers and ministers whatsoever , whom it doth any way concern , that they , and every of them , according to the duties of the r severall offices and places , do forthwith , and without further delay , put in due and effectuall execution the lawes and statutes of this realm , provided and made against popish recusants , and that without favour or connivence ; as they tender his maiesties just and royall commands , the good of this church and kingdome , and will answer for neglect of their duties herein . die martis , 20. maii , 1642. it is this day ordered by the lords and commons in parliament assembled , that the magazines of the severall counties in england and wales , shall be forthwith put into the power of the lord lievtenants of the said counties , respectively , ( being such as the parliament doth confide in ) for the service , and safety of his majesty and his kingdom . ordered by the lords in parliament , that this order shall be printed and published . ioh. brown , cler. parl. london printed for i.t. 1642. by the king. to our trusty and welbeloved our colonells, lievtenant-colonells, serjeant-majors, captaines, and all other our officers of our army. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a78954 of text r39147 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.5[132]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a78954 wing c2531 thomason 669.f.5[132] estc r39147 99870440 99870440 160844 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a78954) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160844) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f5[132]) by the king. to our trusty and welbeloved our colonells, lievtenant-colonells, serjeant-majors, captaines, and all other our officers of our army. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by leonard lichfield printer to the university, printed at oxford : anno dom. 1642 [i.e. 1643] a london reprint. -steele. at head of title: c. r. at foot of text to colonells incorrectly reads: "from our court at oxford, this twentieth of january, 1642." date should read: 12 january, 1643. -steele. includes: worcester agreement, 10 jan., to raise £3,000 monthly. reproductions of the originals in the societies of antiquaries library, london [early english books] and the british library [thomason tr. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a78954 r39147 (thomason 669.f.5[132]). civilwar no by the king. to our trusty and welbeloved our colonells, lievtenant-colonells, serjeant-majors, captaines, and all other our officers of our england and wales. sovereign 1643 726 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-07 paul schaffner sampled and proofread 2008-07 paul schaffner text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c. r. ❧ by the king . ¶ to our trusty and welbeloved our colonells , lievtenant-colonells , serjeant-majors , captaines , and all other our officers of our army . wee taking into our princely consideration the ready affection of our good people of our counties of oxford and berks , to supply and furnish our army with all possible accommodation the country can afford , doe expect therefore , that you , whom we have trusted with commands , shall take especiall care in your severall quarters , that all souldiers under you treate , all our good people with brotherly humanity , and that none of them waste or spoyle any corne , hay , or other provisions , but to husband and preserve the same , as much as may be : · and doe require your care herein , as you tender our honour , the good of our army , and the conservation of the weale-publike . further commanding you to let all the souldiers under your command know from us , that if they shall transgresse herein , they must expect to receive that punishment which either the law martiall , or the lawes of the land can justly impose upon them : and we admonish you that upon all complaints against any of your souldiers , you render them to our ministers of iustice to be examined and proceeded against accordingly ; hereof you may not fayle . from our court at oxford , this twentieth of january , 1642. an agreement of the great inquest made at the last sessions for the county of worcester , for the raising of three thousand pound monethly , towards the payment of his majesties forces , sent and raised for defence of the said county and city of vvorcester . wigorn. ss. ad general . session . pacis dom. regis tent . apud wigorn. pro com. praedict. decimo die ianuarii , anno regni dom , caroli nunc regis angliae , &c. decimo octavo . whereas the great inquest at this present sessions , upon consideration had of the kings majesties most gratious letters , agreed that there should be raised forth of the county of worcester , the summe of three thousand pounds of lawfull english money a moneth , towards the payment of his majesties forces , sent and raised for the defence of the said county , and the city of vvorcester . the first payment to be for this present moneth of ianuary , and the said summe or summes which should be raised , to be paid unto the severall high-constables of the county of vvorcester , and to be paid by them unto iohn bacon gent. to be disposed of by sir vvilliam russell baronet , high-shriffe of the county of vvorcester , and governor of the said city , uppon accompt to be given by him to the kings majesty , and likewise to the said county , which first monethly payment shall be paid before the second day of february next coming , and so to continue , as long as sir vvilliam russell and the kings majesties iustices of peace of the county of vvorcester , assembled at this present sessions , shall thinke fit : and that the same mony should be assessed by foure or more of the most sufficient inhabitants of every parish or vjllage in the county of vvorcester , according to the usuall rates of the payments within the said county , and that every person which should be so assessed for his lands and rents where they lye , and all persons of ability should be assessed for their personall estate , and likewise the clergy , and all others that are owners of impropriate tithes or any others tythes whatsoever , should be assessed towards the said paiment from time to time , which said agreement of the great inquest , the court doth very well approve , and doth order it accordingly , it is thereupon ordered , that the clarke of the peace shall presently make out warrants to the severall high-constables of the county of vvorcester for the collecting of the same per curiam . printed at oxford by leonard lichfield printer to the university . anno dom. 1642. by the king. his majesties gracious offer of pardon to the rebells now in armes against him, under the command of robert earle of essex. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a78810 of text r212652 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.7[9]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a78810 wing c2341 thomason 669.f.7[9] estc r212652 99871247 99871247 160991 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a78810) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160991) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f7[9]) by the king. his majesties gracious offer of pardon to the rebells now in armes against him, under the command of robert earle of essex. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by leonard lychfield, printer to the vniversity, oxford [i.e. london] : 1643. actual place of publication from wing. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng essex, robert devereux, -earl of, 1591-1646 -early works to 1800. pardon -england -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a78810 r212652 (thomason 669.f.7[9]). civilwar no by the king. his majesties gracious offer of pardon to the rebells now in armes against him, under the command of robert earle of essex. england and wales. sovereign 1643 682 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-05 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-06 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2008-06 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion by the king . his majesties gracious offer of pardon to the rebells now in armes against him , under the command of robert earle of essex . whereas an actuall and open rebellion is raised , and severall armies marching against us , under the command and conduct of robert earle of essex , and other persons under his commissions and authority , who falsly pretend that what they do is by vertue of our authority , & for our service , and so seduce many of our weak subjects from their duty and allegiance into this horrid and odious rebellon against us . we doe therefore once more declare the said robert earle of essex , and all such who by any commission under him , have levied or doe command any souldiers to bee guilty of high treason ; and that this rebellion is raised to take away our life from us , to destroy our posterity , to change the blessed protestant religion established by the lawes of the land , to suppresse the law of the kingdome , to take away the liberty of the subject , and to subject both to an unlimited arbitrary power . and we doe therefore will and command all our loving subjects upon their allegiance , and their oaths of allegiance and supremacy , that they apprehend the said earle of essex , and all such who , by vertue of any commission under him , have levied , or doe now command any souldiers in any places of this kingdome , as guilty of high treason . and whereas we understand that , at this time , the said robert earle of essex , and some other commanders who have equall or independent authority from him , doe traiterously lay siege to , and intend to assault our towne of redding , we , considering that the most part of those commanders and souldiers are seduced by specious pretexts above said , have , out of our princely grace and clemency , thought fit , and doe hereby declare , that we are pleased to grant our free and generall pardon as well to all captaines and inferiour officers ( not formerly excepted in any of our declarations or proclamations ) as to all common souldiers now before our towne of redding , or elsewhere , as to persons seduced by the cunning & falshood of the authors of the present rebellion : if such captains , inferior officers and souldiers shall disband within six dayes after the publishing of this our proclamation , so as they commit no hostile act in the meane while . and we doe farther declare , that such officers as aforesaid , shall returne to their due obedience to us , and render themselves to the lieutenant-generall , or other principall officer of our army , or to the governour of that our towne of redding , and be willing to serve us , shall be entertained in our army , or if they be not willing to serve , shall have our pardon and free passe , provided they take an oath never to take up armes against us . and that such common souldiers as shall lay downe their armes according to this our proclamation , shall receive our like gracious pardon , and be entertained in our service , if they shall be willing , or otherwise , taking the aforesaid oath , have five shillings in money given them , and a passe to carry them to their dwellings . but in case this our gracious mercy to them , produce not those good effects we hope for , such extremity of punishment they are to expect , as the highnesse of so treasonablean act in its owne nature deserves . given at our court at oxford , the eighteenth day of april in the nineteenth year of our reigne . god save the king . oxford , printed by leonard lychfield , printer to the vniversity , 1643. by the king. to our trusty and welbeloved high shieriffe [sic] of our county of york. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a79127 of text r210528 in the english short title catalog (wing c2828). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a79127 wing c2828 estc r210528 47682831 ocm 47682831 172789 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a79127) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 172789) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2650:10) by the king. to our trusty and welbeloved high shieriffe [sic] of our county of york. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.). imprinted at yorke by robert barker, and now reprinted at london and are to be sold by g.b. at his shop neere cliffords inne., [london] : 1642. royal arms, with init. "c r" at head of title; initial. "given at our court at yorke the fifth day of may, in the eightenth [sic] yeare of our reigne, &c." reproduction of original in: eton college. library. eng hotham, john, -sir, d. 1645 jan. 2. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. broadsides -england -london -17th century. a79127 r210528 (wing c2828). civilwar no by the king. to our trusty and welbeloved high sheriffe of our county of york. england and wales. sovereign 1642 773 1 0 0 0 0 0 13 c the rate of 13 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c r diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the king . to our trusty and welbeloved high shieriffe of our county of york . trusty and well beloved , wee greet you well : whereas we understand , that sir iohn hotham takes upon him ( without any legall authority or power ) to issue warrants to constables , and other our officers , to raise diverse of our trained bands of this our county , and requires them to ma●ch with their armes , and to come into our towne of hull , where he hath disarmed diverse of them , keepes their armes , and discharges the men : and whereas wee are credibly informed , that diverse persons , who were lately colonels , livetenant-colonels , captaines and officers of the trained bands of this our county , intend shortly to summon , and indeavour to muster the forces of this our county : for as much as by the law of the land , none of our trained bands are to be raised or mustered , upon any pretence or authority whatsoever , but by special warrant under our owne hand , or by a legall writ directed to the sheriffe of the county , or by warrant from the lord lievtenant , or deputy-lievtenants of the county , appointed and authorized by commission under our great seale . and whereas at present there is no lord lievetenant or deputy lievetenant legally authorized to command the forces and trained bands of this our county of yorke , and the commissions , to command , and power of all colonells , lievetenant colonels , captaines and officers of our trained bands , ( which were derived from the commission and power of the lord lievetenant onely ) are now actually voyd , and of no force and authority . our will and command therefore is , that you forthwith issue warrants under your hand , to all the late colonels , lievetenant-colonels , captaines and officers , who ( whiles the lord lievtenants commission was in force ) had the command of the trained bands of this our county : and also to all high and petty constables , and other our officers , in this our county , whom it may concerne , charging and commanding them , and every of them , in our name , and upon their allegiance , and as they tender the peace of this our kingdome , not to muster , leavie , or raise , or to summon , or warne ( upon any pretence or directions whatsoever ) any of our trained bands to rise , muster , or march , without expresse warrant under our hand , or warrant from you our sheriffe grounded upon a particular writ to that purpose , which we also command you , not to put in execution without our privity and allowance , whiles we shall reside in this our county . and in case any of our trained bands shall rise , or gather together , contrary to this our command , then wee will and command you to charge and require them , to dissolve , and retire to their dwellings . and if upon due summons from you , they shall not lay downe their arms , and depart to their dwellings , we will and command you upon your allegiance , and as you tender the peace and quiet of his our kingdome , to raise the power of the county , and suppresse them by force , as the law hath directed and given you power to doe . and too the end that this our expresse command may be notified to all our good subjects in this our county , so as none may pretend hereafter to have been misled through ignorance ; we require you to cause these our letters to be forthwith read , and published openly in all churches and parishes in this our county . herein you may not faile , as you tender the safety and honour of our person , the good and peace of this our kingdome , and will answer the contrary at your peril . for which this shall be your sufficient warrant . given at our court at yorke the fifth day of may , in the eighteenth yeare of our reign , &c. imprinted at yorke by robert barker , and now reprinted at london and are to be sold by g.b. at his shop neere cliffords inne . 1642. by the king a proclamation prohibiting from henceforth all entercourse of trade between our city of london and other parts of our kingdome untill other direction given by vs. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a32072 of text r225680 in the english short title catalog (wing c2687). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a32072 wing c2687 estc r225680 09506323 ocm 09506323 43357 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a32072) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 43357) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1327:8) by the king a proclamation prohibiting from henceforth all entercourse of trade between our city of london and other parts of our kingdome untill other direction given by vs. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. printed by leonard lychfield, oxford : 1643. at head of title: c.r. reproduction of original in the huntington library. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -sources. great britain -politics and government -1625-1649. a32072 r225680 (wing c2687). civilwar no by the king. a proclamation prohibiting from henceforth all entercourse of trade between our citty of london and other parts of this our kin england and wales. sovereign 1643 1062 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c. r. ❧ by the king . ❧ a proclamation prohibiting from henceforth all entercourse of trade betweene our city of london , and other parts of our kingdome , untill other direction given by vs . whereas out of our tender care to our city of london , and in hope to reduce them to their due obedience to us , we by our proclamation , hearing date at our court at oxford the eight day of december now last past , did declare our royall pleasure to be , that there should be no stop or interruption to any of our loving subjects , as they should travell to our city of london with any cloaths , wares , or marchandize , but that they should freely and peaceably passe without any let , trouble or molestation whatsoever ; which grace and favour unto them , have in these many moneths wrought this contrary effect , that above all other paths of this our kingdom a prevalent faction of that city ( which over-rules the whole ) hath so far joyned with , and in that horrid rebellion , that it hath denounced war against the whole kingdom , by violent opposing all the possible wayes to peace ; and so that city formerly famous for their loyalty , and love to their sovereigns , is now become the head of that traiterous faction , and the receptacle of all such as are disaffected to our goverment , and the lawes of the kingdome : and not only willingly consents and submits to all burthens and impositions laid upon them , for the support and maintenance of the rebellious armies raised against us , but malitiously prosecutes and pursues all such who are but suspected to wish well to our service . and when we pitying the desperate and deplorable condition of our people , were gratiously pleased to desire a treaty for an accommodation , and propounded that whilest that treaty should continue , there might be a cessation of armes , and a free commerce for all our loving subjects in all parts of our kingdome , that so the benefits of trade and commerce being injoyed , our good people might bee the more in love with peace , yet this motion thus proceeding from us was neverthelesse by speciall incitation from the city of london ( which by the grace of our said proclamation enjoyed the said advantage of the whole kingdome ) scornfully neglected by the enemies of peace , and all entercourse interdicted to our city of oxford , the present place of residence for our court and army , and that restraint is continued upon all those who are thought to be serviceable , or but well affected to us : we therefore being thereunto enforced out of this necessity , and finding that the trade and commerce of the kingdome , which ought to be maintained for the publicke benefit of all our good people , is by this meanes inverted only for the advantage of those places , and persons which cherish this rebellion , the goods and merchandise of such who are thought well affected to us being seised when they are brought , to london , have thought it fit and reasonable to revoke and recall that our former act of grace and favour . and by this our proclamation , we doe publish and declare to all our subjects , that whosoever of them , either in their persons shall from henceforth travell unto our city of london , without license from our selfe , or one of our principall secretaries of state , the generalls , or lieutenant-generalls of our armies , or the governours of any of our townes , castles , or forts , or with their goods , catle , victuall or merchandize of any sort whatsoever , shall from henceforth travell unto , or for our said city of london or suburbs thereof , without our expresse licence for the same under our signe manuall , shall adventure the same at their own perills , we being resolved by all possible means to seize the same ; and that all those who from any parts of this our kingdome shall furnish or serve our said city of london or suburbs thereof , either by sea or land , with any victualls , or other provisions , or with any merchandize to maintaine them or their trade , as long as they shall obstinately stand out in rebellion aagainst us , we shall esteem as persons disaffected to us , and to our government , and as ayders & assisters to the rebells , and shall accordingly deale with them , and proceed against them : and that this restraint shall continue upon them untill such times as the inhabitants of the said city , finding their errors , shall returne to their due obedience unto us , straitly commandaig all the officers of our armies , and all other our officers , ministers , and loving subjects in all places through which any person , goods , cattle , victuall , or merchandise shall passe or be convesed towards the said city of london , to apprehend the persons , and seise and detaine the goods , untill upon speedy notice to us they shall receive our further directions : we hereby assuring them they shall receive part of such goods so seised in satisfaction and for their reward . but for the continuing of the generall trade and commerce of the kingdome , and the manufactures thereof ( which we desire to uphold and advance ) we leave all our subjects to trade freely in , and unto all other parts , and if and unto all other ports , or havens of this our kingdome , not being in actuall rebellion against us ; and from those ports to trade with their merchandise freely into any other parts whersoever beyond the seas , being in amity with us , without any restraint whatsoever . given under our signe manuallat our court at oxford this seventeenth day of iuly , in the nineteenth yeare of our reigne . god save the king . oxford , printed by leonard lychfield , 1643. a new declaration from both houses of parliament, die martis, may 17, 1642. england and wales. parliament. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a82903 of text r210538 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.5[26]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a82903 wing e1663 thomason 669.f.5[26] estc r210538 99869324 99869324 160739 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a82903) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160739) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f5[26]) a new declaration from both houses of parliament, die martis, may 17, 1642. england and wales. parliament. charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i). 1 sheet ([1] p.) for w.g., imprinted at london : may the 20. 1642. includes: his majesties letter to the gentry of york-shire, may 16. 1642. the lords and commons do declare that the king can only summon those subjects holding of him by special service. whoever shall take armes on this pretence is a disturber of the public peace, .. it is ordered by the house that if the trained bands assemble on the king's order, the sheriff is to raise the county to suppress them, .. -steele. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng charles -i, -king of england, 1600-1649 -early works to 1800. prerogative, royal -great britain -early works to 1800. yorkshire (england) -history -17th century -sources. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a82903 r210538 (thomason 669.f.5[26]). civilwar no a new declaration from both houses of parliament, die martis, may 17, 1642. england and wales. parliament. 1642 916 10 0 0 0 0 0 109 f the rate of 109 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the f category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2007-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-11 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-11 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a new declaration from both hovses of parliament , die martis , may 17. 1642. the lords and commons in parliament doe declare , that it is against the lawes and liberties of the kingdome , that any of the sub●ects thereof , should be commanded by the king to attend him at his pleasure , but such as are bound thereto by speciall service ; and that whosoever upon pretence of his majesties command shal take armes , and gather together with others in a warlike manner , to the terror of the kings people , shall be esteemed disturbers of the publicke peace , and to doe that which may introduce a president of very dangerous consequence for the future , and produce most mischievous effects for the present , considering the great distempers of the kingdome , and what pernitious councellors and lncendiaries , are now about the king , and how desperate and ill affected divers persons attending upon his majesty , have shewed themselves to the parliament , and to his other good sub●ects , threatning and reproaching them publickly , even in his majesties presence , and for preventing and avoiding such great mischiefes as may thereupon ensue . it is ordered and ordained by both houses of parliament , that if the trained bands , or any other his majesties subjects , shall upon pretence of any such command be drawne together , and put into a posture of warre , the sheriffe of that county where there shall be such raising , or drawing together of armed men ; doe forthwith raise the power of the county to suppresse them , and to keepe his majesties peace according to the law . and that the lord lieutenants , deputy lieutenants , justices of the peace , and all other his maiesties subiects , be aiding and assisting to the severall and respective sheriffs in performance hereof , as they will answer the contray at their perill . hen elsing ▪ cler. par. d. com. his majesties letter to the gentry of york-shire , may 16. 1642. to our right trusty and well beloved the gentry of york and others of this our county of yorke , whom it doth or may concerne . wee have with great contentment considered your dutifull and affectionate answer to our proposition concerning the unsufferable affront which we receiued at hull : wee have not been deceived in that confidence we have had in your affection , wherefore we desire you to assure the rest of your countrey-men , wh● through negligence were omitted to be summoned : that wee shall never abuse your love by any power wherewith god shall enable us to the least violation of the least of your liberties , or the d●minution of those immunities which we have granted you this p●rliament , though they be beyond the acts of most ( if not all ) on predecessors ; being resolved with a constant and firme resolution to have the law of this land duly observed , and shall endeavour onely so to preserve our just royall rights , as may enable us to protect our kingdome and people , according to the ancient honours of the kings of england , and according to the trust which by the law of god and this land , is put into the crowne , being sufficiently warned by the last affront at hull , not to transferre the same out of our power ; concerning which affront we will take some time to advise , which way we may imploy your affections . in the meane time we shall take it well from all such as shall personally attend us , so followed and provided , as they shall thinke fit for the better safety of our person , because we know not what sudden violence or affront may be offered unto us , having lately received such an actuall testimony of rebellious intentions , as sir iohn hotham hath expressed at hull . being thus secured by your affections and assistance , we promise you our protection against any contrary power whatsoever . and that you shall not be molested for your humble and modest petition , as of late you have been threatned . given at our court at york may 16. 1642. die martis 17. may , 1642. whereas the lords in parliament , have this day been informed , that the king is resolved to adjourn the next term from westminster to york ; vpon which , the lords sent a committee to the lord keeper of the great seal of england ▪ to know of him , whether he had received any command touching the same , who acquainted the said committee , tha● he had received command from his majesty , to issue proclam●tions , and writs , to that purpose . whereupon , this house taking the said matter into consideration , hath voted : that the kings removall of the term to york , from westminster , sitting this parliament , is illegall . and hath further ordered , that the said lord keeper shall not issue out any writs , or seal any proclamation ▪ for adjourning the said next term from westminster to yorke , as aforesaid . ioh. brown cler. parliamentorum . imprinted at london for w. g. may the 20. 1642. his majesties speech to the committee the 9th of march 1641 when they presented the declaration of both houses of parliament at new-market. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a74203 of text805 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.3[53]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a74203 thomason 669.f.3[53] 50811863 ocm 50811863 160611 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a74203) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160611) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f3[53]) his majesties speech to the committee the 9th of march 1641 when they presented the declaration of both houses of parliament at new-market. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by robert barker, printer to the kings most excellent majesty ; and by the assignes of john bill, imprinted at london : 1641 [i.e. 1642] with engraving of royal seal at head of document. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng great britain -politics and government -1642-1649 -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a74203 805 (thomason 669.f.3[53]). civilwar no his majesties speech to the committee, the 9th of march, 1641. when they presented the declaration of both houses of parliament at new-marke england and wales. sovereign 1642 487 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-09 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-11 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-11 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion ❧ his majesties speech to the committee , the 9th of march , 1641. when they presented the declaration of both houses of parliament at new-market . i am confident that you expect not i should give you a speedy answer to this strange and unexpected declaration ; and i am sorry ( in the distraction of this kingdom ) you should think this way of addresse to be more convenient , then that proposed by my message of the 20th of ianuary last to both houses . as concerning the grounds of your fears and iealousies , i will take time to answer particularly , and doubt not but i shall do it to the satisfaction of all the world . god , in his good time , will , i hope , discover the secrets and bottoms of all plots and treasons ; and then i shall stand right in the eyes of all my people . in the mean time , i must tell you , that i rather expected a vindication for the imputation laid on me in master pims speech , then that any more generall rumours and discourses should get credit with you . for my fears and doubts , i did not think they should have been thought so groundlesse or triviall , while so many seditious pamphlets and sermons are looked upon , and so great tumults are remembred , unpunished , uninquired into : i still confesse my fears , and call god to witnesse , that they are greater for the true protestant profession , my people and laws , then for my own rights or safety ; though i must tell you , i conceive that none of these are free from danger . what would you have ? have i violated your laws ? have i denied to passe any one bill for the rase and security of my subjects ? i do not ask you what you have done for me . have any of my people been transport with fears and apprehensions ? i have offered as free and generall a pardon , as your selves can devise . all this considered , there is a iudgement from heaven upon this nation , if these distractions continue . god so deal with me and mine , as all my thoughts and intentions are upright for the maintenance of the true protestant profession , and for the observation and preservation of the laws of this land : and , i hope , god will blesse and assist those laws for my preservation . as for the additionall declaration , you are to expect an answer to it , when you shall receive the answer to the declaration it self . ¶ imprinted at london by robert barker , printer to the kings most excellent majesty : and by the assignes of john bill . 1641. by the king, a declaration of orders made by the gouernour and company of merchants of london, trading to the east indies concerning priuate trade, to, in, or from the said indies, ratified and allowed by the king, and by his maiesties consent may bee printed for the better publication thereof. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) 1628 approx. 7 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a21080 stc 7446.5 estc s359 22303673 ocm 22303673 25370 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a21080) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 25370) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1751:15) by the king, a declaration of orders made by the gouernour and company of merchants of london, trading to the east indies concerning priuate trade, to, in, or from the said indies, ratified and allowed by the king, and by his maiesties consent may bee printed for the better publication thereof. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. by bonham norton, and iohn bill ..., imprinted at london : [1628] "dated the 20th of march, 1627, in the east india house, london." date of publication suggested by stc (2nd ed.). restricts private trade by company employees. reproduction of original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng east india company. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. 2007-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-09 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2007-09 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c r diev et mon droit . royal coat of arms ❧ by the king. ¶ a declaration of orders made by the gouernour and company of merchants of london , trading to the east indies , concerning priuate trade , to , in , or from the said indies , ratified and allowed by the king ; and by his maiesties consent may bee printed for the better publication thereof . whereas vpon the humble complaint of the gouernour , and company of merchants of london , trading to the east indies , it hath pleased his maiestie by his royall proclamation , straitly to prohibite all priuate , or vnderhand trading , either to , in , or from the said indies , otherwise then shall be allowed and licensed by the said company , for the important causes and reasons therein at large expressed , and vnto which in all occasions , relation must and may be had . the said gouernour and company , for the better encouragement of all such persons as now are , or hereafter shall be employed by them in their ships and voyages , as commanders , factors , captaines , masters , officers , mariners , or souldiers , and notwithstanding the extraordinary great wages , which they are accustomed to pay in their imployments , the sayd company is also content , and doth hereby declare , and giue licence vnto all , and euery person or persons aforesaid , to aduenture and trade for their proper and priuate accompts , either to , in , or from the said indies , vpon shippe or shippes , wherein they or any of them are , or shall be personally imployed in such wares and merchandize onely , as here vnder are expressed , both for the quantitie and quality of the same . ¶ and first the wares or merchandize which are ( as aforesaid ) to be exported in the companies ships , to the east indies , are as followeth . 1 perpetuanoes , drapery . 2 pewter . 3 saffron . 4 woollen stockins . 5 worsted stockins . 6 silke stockins . 7 silke garters , and ribband roses edged with gold lace . 8 beaues hats , with gold and siluer bands . 9 felt hats . 10 aquauitae , and all other sorts of strong waters . 11 kniues of all sorts . 12 spanish leather shoes . 13 iron . 14 looking-glasses . ¶ the wares which are licenced as aforesaid , to be brought into england , in the companies shippes from the east indies , are as followeth . 1 long pepper . 2 white pepper . 3 white powdred sugar . 4 preserued nutmegs . 5 preserued ginger . 6 preserued mirabilons . 7 beezer stones . 8 cotton yarne . 9 drugs of all sorts . 10 aggat beades . 11 blood ▪ stones . 12 muske . 13 alloes soccatrina . 14 ambergreece . 15 rich carpets of persia and cambaia . 16 quilts of satten , and of taffaty , and of painted callicoes . 17 beniamin . 18 damaskes of china . 19 sattens of china . 20 taffaties of china . 21 quilts of china imbrodered with gold . 22 quilts of petania imbrodered with silke . 23 galls . 24 wormeseeds . 25 sugar candie . 26 china dishes , or purslaines of all sorts . but for cloth , kersies , lead , tinne , and all other wares whatsoeuer , not mentioned , as aboue written , either natiue or forreigne , seruing for the voyages , into the sayd indies , or for the relading of the sayd shippes from thence into europe , they are wholly reserued to the onely vse , accompt , and aduenture of the said company . and it is further declared , that each particular man imployed in the voyage , as afore written , may lade and aduenture , for his owne priuate and proper accompt , in the wares and merchandize afore written , and not otherwise , so much onely as can be packed in one chest of foure foote long , one foote and a halfe broad , and one foote and a halfe deepe , and to the commanders , factors , captaines , masters , pursers , and masters mates of euery shippe , is granted a double proportion , that is to say , two chests of the said length , depth , and breadth , vpon such conditions , for the lading and vnlading of all the said goods in the places appointed , as are contained in the said proclamation . and the said companie doe further promise , that they will not demand , or take any freight for the merchandize which shall be laden or reladen in their shippes , as afore written , but will freely giue and bestow the same , to each particular man in their proportions , although it will amount to a great summe of money in euery voyage of this nature , where the freight cannot be valued lesse then forty pounds sterling for euery tonne . lastly , the said company doe in like manner grant and licence the sayd proportion of priuate trading , and no more , to each particular man , as aforesayd , from port to port in the east indies , in whatsoeuer kinde of merchandize , excepting onely those sorts of commodities , which at any time hereafter shall be laden for the accompt of the sayd company in the same shippes , where any such priuate trade shall bee permitted , after warrant first obtained vnder hand writing , from the presidents , or other chiefe factors , which mannage the affaires of the sayd company , in the respectiue places of the east indies , that so all may bee done and performed according to the tenor and true meaning of these orders , declared and published in the house of the said company here in london , and in other conuenient places , and sent likewise vnto all their factories in the east indies , together with his maiesties sayd proclamation to preuent ignorance in any person or persons to whom it may or shall appertaine . dated the 20 th of march , 1627. in the east india house , london . ¶ imprinted at london by bonham norton , and iohn bill , printers to the kings most excellent maiestie . the kings maiesties speech, as it was delivered the second of november before the vniversity and city of oxford together with a gratulatory replication expressed by that learned man doctor william strode, orator for the famou [sic] vniversity of oxford. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a32111 of text r21616 in the english short title catalog (wing c2778). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 4 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a32111 wing c2778 estc r21616 12406817 ocm 12406817 61418 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a32111) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 61418) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 248:e126, no 31) the kings maiesties speech, as it was delivered the second of november before the vniversity and city of oxford together with a gratulatory replication expressed by that learned man doctor william strode, orator for the famou [sic] vniversity of oxford. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. strode, william, 1600 or 1601-1645. 7 p. [s.n.], london : novemb. 9, 1642. originally published: oxford : 1642? another issue lacks "novemb. 9" in imprint. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649 -sources. a32111 r21616 (wing c2778). civilwar no the kings maiesties speech, as it was delivered the second of november before the vniversity and city of oxford. together with a gratulatory england and wales. sovereign 1642 1169 15 0 0 0 0 0 128 f the rate of 128 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the f category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2003-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-05 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-08 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2003-08 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the kings maiesties speech , as it was delivered the second of november before the vniversity and city of oxford . together with a gratulatory replication expressed by that learned man doctor william strode , orator for the famou● vniversity of oxford . first printed at oxford , and now re-printed at london , 1642. novemb. 9. the kings maiesties speech . as it was delivered the second of november , before the vniversity of oxford . together with a gratulatory replication expressed by that learned man doctor william strode , orator for the famous vniversity of oxford . it brings great comfort unto me , that i am now almost in the heart of my kingdome ; and it brings more comfort unto me , that i am now in the hearts of my subiects . i would to god we had all one heart in earnest , that so neither my kingdomes should suffer , nor i complaine . you see what is daily committed against me ( who am indeed the father of your countrey ) and i am most sory , that any par of my kingdome should owne those subiects ( who in pretence of religion ) should lament it , and destroy it . i come not here as a cunquerour but as your soveraigne , and beleeve me , there is not a drop of blood hath fallen from a true royall subiect , but i have symp●thized with it ▪ all the blood is lost , doth but open my wounds the wider , and 〈◊〉 sorry th●t you doe not understand it . beleeve me on ●●e word of a prince , on the word of your sove●●igne , there i● nothing more deare unto me then re●igion , the religion of my father and the royall queene his predecessor , a religion which ever from her owne fl●me● hath arised more pure , and multiplied . this is my businesse to you , in which i hope i shall satisfie both god and you ▪ and since i have left the warre behinde me , take peace and the day while you see it ▪ i see the clouds make hast to overcome it . the scep●er is and must bee mine , vnite your selves to maint●ine so honourable , so iust a cause , and what one hand cannot infringe , let many maintaine : you ha●e god for your cause , you have me for hi● second ; and since both are together , who can oppose us : you have seene the first and second victory , which the iustice and mercy of god hath beene pleased to bestow upon me . in the first we have taken prisoners and slaughtered the chiefest of their men , which was the sinewes of victory . in the second , we have taken all their treasure , which is the sinewes of warre . warre and victory , victory and warre and since the first is come unto us by necessity , i hope the second will bee devolved to us and to ours by inheritance . gentlemen , my heart doth bleed to see the losse of so many of my people , and where warre cannot preuaile upon me , piety hath done . i bleed in your wounds , and am much overcome to heare my selfe a conquerour . give me your hearts , and preserve your owne blouds . the heart of a prince is kept warme with the blood of his subiects : the blood of the subiects being not to be preserved , were it not loyally entertained into the heart of the prince . the movings of my lord of essex , did never trouble mee , i have offered my selfe in a quiet and inoffensive march , which i have found as open as it was in my progresse . i have indeavoured after a desired reconciliation , and i hope ere many daies passe over , to see it accomplished . it shall be a great happinesse unto mee , if through the many troubles and trauailes of my life , i can distill at last the soveraigne balme of peace into the desperate wounds of my distracted kingdome . the speech of the vniversity orator to gratulate his majesties comming unto oxford . high words cannot reach the ioy that your presence hath created in our hearts , which doe blesse our eyes for so desired an obiect . learning doth acknowledge the mercy of heaven in bringing your maiesty to give voyce to the dumbe academy , and renue the muses , slaine by that briareus of ignorance , which breathes nothing but religions destruction . our oxford hath now throwne off all clouds of discontents , and stands cleare , guilded by the beames of your maiesties royall presence . the burden cast on me , is my ioy , or rather the ioy of the academy , extaside into a learned amazement , and raptured into speech to see your maiesty . all gratulation cannot comply with our thoughts , to shew the pleasure our fancie takes to behold your maiesty . see royall king , how oxford , beauteous in her age , doth kneele , making teares of ioy a sacrifice , and begging to be protected from threatned ruine . shall the spring of learning bee dam'd up ? while ignorance doth teare and rend the muses garlands , as would both contemne and destroy schollers : for no enemy can learning have , unlesse it bee the ignorant . your royall maiesty is by descent , a protector of learning , and borne ( as your father was ) to bee the glory and defender of the muses . this may strongly invite your love , wherein wee are already happy in some degrees . but wee feare a malignant enemy should violate our cleare minerva , and banish from her both maintenance and glory . pure zeale doth make them seeke with one blow to destroy both learning and religion , now bleeding and wounding by schismaticall heads , and expecting cure from your royal maiesty . yet our feares are great , and grounded upon the unhappy fate of learning , which is despised of precise schollers that weare black onely to mourne for the decease of learning . but ioy cannot imagine the time discreet for a iust reproose , and therefore i must tell what pleasure doth refresh and water our thirsty garden , rather then complaine of scorching heate of persecution . our memory must not be active in striving to manifest sorrow incompatible with our present ioy . enlarge rhy selfe therefore oxford : and let not any griefe so blinde thy heart to a stupid peace , but let loud gratulations wound the aire with reporting welcome to our gracious king charles . by the king, a proclamation for the adjournement of part of michaelmas terme england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) 1625 approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a22385 stc 8800.3 estc s4625 23669668 ocm 23669668 26787 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a22385) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 26787) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1832:3) by the king, a proclamation for the adjournement of part of michaelmas terme england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. by i.l. and w.t. for bonham norton, and iohn bill ..., printed at oxford : m.dc.xxv [1625] "giuen at the court at tichfeld the fourth day of september, and in the first yeere of his maiesties reigne of great britaine, france and ireland." formerly stc 8799--cf. stc (2nd ed.). reproduction of original in the harvard university. library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these 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in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng proclamations -great britain. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. great britain -politics and government -1625-1649. 2003-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-06 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-07 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2003-07 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-08 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion by the king . ¶ a proclamation for the adjournement of part of michaelmas terme . the king our soueraigne lord considering the great and generall infection of the plague which at this present is in the cities of london and westminster , and other places neere adioyning , and how perilous it might bee to his louing subiects , if they should bee enforced to repaire thither for their suites and causes before such time as it shall please almighty god of his goodnesse and mercy to remooue or ease that heauy visitation . his maiestie therefore of his especiall grace and fauour to his people : and for their better safety and preseruation , is pleased to adiourne part of the tearme of saint michael now next comming : that is to say , from the vtas thereof vnto the fourth returne of the same tearme called mense michaelis , which his maiestie signifieth to all and singular his louing subiects of this his realme , to the intent that they and euery of them which hath cause or commandement to appeare in any of his highnesse courts at westminster , in , or at any day or time , from and after the said vtas of saint michael , may tarry at their dwellings , or where their businesse otherwise shall lye , without resorting to any of the said courts for that cause , before the said mense michaelis next comming , and that without danger of forfeiture , penalty , or contempt to incurre towards his highnesse in that behalfe . and neuerthelesse his maiesties pleasure is , that two of his iustices , that is to say , of either bench one , shall the first day of michaelmas tearme next , called octabis michaelis , according to the ancient order of the lawes , keepe the essoines of the said octabis michaelis , at which vtas of saint michael , writs of adiournament ( which his maiestie hereby commandeth the lord keeper of the great seale of england to make foorth , shall bee directed to the said iustices , giuing them authority to adiourne the said tearme of saint michael , ( that is to say ) from the vtas thereof , vntill the fourth returne , as before is said : and the said adiournament shall bee made in the first day of the said vtas , commonly called the day of essoines . and further his maiesties pleasure is , that all matters , causes , and suites depending in any of his other courts betweene party and party , as in his highnesse courts of chauncery , star-chamber , and exchequer , courts of wardes and liueries , dutchie of lancaster , and court of requests shall haue continuance , and the parties shall haue day from the da●e of these presents , vntill the said fourth returne as before is said . prouided alwayes , and his maiesties pleasure and commandement is ▪ that all collectours , receiuers , sheriffes , and other accomptants , and all other persons that should , or ought to accompt , or pay any summe , or summes of money in any of his maiesties courts of exchequer , courts of wardes and liueries , and of his dutchie of lancaster , or in any of them , or to ●nter into any accompt in any of the said courts , shall repaire vnto his maiesties house of richmond , where his highnesse hath appointed such officers and ministers , as for that purpose his maiestie hath thought expedient , and there to pay and doe in euery behalfe , as though no such proclamation of adiournement had beene had or made . and his maiesties further pleasure and commandement is , that all sheriffes shall returne their writs and proces against all such accomptants and debtors , at the dayes therein appointed . and if any person , or persons , who ought to accompt , or pay any summe , or summes of money to his maiestie in any of the courts and places afore-said doe make default therein , that then his highnesse writs and proces shall bee awarded and sent foorth against euery such person and persons , and the same to bee duly and orderly serued , and returned by the sheriffes and officers thereunto appointed in such like manner and forme as the same should haue beene if this present proclamantion had not beene made . and if any sheriffe or other officer shall make default , or bee negligent in seruing , executing , or returning of any the writs and proces aforesaid , that then euery such sheriffe and other officer shall incurre such paines and penalties as by the said courts , or any of them shall bee taxed and assessed , willing and commanding all and euery his maiesties sheriffes , officers , ministers and subiects , to whom it doeth , or shall appertaine to obserue and keepe their assemblies and apparances with all their returnes and certificats in his highnesse said courts at westminster in mense michaelis next comming , then and there to be holden and kept , and there to doe their offices and duties in euery behalfe in like manner and forme as they should , or ought to haue done if this present proclamation had not beene had or made , as they will answere to the contrary at their perils . giuen at the court at tichfeld the fourth day of september , and in the first yeere of his maiesties reigne of great britaine , france , and ireland . god saue the king. printed at oxford by i. l. and w. t. for bonham norton , and iohn bill , printers to the kings most excellent maiestie . ann. m.dc.xxv . the kings majesties letter, directed to the committee of estates of his kingdome of scotland. and his majesties proclamation for disbanding of all forces within this kingdom raised by his authority, and not allowed by parliament, secret councell, or committee of estates. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription b02015 of text r173695 in the english short title catalog (wing c2386a). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 8 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 b02015 wing c2386a estc r173695 52528753 ocm 52528753 178718 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b02015) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 178718) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2768:7) the kings majesties letter, directed to the committee of estates of his kingdome of scotland. and his majesties proclamation for disbanding of all forces within this kingdom raised by his authority, and not allowed by parliament, secret councell, or committee of estates. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by evan tyler, printer to the kings most excellent majestie, printed at edinburgh : 1646. caption title. imprint from colophon. letter dated 19 may 1646; proclamation dated 20 may 1646. also includes reply from committee of estates dated 23 may 1646. imperfect: torn and stained with slight loss of text. reproduction of the original in the national library of scotland. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -sources. scotland -history -charles i, 1625-1649 -sources. broadsides -scotland -17th century. b02015 r173695 (wing c2386a). civilwar no the kings majesties letter, directed to the committee of estates of his kingdome of scotland. and his majesties proclamation for disbanding england and wales. sovereign 1646 1374 2 0 0 0 0 0 15 c the rate of 15 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-02 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-07 olivia bottum sampled and proofread 2008-07 olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the kings majesties letter directed to the committee of estates , of his kingdom and his majesties proclamation for disbanding of all forces with 〈◊〉 raised by his authority , and not allowed by parliament , secret councell , or committee of est●●● charles r. right trustie and right welbeloved cousins and councellors , right trustie and right welbeloved cousins , trusted and wel●●●●ved councellors , and trustie and welbeloved ; we greet you well . after so long and sad an interruption of the happy understanding betwixt us and our good subjects of our kingdom of scotland ( which hath exceedingly afflicted us ) and lest the sad effects thereof may have alienated the affections of many of that kingdom from us , and preferring nothing to the love of our subjects , on which our safety and greatnesse most depends , and without which we propose not to our selves any happinesse ; we have thought fit to labour to dispossesse them of all prejudice , rather by shewing them our present resolutions , then remembring them of our former differences , having come hither with a full and absolute intention to give all just satisfaction to the joynt defires of both our kingdomes , and with no thought either to continue this unnaturall war any longer , or to make a division bewixt the kingdoms , but to comply with our parliaments and these intrusted by them in every thing , for settling truth and peace . your commissioners have offered to us divers papers in your name , expressing your loyall intentions towards us , for which we cannot but returne you hearty thanks , and shall study to apply our selves totally to the councells and advices of our parliaments : we have alreadie sent a message to the two houses of our parliament of england , and your commissioners at london , which we hope will give satisfaction ; we have likewise written to all such within our kingdom of scotland as have any commissions from us , to lay down armes , disband their forces , and render their garrisons ; and have written to our agents and ministers abroad for recalling all commissions issued forth by our authority to any at sea , against any of our subjects of either kingdoms ; and have sent letters to the governour of our citie of oxford , to quit that garrison upon honourable conditions , and disband our forces there , which being granted to him , we have resolved presently to give the like order to all our other garrisons and forces within this kingdom . and that the truth of all these our reall intentions may be made known to all our good subjects in scotland , we desire the inclosed proclamation may be printed and published together with this letter , at all convenient places ; hoping none will beleeve but that this is our voluntary and cordiall resolution , and proceeds from no other ground , then our deep sence of the bleeding condition of our kingdoms , and that our reall intentions are ( with the blessing of god , and his favourable assistance ) to joyne with our parliaments in settling religion here in purity ( after the advice of the divines of both kingdoms assembled at westminster ) and our subjects of both kingdoms in freedom and safety : so expecting your councells and advices in every thing wherein we shall be concerned , we bid you very heartily farewell . from newcastle the 19 of may 1646. his majesties proclamation charles r charles , by the grace of god , king of great britain , france , and ireland , defender of the faith . to our lovits our lion king at arms , and his brethren heralds and pursevants , our sheriffs in that part , greeting . whereas nothing hath been more grievous to us then the sad effects have flowed from the unhappie differences betwixt us and our good subjects ; for the remedy whereof we are resolved to leave no means unassayed , which may bring a happy understanding betwixt us and them : and for that end , to comply with the desires of our parliaments and those intrusted by them , in every thing which may contribute to the speedy settling of truth and peace in all our dominions ; that with gods assistance , we may see our subjects happinesse under our government , equall to the best times of our royall progenitors : and that all marks and signes of differences betwixt us and them may be removed , and all acts of hostility may cease , and none cover or shelter themselves under the pretence of any power or authority from us ; we have resolved to recall and discharge , like as hereby we do recall and discharge , all commissions by sea or land , issued forth by us , to any person or persons , under what pretence soever , within our kingdom of scotland . and therefore our will is , and we charge you straitly and command , that incontinent thir our letters seen , you passe , and by open proclamation hereof at the market crosses of edinburgh , stirling , glasgow , dundee , perth , forfar , aberdeen , innernesse , and other places needfull , in our name and authority , command and charge , all persons , of whatsoever quality or degree within our said kingdom of scotland , who are now in arms by vertue or warrant of any commission or authority flowing from us , which is not allowed by our parliament , or committee of estates , or secret councell there , under what pretence soever , that they and every one of them , forthwith after the publication hereof , lay down arms , disband their forces , and render their garisons to any whom the committee of estates of our kingdom of scotland shall appoint ; with certification , that if any person or persons , of what quality or condition soever , shall refuse , or delay to lay down arms , disband their forces , render their garisons ; or that shall hereafter , under pretence of our service , or of any former commission from us , commit any hostile act or acts , shall be immediatly pursued and proceeded against by all manner of wayes , without mercy . likeas , hereby we disavow and disclaim all acts of hostility that shall be done hereafter , by any person or persons whatsoever , under pretence of our service , or of any such commission or warrant from us , which is not approven by our parliament , secret councell , or committee of estates of that kingdom of scotland . the which to do , we commit to you our full power by thir our letters . given under our signe manuall at newcastle , the 20. day of may , and of our reign the 22. year . 1646 edinb. 23. may . 1646. the committee of estates of the kingdom of scotland , having read and considered his majesties letter and proclamation above written , do with all dutie and thankfulnesse acknowledge his majesties gracious goodnesse , in giving such large expressions of his resolution to comply with his parliaments and these intrusted by them , for settling truth and peace in all his dominions . and that the same may be known , to the satisfaction of all his good subjects , the committee , according to the warrant , of his majesties letter , ordains the said letter and proclamation to be printed , and published at the market crosses of all the royall burrows of this kingdom : and that the burrows and others his majesties good subjects witnesse their thankfulnesse therefore by ringing of bells , putting on of bonefires , and others expressions of joy formerly used in cases of the like kinde . arch. primerose printed at edinburgh by evan tyler , printer to the kings most excellent majestie . 1646. his majesties most gracious declaration from the isle of wyght, concerning the setling of a generall peace, the safety fo his person, his engagements with the army, and for free entercourse between himself and the parliament. and col. hammonds letter sent to the parliament, concerning mr. ashburnham, and the rest of the gentlemen attending his majesty, that were sent for to be brought up prisoners. with his desires to both houses of parliament, concerning the kings majesty. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a78932 of text r204507 in the english short title catalog (thomason e416_33). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 10 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a78932 wing c2506 thomason e416_33 estc r204507 99863996 99863996 161306 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a78932) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 161306) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 66:e416[33]) his majesties most gracious declaration from the isle of wyght, concerning the setling of a generall peace, the safety fo his person, his engagements with the army, and for free entercourse between himself and the parliament. and col. hammonds letter sent to the parliament, concerning mr. ashburnham, and the rest of the gentlemen attending his majesty, that were sent for to be brought up prisoners. with his desires to both houses of parliament, concerning the kings majesty. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. hammond, robert, 1621-1654. 8 p. printed by robert ibbitson in smithfield, london : 1647. imperfect: bleed-through of text. annotation on thomason copy: "nou. 25". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng charles -i, -king of england, 1600-1649 -captivity, 1647-1649 -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a78932 r204507 (thomason e416_33). civilwar no his majesties most gracious declaration from the isle of wyght,: concerning the setling of a generall peace, the safety fo his person, his england and wales. sovereign 1647 1631 1 0 0 0 0 0 6 b the rate of 6 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-08 paul schaffner sampled and proofread 2008-08 paul schaffner text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion his majesties most gracious declaration from the isle of wyght , concerning the setling of a generall peace , the safety of his person , his engagements with the army , and for free entercourse between himself and the parliament . and col. hammonds letter sent to the parliament , concerning mr. ashburnham , and the rest of the gentlemen attending his majesty , that were sent for to be brought up prisoners . with his desires to both houses of parliament , concerning the kings majesty . royal blazon or coat of arms c r honi soit qvi mal y pense diev et mon droit london , printed by robert ibbitson in smithfield , 1647. the coppy of a letter sent from the isle of weight . honoured sir , i have sent you here inclosed the coppy of a letter which colonell hammon our governour hath sent to the house of peeres , and the like to the house of commons , and also a declaration by his majesty since his comming hither , mentioned in the said letter , which papers will inform you of the state of things here , from your honours most humble servant , will . grosse . royal blazon or coat of arms honi soit qvi mal y pense the kings majesties declaration at the isle of vvyght novemb. 19. 1647. c. r. his majesty doth declare , that hee came from hampton-court , for no other cause , but for the preservation of his person . which was ( as he apprehended ) in such danger , that he could not with safety continue longer there . that if he could have been there with safety , he would not have departed thence , nor from the army : and that hee chose this place rather then any other ( when he was at liberty to have gone whether he pleased ) that he might still continue under the protection of the army : ( coll : hammond being a member therof ) and that hee might have conveniency of free intercourse , between himself and the parliament , for the settlement of a generall peace , to which hee professes a very great inclination and desire ; and that there shall be nothing wanting on his part , that may be reasonably expected from him . and his majesty doth further declare , that in case these gentlemen be taken from him , and punished as evill doers , for councelling him not to goe out of the kingdom , but rather to come to the place where hee now is , for the ends aforesaid ; and for their indevouring accordingly , in attending him hither : he cannot but himself expect to be dealt with accordingly , his case being the same . carisbrooke castle , november 19. 1647. for the right honourable the earle of manchester , speaker of the house of peeres pro tempore . my lord , this morning i received , by the hands of a messenger from the generall , a paper of votes and resolutions of both houses of parliament , bearing date die martis , 16. november , 1647. relating to the security of his majesties person , which although they came not to me with directions from the houses , yet i thought it my duty to take notice of them ( by what hand soever received ) as their commands , and accordingly to see them put in execution . as concerning that vote , not permitting such as have been in armes , or assisted against the parliament , to come into this island , it tending much to the security of his majesties person , and the preserving the peace of the island , i have ( as i acquainted your lordships in my last letters , before i received these votes ) given orders to that effect ( which are carefully put in execution ) commanding all masters of boats belonging to hampshire and this island , that they land neither persons nor goods , in any part of this island , save only at yarmouth castle , cowes castle , and ryde : at which place i have also appointed a guard , to whom order is given ( as to the other two castles ) for the examining of all persons so landing , and to detaine and secure any that cannot give a very good account of themselves and their businesse . as concerning your lordships other votes ( now they are come to my hands ) i shall with the best of my endeavours see them put in execution . my lord , yesterday there came to me an officer , belonging to the serjeant of the house of commons , with particular warrants for the apprehending and bringing up in safe custody the persons of mr. john ashburnham , mr. william leg , and sir john barkley , who came hither with the king . the said warrants requiring my assistance to him in the execution of them , but with no order to me from either or both houses to that purpose . and finding the matter to be of every great importance , i have desired the messenger to forbeare the execution of his said warrants till i have given the houses to understand that in case the said warrants should be served and put in execution , it would be impossible for me to answer the expectations and commands of parliament in preserving the person of the king in security to be disposed by them , unlesse i should keep him close prisoner , which is a businesse of that nature , that it is neither fit nor safe for me to do , espeeially of my selfe . the grounds from whence i gather this , are plainly thus : the king hath declared himselfe to me , that he came from hampton-court for no other cause but for the preservation of his person , which was ( as he apprehended ) in such danger , that he could not with safety continue longer there : that if he could have been there with safety , hee would not have departed thence , nor from the army : and that he chose this place rather then any other ( when he was at liberty to have gone whither he pleased ) that he might still continue under the protection of the army ( my selfe being a member thereof ) and that he might have conveniency of free entercourse between himselfe and the parliament for the settlement of a generall peace , to which hee professes greater inclinations and desires then ever , and that there shall be nothing wanting on his part , that may bee reasonably expected from him . he further saith , that in case these gentlemen be taken from him , and punished as evill doers , for councelling him not to goe out of the kingdome , but rather to come to the place where he now is , for the ends aforesaid , and for their endeavouring accordingly in attending him hither ; he cannot but himselfe expect to be dealt with accordingly ; his case being the same . and from such apprehensions your lordships may easily judge , what he will doe , by his former actings : he having that liberty which hath ever beene allowed him since he hath beene disposed of by the parliament . my lord , i shall further let you know , that besides the care i shall alwaies have of these gentlemen , they have ingaged their honours , not to depart from me , so that i am most confident of their security . and truly were not their ends the same with their pretences ( in relation to the peace of this kingdome ) i am confident they would never have advised nor conducted the king to this place . besides , were they at this time removed from the king ▪ there would be none left for his attendance , which ( besides the offence ) how great the inconvenience would be to him , your lordships cannot be ignorant . and further give me leave to adde ( if so unworthy a servant of your lordships as i am ( and that which concerns my honour were at all worthy your consideration ) whither it would not much reflect upon me in case these gentlemen should be thus removed from hence : the king and themselves having freely throwne themselves upon mee for safety upon confidence ( as they please to say ) of my honour and honesty , and the satisfaction they expect it would have given the parliament , the king being necessitated to remove . my lord , my duty to you and the kingdome ( whose good and peace i most desire and shall most faithfully endeavour ) calls for this account , which ( with my selfe and these gentlemen ) i leave to your lordships consideration with this conclusion ; that whatever is commanded by authority ( especially that of parliament ) though never so contrary to my sense or honour , shall never be disobeyed by . my lord , your lordships most faithfull and humble servant ro. hammond . carisbrooke castle , nov. 19. 1647. my lord , since the conclusion of my letter , i received the letter , and votes of both houses , of the 16. present , which shall be carefully put in execution by , your lordships most faithfull and humble servant ro. hammon . novemb 24. 1647. imprimatur gilb. mabbott . his majesties answer to a book, intituled, the declaration, or remonstrance of the lords and commons, the 19 of may, 1642. charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a31787 of text r31642 in the english short title catalog (wing c2096). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 49 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 18 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a31787 wing c2096 estc r31642 12229709 ocm 12229709 56615 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a31787) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 56615) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1502:2) his majesties answer to a book, intituled, the declaration, or remonstrance of the lords and commons, the 19 of may, 1642. charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. [2], 27 p. by roger daniel ..., at cambridge : 1642. "printed by his majesties speciall command." reproduction of original in the trinity college library, cambridge university. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -sources. a31787 r31642 (wing c2096). civilwar no his majesties answer to a book, intituled, the declaration, or remonstrance of the lords and commons, the 19 of may, 1642. charles i, king of england 1642 9160 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2005-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-05 taryn hakala sampled and proofread 2006-05 taryn hakala text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion his majesties answer , to a book , intituled , the declaration , or remonstrance of the lords and commons , the 19 of may 1642. printed by his majesties speciall command at cambridge , by roger daniel printer to the famour universitie . 1642. royal blazon or coat of arms his majesties answer to a book intituled , the declaration , or remonstrance of the lords and commons , of the 19 of may . if we could be weary of taking any pains for the satisfaction of our people , and to undeceive them of those specious mischievous infusions which are daily instilled into them , to shake and corrupt their loyalty and affection to us and our government , after so full and ample declaration of our self and intentions , and so fair and satisfactory answers to all such matters as have been objected to vs by a major part present of both houses of parliament , we might well give over this labour of our pen , and sit still , till it shall please god so to enlighten the affections and understandings of our good subjects on our behalf ( which we doubt not but that in his good time he will do ) that they may see our sufferings are their sufferings . but , since in stead of applying themselves to the method proposed by vs , of making such solid particular propositions as might establish a good understanding between us , or of following the advice of our councel of scotland ( with whom they communicate their affairs ) in forbearing all means that may make the breach wider and wound deeper , they have chosen to pursue vs with new reproches , or rather to continue and improve the old , by adding & varying little circumstances and language , in matters formerly urged by them , and fully answered by vs , we prevailed with our self , upon very mature and particular consideration of it , to answer the late printed book , intituled , a declaration or remonstrance of the lords and commons , which was ordered the nineteenth of may last to be printed and published , hoping then that they would put vs to no more of this trouble , but that that should have been the last of such a nature they would have communicated to our people , and that they would not , as they have done since , thought fit to assault us with a newer declaration , indeed of a very new nature and learning , which must have another answer . and we doubt not but that our good subjects , in short time , will be so well instructed in the differences , and mistakings between vs , that they will plainly discern , without resigning their reason and understanding to our prerogative , or the infallibility of a now major part of both houses of parliament ( infected by a few malignant spirits ) where the fault is . though we shall with humility and alacritie be alwayes forward to acknowledge the infinite mercy and providence of almighty god , vouchsafed so many severall wayes to our self and this nation , yet since god himself doth not allow , that we should fancy and create dangers to our self , that we might manifest and publish his mercy in our deliverance , we must professe we do not know those deliverances mentioned in the beginning of that declaration , from so many wicked plots and designes since the beginning of this parliament , which , if they had taken effect , would have brought ruine and destruction upon this kingdome . we well know the great labour and skill hath been used to amate and afright our good subjects with fears and apprehensions of plots and conspiracies , the severall pamphlets published , and letters scattered up and down full of such ridiculous contemptible animadversions to that purpose , as ( though they found , for what end god knows , very unusuall countenance ) no sober man would be moved with them : but we must confesse , we have never been able to inform our self of any such pernicious formed designe against the peace of this kingdome since the beginning of this parliament , as is mentioned in that declaration , or might be any warrant to those great fears both our houses of parliament seemed to be transported with , but we have great cause to believe more mischief and danger hath been raised and begotten to the disturbance of this kingdome , then cured or prevented by those fears and jealousies : and therefore however the rumour and discourse of plots and conspiracies may have been necessary to the designes of particular men , they shall do well not to pay any false devotions to almighty god , who discerns whether our dangers are reall or pretended . for the bringing up of the army to london , as we have heretofore ( by no other direction then the testimony of a good conscience ) called god to witnesse we never had , or knew of any such resolution , so upon the view of the depositions now published with that declaration , it is not evident to us there was ever such a designe , unlesse very loose discourse or argument be instance enough of such a designe : and it is apparent , that what was said of it , was near three moneths before the discovery to both houses of parliament , so that if there were any danger threatned that way , it vanished without any resistance or prevention , by the wisdome , power , or authority of them . it seems the intention of that declaration ( whatsoever other end it hath ) is to answer a declaration they received from vs , in answer to that which was presented to us at newmarket the ninth of march last ; and likewise to our answer to the petition of both houses , presented to vs at york , the twenty sixth of march last . but before that declaration fals upon any particulars of our said declaration or answer , it complains , that the heads of the malignant party have with much art and industry advised vs to suffer divers unjust scandals and imputations upon the parliament , to be published in our name , whereby they might make it odious to the people , and by their help destroy it : but not instancing in any one scandall or imputation so published by vs , we are still to seek for the heads of that malignant partie . but our good subjects will easily understand , that if we were guilty of that aspersion , we must not onely be active in raising the scandall , but passive in the mischief begotten by that scandall , we being an essentiall part of the parliament : and we hope the just defence of our self , and our authority , and the necessary vindication of our innocence and justice , from the imputation laid on vs by a major part , then present of either , or both houses , shall no more be called a scandall upon the parliament , then the opinion of such a part be reputed an act of parliament : and we hope our good subjects will not be long mis-led by that common expression in all the declarations ( wherein they usurp the word parliament , and apply it to countenance any resolution or vote ) some few have a mind to make , by calling it , the resolution of parliament , which can never be without our consent ; neither can the vote of either , or both houses , make a greater alteration in the laws of this kingdome ( so solemnly made by the advice of their predecessours , with the concurrence of us and our ancestours ) either by commanding or inhibiting any thing ( besides the known rule of the law ) then our single direction or mandate can do , to which we do not ascribe the authority . but that declaration informs our people that the malignant partie hath drawn vs into the northern parts far from our parliament . it might more truly and properly have said , that it hath driven , then drawn vs hither . for we confesse , our journey hither ( for which we have no other reason to be sorry , then with reference to the cause of it ) was onely forced upon vs by the true malignant party which contrived and countenanced those barbarous tumults and other seditious circumstances of which we have so often complained , and hereafter shall say more , and which indeed threatens so much danger to our person , and laid so much scandall upon the whole priviledge and dignitie of parliament , that we wonder it can be mentioned without blushes or indignation : but of that anon . but why the malignant party should be charged with causing a presse to be transported to york , we cannot imagine , neither have any papers or writings issued from thence , to our knowledge , but what have been extorted from vs by such provocations , as have not been before offered to a king . and no doubt it will appear a most triviall and fond exception , when all presses are open to vent whatsoever they think fit to say to the people , ( a thing unwarranted by former custome ) that we should not make use of all lawfull means to publish our just and necessary answers thereunto . as for the authoritie of the great seal ( though we do not know that it hath been necessary to things of this nature ) the same shall be more frequently used hereafter , as occasion shall require , to which we make no doubt the greater and better part of our privy councell will concurre , and whose advice we are resolved to follow , as farre as it shall be agreeable to the good and welfare of the kingdome . before that declaration vouchsafes to insist on any particulars , it is pleased to censure both our declaration and answer , to be filled with harsh censures , and causelesse charges upon the parliament , ( still mis-applying the word parliament to the vote of both houses ) concerning which they resolve to give satisfaction to the kingdome , since they find it very difficult to satisfie vs . if , as in the usage of the word parliament , they have left vs out of their thoughts ; so by the word kingdome , they intend to exclude all our people , who are out of their walls : ( for that 's grown another phrase of the time , the vote of the major part of both houses , and sometimes of one , is now called , the resolution of the whole kingdome ) we believe it may not be hard to give satisfaction to themselves ; otherwise we are confident ( and our confidence proceeds from the uprightnesse of our own conscience ) they will never be able so to sever the affections of us and our kingdome , that what cannot be satisfaction to the one , shall be to the other . neither will the style of humble , and faithfull , and telling us , that they will make vs a great and glorious king , in their petitions and remonstrances , so deceive our good subjects , that they will passe over the reproches , threats , and menaces they are stuffed with , which sure could not be more gently reprehended by vs , then by saying , their expressions were different from the usuall language to princes , which that declaration tells you , we had no occasion to say . but we believe , whosoever looks over that declaration presented to vs at newmarket , to which ours was an answer , will find the language throughout it , to be so unusuall , that , before this parliament , it could never be parallel'd , whiles under pretence of justifying their fears , they give so much countenance to the discourse of the rebels of ireland , as if they had a mind our good subjects should give credit to it : otherwise , being warranted by the same evidence , which they have since published , they would have as well declared , that those rebels publickly threaten the rooting out the name of the english , and that they will have a king of their own , and no longer be governed by vs , as that they say , that they do nothing but by our authority , and that they call themselves , the queens army . and therefore we have great reason to complain of the absence of justice and integrity in that declaration ; besides the unfitnesse of other expressions . neit her did we mistake the substance or logick of the message to us at theobalds , concerning the militia , which was no other , and is stated to be no other ( even by that declaration which reproved us ) then a plain threat , that if we refused to joyn with them , they would make a law with out vs : nor hath the practice since that time been other which will never be justified to the most ordinary ( if no partiall ) understandings , by the meer averring it to be according to the fundamentall laws of this kingdome , without giving any direction , that the most cunning and learned men in the laws may be able to find those foundations . and we must appeal to all the world , whether they might not with as much justice , and by as much law , have seized upon the estate of every member of both houses , who dissented from that pretended ordinance ( which much the major part of the house of peers did two or three severall times ) as they have invaded that power of ours over the militia , because we ( upon reasons they have not so much as pretended to answer ) refused to consent to that proposition : and if no better effects then losse of time and hinderance of the publick affairs have been found by our answers and replies , let all good men judge by whose default , and whose want of duty such effects have been : for as our end ( indeed onely end ) in those answers and replies hath been , the settlement and composure of publick affairs , so we are assured , and most men do believe , that if that due regard and reverence had been given to our words , and that consent and obedience to our counsels , which we did expect , there had been before this time a cheerfull calm upon the face of the whole kingdome , every man enjoying his own , with all possible peace and security that can be imagined , which surely those men do not desire , who ( after all those acts of justice and favour passed by vs this parliament , all those affronts and sufferings endured and undergone by vs ) think fit still to reproch vs with ship-money , coat and conduct-money , and other things so abundantly declared ( as that declaration it self confesses ) in the generall remonstrance of the state of the kingdome , published in november last , which we wonder to find now avowed to be the remonstrance of both houses , & which we are sure was presented to vs onely by the house of commons , and did never , and we are confident , in that time , could never have passed the house of peers ; the concurrence and authority of which was not then thought necessary . shall we believe those reproches to be the voice of the kingdome of england ? that all our loving subjects cased , refreshed , strengthened , and abundantly satisfied with our acts of grace and favour towards them , are willing to be involved in these unthankfull expressions : we must appeal to the thanks and acknowledgements published in the petitions of most of the counties of england ; to the testimony and thanks we have received from both houses of parliament , how seasonable , how agreeable this usage of vs is to our merit , or their former expressions . we have not at all swarved or departed from our resolution , or words in the beginning of this parliament : we said , we were resolved to put our self freely and clearly upon the love and affection of our english subjects , and we say so still , as farre as concernes england . and we call almightie god to witnesse , all our complaints and jealousies , which have never been causelesse , nor of our houses of parliament ( but of some few schismaticall , factious , and ambitious spirits , and upon grounds , as short time , we fear , will justifie to the world ) our deniall of the militia , our absenting our self from london , have been the effects of an upright and faithfull affection to our english subjects , that we may be able ( through all the inconveniences we are compelled to wrastle with ) at last to preserve and restore their religion , laws , and liberties unto them . since the proceeding against the lord kimbolton , and the five members , is still looked upon , and so often pressed , as so great an advantage against vs , that no retractation made by vs , nor no actions since that time cōmitted against vs , and the law of the land , under pretence of vindication of priviledge , can satisfie the contrivers of that declaration , but that they would have our good subjects believe , the accusation of those six members must be a plot for the breaking the neck of the parliament , ( a strange arrogance , if any of those members had the penning of that declaration ) and that it is so often urged against vs , as if by that single casuall mistake of ours ( in form onely ) we had forfeited all duty , credit , and allegiance from our people : we must , without endeavouring to excuse that , which in truth was an errour ( our going to the house of commons ) give our people a clear and full narration of the matter of fact , assuring our self that our good subjects will not find our carriage in that businesse such as hath been reported . when we resolved upon such grounds , as when they shall be published will satisfie the world , that it was fit for our own safety , and honour , and the peace of the kingdome , to proceed against those persons , though we well know there was no degree of priviledge in that case , yet ( to shew our desire of correspondencie with the two houses of parliament ) we chose , rather then to apprehend their persons by the ordinary ministers of justice ( which , according to the opinion and practice of former times , we might have done ) to command our atturney generall to acquaint our house of peers with our intention , and the generall matters of our charge ( which was yet more particular then a meer accusation ) and to proceed accordingly , and at the same time sent a sworn servant , a segeant at arms to our house of commons , to acquaint them , that we did accuse , and intended to prosecute the five members of that house for high treason , and did require that their persons might be secured in custody : this we did , not onely to shew that we intended not to violate or invade their priviledges , but to use more ceremony towards them , then we then conceived in justice might be required of vs ; and expected at least such an answer as might inform us , if we were out of the way ; but we received none at all ; onely in the instant , without offering any thing of their priviledges to our consideration , an order was made ( and the same night published in print ) that if any person whatsoever should offer to arest the person of any member of that house , without first acquainting that house therewith , and receiving further order from that house , that it should be lawfull for such members , or any person to assist them , and to stand upon his or their guard of defence , and to make resistance according to the protestation taken to defend the priviledges of parliament : and this was the first time that we heard the protestation might be wrested to such a sense ; or that in any case ( though of the most undoubted and unquestionable priviledge ) it might be lawfull for any person to resist , and use violence against a publick minister of justice , armed with lawfull authority ; though we well knew , that even such a minister might be punished for executing such authority . upon viewing this order we must confesse we were somewhat amazed , having never seen or heard of the like , though we had known members of either house committed without so much formality as we had used , and upon crimes of a far inferiour nature to those we had suggested ; and having no course proposed to vs for our proceeding , we were upon the matter onely told , that against those persons we were not to proceed at all ; that they were above our reach , or the reach of the law , it was not easie for vs to resolve what to do : if we imployed our ministers of justice in the usuall way for their apprehension ( who without doubt would not have refused to execute our lawfull commands ) we saw what resistance and opposition was like to be made , which very probably might cost some blood ; if we sat still and desisted upon this terrour , we should at the best have confessed our own want of power , and the weaknesse of the law : in this strait we put on a sudden resolution , to try whether our own presence , and a clear discoverie of our intentions ( which haply might not have been so well understood ) could remove those doubts , and prevent those inconveniencies which seemed to have been threatned ; and thereupon we resolved to go in our own person to our house of commons , which we discovered not till the very minute of our going , when we sent out , that our servants , and such gentlemen as were then in our court , should attend vs to westminister ; but giving them expresse command ( as we have expressed in our answer to the ordinance ) that no accidents or provocation should draw thē to any such action as might imply a purpose of force in vs , & our self ( requiring those of our train not to come within the doore ) went into the house of commons , the bare doing of which we did not then conceive would have been thought more a breach of priviledge , then if we had gone to the house of peers , and sent for them to come to us , which is the usuall custom . we used the best expressions we could to assure them how far we were from any intention of violating their priviledges , that we intended to proceed legally and speedily against the persons we had accused , and desired therefore , if they were in the house , that they might be delivered to us , or if absent , that such course might be taken for their forth-coming as might satisfie our just demands ; and so we departed , having no other purpose of force , if they had been in the house , then we have before protested , before god , in our answer to the ordinance . you have an account of our part of this story fully , let our people judge freely of it : what followed on their part ( though this declaration tells you , it could not withdraw any part of their reverence and obedience from us ; it may be any part of theirs it did not ) we shall have too much cause hereafter to inform the world . there will be no end of the discourse , and upbraiding us with evill councellors , if upon our constant deniall of knowing any , they will not vouchsafe to inform us of them ; and after eight moneths amusing the kingdome with the expectation of a discovery of a malignant party , and of evill councellors , they will not at last name any , nor describe them : let the actions and lives of men be examined , who have contrived , councelled , actually consented to grieve and burden our people , and if such be about vs , or any against whom any notorious malicious crime can be proved ; if we shelter and protect any such , let our injustice be published to the world , but till that be done particularly and manifestly , ( for we shall never conclude any man , upon a bare generall vote of the major part of either , or both houses , till it be evident that major part must be without passion or affection ) we must look upon the charge this declaration puts on vs , of cherishing and countenancing a discontented party of the kingdome against them , as a heavier and unjuster tax upon our justice and honour , then any we have , or can lay upon the framers of that declaration . and now , to countenance those unhandsome expressions , whereby usually they have implyed our connivance at , or want of zeal against the rebellion of ireland , ( so odious to all good men ) they have found a new way of exprobration : that the proclamation against those bloudy traytors , came not out till the beginning of january , though that rebellion broke out in october , and then by speciall command from vs , but fourty copies were appointed to be printed . t is well known where we were at that time when that rebellion brake forth , in scotland . that we immediately , from thence , recommended the care of that businesse to both houses of parliament here , after we had provided for all fitting supplies from our kingdome of scotland , that after our return hither we observed all those forms for that service , which we were advised to by our councell of ireland , or both houses of parliament here : and if no proclamation issued out sooner ( of which for the present we are not certain , but think that others before that time were issued by our directions ) it was , because the lords justices of the kingdome desired them no sooner ; and when they did , the number they desired was but twenty , which they advised might be signed by vs ; which we , for expedition of the service commanded to be printed ( a circumstance not required by them ) and thereupon we signed more of them then our justices desired : all which was very well known to some members of one or both houses of parliament , who have the more to answer , if they forbore to expresse it at the passing of this declaration ; and if they did expresse it , we have the greater reason to complain , that so envious an aspersion should be cast on vs to our people , when they knew well how to answer their own objection . what that complaint is against the parliament , put forth in our name , which is such an evidence and countenance to the rebels , and speaks the same language of the parliament , which the rebels do , we cannot understand . all our answers and declarations have been , and are owned by vs , and have been attested under our own hand , if any other had been published in our name , and without our authority , it would be easie for both houses of parliament to discover and apprehend the authours : and we wish , that whosoever was trusted with the drawing and penning of that declaration , had no more authority or cunning to impose upon , or deceive a major part of those votes by which it passed , then any man hath to prevail with vs , to publish in our name any thing but the sense and resolution of our own heart : or that the contriver of that declaration could with as good a conscience call god to witnesse , that all his counsels and endeavours have been free from all private aims , personall respects , or passions whatsoever , as we have done and do , that we never had or knew of such resolutions of bringing up the army to london . and since this new device is found out in stead of answering our reasons , or satisfying our just demands , to blast our declarations and answers , as if they were not our own ( a bold senselesse imputation ) we are sure that every answer and declaration published by vs , is much more our own , then any one of those bold , threatning , and reprochfull petitions and remonstrances are the acts of either , or both houses . and if the penner of that declaration had been carefull of the trust reposed in him , he would never have denied ( and thereupon found fault with our just indignation ) in the text or margent , that we had never been charged with the intention of any force , and that in their whole declaration , there is no word tending to such a reproch ; the contrary whereof is so evident , that we are in expresse terms charged in that declaration , that we sent them gracious messages , when , with our privity , bringing up the army was in agitation . and even in this declaration , they seek to make our people believe some such thing , to be proved in the depositions now published , wherein , we doubt not , they will as much fail , as they do in their censure of that petition shewed formerly to vs by captain legg , and subscribed by vs with c. r. which notwithstanding our full and particular narration of the substance of that petition , the circumstances of our seeing and approving it , this declaration is pleased to say , was full of scandall to the parliament , and might have proved dangerous to the whole kingdome . if they have this dangerous petition in their hands , we have no reason to believe any tendernes to vs-ward hath kept them from communicating it ; if they have it not , we ought to have been believed : but that all good people may compute their other pretended dangers by their clear understanding of this , the noise whereof hath not been inferiour to any of the rest , we have recovered a true copy of the very petition we signed with c. r. which shall in fit time be published , and which , we hope , will open the eyes of our good people . concerning our warrant for master jermins passage , our answer was true and full ; but for his black sattin suit , and white boots , we can give no account . we complained in our declaration , and as often as we have occasion to mention our return and residence near london , we shall complain of the barbarous and seditious tumults at westminster and whitehall , which indeed were so full of scandall to our government , and danger to our person , that we shall never think of our return thither , till we have justice for what is past , and security for the time to come . and if there were so great a necessity , or desire of our return as is pretended in all this time upon so often pressing our desires , and upon causes so notorious , we should at least have procured some order for the future . but that declaration tells vs , we are upon the matter mistaken , the resort of the citizens to westminster , was as lawfull as the resort of great numbers every day in the terme to the ordinary courts of justice . they knew no tumults . strange ! was the disorderly appearance of so many thousand people with staves and swords crying thorow the streets , westminster hall , the passage between both houses ( in so much as the members could hardly passe to and fro ) no bishops , down with the bishops , no tumults ? what member is there of either houses that saw not those numbers , and heard not those cries ? and yet lawfull assemblies : were not severall members of either house assaulted , threatned , and ill intreated ? and yet no tumults : why made the house of peers a declaration , and sent it down to the house of commons , for the suppressing of tumults , if there were no tumults ? and if there were any , why was not such a declaration consented to and published : when the attempts were so visible , and the threats so loud to pull down the abbey at westminster , had not we cause to apprehend , that such people might continue their work to whitehall ? yet no tumults . what a strange time are we in , that a few impudent , malicious ( to give them no worse term ) men should cast such a strange mist of errour before the eyes of both houses of parliament , as that they either cannot , or will not see how manifestly they injure themselves , by maintaining these visible untruths ? we say no more ; by the help of god and the law , we will have justice for those tumults . from excepting ( how weightily let every man judge ) to what we have said , that declaration proceeds to censure vs for what we have not said , for the prudent omissions in our answer : we forbore to say any thing of the words spoken at kensington ; or the articles against our dearest consort ; and of the accusation of the six members : of the last , we had spoken often ; and we thought enough of the other two : having never accused any ( though god knows what truth there might be in either ) we had no reason to give any particular answer . we do not reckon our self bereaved of any part of our prerogative , which we are pleased freely , for a time , to part with by bill ; yet we must say , we expressed a great trust in our two houses of parliament , when we devested our self of the power of dissolving this parliament , which was a just , necessary , and proper prerogative : but we are glad to heare their resolution , that it shall not encourage them to do any thing , which otherwise had not been fit to have been done : if it do , it will be such a breach of trust , god will require an account for at their hands . for the militia , we have said so much in it heretofore , and the point is so well understood by all men , that we will waste time no more in that dispute . we never said , there was no such thing as an ordinance ( though we know that they have been long dis-used ) but that there was never any ordinance , or can be without the kings consent ; and that is true : and the unnecessary president cited in the declaration , doth not offer to prove the contrary : but enough of that ; god and the law must determine that businesse . neither hath this declaration given vs any satisfaction , concerning the votes of the fifteenth and sixteenth of march last , which we must declare , and appeal to all the world in the point , to be the greatest violation of our priviledge , the law of the land , the libertie of the subject , and the right of parliament that can be imagined . one of those votes is ( and there needs no other to destroy the king and people ) that when the lords and commons ( 't is well the commons are admitted to their part in judicature ) shall declare what the law of the land is , the same must be assented to , and obeyed ; that is the sense in few words . where is every mans propertie , every mans libertie ? if a major part of both houses declare that the law is , that the younger brother shall inherit , what 's become of all the families and estates in the kingdome ? if they declare , that by the fundamentall law of the land , such a rash action , such an unadvised word ought to be punished by perpetuall imprisonment , is not the libertie of the subject , durante beneplacito , remedilesse ? that declaration confesseth , they pretend not to a power of making new laws , that without vs , they cannot do that : they need no such power , if their declaration can suspend this statute from being obeyed or executed , and make this order , which is no statute , to be obeyed and executed . if they have power to declare the lord digbyes waiting on vs to hampton court , and thence visiting some officers at kingston , with a coach and six horses , to be levying of warre , and high treason : and sir john hothams defying vs to our face , keeping our town , fort , and goods against vs , by force of arms , to be an act of affection and loyaltie , what needs a power of making new laws ? or is there such a thing as law left ? we desire our good subjects to mark the reason and consequence of these votes , the progresse they have already made , and how infinite that progresse may be . first , they vote the kingdome is in imminent danger ( it is above three moneths since they discerned it ) from enemies abroad , and a popish and discontented partie at home ; that is matter of fact ; the law follows : this vote hath given them authoritie by law ( the fundamentall laws of the kingdome ) to order and dispose of the militia of the kingdome , and with this power , and to prevent that danger , to enter into our towns , seize upon our magazine , and by force , keep both from vs : is not this our case ? first , they vote we have an intention to levie warre against our parliament ; that 's matter of fact : then they declare , such as shall assist vs , to be guilty of high treason ; that is the law , and proved by two statutes , themselves know to be repealed : no matter for that ; they declare it . vpon this ground they exercise the militia , and so actually do that upon vs , which they have voted we intend to do upon them : who doth not see the confusion that must follow upon such a power of declaring ? if they should now vote , that we did not write this declaration , but that such a one did it , which is still matter of fact ; and then declare , that for so doing , he is an enemie to the common-wealth ; what is become of the law that man was born to ? and if all their zeal for the defence of the law , be but to defend that which they declare to be law , their own votes , it will not be in their power to satisfie any man of their good intentions to the publick peace , but such who are willing to relinquish his title to magna charta , and hold his life and fortune by a vote of a major part of both houses : in a word , we deny not but they may have a power to declare in a particular doubtfull cafe regularly brought before them , what law is ; but to make a generall declaration , whereby the known rule of the law may be crossed or altered , they have no power , nor can exercise any , without bringing the life and liberty of the subject to a lawlesse and arbitrary subjection . we complained ( and let the world judge the justice and necessity of that complaint ) of the multitude of seditious pamphlets and sermons . and that declaration tells vs , they know we have wayes enough in our ordinary courts of justice to punish those : so we have to punish tumults and riots , and yet they will not serve our turn to keep our towns , our forests , and parks from violence . and it may be , though those courts have still the power to punish , they may have lost the skil to define what riots and tumults are ; otherwise a jury in southwark , legally impanelled to examine a riot there , would not have been superseded , & the sheriff enjoyned not to proceed , by vertue of an order of the house of commons ; which , it seems at that time , had the sole power of declaring . but it is no wonder , that they who could not see the tumults , do not consider the pamphlets and sermons , though the author of the protestation protested , be well known to be burton ( that infamous disturber of the peace of this church and state ) and that he preached it at westminster , in the hearing of divers members of the house of commons : but of such pamphlets , and seditious preachers ( divers whereof have been recommended , if not imposed upon severall parishes , by some members of both houses , by what authority we know not ) we shall hereafter take a further account . we confesse , we have little skill in the laws , and those that have had most , we now find are much to seek : yet we cannot understand or believe , that every ordinary court , or any court , hath power to raise what guard they please , and under what command they please ; neither can we imagine what dangerous effects they found by the guard we appointed them , or ( indeed ) any the least occasion why they needed a guard at all . but of all the imputations so causelesly and unjustly laid upon vs by that declaration , we must wonder at that charge so apparently and evidently untrue , that such are continually preferred and countenanced by us , who are friends or favourers , or related unto the chief authours and actours of that arbitrary power heretofore practised and complained of : and on the other side , that such as did appear against it , are daily discountenanced and disgraced . we would know one person that contributed to the ills of those times , or had dependance upon those that did , whom we do , or lately have countenanced or preferred ; nay , we are confident ( and we look for no other at their hands ) as they have been alwaies most eminent assertours of the publick liberties , so if they found vs inclined to any thing not agreeable to honour and justice , they would leave vs to morrow : whether different persons have not , and do not receive countenance elsewhere , & upon what grounds , let all men judge ; & whether we have not been forward enough to honour and preferre those of the most contrary opinion , how little comfort soever we have had of those preferments ; in bestowing of which , hereafter we shall be more guided by mens actions then opinions : and therefore we had good cause to bestow that admonition ( for we assure you it was an admonition of our own ) upon both our houses of parliament , to take heed of inclining , under the specious shews of necessity and danger , to the exercise of such an arbitrary power they before complained of : the advice will do no harm , and we shall be glad to see it followed : and are all the specious promises , and loud professions , of making us a great and glorious king , of settling a greater revenue upon us , then any of our ancestours have enjoyed , of making us to be honoured at home , and feared abroad , resolved into this , that they will be ready to settle our revenue , in an honourable proportion , when we shall put our self in such a posture of government that our subjects may be secure to enjoy our just protection for their religion , laws , and liberties ? what posture of government they intend we know not , nor can we imagine what security our good subjects can desire for their religion , laws , and liberties , which we have not offered , or fully given . and is it suitable to the duty and dignity of both houses of parliament to answer our particular weighty expressions of the causes of our remove from london ( so generally known to the kingdome ) with a scoff , that they hope we were driven from thence , not by our own fears , but by the fears of the lord digby , and his retinue of cavaliers ? sure the penner of that declaration inserted that ungrave and insolent expression ( as he hath done divers others ) without the consent or examination of both houses ; who would not so lightly have departed from their former professions of duty to us . whether the way to a good understanding between us and our people hath been as zealously pressed by them , as it hath been professed and desired by vs , will be easily discerned by those who observe , that we have left no publick act undone on our part , which , in the least degree , might be necessary to the peace , plenty , and security of our subjects , and that they have not dispatched one act which hath given the least evidence of their particular affection and kindnesse to vs : but on the contrary , have discountenanced and hindred the testimony other men would give to vs of their affections : witnesse the stopping and keeping back the bill of subsidies granted by the clergie , almost a yeare since , which though our personall wants are so notoriously known , they will not , to this time , passe : so not onely forbearing to supply vs themselves , but keeping the love and bounty of other men from vs , and afford no other answers to all our desires , all our reasons ( indeed not to be answered ) then , that we must not make our vnderstanding or reason the rule of our government , but suffer our self to be assisted ( which we never denied ) by our great councell . we require no other liberty to our will , then the meanest of them do ( we wish they would alwayes use that liberty ) not to consent to any thing evidently contrary to our conscience and vnderstanding : and we have and shall alwayes give as much estimation and regard to the advice and counsell of both our houses of parliament , as ever prince hath done : but we shall never ( and we hope our people will never ) account the contrivance of a few ( factious , seditious persons , a malignant party , who would sacrifice the commonwealth to their own furie and ambition ) the wisdome of parliament ; and that the justifying and defending such persons ( of whom , and of their particular sinister wayes to compasse their own bad ends , we shall shortly inform the world ) is not the way to preserve parliaments , but is the opposing and preferring the consideration of a few unworthy persons , before their duty to their king , or their care of the kingdome . they would have vs remember that our resolutions do concern kingdomes , and therefore not to be moulded by our own understanding : we well remember it ; but we would have them remember , that when their consultations endeavour to lessen the office and dignity of a king , they meddle with that which is not within their determination , and of which we must give an account to god and our other kingdomes , and must maintain with the sacrifice of our life . lastly , that declaration tells you of a present desperate and malicious plot , the malignant partie is now acting , under the plausible notions of stirring men up to a care of preserving the kings prerogative , maintaining the discipline of the church , upholding and continuing the reverence and solemnitie of gods service , and encouraging learning , ( indeed plausible and honourable notions to act any thing upon ) and that upon these grounds divers mutinous petitions have been framed in london , kent , and other places . vpon what grounds would these men have petitions framed ? have so many petitions ( even against the form and constitution of the kingdome , and the laws established ) been joyfully received and accepted ? and shall petitions framed upon these grounds be called mutinous ? hath a multitude of mean , unknown , inconsiderable , contemptible persons about the citie and suburbs of london , had libertie to petition against the government of the church , against the book of common prayer , against the freedome and priviledge of parliament , and been thanked for it : and shall it be called mutinie in the gravest and best citizens of london , in the gentry and commonaltie of kent , to frame petitions upon these grounds ; and to desire to be governed by the known laws of the land , not by orders and votes of either , or both houses ? can this be thought the wisdome and justice of both houses of parliament ? is it not evidently the work of a faction within or without both houses , who deceive the trust reposed in them , and have now told vs what mutinie is , to stirre men up to a care of preserving our prerogative , maintaining the discipline of the church , upholding and continuing the reverence and solemnitie of gods service , encouraging of learning , is mutinie ? let heaven and earth , god and man , judge between vs and these men : and however such petitions are , there , called mutinous , and the petitioners threatned , discountenanced , censured , and imprisoned : if they bring such lawfull petitions to us , we will graciously receive them , and defend them and their rights against what power soever , with the uttermost hazard of our being . we have been the longer ( to our very great pain ) in this answer , that we might give the world satisfaction , even in the most triviall particulars which have been objected against vs ; and that we may not be again reproched with any more prudent omissions . if we have been compelled to sharper language then we affect , let it be considered , how vile , how insufferable our provocations have been ; and except to repell force be to assault , and to give punctuall & necessary answers to rough and insolent demands , be to make invectives , we are confident the world will accuse vs of too much mildnesse ; and all our good subjects will think , we are not well dealt with , and will judge of vs , and of their own happinesse and securitie in vs by our actions ; which we desire may no longer prosper , or have a blessing from god upon them and vs , then they shall be directed to the glory of god , in the maintenance of the true protestant profession , to the preservation of the propertie , and the libertie of the subject , in the observation of the laws , and to the maintenance of the rights and freedome of parliament , in the allowance and protection of all their just priviledges . finis . by the king a proclamation for the preuenting of the exportation of woolles, wool-fels, yarne, fullers earth, and woadashes and of hydes, both tand and raw, out of this kingdome. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) 1630 approx. 9 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 3 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a22520 stc 8943 estc s3577 33150497 ocm 33150497 28636 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a22520) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 28636) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1876:120) by the king a proclamation for the preuenting of the exportation of woolles, wool-fels, yarne, fullers earth, and woadashes and of hydes, both tand and raw, out of this kingdome. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. [3] leaves. by robert barker and iohn bill, printers to the kings most excellent maiestie, imprinted at london : m.dc.xxx [1629] caption title. imprint from colophon. "giuen at our court of white-hall, the seuenteenth day of april, in the sixt yeere of our reigne of great britaine, france and ireland." reproduction of original in: society of antiquaries. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to 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variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng exports -great britain -early works to 1800. wool industry -great britain -early works to 1800. hides and skins trade -great britain -early works to 1800. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. 2002-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-10 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2002-10 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-12 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion by the king. a proclamation for the preuenting of the exportation of woolles , wool-fels , yarne , fullers earth , and woad-ashes and of hydes , both tand and raw , out of this kingdome . whereas our late royall father of happy memorie deceased , hauing vnderstood by the generall complaints of his louing subiects from the seuerall parts of his realme of england , that of late yeeres theretofore , the woolles of this kingdome were exceedingly fallen from their wonted values , and that the cloth and stuffe of the same had not that vent in forreigne parts , which formerly they had , and taking into his princely consideration the weighty consequence thereof , as of a matter of very great importance , for the wealth and welfare of this kingdom , also being carefull to prouide a speedy and effectuall remedie against such a growing euill , did by aduice of his priuy councell , and after information and report made by diuers persons of qualitie , and knowen abilitie trusted in that behalfe , finde amongst other things of moment , that the exportation of woolles , wool-fels , woollen yarne , fullers earth , and woad-ashes , were a great means to enable the forreigne making of cloth , and a principall impediment to the vent of our clothes made in england : and that the false and deceitfull making , dying , and dressing of our cloth and stuffes here made of woolles , did exceedingly disgrace , and discredite the draperie of this our kingdome , and did very much hinder the vent of those commodities . therupon our said late father , did by his royall proclamation , bearing date the twentieth day of iuly , in the twentieth yeere of his reigne ouer england , france , and ireland , straightly charge and command , that no manner of woolles , wool-fels , woollen yarne , cornish haire , fullers earth , or woad-ashes , should be at any time or times , thereafter exported out of this realme of england , dominion of wales , towne , or port of berwicke , or any the isles , ports , creekes , or places thereof , into any forreigne parts , or into the kingdome of scotland : nor that any of the sayd commodities should be transported out of our kingdome of ireland , into any other parts , then into the realme of england onely vpon such paines as in the sayd proclamation are contained . forasmuch as the sayd proclamation was by our fathers decease determined : and yet wee finde that the reasons and necessitie doe still remaine . wee therefore , out of the great desire we haue to aduance the wealth of our people , and by all meanes possible to cherish and comfort their labours , haue thought fit by the aduice of our priuie councell to renew the said proclamation , with further prohibition of the exportation of hydes both tand , and rawe , by reason of the exportation whereof , as wee are informed , diuers the like abuses and inconueniences haue , and doe dayly happen . wherefore our will and pleasure is , and we doe by these presents straightly charge and command , that no manner of woolles , wool-fels , woollen yarne , cornish haire , fullers earth , woad-ashes , or hydes either raw , or tand , be at any time , or times hereafter exported out of this our realme of england , dominion of wales , towne , or port of berwicke , or any the isles , ports , creekes , or places thereof , into any forreigne parts , or into our kingdome of scotland , nor that any manner of woolles , wool-fels , woollen yarne , cornish haire , fullers earth , woad-ashes , or hydes , either raw or tand , be transported out of our kingdome of ireland into any other parts , then into the realme of england onely : vpon paine of confiscation of all such woolles and other the premisses so transported , or endeauoured to be transported , as also of our highest indignation , and the seuerest censure of our court of starre-chamber , and of such other paines and penalties as by the lawes , and statutes of this our kingdome , and by our prerogatiue royall may be inflicted . and to the end that all officers and ministers in , or about our ports of england may the more strictly looke to the obseruance of this our will and pleasure , for the weale of this our kingdome : we doe further straightly charge and command , that if any officer , or minister , of , or belonging to our customes , or ports , or attending at any the hauens , creeks , or places adiacent , or carrying to the sea , shall consent or conniue at the vnlawfull exportation of the premisses , or any of them ; or if any of them , shall make any certificate vpon any cocket , of the landing of any wools in any ports of this our r●alme , vnlesse the officer himself , who shal make such certificate , doe first see the same wools landed , according to the contents of the said certificate : or if the said officers , or any of them shal make any cocket , which shall not containe the number of sackes , and the weight of the wooll in euery sacke , contained in such cocket , that then euery such officer , and minister who shall offend in any the premisses , shall not onely forfeit his office , place , and imployment , but shall also incurre all other the paines and penalties aforesaid . and if any minister or officer of , or in any ship , or other uessell , shall permit , and suffer any woolles , wool-fels , or any other of the premisses to be transported in any ship , bottome , or other uessell , wherein or whereof he shall be a master , or other officer : that then euery person so offending shall be subiect to such paine and penaltie as aforesaid . and in case there be now in force any former licences or authorities heretofore giuen and granted by us , or any of our predecessors for transportation of wools , or any other the premisses , we doe hereby reuoke and disanull the same . and are resolued that none such hereafter shall be granted . and for the better vtterance of cloth within this our kingdome ; wee doe straitly charge and command , that when , and as often as vpon the occasion of any burials , or funerals , any blackes be hereafter giuen or worne ; that then such blacks and mourning stuffes shall bee onely of cloth and stuffes , made of the wool of this kingdome , and not elsewhere , nor otherwise . and for that we are informed , that the false dying of cloth and stuffes made of wools , is a great hinderance to the vent of those commodities . therefore wee straitly will and command , that no person whatsoeuer , in , or towards the dying of any cloth of what sort soeuer , or of any stuffes made of wool , shal vse any logwood or blockwood the vse whereof about the said clothes or stuffes , hath so often by seueral lawes and proclamations beene already condemned . and for the better discouery of false and deceiueable dying , and the suppressing of the said logwood and blockwood , in and about the dying of stuffes made of wool ; we doe straitly charge and command the wardens of the dyers of london , within the compasse of their search , and all other officers in other places ; that from time to time they make carefull and diligent search for the discouerie of all false and deceitfull dying , and if in their searches they shall finde any cloth or stuffe dyed with logwood or blockwood , either in all , or in part , that they seaze the same , and informe our attourney generall for the time being thereof , that such proceeding may be speedily had against the offendors , as so great a contempt deserueth . further wee doe hereby straightly charge and command all iustices of peace , mayors , sheriffes , bayliffes , officers , and other persons whatsoeuer , to doe their best endeauours to discouer all and euery the offendors against this our proclamation . and for the better encouragement of all such as shall take care and paines to make such discoueries , our will and pleasure is , that euery such person that shall bee the first discouerer of such offendor , shall be rewarded with the moity , or one halfe of such summes of money as shal come vnto us by vertue of any forfeiture incurred vpon this our proclamation : giuing also like charge and command that all persons of what degree , qualitie or place soeuer , to whom it shall appertaine , doe diligently obserue , and readily assist the due performance of this our proclamation in all things . giuen at our court of white-hall , the seuenteenth day of april , in the sixt yeere of our reigne of great britaine , france and ireland . god saue the king. ¶ imprinted at london by robert barker and iohn bill , printers to the kings most excellent maiestie . m.dc. xxx . his majesties message to the house of peers. april. 22. 1642 his majestie having seen a printed paper, entituled, a question answered how laws are to be understood, and obedience yeelded; ... england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a78911 of text r231283 in the english short title catalog (wing c2481a). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a78911 wing c2481a estc r231283 99897013 99897013 136962 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a78911) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 136962) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2456:30) his majesties message to the house of peers. april. 22. 1642 his majestie having seen a printed paper, entituled, a question answered how laws are to be understood, and obedience yeelded; ... england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by robert barker, printer to the kings most excellent majestie: and by the assignes of john bill, imprinted at york : 1642. title from caption and opening words of text. arms 24; steele notation: question way exem-. reproduction of original in the folger shakespeare library, washington, d.c. eng england and wales. -parliament -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a78911 r231283 (wing c2481a). civilwar no his majesties message to the house of peers. april. 22. 1642. his majestie having seen a printed paper, entituled, a question answered how l england and wales. sovereign 1642 324 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-04 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-05 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2008-05 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion royal blazon or coat of arms honi soit qvi mal y pense diev et mon droit . ❧ his majesties message to the house of peers . april . 22. 1642. his majestie having seen a printed paper , entituled , a question answered how laws are to be understood , and obedience yeelded ; ( which paper he sends together with this message ) thinks fit to recommend the consideration of it to his house of peers , that they may use all possible care and diligence for the finding out the author , and may give directions to his learned councell , to proceed against him and the publishers of it , in such a way as shall be agreeable to law and the course of justice , as persons who indeavour to stir up sedition against his majestie . and his majestie doubts not but they will be very sensible how much their own particular interest ( as well as the publike government of the kingdom ) is , and must be shaken , if such licence shall be permitted to bold factious spirits to withdraw his subjects strict obedience from the laws established , by such seditious and treasonable distinctions . and of doctrines of this nature his majestie doubts not but that their lordships will publish their great dislike , it being grown into frequent discourse , and vented in some pulpits ( by those desperate turbulent preachers , who are the great promotors of the distempers of this time ) that humane laws do not binde the conscience ; which being once beleeved , the civill government and peace of the kingdom will be quickly dissolved . his majestie expects a speedy account of their lordships exemplary justice upon the authors and publishers of this paper . ¶ imprinted at york by robert barker , printer to the kings most excellent majestie : and by the assignes of john bill . 1642. by the king. a proclamation of his majesties grace, favour, and pardon, to the inhabitants of his county of oxon. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a79024 of text r211130 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.5[94]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a79024 wing c2674 thomason 669.f.5[94] estc r211130 99869863 99869863 160807 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a79024) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160807) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f5[94]) by the king. a proclamation of his majesties grace, favour, and pardon, to the inhabitants of his county of oxon. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by l. lichfield, [oxford : 1642] "given at our court at oxford, the third day of november, in the eighteenth yeare of our reigne.". with engraving of royal seal at head of document. imprint from by wing. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng pardons -great britain -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. oxfordshire (england) -history -early works to 1800. a79024 r211130 (thomason 669.f.5[94]). civilwar no by the king. a proclamation of his majesties grace, favour, and pardon, to the inhabitants of his county of oxon. england and wales. sovereign 1642 502 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-08 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-08 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c r honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the king ¶ a proclamation of his majesties grace , favour , and pardon , to the inhabitants of his county of oxon. whereas we have taken notice that by the malice , industry and importunity of severall ill affected and seditious persons in our county of oxon , very many of our weake and seduced subjects of that our county have not only been drawne to exercise the militia , under colour of a pretended ordinance , without and against our consent ( a crime of a very high nature , if we would strictly enquire thereinto ) but have made contributions of plate , money and horses , towards the maintenance of the army now in rebellion against vs ; we doe hereby publish and declare , that we are graciously pleased to attribute the crimes and offences of our said subjects of that county to the power and faction of their seducers , who , we beleeve by threates , menaces , and false informations compelled and led them into these actions of undutifullnesse and disloyalty towards vs ; and we doe therefore hereby offer our free and gracious pardonto all the inhabitants of our said county of oxon , for all offences concerning the premises committed against vs before the publishing of this our proclamation ( except the lord say , nathaniell fynes esquire , sir william cobb , and iohn doyley esquire , ) against all which we shall proceed according to the rules of the law , as against traitours and stirrers of sedition against vs , and whom we doe heereby require all our officers and ministers of iustice , and all our loving subjects whatsoever , to apprehend and cause to be kept in safe custody till our pleasure be further knowne . provided that this our grace shall not extend to any person , who after the publishing this our proclamation shall presume by loane or contribution to assist the said army of rebells , to assemble and muster themselves armes without authority derived from vs under our hand , to enter into any oath of association for opposing vs and our army , or to succour or entertaine any of the persons excepted in this our proclamation , or in our declaration of the 12 of august . but we must and doe declare , that whosoever shall hence forward be guilty of the premises , or of either of them , shall be esteemed by us as an enemy to the publick peace , a person disaffected to vs , and to the religion and law of the kingdome , and shall accordingly receive condigne punishment , of which we give them timely notice , that they may proceed accordingly at their perills . ¶ given at our court at oxford , the third day of november , in the eighteenth yeare of our reigne . god save the king . heads of his majesties letter and propositions sent from the isle of wyght, for setling of the church and kingdome, and paying of the army. and his majesties desire to come to london to the parliament. also the copy of a second letter from col. hammond governour of the isle of wyght, and his desires to the parliament concerning the kings majesty. novemb. 19. 1647. imprimatur gilb. mabbott. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a86141 of text r202582 in the english short title catalog (thomason e416_12). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a86141 wing h1284 thomason e416_12 estc r202582 99862812 99862812 161291 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a86141) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 161291) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 66:e416[12]) heads of his majesties letter and propositions sent from the isle of wyght, for setling of the church and kingdome, and paying of the army. and his majesties desire to come to london to the parliament. also the copy of a second letter from col. hammond governour of the isle of wyght, and his desires to the parliament concerning the kings majesty. novemb. 19. 1647. imprimatur gilb. mabbott. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) hammond, robert, 1621-1654. charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 8 p. : port. (woodcut) printed by robert ibbitson in smithfield, london : 1647. an abstract of "his majesties gracious message and propositions from the isle of wyght, for setling of the church and kingdome, and paying of the army" (wing c2323), with different accompanying matter. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng charles -i, -king of england, 1600-1649 -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -treaties -early works to 1800. a86141 r202582 (thomason e416_12). civilwar no heads of his majesties letter and propositions sent from the isle of wyght,: for setling of the church and kingdome, and paying of the army england and wales. sovereign 1647 883 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-07 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-07 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion heads of his majesties letter and propositions sent from the isle of wyght , for setling of the church and kingdome , and paying of the army . and his majesties desire to come to london to the parliament . also the copy of a second letter from col. hammond governour of the isle of wyght , and his desires to the parliament concerning the kings majesty . novemb. 19. 1647. imprimatur gilb. mabbott . honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms london , printed by robert ibbitson in smithfield , 1647. portrait of charles i heads of his maiesties letter , and propositions to both houses of parliament . dated at the isle of wyght . his majestie conceives himself bound not to abolish episcopacy , both as he is a christian , and as hee is a king ; as hee is a christian , it being instituted by christ and his apostles : and as he is a king , being bound to maintain them by the oath which he swore at his coronation ; and by them the doctrine of religion , the government and discipline of the church , which hath ( under his predecessors ) been maintained . and for sale of the bishops lands , his majesty holds it high sacriledge , they having been given to them by divers benefactors . his majesty offers to call in all his proclamations and declarations against the parliament , and those who have adhered to them , and will give order for withdrawing all inditements against those who have adhered to the parliament ; and his majesty offers to passe an act of indempnity . and generall pardon . for the army , his majesty undertakes with the moneys received , and due , and to be received out of sequestrations , to pay 400000 pound for payment of the army their arrears , and if it will not do it , his majesty will make it up out of forrest lands . his majesty is content to part with the militia of the kingdome , during his own life , but that after his reigne it may return again to its proper place . for the publique debts of the kingdome , his majesty will conferre with his two houses of parliament , for the payment of them . and his majesty is content to confirme such officers of state as the two houses of parliament shall nominate , &c. his majesty propounds the proposalls of the army to be taken into consideration by the houses of parliament . and for other things , his majesty propounds to come to london , to consult with his parliament , for the setling of a firme and lasting peace . these be the heads of his majesties letter from the isle of wyght . subscribed charles rex . a letter from colonell hammon , governour of the isle of wyght , ( and colonell of a regiament of foot , of the army under the immediate command of his excellency ) . read in both houses of parliament . my lord , since my last which gave your lordship an account of his majesty being in this island i have had a meeting with the gentery thereof , who expresse a great deale of cherefullnesse in their desires , and endeavours of preserving his majesties person , and obedience unto the authority of parliament . i have also given orders , ( which are diligently observed ) that no persons goe out of the island without passes : and that no botes bring over any person whatsoever , ( not belonging to this island ) but whom they cause to be brought to mee , to be examined , that i may thereby be the better able to preserve the kings person in security , as also to prevent the confluence of people that otherwise , upon the occasion of his majesties presence would flocke hither to the disturbance of the peace of this island , which at present ( through the blessing of god ) is in a quiet and peaceable posture , having earnest expectations upon the continuance of their peace , by a generall settlement of the peace of the kingdome , for conveyance of which unto them , they looke at your lordships as the blessed instruments . my lord , give me leave to acquaint you that the accommodations of the king at this time are no wayes suitable to his quallity , which makes mee bold to offer to your lordships ( if it bee thought fit ) that his usuall allowance may bee continued to him , for his better provision whilest he shall abide in this place . i shall not further trouble your lordship then to assure you , that in all things , in my power , which may expresse my duty to you and the kingdome , i shall study to declare my selfe . my lord , your lordships and the kingdomes most humble and faithfull servant . ro. hammond . from the castle of carisbrooke novem. 16. 1647. to the right honourable the earle of manchester , speaker of the house of peers pro tempore . finis . his majesties letter to the major, aldermen, sheriffes, and the rest of the common-councell of the citty of bristoll england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a31963 of text r39015 in the english short title catalog (wing c2412). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a31963 wing c2412 estc r39015 18206306 ocm 18206306 107082 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a31963) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 107082) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1629:35) his majesties letter to the major, aldermen, sheriffes, and the rest of the common-councell of the citty of bristoll england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. by leonard lichfield, [oxford : 1643] imprint suggested by wing. "given at our court at oxford the 29. day of may. 1643." reproduction of original in the bodleian library. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649. a31963 r39015 (wing c2412). civilwar no his majesties letter to the major, aldermen, sheriffes, and the rest of the common-councell of the citty of bristoll england and wales. sovereign 1643 402 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-04 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-05 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-05 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion his maiesties letter to the major , aldermen , sheriffes , and the rest of the common-councell of the citty of bristoll . trusty and welbeloved we greet you well . whereas we are informed that by the power and authority of certain factious and rebellious persons in that our citty of bristoll , diverse of our good subjects ( as namely robert yeomans , george bourchier , william yeomans , edward dacers and others ) of that our citty are imprisoned for preserving their duty and loyalty to us , and for refusing to joyne in , or assist this horrid and odious rebellion against us , and that the said wicked and traiterous persons , have presumed to condemne the said innocent men to dye , and upon such their sentence notoriously against the lawes of god and man , they intend to execute and murther our said subjects ; we have thought fit to signify to you the major , aldermen , sheriffes , and the rest of the body of the councell of that our citty , that if you suffer this horrid and execrable murther to be committed upon the persons aforesaid , and thereby call the just judgement of god , and bring perpetuall infamy upon that our citty , we shall look upon it as the most barbarous and inhumane act that hath been yet committed against us , and upon you as the most desperate betrayers of us , and of the lives and liberties of your fellow subjects , and we doe therefore will and command you , not to suffer any violence to be done upon the persons aforesaid , but that if any such be attempted against them , that you rayse all the power and strength of that our citty for their rescue , and to that purpose we command all our good subjects of that our citty to ayde and assist you upon their allegiance , and as they hope for any grace and favour at our hands , and that you and they kill and slay all such who shall attempt or endeavour to take away the lives of our said subjects , and for so doing this shall be your warrant . and here of you may not faile at your utmost perill . given at our court at oxford the 29. day of may . 1643 by the king. a proclamation offering his majesties gracious pardon to all officers, gunners, armourers, gunsmiths, carpenters, wheele-wrights, and other artificers belonging to the office of the ordinance, and requiring their attendance at oxford, before the eighteenth day of this instant march. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription b02024 of text r175731 in the english short title catalog (wing c2682a). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 b02024 wing c2682a estc r175731 51617728 ocm 51617728 175175 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b02024) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 175175) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2718:17) by the king. a proclamation offering his majesties gracious pardon to all officers, gunners, armourers, gunsmiths, carpenters, wheele-wrights, and other artificers belonging to the office of the ordinance, and requiring their attendance at oxford, before the eighteenth day of this instant march. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by leonard lichfield, printer to the university, printed at oxford : 1642 [i.e., 1643] with royal coat of arms at head of text. dated at end: given at our court at oxford this seaventh of march, in the eighteenth yeare of our reigne. reproduction of the original in the bodleian library. eng great britain. -board of ordnance -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. broadsides -england -19th century. b02024 r175731 (wing c2682a). civilwar no by the king. a proclamation offering his majesties gratious pardon to all officers, gunners, armourers, gunsmiths, carpenter, wheele-wrights england and wales. sovereign 1643 471 2 0 0 0 0 0 42 d the rate of 42 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c r honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the king . ¶ a proclamation offering his majesties gratious pardon to all officers , gunners , armourers , gunsmiths , carpenters , wheele-wrights , and other artificers belonging to the office of the ordinance , and requiring their attendance at oxford , before the eighteenth day of this instant march . whereas diverse officers , gunners , armourers , gunsmiths , carpenter , wheele-wrights and other arti●icers 〈…〉 in our service , and entertained in severall conditions and imployments in our office of the ordinance , and for the use of our train of artillery , have contrary to their duties , not only absented themselves from our service , and their severall imployments therein , but many of them contrary to their allegiance have put themselves under and entertained themselves with those now in actuall rebellion against us , and thereby have fallen into the hainous crime of high treason against us , our crowne and dignity , notwithstanding which ; out of our tender compassion , we desiring by all faire and mercifull waies and meanes to reduce our subjects to their duty and obedience , are gratiously pleased , and doe hereby offer our free and gratious pardon , to all officers , gunners , armourers , wheele-wrights , carpenters , and all other artificers and ministers of , and belonging to our office of the ordinance , who shall within tenne daies after the publication hereof , leave the service of the rebells , and returne to their allegiance to us , and repaire to their service in our army , in the said office of the ordinance ; and we doe hereby farther publish and declare , that if any officer or officers above mentioned , either in service against us , or such who absents themselves , and thereby neglect their duties , shall continue therein , and not give their personall attendance upon us at our city of oxford , in the said office , before the eighteenth day of this instant march , they shall not only loose all wages , fees , and other allowances due unto them by their offices and places , but be put sorth , and excluded our service , and other persons setled in the same , and such farther punishments be inflicted on them , so refusing our grace , or disobeying our commands , as the greatnesse of their crimes shall deserve , of which we intend to take a speedy , and streight accompt . given at our court at oxford , this seaventh of march , in the eighteenth yeare of our raigne . god save the king . printed at oxford by leonard lichfield , printer to the university . 1642. behold! two letters, the one, written by the pope to the (then) prince of wales, now king of england: the other, an answere to the said letter, by the said prince, now his majesty of england. being an extract out of the history of england, scotland and ireland; written in french by andrew du chesne. geographer to the k. of france, (lib. 22. fol. 1162. printed at paris cum privilegio) and now translated into english. gregory xv, pope, 1554-1623. 1642 approx. 22 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a85673 wing g1880 thomason e238_18 estc r6360 99872974 99872974 158229 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a85673) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 158229) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 41:e238[18]) behold! two letters, the one, written by the pope to the (then) prince of wales, now king of england: the other, an answere to the said letter, by the said prince, now his majesty of england. being an extract out of the history of england, scotland and ireland; written in french by andrew du chesne. geographer to the k. of france, (lib. 22. fol. 1162. printed at paris cum privilegio) and now translated into english. gregory xv, pope, 1554-1623. charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. du chesne, andré, 1584-1640. histoire d'angleterre, d'escosse, et d'irlande. gregory xv, pope, 1554-1623. [2], 6 p. s.n.], [london : printed in the yeare of discoveries 1642. the title page is engraved. in double columns, english and french. the letters are by pope gregory xv and charles stuart, later king of great britain. the papal letter was originally published in 1623 as "the pope's letter to the prince in latine, spanish, and english." an english translation of both letters was published in 1650 as the latter part of "the king of scotlands negotiations at rome". reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and 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guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church of england -relations -catholic church -early works to 1800. 2007-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-07 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-07 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion behold ! two letters , the one , written by the pope to the ( then ) prince of wales , now ● king of england : the other , an answere to the said letter , by the said prince , now his majesty of england . being an extract out of the history of england , scotland and ireland ; written in french by a●drew du ches●●e . geogropher to the k. of france , ( lib. 22. fol. 1162. printed at paris cum privilegio ) and now translated into english . printed in the yeare of discoveries 1642. ❧ the popes letter , most noble prince , salvation and light of the divine grace : forasmuch as great brittaine , hath alwayes been fruitfull in vertues , and in men of great worth , having filled the one , & the other world with the glory of her renown ; she doth also very often draw the thoughts of the holy apostolicall chaire , to the consideration of her praises . and indeed the church was but then in her infancie , when the king of kings did choose her for his inheritance , and so affectionately , that we beleeve , the roman eagles have hardly out-passed the banner of the crosse ▪ besides that many of her kings instructed in the knowledge of the true salvation , have preferred the crosse before the royall scepter ; and the discipline of religion before covetousnesse , leaving examples of piety to other nations , and to the ages yet to come . so that having merited the principalities and first places of blessednesse in heaven , they have obtained on earth the tryumphant ornaments of true holynesse . and although now the state of the english church is altered , we see neverthelesse the court of great brittaine adorned and furnished with morall vertues , which might serve , to support the charity that we beare unto her , and be an ornament to the name of christianity , if withall she could have for her defence and protection the orthodox and catholique truth . therfore by how much the more , the glory of your most noble father , and the apprehension of your royall inclination , delights us , with so much morezeal , we desir that the gates of the kingdome of heaven might be opened unto you , and that you might pur●ase to your selfe the love of the universall church . moreover it being certain that gregory the grea● of most blessed memory , hath introduced to the english people , and taught to their k●ngs the law of the gosp●ll , and the respect of apostolicall authority : we , as inferiour to him , in holinesse and vertue , but equall in name and degree of dignity , it is very reasonable that we following his blessed footsteps , should indeavour the salvation of those provinces , especially at this time , when your desig● ( most noble prince ) elevates us to the hope of an extraordinary advantage : therfore , as you have directed your journey to spaine , towards the catholique king , with desire to allie your selfe to the house of austria , we do much commend your designe , and indeed do testifie openly in this present businesse , that you are he that takes the principall care of our prelacy . for seeing that you desire to take in marriage a daughter of spaine : from thence we may easily conjecture that the ancient seeds of christian piety , which have so happily flourished in the hearts of the kings of great brittaine ; may ( god prospering them ) revive againe in your soule : and indeed it is not to be beleeved that the same man should love such an alliance , that hates the catholique religion , and should take delight to oppresse the holy chaire . to that purpose we have commanded to make continually most humble prayers to the father of lights , that he would be pleased to put you as a faire flower of the christianisme , and the only hope of great brittaine , in possession of that most noble heritage , that your ancestors have purchased for you , to defend the authority of the soveraigne high priest ; and to fight against the monsters of heresie . remember the dayes of old , inquire of your fathers , and they will tell you the way that leads to heaven ; and what way the temporall princes have taken to attaine to the everlasting kingdome . behold the gates of heaven opened , the most holy kings of england , who came from england to rome accompanied with angels , did come to honour and do hommage to the lord of lords , and to the prince of the apostles in the apostolicall chaire : their actions and their examples being as so many voyces of god , speaking and exhorting you to follow the course of the lives of those to whose empire you shall one day attaine . is it possible that you can suffer that the heritiques should hold them for impious , and condemne those that the faith of the church testifies to reigne in the heavens with jesus christ , and have command and authority upon all principalities and empires of the earth ? behold how they tender you the hand of this truly happy inheritance , to conduct you safe and sound at the court of the catholique king , and that desire to bring you back again into the lap of the roman church : bes●cching with unspeakable sighs and groanes , the god of all mercy for your salvation , & do tender you the arms of the apostolicall charitie , to imbrace you with all christian affection ; you , that are her desired sonne , in shewing you the happy hope of the kingdome of heaven . and indeed you cannot give a greater consolation to all the people of the christian estates , than to put the prince of the apostles in possession of your most noble island , whose authority hath been held so long in the kingdome of great brittaine ▪ for the defence of kingdomes , and for a divine oracle ; which will easily arrive , and that without difficulty , if you open your heart to th● lord that knocks , upon which depends all the happinesse of that kingdome . it is of our great charity that we cherish the praises of the royall name ; and that which makes us desire that you and your royall father might be stiled with the names of deliverers , and restorers of the ancient and paternall religion of great brittaine , which we hope for , trusting in the goodnesse of god , in whose hands are the hearts of kings , and who causeth the people of the earth to receive healing , to whom we will alwaies labour , with all our power , to render you gracious and favourable ; in the interim take notice by these letters of the care of our charity , which is none other than procure you● happinesse ; and it will never grieve us to have written them , if the reading of them stir but the least sparke of the catholique faith , in the heart of so great a prince , who we wish to be filled with long continuance of joy , and flourishing in the glory of all vertues . given at rome in the pallace of st. peter , the 20. of aprill , 1623. in the third yeare of our popedome . ❧ the popes letter , tres-noble prince , salut & lumiere de la grace divine : comme ainsi soit qu● la grand ' bretagne ait tousiours esté abondante en vertus , & en personnages de grand merite , & ait remply l' vn & l' autre monde de lo gloire de sa renomme , elle atttire anssi tres-souuentles pensees du saint siege apostolique à la consideration de ses loüanges . et de fait l' eglise ne faisoit encore que naistre , quandle roy des roys la voulut choisir pour son heritage , & si affectionnement , qu' on tient qu' à peine les aigles romoins y one plustost passe que l ▪ estendart de lax croix . ioint que plusieurs de ses roys instruits en lae cognoissance du vraysalut , ont prefere la croix au sceptre royal , & la discipline de la relion á la conuotise : laissants des exemples de pietè aux nations estrangeres , & aux siecles futurs . si bi en qu' ayans merite dans lo ciel les principautez , & preeminences de la beatitudene , ils ont obtenu en terre des ornaments triomphaux de vraye saintetè . et ores qu' auiourd huyl ' estat de l ▪ eglise anglicane soit alterè , nous voyons neant , moins la court de la grand bretagne estre ornee & munie de vertus morales , qui serviroient de consolation à la charitè que nous luy portons & d' ornement au nom chrestien , si coni●inct ement elle pouuoit auoir pour sa defence & protection la verité orthodoxe & vniuerselle . c ' est pourquoy d' autant plus que la gloire de vostre serenissime pere , & le r●ssentiment de vestre royal naturel , nous delectent , de tantplus grande ardeur resirons-nos que les p●rt●s du r●iaume celest●s vous soye●t ouuertes , & que vous ▪ vous acqu●riez l'●●●● de l'eglise vniverselle . d' ailleurs , estant ●ray que gregoire le grand de tressainte memoire a introduit aux peuples d' angleterre , & enseignè a leurs rois la loy de l' euangile , & le respect de l' auctoritè apostolique : nous comme inferieurs , aluy en saintetè & vertu , & pareils en nom & degrè de dignitè , il est bien ra●fonnable , que suiuants ses saints vestiges nous procurions le salut de ces ▪ provinces , nommèment aujourd ' huy que vistre heureux dessein ( tres noble prince ) nous esle●e àl esperance d' vn bon-heur extraordinaire . partant , comme vous vous estes acheminè el es●●gne ve●sl● personne du roy catholique ▪ auec desir de vous allier á la ma●sond austriche , nous auous bien voulu loüer vostre dessein , voire , mesmete sm●igner ouuer●ement en l' affaire qui se presente , que vous estes cel●y que regarde le principal soin de n●st●e prelature . car ainsi estant que vous desirez prendre en mariage vne fille d' espagne , de là pouuons-nous ▪ aisement coniecturer , que ces anciennes semences de la piete chrestienne , lesquelles out sy heureusement fleury dans les còeurs des rois de la grand ' bretague , peuvent ( di● leur donnant ac●r●issement ) reuerdir en v●stre a●●e . et de fait il ne seroit pa● croyable que celuy-là aimast vne telle alliance , lequel hayroit la religion catholique , & se plairei à opprimer le saint siege . nous 〈◊〉 ensuite de ce commandè de faire comi●●ellement de tres-humbles prieres an pere des lumieres , à ce qu ●l ●●y plaise de vous mettre comme vne belle fleurdu christianis●● , & vnique esperance de la grand ' bretagn● , en possession de ce tres noble heritage ; que vos ancestres vous 〈◊〉 acquis , à deffendre l' auctoritè du souuerain pontife , & à combattre les monstres de l' heresie . sonne●●zvous des iours anciens , enquerez-vous de vos peres , & ils vous d●●●t par quelle voy● l' on va a● ciel , & quelehemin out 〈◊〉 les princes temporels pourpar●●●ir an roya●me eternel . voyez les portes d● ciel o●uertes , ces tres-saincts roys d' angl●terre , qui pareans d' angleterre pour venir à rome accompagnez des anges son● venus honorer & faire hominage a● seigneur des seigneurs , & au prince des apostres en la chaire aqostolique ▪ leurs oeuures & leurs exemples sont autant de voix de die● qui parlent , & qui vous exhortent à ce qu' ayez àsuiure la facon de viure de coux ▪ à l' empire desquels vous paruiendrez vn iour . est-il possibile qne vous puissiez souffrir , que les heretiques tiennent pour impies , & condamnent ceux que la foy de l' eglise t● smoigne regner dans le ciel auec iesus-christ , & auoir commandement & auctoritè sur toutes les principantez & empires de la terre ? veilà qu' ils vous tenden● la main de ceste bie●-heureuse patrie , pour vous conduire sain & sauf à la cour d● roy cath●lique , & qui desirent vous ramener au giron de l' eglise romaine : laquelle suppliant auec gemissements in●●arrables le diu de toute misericorde pour vostre salut , vous tend les bras de la charite apostolique pour vous embrasser auec toute affection chrestienn● , vous qui estes son desire fils , en vous monstrant l' ●sperance bie●heurense du royaume des c●eux . pour vray vous ne pourrez donner plus grande consol●●i●n à tous les peuples de l' estat chrestien , que de mettre en possession de vostre tres-noble isle le prince des apostres , l' auctorite duquela este te●●e si long-temps e● vostre royaume de la grand ' bretague pour la defense des roya●mes , & pour oracle de la divinite . ce qui arri●era saus difficulte , si vous ●uurez vostre eoeur au seigneur qui frappe , en quoi gist toutle b●n-heur de ce roya●me . c'est de ceste si grande charitè que nous fauorisons les loüanges d● nom royal & qui nous fait desirer que vous & vostre serinissime pere soyez qualifiez du no● de liberateurs & restaurateurs de l' anci●●ne & paternelle religion de la grand ' bretagne . c● que nous esperons , nous confians en la bonte de dien es mains duquel sont les coeurs des reys , & qui fait que les pe●ples de la terre puissent receuoir guarison , lequell nous tascher●us t●nsiours de tout nostre p●uuoir vous rendre pr●pice & fauorable . cependant recognoissex en ces lettres le soinde nostre charitè , qui n'est autre chose que pour procurer vostre b●n-heur : & iamais il ne nous fera mal de les auoir escrites , si la lecture d' icelles vient au moins à exciter quelque petite est incelle de la foy catholique dans le coeur d'vnsi grand prince , lequel nons desirous estre comble d'vne ioye de longue duree , & florissant e● la gloire de toutes vertus . donnè à rome au palais de saint piere le xx . iourd ' aurill 1623. l' an troisiesme de nostre pontificat . pope gregory the 15 th having writ the foregoing letter to the prince of wales , it was presented to him by the nuncio of his holinesse in spaine , he being accompanied with the italian lords , that then were in the court. the prince of wales having received this letter , made this following answer , which was after published . most holy father , i received the dispatch from your holinesse with great content , & with that respect which the pietie and care where with your holynesse writes , doth require : it was an unspeakable pleasure to me to reade the generous exploits of the kings my predecessours , in whose memory , posterity hath not given those praises and elogies of honour , as were due to them : i do believe that your holinesse hath set their examples before my eyes , to th' end that i might imitate them in all my actions , for in tru●h they have often exposed their estates and lives for the exaltation of the holy chaire ; and the courage with which they have assaulted the enemies of the crosse of jesus christ , hath not been lesse , than the care and thought which i have , to the end that the peace and intelligence which hath hitherto bin wanting in christendome , might be bound with a true and strong concord , for as the commo● enemie of the peace , watcheth alwaies to pu● hatred and dissention amongst christian princes , ●o i beleeve that the glory of god requires that we should indeavour to unite them ; and i do not esteeme it a g●●a●●r honour to be discended from so great princes , then to imitate them in the zeale of their piety , in which it helpes me very mu●● to h●ve knowne the mind● and will , of our thrice honoured lord and father , and the holy inte●tions of his catholik● majesty to give a hap●ie concurrence to so laudable a designe , for : grieves him extreamly to see the great eills that grow from the devision of christi●● princes , which the wisdome of your holinesse foresaw , when it judged the m●riage which you pleased to de●●g●● , betweene the infanta of spaine and my selfe , to be necessary to procure ●o great a good , for 't is very certa●ne , that i shall never be so extreamly affectionate to any thing in the world , as to endeavour allya●ce with a prince that hath the same apprehension of the true religion with my selfe : therefore i intreate your holynesse to believe , that i have been alwaies very far from incouraging novelties , or to be a part of any faction against the catholike , apostolike roman religion : but on the contrary , i have sought all occasions to take away the suspition that might rest upon me , and that i will imploy my selfe for the time to come , to have but one religion and one faith , seeing that we all beleeve in one jesus christ . having resolved in my selfe , to spare nothing that i have in the world , and to suffer all manner of discommodities , even to the hazarding of my estate and life , for a thing so pleasing unto god : it rests only that i thank your holynesse , that you have bin pleased to afford me the leave , and i pray god to give you a blessed health and his glory , after so much paines which your holynesse takes in his church . signed , charles stvvard . le prince de galles ayant receu cel lettres , il fist la responce suivante , quy fut publice vn p●u apres . tres-saint pere , i'ay receu la depe sche de vostre sainte tè auec vn grand contentement dans le respect que demandent la piete & la bienueillance , auec lesquelles vostre santetè l'descrite . ce qui● a estè vnplaisir indicible de lire les exploits genereux des roys mes predecesseurs , à la memoire desquels la posteritè n'a point donnè les eloges d'honneur qui l●ur sont deubs . ie veux eroire que vostre saintetè a mis leur exemple denant mes yeux , afin que●e les imitasse ●n tontes mes actions . car ● laveri●e ils ont exposè souuent leur estat & leurs vies pour l●exaltation du saint siege . de sorte que le co●vage , auec lequell ils ont assailly le e●●emis de la croix de iesus-christ , n'a pas est● m●ind●e que le so●cy & lapensee que i'ay , afin qu● l● paix & l intelligence , qui ●nt manque 〈◊〉 ques à present dans la chrestiente so●e●t estraintes d' vnl●en d' vne veritable concorde . car de me sme que l' ennemy commun de la paix veille iousiours pour mettre la hay●e & dissension pa●my les princes chrestiens ▪ auss● ie croy que la gloire de dieu demande qu on ●a sche de les vnir . et ie n'estime pas que i' aye vnplus grand honnour d' estre d●s●en●u de si g●ands princes , que de les imiter ●ans le ze●● de leur piete . en quoy il me sert grandement d'●●oir recogn● la volo●●e de nostre tres honore s●ign●●r & p●●e , & les s●intes intentions de sa majest● catholique ▪ p●ur faire reussi● heureu sement ce lo●●ble des●●●● parce qu' elle a un extreme r●g●et de voir ●es grands mal heurs qui naissen● de la aiv sion des princes chrestiens . ce que la prudence de vostre sainctete a pr●ue● , lors qu'elle a i●ge que le mariage qu' il luy plaist desseigne entre l' infante d' espagne & moy , est necessaire po●r procurerv● si grand b●en qu' il est tout certain , que i● ne me p●rter●● tamais si passionement a chose de monde , qu' à la recherche de l' alliance ● un prince , qui aurale mesme sentiment de la vraye religion auec moy . c'est pourquoy ie pri● vostre salutete de eroire que i ay tousiours estè fort esloigne d' aduantager les nouueautez , ni d' estre partisan d' aucune faction contre la religion catholique apostolique romaine : mais au contraire , que i'ay recherche les occasions , afin que le soupcon qui peut t●●ber sur●●y s●i● entierement ●ste , & que i● 〈◊〉 ●●ploye de tout m●n reste pour ● ' anoir qu' vne religion , & qu' vne foy , puis que nous cryons tous ensemble en iesus-christ . ayant resolu de ne ● ' ●spargner point en chose d● monde , & des●●ffrir toutes sortes d' incomm●ditez ●es●e de hazarder mon estat & mavie , pour vne occasion si agreable à di●u ▪ il reste seulemont que ie remercie vostre saintete de la permission qu' illuy a pleu de ● accorder , & que i● prie dieu qu' il luy donne vne heureuse sante , & sa gloire , aprestant de trauaux quae vostre saintete prend dans son eglise . signe , charles stvvard . these two letters are printed ( as is aforesaid ) in the french history of england , &c. and in the two and twentieth booke , ( and 1162. fol. ) you may find the same : which booke was also twice printed in paris cum privilegio . finis . by the king a proclamation for the better direction of those who desire to repaire to the court for the cure of their disease, called, the kings euill. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) 1631 approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a22544 stc 8980 estc s122788 33150511 ocm 33150511 28641 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a22544) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 28641) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1876:138) by the king a proclamation for the better direction of those who desire to repaire to the court for the cure of their disease, called, the kings euill. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. [2] leaves. by robert barker, printer to the kings most excellent maiestie: and by the assignes of iohn bill, imprinted at london : m.dc.xxxi [1631] arms without "c r" at top. caption title. imprint from colophon. postponing resort to the king until 15 dec. because of plague. "giuen at our court at hampton, the thirteenth day of october, in the seuenth yeere of our reigne." reproduction of original in: society of antiquaries. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng scrofula -early works to 1800. royal touch. plague -england -london -early works to 1800. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. 2006-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-04 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-05 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2006-05 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion honi ❀ soit ❀ qvi ❀ mal ❀ y ❀ pense ❀ diev · et · mon · droit royal blazon or coat of arms ¶ by the king. ¶ a proclamation for the better direction of those who desire to repaire to the court for the cure of their disease called , the kings euill . the kings most excellent maiestie , in his most gracious and pious disposition , being as ready & willing as any king or queene of this realm euer was in any thing to relieue the distresses and necessities of his good subiects , and the good successe vpon those who haue need of his sacred touch for the cure of the kings euill , being as happy , by the blessing of almighty god , as any of his royall predecessours haue beene , yet in his princely wisedome foreseeing that in this great worke of charitie to singular persons , those fit times are necessarily to bee obserued , which may not preiudice the generall health of his people , his maiestie did by his proclamation in march last , declare his royall will and pleasure to bee , that whereas the vsuall times of presenting such persons to his maiestie for this purpose , were easter and whitsuntide , that from thencefoorth the times should bee easter and michaelmas , as times more conuenient , both for the temperature of the season , and in respect of any contagion which might happen in the neere accesse to his maiesties sacred person . and his maiestie did thereby accordingly will and command , that from the time of publishing the said proclamation , none should presume to repaire to his maiesties royall court , to bee healed of that disease , before the feast of s. michael the archangel then next comming , and now last past . his most excellent maiestie ( now considering that the danger of the infection of the plague is very much dispersed in diuers counties of this kingdome ) doeth hereby will and command , and doeth also declare his royall will and pleasure to bee , that from the time of publishing this proclamation , none presume to repaire to his maiesties royall court , to be healed of that disease called the kings-euill , before the fifteenth day of december next ensuing , and in case the sayd infection should continue or increase , which god of his mercie diuert , his maiestie will in the meane time signifie and declare his royall will and pleasure by proclamation for some further time , for that purpose . and his maiestie doeth further will and command , as in his former proclamation aforesaid hee commanded , that all such as shall come and repayre to the court for this purpose , shall bring with them certificates vnder the hands of the parson , vicar , or minister , and church-wardens of those seuerall parishes where they dwell , and from whence they come , testifying according to the trueth , that they haue not at any time before beene touched by the king , to the intent to be healed of that disease . and his maiestie doeth straightly charge all justices of peace , constables and other officers , that they doe not suffer any to passe , but such as haue such certificates , vpon paine of his maiesties displeasure . and to the end that all his louing subiects may the better take knowledge of this his maiesties pleasure and command ; his will is , that this proclamation bee published and affixed in some open place in euery market towne of this realme . all which his maiestie doth command strictly to bee obserued by all and euery person , and persons whom it shall , or may concerne , vpon such paines , and penalties as may be inflicted vpon them , for the neglect thereof . giuen at our court at hampton , the thirteenth day of october , in the seuenth yeere of our reigne . god saue the king. ¶ imprinted at london by robert barker , printer to the kings most excellent maiestie : and by the assignes of iohn bill . m. d c. xxxi . his maiesties letter to the maior of kingston upon hull, 25. of aprill. 1642. to our trusty and welbeloved, the major, aldermen, and burgesses of our towne and port of kingston upon hull. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a78867 of text r210517 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.5[11]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a78867 wing c2414 thomason 669.f.5[11] estc r210517 99869306 99869306 160724 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a78867) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160724) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f5[11]) his maiesties letter to the maior of kingston upon hull, 25. of aprill. 1642. to our trusty and welbeloved, the major, aldermen, and burgesses of our towne and port of kingston upon hull. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed at yorke and now re-imprinted in london, [london] : [1642] reproduction of original in the british library. in this edition the steele notation reads: the person your. with engraved border. eng hotham, john, -sir, d. 1647 jan 2 -early works to 1800. prerogative, royal -england -early works to 1800. hull (england) -history -17th century -sources. yorkshire (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a78867 r210517 (thomason 669.f.5[11]). civilwar no his maiesties letter to the maior of kingston upon hull, 25. of aprill. 1642. to our trusty and welbeloved, the major, aldermen, and burgess england and wales. sovereign 1642 1160 1 0 0 0 0 0 9 b the rate of 9 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion his maiesties letter to the maior of kingston upon hull , 25. of aprill . 1642 to our trusty and welbeloved , the major , aldermen , and burgesses of our towne and port of kingston upon hull . trusty and welbeloved , wee greet you well , whereas wee have beene long sensible of the just complaints and great burdens of our subjects in these northern parts , by occasion of the garrison in our town of hull ; and whereas we were upon friday the 22. of this moneth petitioned by divers of the gentry , and others , inhabitants of this county , that the munition at hull might remaine in the magazin there , for the security of our person , and of all these northern parts , their feare , being much grounded upon the parliaments relations of forreign invasions : vpon which , the more to expresse our care of our peoples safety , we did our selfe go in person to that our town , that upon our own view , we might consult what proportion of it might be fily removed upon any pressing occasion , having a respect to the promised supply for scotland , the necessary use of arms for ireland , as well as for the safeguard and satisfaction of these northern parts : but much contrary to our expectation , and the duty and allegiance of our subjects , we found the gates of that our town shut , and the bridges drawn up against vs ; and though we came in a peaceable way , reposing the greatest confidence in the loveand loyalty of our people , by offering ( as we did ) to put our own person , and our two sons , but with twenty horse , into that town , there being in it a garrison of about eight hundred souldiers ; yet we were not onely denied entrance , but in a warlike manner opposed by sir iohn hotham , the armed men being placed in all the ports , and about all the walls of the town , alleadging ( though falsly ) for his excuse , the command of the parliament , and being pressed by vs to shew such an order in writing , he could not do it ; for we were ever very confident that there was never any publike order of theirs , that could so much as imply a denyall to our admission ; we knowing well enough , that he was entrusted by them for a guard and security of that place against forreign enemies , or those at home who are dis-affected in religion , and not against his naturall soveraign , which hostile opposition and adtuall levying of war against our person , being by the statute of 25 ed. 3. enacted high treason : which statute considered , and that for the avoyding of all lealousies , as we have said , wee were content to have been admitted with so very small a number in our company , we were thereupon constrained to proclaim the said sir iohn hotham , and all those that should adhere to , or assist him , traytors . of all which abovesaid passages , we have acquainted our parliament , demanding lustice to be done upon him , that they might thereby have oportunity to vindicate the imputation laid on them by sir iohn hotham , and wethe easier way to chastize , according to the law , so high a treason . and lest a misunderstanding of our intentions , or of the law may misguide any of our loyall and wel-affected subjects , the inhabitants , captains , officers , or souldiers in that town , we have thought fit to commend to your consideration the aforenamed statute , with that of the 11. of hen. 7. cha. 1 wherein it is dec●ared , by the unanimous assent of parliament , that the subjects of this realme are bound , by the duty of allegiance , to serve the king for . the time being , for the defence of his person and the land , against every rebellion , might , or power raised against him , and with his majesty to ente , or abide in service in battell , if cause so require . and it was therefore then enacted , that from thenceforth no person whatsoever that shall attend upon the king , or be in place , by his command within or without the land that for the same deed and true service of allegiance , he , and they be no wayes attaint or convict of high treason , or of other offences for that cause , by any processe of law , whereby he , or any of them shall lose or forfeit lives , lands , tenements , goods or any thing ; but be for that deed and service utterly discharged of any vexation , trouble , or losse ; and if any act or acts , or other processe of law thereupon for the same happen to be made contrary to this ordinance , that then that act or acts , or other processe of the law whatsoever they shall be , stand and be utterly void . all which , together with the copies of our message and petition ( which we send here inclosed ) we require you to publish to the inhabitants , and all such commanders and souldiers as will heare them : that knowing both the perill of the law on the one side , and the security of such as shall adhere to vs on the other , they be not misled ( through ignorance ) to decline their allegiance ; and that the souldiers may lay down their arms , and admit our entrance in a peaceable way . in so doing , you shall both discharge your duties , and those that shall have need , be assured to finde ( upon such their submision ) our ready mercy and pardon . and we doe likewiser require , and charge all you , the inhabitants ( as well souldiers as others ) upon your allegiance , thatyou permit not any part of our magazin or munition to be removed or transported out of that town under any pretence of order or power whatsoever , without our royall assent in writing under our hand . assuring you , that it will be much more pleasing to vs to have occasion administred by the fidelity of the inhabitants to enlarge those graces and immunities granted to that town by our predecessors , then to have any occasion to question your charter . given at our court at yorke , the 25 of april , 1642 . printed at yorke , and now re-imprinted in london . his maiesties declaration to all his loving subiects in the county of cornwall, &c. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a78725 of text r211973 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.7[37]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a78725 wing c2236 thomason 669.f.7[37] estc r211973 99870638 99870638 161019 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a78725) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 161019) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f7[37]) his maiesties declaration to all his loving subiects in the county of cornwall, &c. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by leonard lichfield, printer to the vniversity, printed at oxford : 1643. an expression of gratitude for their loyalty and patience. dated at end: given at our campe at sudeley castle the tenth of september. 1643. includes: the agreement of the maior, aldermen, and inhabitants of the towne of tenby. with engraving of royal seal at head of document. annotation on thomason copy: "15. sept: 1643.". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. cornwall (england : county) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. tenby (wales) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. a78725 r211973 (thomason 669.f.7[37]). civilwar no his majesties declaration to all his loving subiects in the county of cornwall, &c. england and wales. sovereign 1643 737 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion his maiesties declaration to all his loving subiects in the county of cornwall , &c. charles r. vve are so highly sensible of the extraordinary merit of our county of cornwall , of their zeale for the defence of our person , and the just rights of our crowne , ( in a time when we could contribute so little to our own defence , or to their assistance ; in a time when not onely no reward appeared , but great and probable dangers were threatned to obedience and loyalty , ) of their great and eminent courage and patience in their indefatigable prosecution of their great worke against so potent an enemy , backt with so strong , rich and populous ciries , and so plentifully furnished with men , armes , money , ammunition and provision of all kinds ; and of the wonderfull successe with which it hath pleased almighty god ( though with the the losse of some eminent persons , who shall never be forgotten by vs ) to reward their loyalty and patience by many strange victories over their and our enemies , in despight of all humane probability , and all imaginable disadvantages ; that as we cannot be forgetfull of so great deserts , so vve cannot but desire to publish to all the world , and perpetuate to all time anp memory of these their merits , and of our acceptance of the same . and to that end , vve do hereby render our royall thanks to that our county in the most publike and lasting manner vve can devise , commanding copies hereof to be printed and published , and one of them to be read in every church and chappell therein , and to bee kept for ever as a record in the same , that as long as the history of these times , and this nation shall continue , the memory of how much that county hath merited from vs and our crown , may be derived with it to posterity . given at our campe at sudeley castle the tenth of september . 1643. 15 sept : 1643 the agreement of the maior , aldermen , and inhabitants of the towne of tenby . vvee the major , aldermen , and inhabitants of tenby , doe hereby humbly declare , that wee will be alwayes obedient to the kings majesties royall commands , and will serve him with our lives and fortunes , and assist him against all rebells , and rebellions whatsoever , and will submit to his majesties authority , now placed in the right honourable richard earle of carbery , lord lieutenant generall of the counties of pembrock carmarthen , and cardigan , the towne and countie of haverfordwest , and the townes of pembrocke and tenby , and withall will heartily contribute to his majesties service , to the best of our abilities ; and we doe farther declare and ingage our selves upon the faith of loyall subjects , that we will not receive into our townes any garrison , force , or person whatsoever sent or to be sent thither from any who now are , or hereafter shall be , in rebellion against his majesty , under the name of the forces of king and parliament , but will dutifully receive and imbrace all such armed forces and garrisons as our said lord lieutenant generall shall thither send or command for the safe guarding of the said towne for the use & service of his sacred majesty . for assurance whereof we have hereunto fixed our common seale , and subscribed our names this thirtieth day of august . 1643. thomas wyatt major . david hammond . fran. long . rice prickard . john rogers . robert browne . richard jewell . walter sherburne . david palmer . thomas barret . rice barrow . richard wyatt . griffeth gibbon . iohn barrow . iohn sounder . henry gibbs . lewis bishop . david stowell . thomas stephens . william record . iohn stone . iohn poyer . mich. sutton . iohn henton . silvanus griffith . iohn hammond . richard williams . nicholas horsam . iohn thomas phillip davis . rice gitto , bartho. king . printed at oxford , by leonard lichfield , printer to the vniversity . 1643. by the king, a proclamation prohibiting from henceforth all entercourse of trade betweene our city of london and other parts of our kingdome untill other direction is given by us england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a32073 of text r26593 in the english short title catalog (wing c2688). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a32073 wing c2688 estc r26593 15607280 ocm 15607280 104087 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a32073) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 104087) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1327:8 or 1588:40) by the king, a proclamation prohibiting from henceforth all entercourse of trade betweene our city of london and other parts of our kingdome untill other direction is given by us england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.). printed by leonard lychfield, oxford : 1643. "given under our signe manuall at our court at oxford this seventeenth day of iuly in the nineteenth year of our reigne." reproductions of originals in the huntington library and the societies of antiquaries library, london. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649. a32073 r26593 (wing c2688). civilwar no c. r. by the king. a proclamation prohibiting from henceforth all entercourse of trade betweene our city of london, and other parts of our k england and wales. sovereign 1643 1063 1 0 0 0 0 0 9 b the rate of 9 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c. r. ❧ by the king . ❧ a proclamation prohibiting from henceforth all entercourse of trade betweene our city of london , and other parts of our kingdome , untill other direction given by vs . whereas out of our tender care to our city of london , and in hope to reduce them to their due obedience to us , we by our proclamation , bearing date at our court at oxford the eight day of december now last past , did declare our royall pleasure to be , that there should be no stop or interruption to any of our loving subjects , as they should travell to our city of london with any cloaths , wares , or marchandize , but that they should freely and peaceably passe without any let , trouble or molestation whatsoever ; which grace and favour unto them , have in these many moneths wrought this contrary effect , that above all other parts of this our kingdom a prevalent faction of that city ( which over-rules the whole ) hath so far joyned with , and in that horrid rebellion , that it hath denounced war against the whole kingdom , by violent opposing all the possible wayes to peace ; and so that city formerly famous for their loyalty , and love to their sovereigns , is now become the head of that traiterous faction , and the receptacle of all such as are disaffected to our government , and the lawes of the kingdome : and not only willingly consents and submits to all burthens and impositions laid upon them , for the support and maintenance of the rebellious armies raised against us , but malitiously prosecutes and pursues all such who are but suspected to wish well to our service . and when we pitying the desperate and deplorable condition of our people , were gratiously pleased to desire a treaty for an accommodation , and propounded that whilest that treaty should continue , there might be a cessation of armes , and a free commerce for all our loving subjects in all parts of our kingdome , that so the benefits of trade and commerce being injoyed , our good people might bee the more in love with peace , yet this motion thus proceeding from us was neverthelesse by speciall incitation from the city of london ( which by the grace of our said proclamation enjoyed the said advantage of the whole kingdome ) scornfully neglected by the enemies of peace , and all entercourse interdicted to our city of oxford , the present place of residence for our court and army , and that restraint is continued upon all those who are thought to be serviceable , or but well affected to us : we therefore being thereunto enforced out of this necessity , and finding that the trade and commerce of the kingdome , which ought to be maintained for the publicke benefit of all our good people , is by this meanes inverted only for the advantage of those places , and persons which cherish this rebellion , the goods and merchandise of such who are thought well affected to us being seised when they are brought , to london , have thought it fit and reasonable to revoke and recall that our former act of grace and favour . and by this our proclamation , we doe publish and declare to all our subjects , that whosoever of them , either in their persons shall from henceforth travell unto our city of london , without license from our selfe , or one of our principall secretaries of state , the generalls , or lieutenant generalls of our armies , or the governours of any of our townes , castles , or forts , or with their goods , catle , victuall or merchandize of any sort whatsoever , sshall from henceforth travell unto , or for our said city of london or suburbs thereof , without our expresse licence for the same under our signe manuall , shall adventure the same at their own perills , we being resolved by all possible means to seize the same ; and that all those who from any parts of this our kingdome shall furnish or serve our said city of london or suburbs thereof , either by sea or land , with any victualls , or other provisions , or with any merchandize to maintaine them or their trade , as long as they shall obstinately stand out in rebellion against us , we shall esteem as persons disaffected to us , and to our government , and as ayders & assisters to the rebells , and shall accordingly deal with them , and proceed againsst them : and that this restraint shall continue upon them until such times as the inhabitants of the said city , finding their errors , shall returne to their obedience unto us , straitly commanding all the officers of our armies , and all other our officers , ministers , and loving subjects in all places through which any person , goods , cattle , victuall , or merchandise shall passe or be conveied towards the said city of london , to apprehend the persons , and seise and detaine the goods , until upon speedy notice to us they shall receive our further directions : we hereby assuring them they shall receive part of such goods so seised in satisfaction and for their reward . but for the continuing of the generall trade and commerce of the kingdome , and the manufactures thereof ( which we desire to uphold and advance ) we leave all our subjects to trade freely in , and unto all other parts , and in and unto all other ports , or havens of this our kingdome , not being in actuall rebellion aagainst us , and from those ports to trade with their merchandise freely into any other parts wheresoever beyond the seas , being in amity with us , without any restraint whatsoever . given under our signe manuallat our court at oxford this seventeenth day of july , in the nineteenth year of our reigne . 〈…〉 god save the king . oxford , printed by leonard lychsield , 1643. his majesties answer to a message sent to him by the house of commons, concerning licences granted by him to persons to go into ireland. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a78634 of text r209824 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.3[59]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a78634 wing c2100 thomason 669.f.3[59] estc r209824 99868680 99868680 160617 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a78634) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160617) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f3[59]) his majesties answer to a message sent to him by the house of commons, concerning licences granted by him to persons to go into ireland. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by robert barker, printer to the kings most excellent majesty: and by the assignes of john bill, imprinted at london : 1641 [i.e. 1642] with engraving of royal seal at head of document. in this edition the imprint has 2 lines; line 1 ends: kings. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649 -early works to 1800. ireland -history -rebellion of 1641 -early works to 1800. a78634 r209824 (thomason 669.f.3[59]). civilwar no his majesties answer to a message sent to him by the house of commons, concerning licences granted by him to persons to go into ireland. england and wales. sovereign 1642 353 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion tudor rose c r diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms scottish thistle ❧ his majesties answer to a message sent to him by the house of commons , concerning licences granted by him to persons to go into ireland . his majestie hath seen and considered the message presented to him by the lord compton and master baynton , the 19th of march , 1641. at york , touching such persons as have been licensed by his majestie to passe into ireland . though he will not insist upon what little reason they had to suspect that some ill-affected persons had passed into ireland , under colour of his majesties licence ( inferences being slender proofs to ground belief upon ) yet he must needs avow , that for any thing that is yet declared , he cannot see any ground why master pym should so bouldly affirm before both houses of parliament , that since the stop upon the ports by both houses against all irish papists , many of the chief commanders now in the head of the rebells , have been suffered to passe by his majesties immediate warrant ; for as yet there is not any particular person named that is now so much as in rebellion ( much lesse in the head of the rebells ) to whom his majestie hath given licence ; and therefore according to his majesties reply upon that subject , his majestie expects , that his house of commons publish such a declaration , whereby this mistaking may be cleared , that so all the world may see his majesties caution in giving of passes ; and likewise , that his ministers have not abused his majesties trust , by any surreptitious warrants . and lastly , his majestie expects , that henceforth there be more warinesse used , before such publike aspersions be laid , unlesse the grounds be beforehand better warranted by sufficient proofs . ¶ imprinted at london by robert barker , printer to the kings most excellent majestie : and by the assignes of john bill . 1641. his majesties letter to the gentry of yorkshire may, the sixteenth, 1642. to our right trusty and well beloved the gentry of york, and others of this our county of york, whom it doth or may concern. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a31955 of text r215108 in the english short title catalog (wing c2402). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a31955 wing c2402 estc r215108 99827091 99827091 31504 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a31955) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 31504) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1863:22) his majesties letter to the gentry of yorkshire may, the sixteenth, 1642. to our right trusty and well beloved the gentry of york, and others of this our county of york, whom it doth or may concern. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by a.n. for humphrey tuckey, printed at london : 1642. at foot: "given at our court at york, may the 16, 1642". reproduction of the original in the guildhall library, london. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. yorkshire (england) -history -early works to 1800. york (england) -history -early works to 1800. a31955 r215108 (wing c2402). civilwar no his majesties letter to the gentry of yorkshire, may, the sixteenth, 1642. to our right trusty and well beloved the gentry of york, and othe england and wales. sovereign 1642 409 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-08 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-08 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion his majesties letter to the gentry of yorkshire , may , the sixteenth , 1642. to our right trusty and well beloved the gentry of york , and others of this our county of york , whom it doth or may concern . we have with great contentment considered your dutifull and affectionate answer to our proposition concerning the unsufferable affront which we received at hull ; wee have not beene deceived in that confidence we had in your affection , wherefore we desire you to assure the rest of your countrymen , who through negligence were omitted to be summoned : that wee shall never abuse your love by any power where with god shall enable us to the least violation of the least of your liberties , or the diminution of those immunities which we have granted you this parliament , though they be beyond the acts of most ( if not all ) our predecessours ; being resolved with a constant and firme resolution to have the law of this land duely observed , and shall endeavour only so to preserve our just royall rights , as may enable us to protect our kingdome and people , according to the ancient honours of the kings of england , and according to the trust which by the law of god and this land is put into the crowne , being sufficiently warned by the late affront at hull , not to transferre the same out of our power , concerning which affront we will take sometime to advise , which way we may usefully imploy your affections , in the mean time we shall take it well from all such as shall personally attend us , so followed and provided , as they shall think fit for the better safety of our person , because we know not what suddain violence , or affront may be offered unto us , having lately received such an actuall testimonie of rebellious intentions as sir iohn hotham hath expressed at hull : being thus secured by your affections and assistance , we promise you our protection against : any contrary power whatsoever , and that you shall not be molested for your humble and modest petition , as of late you have been threatned . given at our court at york , may the 16 , 1642. printed at london by a. n. for humphrey tuckey . 1642 by the king. whereas divers lewd and wicked persons have of late risen in rebellion in our kingdom of ireland, ... england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a79149 of text r209728 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.3[30]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a79149 wing c2876 thomason 669.f.3[30] estc r209728 99868595 99868595 160588 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a79149) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160588) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f3[30]) by the king. whereas divers lewd and wicked persons have of late risen in rebellion in our kingdom of ireland, ... england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by robert barker, printer to the kings most excellent majestie: and by the assignes of john bill, imprinted at london : 1641. [i.e. 1642] title from caption and opening lines of text. with engraving of royal seal of charles i at head of document. "given under our signet at our palace at vvestminster, the first day of january, in the seventeenth yeer of our reign. 1641". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng ireland -history -rebellion of 1641 -early works to 1800. a79149 r209728 (thomason 669.f.3[30]). civilwar no by the king. whereas divers lewd and wicked persons have of late risen in rebellion in our kingdom of ireland, ... england and wales. sovereign 1641 576 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-12 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-12 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c r honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms ❧ by the king . whereas divers lewd and wicked persons have of late risen in rebellion in our kingdom of ireland , surprised divers of our forts and castles , possessed themselves thereof , surprised some of our garrisons , possessed themselves of some of our magazins of arms and munition , dispossessed many of our good and loyall subjects of the brittish nation and protestants of their houses and lands , robbed and spoiled many thousands of our good subjects of brittish nation , and protestants of their goods , to great values , massacred multitudes of them , imprisoned many others , and some who have the honour to serve vs as privie councellours of that our kingdom : we therefore having taken the same into our royall consideration , and abhorring the wicked disloyaltie and horrible acts committed by those persons , do hereby not onely declare our just indignation thereof , but also do declare them and their adherents , and abettors , and all those who shall hereafter joyn with them , or commit the like acts on any of our good subjects in that kingdom , to be rebels and traitors against our royall person , and enemies to our royall crown of england and ireland . and we do hereby strictly charge and command all those persons , who have so presumed to rise in arms against vs and our royall authority ( which we cannot otherwise interpret then acts of high rebellion and detestable disloyaltie , when therein they spoil and destroy our good and loyall subjects of the brittish nation , and protestants ) that they immediately lay down their arms , and forbear all further acts of hostility ; wherein if they fail , we do let them know , that we have authorised our iustices of ireland , and other our chief governour or governours , and generall , or lieutenant generall of our armie there ; and do hereby accordingly require and authorise them , and every of them , to prosecute the said rebels and traitours with fire and sword , as persons who by their high disloyalty against vs their lawfull and undoubted king and soveraign , have made themselves unworthy of any mercy or favour , wherein our said iustices , or other chief governour or governours , and generall or lieutenant generall of our said army , shall be countenanced , and supported by vs and by our powerfull succours of our good subjects of england and scotland , that so they may reduce to obedience those wicked disturbers of that peace , which by the blessing of god that kingdom hath so long and so happily injoyed , under the government of our royall father and vs . and this our royall pleasure , we do hereby require our iustices , or other chief governour or governours of that our kingdom of ireland , to cause to be published and proclaimed , in , and thorowout our said kingdom of ireland . given under our signet at our palace at westminster , the first day of january , in the seventeenth yeer of our reign . 1641. ❧ god save the king . ¶ imprinted at london by robert barker , printer to the kings most excellent majestie : and by the assignes of john bill , 1641. his majesties second message sent to the parliament concerning sir john hothams refusall to give his majestie entrance into his town of hull. 28. april. 1642 england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a79081 of text r231295 in the english short title catalog (wing c2768). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a79081 wing c2768 estc r231295 99897017 99897017 136968 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a79081) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 136968) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2457:3) his majesties second message sent to the parliament concerning sir john hothams refusall to give his majestie entrance into his town of hull. 28. april. 1642 england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by robert barker, printer to the kings most excellent majesty: and by the assignes of john bill, imprinted at london : 1642. calls on parliament for justice on sir john hotham at hull, being assured that though they put a garrison in it to guard it against papists, it was not against their sovereign--steele. arms 30; steele notation: all the with. reproduction of original in the folger shakespeare library, washington, d.c. eng hotham, john, -sir, d. 1647 jan. 2 -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. hull (england) -history -siege, 1642 -early works to 1800. a79081 r231295 (wing c2768). civilwar no his majesties second message sent to the parliament concerning sir john hothams refusall to give his majestie entrance into his town of hull england and wales. sovereign 1642 416 1 0 0 0 0 0 24 c the rate of 24 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-04 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-05 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2008-05 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion royal blazon or coat of arms c r honi soit qvi mal y pense diev et mon droit . his majesties second message sent to the parliament concerning sir john hothams refusall to give his majestie entrance into his town of hull . 28. april . 1642. we are so much concerned in the undutifull affront ( an indignity all our good subjects must disdain , in our behalf ) we received from sir john hotham at hull , that we are impatient till we receive iustice from you : and are compelled to call again for an answer , being confident ( however you would be so carefull , though without our consent to put a garrison into that our town , 〈…〉 against any attempt of the papists ) that you never intended to dispose and maintain it against vs your sovereign : therefore we require you forthwith ( for the businesse will admit no delay ) that you take some speedy course that our said town and magazin be immediately delivered up to vs : and that such severe exemplary proceedings be against those persons ( who have offered vs this insupportable affront and injury ) as by the law is provided : and till this be done , we shall intend no businesse whatsoever , other then the businesse of ireland . for if we are brought into a condition so much worse then any of our subjects , that whilest you all enjoy your priviledges , and may not have your possessions disturbed , or your titles questioned , we onely may be spoiled , thrown out of our towns , and our goods taken from vs ; 't is time to examine how we have lost those priviledges , and to try all possible wayes , by the help of god , the law of the land , and the affection of our good subjects , to recover them , and vindicate our self from those injuries . and if we shall miscarry herein , we shall be the first prince of this kingdom that hath done so , having no other end , but to defend the true protestant profession , the law of the land , and the liberty of the subject : and god so deale with vs , as we continue in those resolutions . ¶ imprinted at york by robert barker , printer to the kings most excellent majestie : and by the assignes of john bill . 1642. his majesties message to both houses of parliament, upon his removall to the city of yorke england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a31994 of text r39019 in the english short title catalog (wing c2471). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a31994 wing c2471 estc r39019 18206363 ocm 18206363 107086 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a31994) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 107086) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1629:38) his majesties message to both houses of parliament, upon his removall to the city of yorke england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. printed by robert fowler, london : 1641 [i.e. 1642] at head of title, under the royal arms: huntington 15 ̊martii, 1641. [i.e. 1642]. reproduction of original in the societies of antiquaries library, london. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649. a31994 r39019 (wing c2471). civilwar no his majesties message to both houses of parliament, upon his removall to the city of yorke england and wales. sovereign 1642 597 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-04 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-05 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-05 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms huntington 15o martii , 1641. ❧ his majesties message to both houses of parliament , upon his removall to the city of yorke . his majestie being now in his remove to his citie of yorke , where he intends to make his residence for some time , thinks fit to send this message to both houses of parliament . that he doth very earnestly desire , that they will use all possible industrie in expediting the businesse of ireland , in which they shall finde so cheerfull a concurrence by his majestie , that no inconvenience shall happen to that service by his absence , he having all that passion for the reducing of that kingdome , which he hath expressed in his former messages , and being unable by words to manifest more affection to it , then he hath indeavoured to doe by those messages ( having likewise done all such acts as he hath beene moved unto by his parliament . ) therefore if the misfortunes and calamities of his poore protestant subjects there shall grow upon them ( though his majestie shall be deeply concerned in , and sensible of their sufferings ) he shall wash his hands before all the world , from the least imputation of slacknesse in that most necessary and pious worke . and that his majestie may leave no way unattempted , which may beget a good understanding betweene him and his parliament ; he thinks it necessary to declare , that as he hath beene so tender of the priviledges of parliament , that he hath beene ready and forward to retract any act of his owne , which he hath beene informed hath trencht upon their priviledges , so he expects an equall tendernesse in them of his majesties knowne and unquestionable priviledges , ( which are the priviledges of the kingdome ) amongst which , he is assured it is a fundamentall one ; that his subjects cannot be obliged to obey any act , order , or injunction , to which his majestie hath not given his consent : and therefore he thinkes it necessary to publish , that he expects , and hereby requires obedience from all his loving subjects , to the lawes established ; and that they presume not upon any pretence of order , or ordinance , ( to which his majestie is no partie ) concerning the militia , or any other thing , to doe or execute what is not warranted by those lawes , his majestie being resolved to keep the laws himselfe , and to require obedience to them from all his subjects . and his majestie once more recommends to his parliament the substance of his message of the 20th of ianuary last , that they compose and digest , with all speed , such acts , as they shall think fit , for the present and future establishment of their priviledges ; the free and quiet enjoying their estates and fortunes ; the liberties of their persons ; the security of the true religion now professed in the church of england ; the maintaining his majesties regall and just authority , and setling his revenue : his majestie being most desirous to take all fitting and just wayes , which may beget a happy understanding betweene him and his parliament , in which he conceives his greatest power and riches doth consist . london , printed for robert fowler . 1641. munday the 29th. january, 1648 a true relation of the kings speech to the lady elizabeth, and the duke of gloucester, the day before his death. charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a79134 of text r211062 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.14[9]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a79134 wing c2840 thomason 669.f.14[9] estc r211062 99869798 99869798 162997 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a79134) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 162997) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 246:669f14[9]) munday the 29th. january, 1648 a true relation of the kings speech to the lady elizabeth, and the duke of gloucester, the day before his death. charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. elizabeth, princess of england, 1635-1650. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n.], [london : printed in the yeare, 1648. [i.e. 1649] place of publication from wing. includes: another relation from the lady elizabeths own hand. annotation on thomason copy: "march 24". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng charles -i, -king of england, 1600-1649 -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a79134 r211062 (thomason 669.f.14[9]). civilwar no munday the 29th. january, 1648. a true relation of the kings speech to the lady elizabeth, and the duke of gloucester, the day before his de charles i, king of england 1648 818 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-12 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-12 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion munday 29th , january , 1648. a true relation of the kings speech to the lady elizabeth , and the duke of gloucester , the day before his death . his children being come to meet him , he first gave his blessing to the lady elizabeth ; and bad her remember to tell her brother james when ever shee should see him , that it was his fathers last desire that he should no more look upon charles as his eldest brother only , but be obedient unto him , as his soveraigne ; and that they should love one another , and forgive their fathers enemies : then said the king to her , sweet heart , you 'l forget this ; no , ( said shee ) j shall never forget it while j live ; and powring forth abundance of teares , promised him to write downe the particulars . then the king taking the duke of gloucester upon his knee , said , sweet heart , now they will cut off thy fathers head ; ( upon which words the child looked very stedfastly on him . ) mark child what j say , they will cut off my head , and perhaps make thee a king ; but marke what j say , you must not be a king , so long as your brother charles and james do live ; for they will cut off your brothers heads ( when they can catch them ) and cut off thy head too at the last . and therefore , i charge you , do not be made a king by them : at which the child , sighing , said , j will be torn in peeces first : which falling so unexpectedly , from one so young , it made the king rejoyce exceedingly . another relation from the lady elizabeths own hand . what the king said to me the 29 of january , 1648. being the last time i had the happiness to see him : he told me he was glad j was come , and although he had not time to say much yet somewhat he had to say to me , which he had not to another , or leave in writing . because he feared their cruelty was such , as that they would not have permitted him to write to me . hee wished me not to greeve and torment my selfe for him ; for that would be a glorious death that he should dye ; it being for the laws , and liberties of this land , and for maintaining the true protestant religion . he bid me read bishop andrew's sermons , hookers ecclesiasticall policie , and bishop lauds book against fisher , which would ground me against popery . he told me he had forgiven all his enemies , and hoped god would forgive them also ; and commanded us , and all the rest of my brothers and sisters to forgive them : hee bid me tell my mother , that his thoughts had never straied fr_____ m her , and that his love should be the same to the last . withall he commanded me and my brother to be obedient to her . and bid me send his blessing to the rest of my brothers and sisters , with commendation to all his friends : so after he had given me his blessing , j tooke my leave . further , he commanded us all to forgive those people , but never to trust them ; for they had been most false to him , and to those that gave them power , and he feared also to their own soules ; and desired me not to greeve for him , for he should dye a martyr , and that hee doubted not but the lord would settle his throne upon his son , and that we should be all happier , then we could have expected to have been , if he had lived ; with many other things , which at present j cannot remember . elizabeth . the king said to the duke of gloucester that he would say nothing to him but what was for the good of his soul ; he told him that he heard that the army intended to make him king ; but it was a thing not for him to take upon him , if he regarded the welfare of his soule ; for hee had two brothers before him ; and therefore commanded him upon his blessing ; never to accept of it ; unless it redounded lawfully upon him . and commanded him to feare the lord , and he would provide for him . copia vera . march 24 printed in the yeare , 1648. a great conspiracy by the papists in the kingdome of ireland discovered by the lords, justices and counsell at dvblin and proclaimed there octob. 23, 1641 : vvhich proclamation was sent to the parliament here in england, and read before the lords and commons in parliament on munday novemb. 1, 1641 : vvhereunto is annexed the copy of a letter written with the kings owne hand, and sent to mr. nicholas, clarke of the counsell from edenbvrgh octob. 18, 1641. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a41891 of text r29689 in the english short title catalog (wing g1680). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 4 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a41891 wing g1680 estc r29689 12562162 ocm 12562162 63256 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a41891) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 63256) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 961:5) a great conspiracy by the papists in the kingdome of ireland discovered by the lords, justices and counsell at dvblin and proclaimed there octob. 23, 1641 : vvhich proclamation was sent to the parliament here in england, and read before the lords and commons in parliament on munday novemb. 1, 1641 : vvhereunto is annexed the copy of a letter written with the kings owne hand, and sent to mr. nicholas, clarke of the counsell from edenbvrgh octob. 18, 1641. charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. clarke, nicholas, 17th cent. [2], 4 p. printed for john thomas, london : 1641. reproduction of original in cambridge university library. eng ireland -history -rebellion of 1641 -sources. a41891 r29689 (wing g1680). civilwar no a great conspiracy by the papists in the kingdome of ireland, discovered by the lords, justices and counsell at dublin and proclaimed there [no entry] 1641 648 1 0 0 0 0 0 15 c the rate of 15 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2005-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-11 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2005-11 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a great conspiracy by the papists in the kingdome of ireland , discovered by the lords , justices , and counsell at dvblin and proclaimed there octob. 23 , 1641. vvhich proclamation was sent to the parliament here in england and read before the lords and commons in parliament on munday novemb. 1. 1641. vvhereunto is annexed the copy of a letter written with the kings owne hand , and sent to mr. nicholas , clarke of the counsell from edenbvrgh octob. 18. 1641. london , printed for john thomas . 1461. by the lords jvstices , and councell at dublin in ireland , octob. 23. 1641. w. parsons , io. burlacie . these are to m●ke known and published to all his majesties good subjects in this kingdome of ireland , that there is a discovery made by us the lords , justices , and councell , of a most disloyall and detestable conspiracie intended by some evill affected irish papists , against the lives of us the lords , justices , and councell , and many others of his majesties faithfull subjects universally throughout this kingdome , and for the seizing not onely of his majesties castle of dublin his majesties principall fort here , but also of the other fortifications of the kingdome . and seeing by the great goodnesse and aboundant mercy of almighty god to his majesty and this state and kingdome , these wicked conspiracies are brought to light , and some of the conspirators committed to the castle of dublin by us , by his majesties authority , so as those wicked and damnable plots , are now disappointed in the chiefe parts thereof : wee therefore have thought fit hereby not onely to make it publikely knowne for the comfort of his majesties good and loyall subjects in all parts of the kingdome , but also hereby to require them , that they doe with all confidence and cheerefulnesse betake themselves to their owne defence , and stand upon their guard , so to render the more safety to themselves and all the kingdome besides , and that they advertise us with all possible speed of all occurrences which may concerne the peace and safety of the kingdome , and now to shew fully that faith and loyalty which they have alwayes shewen for the publike service of the crowne and kingdome , which we will value to his majesty accordingly , and a speciall memory thereof , will be retained for their advantage in due time , and wee require that great care be taken that no levies of men be made for forraigne service , or any man suffered to march upon any such pretences . given at his majesties castle at dublin , 25. octob. 1641. the names of those lords iustices , and counsellours in the castle of dublin , at the dating of this proclamation . robert dillon . robert digby , adam loftus . iohn temple . thomas rothoram . francis vvilloughby . iames vvare . robert meridith . god save the king . a copy of a letter written with the kings owne hand to mr. nicholas , clarke of the counsell , bearing date from edenburgh , 18. octob. 1641. i heare it is reported that at my returne i intend to alter the government of the church of england , and to bring it to that forme as it is here . therefore i command you to assure all my servants , that j will be constant to the discipline and doctrine of the church of england established by queene elizabeth and my father , and that i resolve by the grace of god ) to dye in the maintenance of it . charles rex . from edenburgh octob. 18. 1641. finis . the kings answer to the propositions for peace as was pretended in the club-mens petition to his majesty with the copie of a letter from sir lewis dives, and another from colonell butler, governour of wareham, sent to them and read in their quarters : also a copie of articles and directions, and divers other passages of their proceedings and intentions, and a list of their chiefe leaders names and which of them are taken and who not : with other papers brought by our scouts from the army. charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a31823 of text r200206 in the english short title catalog (wing c2141). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 35 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 9 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a31823 wing c2141 estc r200206 09456679 ocm 09456679 43173 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a31823) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 43173) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1304:38) the kings answer to the propositions for peace as was pretended in the club-mens petition to his majesty with the copie of a letter from sir lewis dives, and another from colonell butler, governour of wareham, sent to them and read in their quarters : also a copie of articles and directions, and divers other passages of their proceedings and intentions, and a list of their chiefe leaders names and which of them are taken and who not : with other papers brought by our scouts from the army. charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 16 p. imprinted by r.a. and i.c., london : 1645. "commanded to be printed, and is published according to order." reproduction of original in the harvard university library. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -sources. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649. a31823 r200206 (wing c2141). civilwar no the kings ansvver to the propositions for peace, as was pretended in the club-mens petition to his majestie. with the copie of a letter from [no entry] 1645 6222 12 0 0 0 0 0 19 c the rate of 19 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2005-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-08 taryn hakala sampled and proofread 2006-08 taryn hakala text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the kings ansvver to the propositions for peace , as was pretended in the club-mens petition to his majestie . with the copie of a letter from sir lewis dives , and another from colonell butler governour of wareham sent to them , and read in their quatrers . also a copie of articles and directions , and divers other passages of their proceedings and intentions , and a list of their chiefe leaders names , and which of them are taken , and who not . with other papers brought by our scouts from the army . commanded to be printed , and is published according to order . royal blazon or coat of arms imprinted at london by r. a. and i. c. 1645. carolus rex : his majestie being himselfe so deeply afflicted with the miseries and calamities brought upon all his poore subiects in generall by this unnaturall war , doth not at all wonder , that the grievous and more particular sufferings of the inhabitants of the countie of dorset should urge them to seek ease and releefe , though by wayes lesse regular ; and being entirely perswaded , that their intentions in their late assembly , and in their present addresse to his maiestie , are full of dutie and loyaltie to his person and government , is so far from reprehending them , that hee is verie glad to find so many of his loyall subiects united in a joynt and heartie sence of the publike . and that by this particular application of themselves to his maiestie , they have afforded him the meanes to informe them more particularly of the justice of his cause , and his sincere and constant desires and endeavours for peace , than appeares by their profest neutralitie they have hitherto been : which that he might the better do , and that there may thereby be wrought a perfect union and coniunction between his maiestie , and those who professe to be so sincerely affected with the same pious desires of the publike good , his maiestie will verie speedily send unto the petitionees , or unto such as they shall depute within the said countie , persons fully instructed in the course of all his maiesties former proceedings , and of his present resolutions . and in the meane time , as an instance of his gracious intentions towards the petitioners , hee is pleased to give these particular answers to their severall desires . to the first , that whensoever propositions of peace shall be made unto his majestie by those at westminster , his eares shall be alwayes open unto them and not only ready to receive them , but even to seek and sollicit for them , when ever hee can probably judge that they will not reject his overture , whereof the petitioners need make no doubt , his majestie having neglected no occasion to invite them to a treatie of peace , the blessing therof was never more to be implored of almightie god , nor to be more industriously endeavoured by all good men , than at this time , when without it ( as the petitioners well observe ) this kingdome is likely to be made the prey of a forraine nation , the scots being at this present advanced with an army so far into the heart of the kingdome , as already even to threaten the westerne parts . and his majestie doth further promise in the word of a king , that if a treatie may be procured , hee will seek no other conditions of peace , than those mentioned by the petitioners , viz the glorie of god , in the maintenance of the true reformed protestant religion , the just and inseparable right of the crowne , the just power and priviledges of parliament , and the lawfull rights and liberties of the subject , and all these under none of these ambiguous termes whereby the contaarie partie have deluded and misled so many of his good subjects , pretending they fight for the same , making the knowne lawes of the land ( which cannot deceive ) the measure of each particular . to the second his majestie doth promise , that if a treatie may be procured , he will earnestly desire a cessation of armes , as hee did in the last at vxbridge , though to his great griefe not consented unto by the other partie , to the end that a treatie tending to peace may not proceed bloud : and his majesties desire is , that the book of the said treatie at vxbridge to be read to the petitioners for their satisfaction in this point , and manifestation of his desire of peace . to the third , that in case for the sins of the nation , the obstinacie of the other partie cannot be overcome ; but that his majestie and his people must yet be further scourged by gods afflicting hand of war , that his majestie is so deeply sensible of his supplicants , and all his other good subjects sufferings , by contributions , taxes , free quarter and plunder , that whatsoever can be done on his majesties part in the three first , by all the moderation that can possibly be used , unto the latter by the severest justice shall be carefully and effectually endeavoured : as for the point of trusting in the petitioners hands such of his forts and garrisons as shall be thought necessarie to be continued , his majestie makes no doubt , but if peace may not be procured , it shall so evidently appeare unto the petitioners , who have been the authours , and are the contrivers of their miseries , that they will prove the heartiest champions of their kings , their owne , and gods cause ; and consequently , be as fit persons as any his majestie can chuse , with what neere best concernes his safetie , and their protection : but for this particular , as after for the future maintaining of the said garrisons , his majestie will by those whom he shall employ unto the petitioners , advise with them of the time , and manner how his service may be done , must be their satisfaction . to the last , that a chiefe calamitie of war , is the silencing of the lawes , and if it were possible to uphold their due and currant execution , the sword could no longer : but as far forth as it is possible , that militarie affaires can be governed by legall inflictions on offenders , his majestie is verie desirous to give the petitioners all imaginable satisfaction ; but being a matter of such intricacie , the particular wayes and method of it must be ripened by further debate . as for the point of leave for his majesties mis-led subjects , to lay downe armes , and to returne to their habitations , there to live unquestioned and unmolested , it is that whereunto his majestie hath already many times given more then a permission , that is a speciall invitation by severall gracious proclamations , which for the petitioners satisfaction , he shall very willingly renew ; as for the other part which concernes those at present ingaged in his majesties service , and those under restraint , his majestie is too confident of the petitioners affection to him and his kingdomes safety , to believe while his enemies are so strong , and daily forcing every man to take up armes against him , and whilst a forraigne nation is in the bowells of this kingdome ready to devoure it , that they would wish him one man lesse in his army , or one man more at libertie to joyne with them ; as for all such persons as are absent from their home , and not ingaged , in his majesties service , it shal be verie accomptable to his majestie , that they returne to their homes to tend the service and quiet of their countrey , according to the petitioners desires , and for all acts of parliament , and lawes unrepealed , in what concernes the civill government in particular , for assises , sessions , and the like , the petitioners undertaken the protection of his majesties ministers of justice , his majestie will i●●ue his commands unto them all respectively , to performe their constant duties to the established lawes . at the court at ragland castle the 8.th day of iuly , 1645. by his majesties speciall direction and command . george digby . the declaration concerning the petition of the club-men , and the kings answer thereunto . vvhereas his majestie seemes to be deeply afflicted with the miserable calamities of his people , and knowes how to remedie it ; what is the sum of that expression ? an unnaturall warre it is indeed , but faire words will not hide an ill cause ; are not these waies irregular , when iesuits , popish priests , papists , and out-lawd persons are protected from justice ? all good men are very sensible of the publike calamity herein . 1. you may take notice that in this answer , there is no notice taken of the lords and commons at westminster , to be a parliament , though the king by letters sent by rupert to them gives them that appellation . 2. for these things seemingly vowed to be sought for , how unlike is it , to what is indeed laboured for ? is gods glory sought , in throwing downe the kingdome of jesus christ ? and making warre against his members ? is the true protestant religion sought ? by advancing papists , iesuits , and popish priests ? and we hope none will deny but that if the crowne of any prince , shall stand in opposition to the crown and power of jesus christ , we are to follow the lamb wheresoever he goes , though persecuted ; where is the priviledges of parliament if not so much as acknowledged , but hunted after , reviled , and with force of armes withstood ? and delinquents , jesuits , and breakers of the laws protected from their power , and where is the liberties of the subject , if tyrannized over , persecuted and plundered , as daily they are under the kings forces ? 3. which party have mis-led his majesties subjects , may easily appeare with the well-affected in all parts of england , and scotland , ireland are very sensible of , notwithstanding any pretences of the papists and their jugling partie whatsoever . there is much difference ●etween one party of the club-men , and another ; but the first grounds of raising them is from a iesuiticall plot of the enemy , under a pretence of petitioning for peace ( which all men desire ) to be raised in a violent way to rise as one man against the parliament , the great ones amongst them that carried on the business , let not the people know what their designe was ; who intended before taunton was relieved , to have risen on the rear of our army , ( but blessed be god ) they were hindred ; and now at last they had order from the king , to ly still till sir thomas fairfax was marched to exeter , and then to rise , rnpert being promised to come with some thousands of horse from banbury to joyne with them to raise the siege at sherborn , and relieve those parts ; and then to fall in sir th. fairfaxe's rear . for this purpose divers of them sate in councell in shaftsbury , who were taken and brought prisoners to sherborne . a list of the countrey-gentlemen called the leaders of the club-men for wilts , dorset , and sommerset , brought prisoners to sherborne on the lords day august 3. 1645. taken at shaftsbury , mr. hollis a younger brother out of meanes , who is one of the commanders in chiefe , a kind of generall unto them . mr. joliffe of blackmore another younger brother , who is lievtenant-generall to them , a notable great stlckler for them . mr. yong , advocate to them , whose habitation was at manson in blackmore , and was of old a star-chamber clerk . captaine john carew , the great grand jury man that lived at everith . captaine edward davis of lamhead . capt. thomas bennet of pithouse . capt. william blunt , a notable cavalier . capt. richard craddock , the malignant merchant of blanford . john saintlo , a gentleman of wilt-shire , a notable agent for the king . richard burbidge , son to burbidge the attourney in sturminster . william smith , sometimes vnder-sheriffe for wilt-shire . thomas jervis , the same that was wont to go up and downe to sell cloth from place to place . john lovell of sommerset-shire , a notable stickler against godly men . john eastwood of dunhead in wilt-shire . francis craddock of blackmore . john pope of marnhill , a man of a verie good estate , but a notable malignant . thomas rose of chisgrave , a man also of a faire estate , but malignant . john bennet , brother to captaine bennet of pithouse . nicholas bingham of hensridge ; it is pitie any of that family are malignants . francis abbot , son to jeremy abbot of horsington . robert hollis of dorset-shire . william filloll , a gentleman of a good estate , that lived in marvell , but averie violent malignant . charles studley of langhton by blanford . john may of melbury , a notable rogue . iohn phill of lidlinch a grasier , who rise in hope to recruit his grounds by plunder . laurence hide a malignant priest , mr. hides son of hatch . sarnuel forman , the curate of gillingham . william laning , a young malignant priest that lived at cerne . mr. rock , a desperate malignant person , that was borne at buttle , and chaplaine to banfield at chafield . mr. willams a malignant priest . mr. henry hayward , henry gouge , john every , edward boone , thomas roes , robert squier , thomas marvell , richard alborne , charles simms , robert sapist , thomas brooke , john king , edmond clerke , martin marble , thomas bunce , william sanders , john corbet , robert fry , william ford , matthew martin , and henry goodwin . all which are notoriously knowne to be dangerous malignants , besides divers others which were taken next day by lievtenant-generall cromwell , in an old roman work on hambleton-hill , where he routed 2500. of them that were gathered in a body , and killed some 12. and tooke almost 300. prisoners , and almost all their armes and colours , the rest fled home . besides these , there is remaining still amongst the clum-men divers great malignants . capt. george moore of winborn . capt. william whiting of spetsbury . capt. henry burley of beer regis . george sexton of beer regis , a man of a great estate but a desperate rogue and violent against the parliament and good men . robert arnall of cheslebourn another desperate agent . raughly radford of divelish , and more divelish malignant . the great ones that were the ring-leaders that are taken , are to be brought up to london , and may be made examples . but there are many silly people have been mis-led by them , that will now ( it is hoped ) be laid , and in divers parts the club-men are firme for the porliament , and laugh at the folly of the rest . now for further satisfaction , here followeth the copie of two letters , one finn sir lewis dives of the king party , and the other from colonell butler the governour of warcham , of the parliaments party , both to the club-men . a copie of sir lewis dives letters to the club men . gentlemen and friends , that i have not hitherto required any accompts of former assemblies ; the reason is , because i deemed your professed desires and resolutions tending to the preservation of the true reformed protestant religion established by law , and of your selves from plunder , and such like unlawfull violence ; no way derogatory to his majesties service , wherein i am throughout this countie intrusted : but rather such as the same trust bi●●des mee , and you shall ever finde mee most ready to assist you in . but perceiving of late a backwardnesse in some of your parts of the countie , and a denyall from others in the payments of contribution after the late moderate proportion ; which in consideration of the present poverty of the countrie hath beene by mee required of them ; and by with-holding whereof , his maiesties service must necessarily faile , it being the onely means his maiesty hath left him to supply his forces here , and by the gentlemen and freeholders agreed and promised to bee paied unto him , and never promised or agreed to be paied to those that are in rebell on against him , his maiesties one revenues , customes and rents being for the most part seized , and against all the rules of law taken and disposed of by the rebells , for payment of those that serve them in this un-naturall warre . i am therefore forced to put you to the question , whether it be your generall resolution over and above your published resolutions to deny his maiestie these necessary supplies , to the end i may consider what course to steere ; and withall , out of my care of your safety and preservation , which may otherwaies bee endangered , to admonish you that you be not seduced to must or rely on those who have brought this even and destruction on you ; remember by what degrees they have effected it , how they first fortified severall townes in this county , then dis-armed you ; then sent out tickets and papers , requiring upon paine of plundering great summes of mony , to the full yearly value of your estates , from all gentlemen , freeholders , and yeomen of any abilitie , and forced the paiment thereof by imprisonment of their persons , and plundering of ther goods , they not onely required , but where they have power , have enforced the twentieth part of your estates , and the 5th part of your yearly revenue , besides the contribution , and yet not contented herewith ; have fired the houses of divers gentlemen of this countie , where no garison or force did oppose them ▪ remember how they have banished your orthodox , and loyall clergie ; consider how they have plundered almost all men of qualitie in this countie , from some 2000 sheap at a time , from others more , from others 1500 , from some 1000 , 40 for oxen from another , to the undoing of many , both gentlemen and farmours ; the particulars whereof are so infinite and many , and the parties who have suffered these losses so well known to your selves , that i forbeare to make any farther mention thereof . also that after all these sufferings , how they set an excise upon your bread and meat you eate , in all places where they have power ; and which is worst of all , they have abused our churches by making flables thereof , and by robbing and defacing the same , and now abolished the common-prayer and litturgie of the church so long publickly used amongst us , and confirmed by law ; and instead thereof , have introduced so many religions as men shall fancie of themselves . remember how wee and our ancestours have happy lived under the government of many godly and pious kings and queenes , and see where we have not suffered more in 3 years under them . and lastly , thinke upon it seriously , whither ever you can or probably may expect such happie daies again , if you joyne not with the king and his forces , to advance his throne and regall dignitie , who hath so often sought and desired your peace and safety , i remaine tyranny of these men who now usurpe regall authoritie unto themselves , then one 200 years before , under the government of those religious kings and queenes . gent. your very affectionate friend lewes dives . in answer to this letter , there shall need to bee said no more , onely to referre the reader to colonel butlers letter following , which is the true copie of that which he sent to the club-men . gentlemen and neighbours , you have had many meetings , but few salutations from me , not that i love you lesse than other governours : but that i knew not how to shape a discourse to you , till i saw which way you did encline . i have seene some of your articles , and find you pretend chiefly to stand up in your owne defence , and the preservation of that little which is left to maintain and preserve you and yours . if that onely be your intent , i know not how , or why it should be withstood by any one that loves his countrey ; but then i would wish you would manifest it , by your yeelding no assistance to the aduerse partie , and we will endeavour to require none from you ; otherwise we must look on you as not what you professe your own friend onelie , but our professed enmie . put us in a way by your assistance to get the kings party to quit their holds , and we i assure you , will speedily relinquish our land garrisons . if your intentions are according to your expressions , then i desire you would manifest it ; first , by your prohibiting papists , and such as are notorious enemies to the parliament . secondly , by warily declining the counsell and the wily practises of some eminent men now in armes against us , who plott and contrive to abuse and seduce your honest and innocent intentions . thirdly , wee intreat you likewise not to suffer scandalous nor drunken ministers to have any great power with you , nor influence upon you , because we know such are our professed enmies ; for they know the parliament intends to call them to a stric●● account . fourthly , we shall desire that you may give us no 〈◊〉 cause of exception , that no man that is knowne to have beene our enemies , may be neither a clerke or reader , or any other kinde of officer among you . fiftly , that our letters be read , and our messengers safely returned aswell as any others . sixthly , that our souldiers and troopers may have free egresse and regresse amongst you , that if they behave themselues amisse , and fall into your hands , you would acquaint us with their offences that wee might punish them . these things if you will performe , we shall wish you well , and that you may be prosperous to the end you pretend to undertake it for ▪ otherwise whatsoever your pretences are , we know that you are abused by those that are our enemies , and that would make you so too ; and we desire to know , how can you be parliaments enemies ? is it because they endeavour with the hazard of their liues to preserue your liberties ▪ when the tyrannie and oppression of the court was at highest : or is it because they vow and covenant to extirpate popery , schism 〈…〉 errors , and superstition . why will you plead for baal , will you●o to keepe up that which god hath promised , and hee will have downe ; or is it because you feare wee will take away the kings crowne and dignitie . looke upon the parliaments declarations to the contrary , sent to all princes and states . looke upon our solemne vow and covenant to the contrary , and doe not thinke us a people gréedie of periurie , and of hatred and infamie from all posterity ; or is it because we endeavour for reformation in church and state . i desire you to consider , whether it bee not 〈…〉 e to endeavour to be better , when god is punishing us because we are so bad . whether the reformation aymed at , will not make us walke more pleasing before god , and make us more conformable to all other reformed protestant churches , who have long looked and prayed for such a reformation amongst us ; whither this be not to thwart and oppose what god will have brought to passe . if you canot apprehend the great necessities of it , yet i advise you at least to stand still , and not to lift up your hand against it ; for if it be of god , it will stand , if it bee not of him , it will fall of it selfe to the ground . take heede then good neighbours and fellow protestants , of ioyning and associating your 〈◊〉 with bloodie papists and irish rebbels , lest you partake of their 〈…〉 ments , for god will shortly bring them to an account of all the innocent blood shed here and in ireland . take heed of setting your selves against them , that earnestly pray and endeavour for the true good of your soules , bodies , and estates ; and the lord give you a right understauding in all things , and guide you into those wayes and counsels which will most conduce to his glorie , and your true good . pardon mee for being so tedious , i have not troubled you often , i should be glad to heare from you what your resolutions are , and shall rest warham iune 30. 1645. your truly wel-wishing friend and neighbour robert butler . 4. for his majesties promise of a cessation of armes , and nomination of a treaty , the late printed letters between the king and queen , it is hoped have given full satisfaction to every rationall man ; and yet ( such is the parliaments desire of peace , if it may be , that ) the lords and commons have both agreed to send propositions to the king for peace , and that without any treaty ; but forthwith by bill to require a positive answer : to which if it shall please his majesty to give his royall assent , an end will bee of the wars , and the kingdom setled in peace , and he received with joy , and honoured with the love and loyalty of all his subjects . 5. the reading of the malignant booke printed at oxford about the treaty , hath giv●n little satisfaction to reasonable men , who will without doubt be fully satisfied in the declartion , which the parliament are putting out concerning the same . 6. what faithfull protestant can be so blinded , as not to understand , and in his conscience confesse , that the sins of the kings army are exceeding great , both in drinking , swearying , whoring , robbing , plundering , killing , and idolatry , and all manner of wickednesse and barbarous cruelties daily exercised in all parts where they come . and what redresse is here promised for the reliefe of his majesties subjects herein . to the third , you may see the answer is , that taxes and free-quarter shall be done with moderation , and severe justice is promised for plunder ; but should that be fulfilled , the king would soone hang up all his souldiers . 7. for the trusting of any to keepe the garrisons for the king , it is notoriously knowne , that the queen must approve of them , and none but papists must bee entrusted there with ; is it not so in all parts of the kings quarters . 8. for the want of iustice , the kingdome is very sensible , that that very thing hath beene a great cause of these wars ; which papists , iesuits , and delinquents were the fomenters of , to be a protection for them from the power of the parliament . now because the very club-men themselves are sufficiently sensible how they have suffered under the kings forces , therefore they have framed directions for the security of their estates , the copies whereof follow . the desires and resolutions of the inhabitants of dorset . we the miserable jnhabitants of the said countie , being too too deeply touched with the apprehension and sense of our past and present sufferings ( occasioned onely by these civill and vnaturall warrs within this kingdome . ) and finding by sad experience , that by meanes thereof the true worship of almighty god and our religion are almost forgotten , and that our ancient lawes and liberties , are alltogether swallowed up in the arbitrarie power of the sword ; and foreseeing that famine and utter desolation will imediatly fall upon us , our wives and children , ( unlesse god of his in finit mercy shall looke upon our true humilation be graciously pleasd , spedily to put a period to these sad distractions , are unanimously resolved to joyne in petitioning his majestie and the two houses of parliament for a happie peace and accommodatin of the present differences , without future effusion of christian bloud ; without which accommodation we cannot expect the enjoyment either of our religion , liberties , or proprieties : meane while , that we whose names are under written , resolve , and doe here declare . 1. to defend and maintain with our lives and fortunes the true reformed protestant religion . 2. to joyne with and assist one another in the mutuall defence of our lawes , liberties , and properties , against all plunderers , & all other unlawful violence whatsoever . 3. wee doe faithfully promise each to other , that the damage or losse which in the execution hereof shall happen to any one , be accounted as the losse of the generality , and that reparation be made to such party or parties by the whole county ; and in case of losse of life , provision be made for his wife and children , by the county . 4. to declare all such unworthy of the generall assistance , as shall refuse , or delay to joyne with us in the prosecution of these our just intentions . some directions for present behaviour made and agreed on at a meeting of the inhabitants of the counties of dorset and wilts , at gorhead corner , the 28th of may , 1645. vvhereas by the articles of our association , wee challenge unto our selues no other freedome for the present from the burthen of the warres , then to preserue our selues from plder , and all other unlawfull violence . it is therefore advised by the generality , that untill such time as we receiue answer to our petitions from his maiesty and the two houses of parliament . 1. euery towne , tything-parish , great hamlet , make present choice of thrée or more or the ablest men for wisedome , valour , and estate , inhabitants in the same , unto whom at all times they may repayre for assistance and direction . 2. that the constable , tything-man , or other officer of the tawne , tything-parish , or liberty , in pursuance of the statute in that case prouided , set a constant watch of two at the least euery night , and they well armed , and if need so require , by day also ; and the number of the watchmen to bee encreased , according to the discreation of the said chosen able men , and the said officers . 3. that the watchmen be charged not to stoppe , 〈◊〉 , or examine any souldier on his march , nor any other passenger that passeth peaceably ; but if they be friendly spoken unto by the passenger , to returne a friendly answer , to encourage him in his peaceable behauiour . 4. that the watchmen keepe walking in their precincts , in as much secresie as conueniently they may , in auoyd a hidden surprisall ; and as soone as they or either of them descry any vlolence to any person , house , or goods , if they are not of sufficient strength themselues to suppresse or stop the said violence ; then one of them presently repayring unto one or more of the said chosen able men , by his or their aduice , to raise the parish , tything towne , or hamlet into armes , to assist the distressed , and the other watchman withall speed to repayre to the next neighbouring watch , or watches , if need so requires ; and there in like manner raising the men into armos , to bring presently with him to relieue the distressed halfe of the men there armed , the other halfe to remaine ready armed in their owne precincts to protect the same , and to apprehend the plunderers in their retreat . 5. that all such as pretend themselues to be souldiers , and are taken plundering , or doing any other unlawfull violence , be presently disarmed , and after examination , hauing confest unto which army they doe belong , to be safely guarded , together , with sufficient witnesse to proue the offence ; from tything tything , until they be brought to the next garrison belonging unto the said army , and there to bee deliuered unto the commander in chiefe , with tender of the witnesses to proue the crime ; but in case they say they belong to an army that doth quarter neere the place where the offence was committed , then in like manner to convey them to the commander in chiefe of the said army . 6. that they auoyd false alarums , no men rise into arms but such as are so nominated by the watchmen , unlesse they see apparent violence ; or in case the watch be defectiue or surprised , they be called by a very probable out cry . 7. that all men furnish themselues with as much , and good armes , weapons , and ammunition as they can procure ; and the rich out of a good conscience to relieue the poore herein , as also in their labours of watching and other assistance in some proportionable measure . 8. that the contribution money , and all prouision and necessarie maintenance for the armies , if it be demanded by a lawfull warrant directed to the officer of the place ; bee not denied , but euery man as hee is able in some reasonable proportion forthwith to contribute ; and for those that are truely unable , certificate of their inability to be made by the sayd officer , with the advise of the said chosen able men of the place , unto their commander in chiefe , from whom the warrant issued , with petition for respite and mittigation of the proportion by the sayd warrant required , untill they shall be better enabled . 9. if quarter be demanded according to order martiall , the soldier to be friendly entertained , behaving himselfe fairly in his quarters ; but if they plunder or offer any other violence , then to be restrained and delivered up unto his commander in chiefe to be by him corrected . if any inconvenience shall bee found to ensue on the observation of these directions , it is desired to bee made knowne at the next generall meeting that it may be amended . finis . by the king a proclamation signifying his maiesties pleasure, that all men being in office of government, at the decease of his most deare, and most royall father, king iames, shall so continue, till his maiesties further direction. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) 1625 approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a22349 stc 8761 estc s3507 33150361 ocm 33150361 28566 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a22349) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 28566) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1876:24) by the king a proclamation signifying his maiesties pleasure, that all men being in office of government, at the decease of his most deare, and most royall father, king iames, shall so continue, till his maiesties further direction. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 2 leaves. by bonham norton and iohn bill, printers to the kings most excellent maiestie, imprinted at london : m. dc. xxv [1625] caption title. imprint from colophon. sheet 2, line 1 of text ends "in". "giuen his maiesties court at s. iames, the eight and twentieth day of march, in the first yeere of his maiesties reigne of great britaine, france and ireland." reproduction of original in: society of antiquaries. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng great britain -officials and employees. great britain -court and courtiers. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. great britain -politics and government -1625-1649. 2003-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-05 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-06 john latta sampled and proofread 2003-06 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-08 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion by the king. ¶ a proclamation signifying his maiesties pleasure , that all men being in office of gouernment , at the decease of his most deare , and most royall father king iames , shall so continue , till his maiesties further direction . forasmuch as it hath pleased almighty god , lately to call vnto his infinite mercy , the most high and mighty prince , king iames , of most blessed memory , the kings maiesties most deare and entirely beloued father , by whose decease , the authority and power of the most part of the offices and places of iurisdiction , and gouernment within this realme , and in the realme of ireland , did cease and faile , the soueraigne person failing , from whom the same were deriued ; and thereupon , through doubtfulnesse , or want of authority , in such persons , as were inuested in the said offices and places , the setled and ordinary course of iustice , and of the affaires of state , ( if remedy bee not prouided ) might receiue disturbance , and preiudice , by discontinuance , and interruption ; the kings most excellent maiestie , in his princely wisedome , and care of the state , ( reseruing to his owne iudgement heareafter , the reformation and redresse of any abuses in misgouernment , vpon due knowledge and examination thereof , ) is pleased , and hath so expresly signified , that all persons that at the time of the decease of the late king , his dearely beloued father , were duely and lawfully possessed of , or inuested in any office , or place of authority , or gouernement , either ciuell , or martiall , within this realme of england , or in the realme of ireland , or in any other his maiesties dominions belonging thereunto ; and namely , all presidents , lieuetenants , uicepresidents , iudges , iustices , sheriffes , deputy lieuetenants , commissioners of musters , iustices of peace , and all others in place of gouernment , either meaner , or superior , as aforesaid ; and all other officers and ministers , whose interests and estates in their offices are determined , or ceased by the meanes afore mentioned , shall be , and shall hold themselues continued in the said places and offices , as formerly they held and enioyed the same , vntill his maiesties pleasure be further knowen . and that in the meane while , for the preseruation of the peace , and necessary proceedings in matters of iustice , and for the safety and seruice of the state , all the said persons , of whatsoeuer degree or condition , may not faile , euery one seuerally , according to his place , office , or charge , to proceede in the performance and execution of all duties thereunto belonging , as formerly appertained vnto them , and euery of them , while the late kings maiestie was liuing . and further , his maiestie doth hereby will and command all and singuler his highnesse subiects , of what estate , dignitie or degree , they , or any of them be , to be ayding , helping , assisting , and at the commandement of the said officers and ministers , in the performance , and execution of the said offices and places , as they , and euery of them , tender his maiesties pleasure , and will answere for the contrary , at their vttermost perils . and further , his maiesties will , and pleasure , and expresse commandement is , that all orders and directions made , or giuen by the lords of the priuie counsell of the late king , in his life time , shall be obeyed ; and performed by all , and euery person and persons , and all , and euery thing , and things to be done thereupon , shall proceede as fully and amply , as the same should haue beene obeyed or done , in the life of the said late king , his maiesties most deare and entirely beloued father . giuen at his maiesties court at s. iames , the eight and twentieth day of march , in the first yeere of his maiesties reigne of great britaine , france , and ireland . god saue the king. ¶ imprinted at london by bonham norton and iohn bill , printers to the kings most excellent maiestie . m.dc.xxv . to the kings most excellent majesty the humble petition of the gentry, citizens, and others, your majesties loyall subjects of the county and citie of york. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a62773 of text r26361 in the english short title catalog (wing t1534). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a62773 wing t1534 estc r26361 09440304 ocm 09440304 43108 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a62773) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 43108) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1318:7) to the kings most excellent majesty the humble petition of the gentry, citizens, and others, your majesties loyall subjects of the county and citie of york. charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. printed for joseph hunscott, london : 1641 [i.e. 1642] reproduction of original in the harvard university library. eng yorkshire (england) -politics and government. yorkshire (england) -history. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649. a62773 r26361 (wing t1534). civilwar no to the kings most excellent majesty the humble petition of the gentry, citizens, and others, your majesties loyall subjects of the county an [no entry] 1642 719 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2008-08 spi global rekeyed and resubmitted 2008-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms ❧ to the kings most excellent majesty . the humble petition of the gentry , citizens , and others your majesties loyall subjects of the county and citie of york . most gratious soveraign , we your majesties faithfull subjects and petitioners , do in all humility acknowledge your majesties aboundant grace in calling this present parliament , to consult with , and advise your majestie touching the redresse of the oppressions , and other grievances of your subjects , both in the church , and civill state of this your kingdom of england : and we do with like humble thankfulnesse , acknowledge your majesties forwardnesse and fatherly care to relieve them , declared by sundry most just and excellent laws already enacted , for the re-estating of your subjects in their antient rights and priviledges , and for taking away part of those pressures that lay upon them . and amongst the rest , we have more particular cause to be thankfull for your majesties gratious care , in part securing this county , by putting a garrison into hull , commanded by such persons , in whom we have just cause to confide : which princely proceedings of your majesty hath infused a strong confidence into your petitioners , that your majesty inclined to ease your subjects in all whatsoever grievances ; whereof they have complained to your majesty in parliament , as well touching reformation of church government , and ceremonies in religion , as touching the civill government , and administration of justice , yet so it is most gratious soveraign , that now of late the rights , and liberties of parliament , being the representative body of the whole kingdom , and the rights and liberties of every subject involved therein , have been in a most dangerous and unusuall manner invaded and violated : whereof we , with the rest of your majesties loyall subjects ( to our unspeakable grief ) are most senseable ; and to enlarge the cause of our sorrows , we do now understand that your majesty hath withdrawn your royall presence , from your great councell , who wanting the comfort of it , are not able to proceed with such effect , as is requisite in those great affairs of church and state , that are daily presented to them ; which characters of displeasure , we humbly presume , have been engraven in your majesties most gratious disposition , by the subtile work and councell of those disaffected persons , who study nothing more , then to beget differences and jealousies between your majesty , and your more loyall subjects of the reformed religion , with intention to hinder and disturb the perfect reformation in matters of religion , and sending over succours to your distressed protestant subjects in ireland , where the papists do most inhumanely destroy all that will not renounce the reformed religion , and embrace popery . your majesties petitioners therefore most humbly pray , that your majesty will be pleased henceforward to shut your sacred ears against such malignant councells , and in all affairs to repose your confidence wholly upon the wisedome and fidelity of your great councell now assembled in parliament , and by their advice to settle and dispose such places of trust , as may conduce to the safety of your majesties dominions ; not doubting but their care will equally tender your majesties honour with the publike interests and welfare of your kingdomes . and that those members of parliament lately accused of treason may have a fair and speedy tryall , according to the priviledge of the house , that so they may either receive condigne punishment . if they have offended , or being acquite , may cheerfully attend those weighty affairs , appertaining to their charge . and lastly , that your majesty will not hereafter suffer to be enterprised any thing tending to the violation or breach of priviledges of parliament . and your petitioners shall pray for your majesties long and prosperous raign , &c. this is the perfect copy which was presented to his majestie this instant february . febr. 19. london , printed for joseph hunscott . 1641. his majesties ansvver to the humble petition of the gentlemen, free-holders, and ministers of the countie palatine of chester delivered to his maiestie at york the seventh of may, 1642. at the court and york 9 may 1642. his maiestie hath given me expresse command to give you this his answer to your petition. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a78644 of text r210530 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.5[18]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a78644 wing c2118 thomason 669.f.5[18] estc r210530 99869316 99869316 160731 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a78644) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160731) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f5[18]) his majesties ansvver to the humble petition of the gentlemen, free-holders, and ministers of the countie palatine of chester delivered to his maiestie at york the seventh of may, 1642. at the court and york 9 may 1642. his maiestie hath given me expresse command to give you this his answer to your petition. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed for john sweeting, london : 1642. the king sees that the county .. have not heard his answer to the parliament's petition. .. suggests that they petition parliament to do him justice, .. -steele. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng prerogative, royal -great britain -early works to 1800. ireland -history -1625-1649 -early works to 1800. chester (england) -history -17th century -sources great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a78644 r210530 (thomason 669.f.5[18]). civilwar no his majesties ansvver to the humble petition of the gentlemen, free-holders, and ministers of the countie palatine of chester, delivered to england and wales. sovereign 1642 627 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-05 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-06 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-06 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion his majesties ansvver to the humble petition of the gentlemen , free-holders , and ministers of the countie palatine of chester , delivered to his maiestie at york the seventh of may , 1642. at the court at york 9 may 1642. his maiestie hath given me expresse command to give you this his answer to your petition . that he sees plainly that this petition of yours hath been framed without having heard the answer his majestie gave to his parliament , upon their petition to him for desisting from his iourney into ireland ; for he cannot thinke that that countrey ( from whence he hath received formerly so good expressions of their loyall intentions , by two former petitions presented long since to him and the parliament ) would have been so much mistaken , as to have made this petition , after they had seen and well considered his majesties said answer . and his majestie observes very well , that this petition is not like others , which by an untimely zeal , have desired him to return to his parliament ; you onely desiring him there to reside , where with more conveniency and security he may consult with his great councell , then by going into ireland : his majestie being confident , that your well weighing of his answers concerning that subject , hath been the cause that you have not imitated some few other countreys in that particular ; and that you have well considered the rebellious affront offered to him at hull , by a hostile opposition of his entrance ; and therefore beleeves that the same reason which made you , at this time expresse your tender care of his person , and the former good expressions you made of your loyalty and right-set affections to the good of the whole kingdom , may sooner induce you to petition the parliament to apply themselves to a right understanding of his majesties wayes and intentions , and to do him iustice for that affront , then make you to preferre any such ill-grounded petition . and that you may be the better informed of his majesties proceedings in those particulars ; he recommends to your view and consideration , his answers to the declaration presented to him at new-market , to the petition presented to him at york the 26 of march last , concerning his journey into ireland , his two messages and declaration concerning hull ; all which , when it shall be fully represented to the rest of your county , he doubts not but that you will rest very well satisfied of his constant resolution for the maintaining of , and governing you by the law of the land , his unmoveable resolutions for the maintenance and defence of the true protestant profession , and the suppression and chastising of the barbarous irish rebellion , as for your apprehensions of danger of being left naked , and not put into a posture of defence , his majestie assures you , that he will take care that it shall be done in the true old legall way which hath been used in this kingdom , without bringing in strangers to govern you , or admitting new and exorbitant powers , derogating both from his majesties undoubted legall authority , and the liberty of the subject , which , as he hath constantly denied , so he expects , and no wayes doubts , but that you will give obedience to that , and that onely , which shall proceed from his majesty in a legall way . subscribed by m. secretary nicholas . london , printed for john sweeting , 1642. by the king. his majesties offer of pardon to the rebells now in arms against him. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a78952 of text r211125 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.5[88]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a78952 wing c2529 thomason 669.f.5[88] estc r211125 99869858 99869858 160801 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a78952) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160801) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f5[88]) by the king. his majesties offer of pardon to the rebells now in arms against him. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) : ill. by robert barker, printer to the kings most excellent majestie: and by the assignes of john bill, imprinted at london : mdcxlii. [1642] "given at our court at edge-hill, this 24. day of october, in the eighteenth yeer of our reign.". with engraving of royal seal at head of document. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng pardon -great britain -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a78952 r211125 (thomason 669.f.5[88]). civilwar no by the king. his majesties offer of pardon to the rebells now in arms against him. england and wales. sovereign 1642 877 1 0 0 0 0 0 11 c the rate of 11 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c r diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms ❧ by the king . ¶ his majesties offer of pardon to the rebells now in arms against him . whereas an actuall and open rebellion is raised , and severall armies marching against vs , under the command and conduct of robert earl of essex , and other persons under his commissions and authority , who falsely pretend that what they do , it by vertue of our authority , and for our service , and so seduce many of our weak subjects from their duty and allegiance , into this horrid and odious rebellion against vs ; we do therefore declare the said robert earl of essex , and all such who by any commission under him have leavied , or do command any souldiers , to be guilty of high treason , and that this rebellion is raised to take away our life from vs , to destroy our posterity , to change the blessed protestant religion established by the laws of the land , to suppresse the law of the kingdom , and to take away the liberty of the subject , and to subject both to an unlimited arbitrary power . and we do therefore will and command all our loving subjects upon their allegiance , and their oathes of allegiance and supremacie , that they apprehend the said earl of essex , and all such who by vertue of any commission under him have leavied , or do now command any souldiers in any places of this kingdom as guilty of high treason . and to any common souldiers so raised , we do grant our free and generall pardon , as to per●ons seduced by the cunning and falshood of the authors of this rebellion , if such souldiers shall disband within six dayes after the publishing of this our proclamation , so they commit no hostile act in the mean while against vs . and if such souldier or souldiers shall within that time apprehend and bring before vs , or any officers of our army , the bodies of any of the commanders or officers now in rebellion against vs , he and they besides their pardons , shall receive such liberall rewards by pensions or otherwise as their severall services in respect of the qualities of the persons so apprehended shall deserve . and if any commander or officer of any of the armies now in rebellion against vs , shall within four dayes after this our proclamation published , being convinced in his conscience of his damnable offence against god and vs in assisting this odious rebellion , return to his allegiance , and repair to our army , and commit to hostile act in the mean while against vs , we shall not onely pardon him , but so far imploy him as his quality and demeanour shall deserve ; except all such persons whom we have before excepted in our declaration of the twelfth of the last august . and we do hereby require all our loving subjects of what degree or quality soever , upon their allegiance , and as they tender the cause of god , ( the protestant religion being invaded , and threatned to the rooted up by anabaptists , brownists , and atheists ) of vs and our posterity , ( our life being sought after by this rebellion ) and of themselves ( the law and liberty of the subject being in apparent hazard to be subjected to an arbitrary lawlesse power of a few schismaticall , factious and ambitious persons ) to assist vs in person , or with the loan of money , plate and horses in this our great necessity . and we do further declare to all our loving subjects , that as we have and shall take all possible care to prevent the sufferings of our good people by the souldiers of our armie , so what-ever pressures shall unavoidably fall upon them , by reason of the violence offered unto vs , in seising and detaining our own money and revenue from vs , we do promise in the word of a king , to satisfie them for the same as soon as god shall enable vs . and the better to encourage our good subjects to aid and assist vs in this our necessary defence , to which their duty to god and vs obliges them , we do declare , that whosoever shall lose his life in this service , the wardship of his heir shall be granted by vs without rent or fine to his own use , and we shall hold our self obliged to take all possible care for the support , relief , and protection of all their wives and children , who shall have the hard fortune to die in this service . given at our court at edge-hill , this 24 day of october , in the eighteenth yeer of our reign . god save the king . ¶ imprinted at london by robert barker , printer to the kings most excellent majestie : and the assignes of john bill . mdcxlii . the humble desires and propositions of the lords and commons in parliament tendered to his majestie, feb. 1 and his maiesties gracious answer and propositions, febr. 3, 1642 [i.e. 1643]. england and wales. parliament. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a37862 of text r33332 in the english short title catalog (wing e1698a). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a37862 wing e1698a estc r33332 13273339 ocm 13273339 98698 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a37862) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 98698) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1550:17) the humble desires and propositions of the lords and commons in parliament tendered to his majestie, feb. 1 and his maiesties gracious answer and propositions, febr. 3, 1642 [i.e. 1643]. england and wales. parliament. charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 15 [i.e. 16] p. printed for edward husbands, and are to be sold at his shop ..., london : febr. 7, 1642 [i.e. febr. 7, 1643] "die lunæ, 6 februar. 6, 1642. it is this day ordered by the commons in parliament assembled that the propositions from both houses, and his majesties answer unto them this day received, be forthwith printed and published: h. elsynge, cler. parl. d. com." identified on film as wing e1555 (number cancelled). reproduction of original in the harvard university library. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649. a37862 r33332 (wing e1698a). civilwar no the humble desires and propositions of the lords and commons in parliament, tendred to his majestie, febr. 1. and his maiesties gracious ans england and wales. parliament 1643 303 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-08 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-08 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an order of the house of parliament concerning the gathering in of the pole-moneys . die veneris , may 6 , 1642. ordered that the knights and burgesses of every county be forth-with enjoyned to write unto the severall sheriffs of every county , that they require all the commissioners of their respective counties , to make present return of all such certificates of the pole-mony , as have not yet bin returned according to the former order of this house , and also be enjoyned to take into their custody the severall certificates of every severall county already returned respectively , and to examine the true state of them , and that where they find any certificates not returned or defective , that they forth-with give notice unto the severall commissioners of each county inhabiting within forty miles of this city , to make their returns by the last of this instant may , & all those beyond that distance by the twentieth of iune next , and being so by them examined , that they take a speedy course to returne the same unto the committee for accompts and pole-money at such time as they shall be required by the said committee , who have agreed to call for them with all speed , and to digest them into forme , that so they may present them unto the house , and to begin with the city of london and westminster , according to a former order in that case . and it is further ordered , that the sheriffs of the severall counties respectively doe certifie into how many severall divisions , the commissioners of the severall counties did divide themselves within the counties for the collecting of the pole-money . printed by a. n. for iohn franck . the kings message to both houses january 12. 1641. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a78888 of text r24816 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.3[34]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a78888 wing c2449 thomason 669.f.3[34] estc r24816 99872071 99872071 160592 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a78888) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160592) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f3[34]) the kings message to both houses january 12. 1641. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. england and wales. parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by robert barker, printer to the kings most excellent majesty: and by the assignes of john bill, imprinted at london : 1641 [i.e. 1642] "his majesties profession and addition to his last message to the parliament" is dated: january 14, 1641 [i.e. 1642]. with engraving of royal seal of charles i at head of document. reproductions of the originals in the british library and the harvard university library. eng england and wales. -parliament -early works to 1800. great britain -politics and government -1625-1649 -early works to 1800. a78888 r24816 (thomason 669.f.3[34]). civilwar no the kings message to both houses january 12. 1641. england and wales. sovereign 1642 437 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-08 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-08 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion ❧ the kings message to both houses . january 12. 1641. hhis majestie taking notice that some conceive it disputable whether his proceedings against my lord kymbolton , master hollis , sir arthur haslerig , master pym , master hampden , and master strode , be legall and agreeable to the priviledges of parliament , and being very desirous to give satisfaction to all men in all matters that may seem to have relation to priviledge , is pleased to wave his former proceedings : and all doubts by this means being setled , when the mindes of men are composed , his majestie will proceed thereupon in an unquestionable way : and assures his parliament that upon all occasions he will be as carefull of their priviledges , as of his life or his crown . ❧ his majesties profession and addition to his last message to the parliament . jan. 14. 1641. hhs majestie being no lesse tender of the priviledges of parliament , and thinking himself no lesse concerned , that they be not broken , and that they be asserted and vindicated whensoever they are so , then the parliament it self , hath thought fit to adde to his last message , this profession , that in all his proceedings against the lord kymbolton , mr hollis , sir arthur haslerig , mr pym , mr hampden , and mr strode , he had never the least intention of violating the least priviledge of parliament ; and in case any doubt of breach of priviledges remain , will be willing to clear that , and assert those , by any reasonable way that his parliament shall advise him to . vpon confidence of which , he no way doubts his parliament will forthwith lay by all iealousies , and apply themselves to the publike and pressing affairs , and especially to those of ireland , wherein the good of this kingdom , and the true religion ( which shall ever be his majesties first care ) are so highly and so neerly concerned : and his majestie assures himself , that his care of their priviledges will increase their tendernesse of his lawfull prerogative , which are so necessary to the mutuall defence of each other ; and both which will be the foundation of a perpetuall perfect intelligence between his majestie and parliaments , and of the happinesse and prosperity of his people . ¶ imprinted at london by robert barker , printer to the kings most excellent majesty : and by the assignes of john bill . 1641. the humble petition of the county of cornwall to the kings most excellent majestie subscribed by above seven thousand hands : with his majesties answer thereunto : whereunto is added the oaths of allegiance and supremacie. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a45025 of text r7426 in the english short title catalog (wing h3502). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 10 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a45025 wing h3502 estc r7426 13513463 ocm 13513463 99856 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a45025) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 99856) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 791:31) the humble petition of the county of cornwall to the kings most excellent majestie subscribed by above seven thousand hands : with his majesties answer thereunto : whereunto is added the oaths of allegiance and supremacie. charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 8 p. printed for t. warren, london : 1642. reproduction of original in huntington library. eng oath of allegiance, 1606. oaths -england -early works to 1800. oaths -early works to 1800. cornwall (england : county) -history -17th century -sources. a45025 r7426 (wing h3502). civilwar no the humble petition of the county of cornwall, to the kings most excellent majestie. subscribed by above seven thousand hands. with his maje [no entry] 1642 1468 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2005-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-12 andrew kuster sampled and proofread 2005-12 andrew kuster text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the humble petition of the county of cornwall , to the kings most excellent majestie . subscribed by above seven thousand hands . with his majesties answer thereunto . whereunto is added , the oaths of allegiance and supremacie . london , printed for t. warren . 1642. to the kings most excellent majestie , the humble petition of the county of cornwall . we your majesties most loyall subjects in all duty render unto your majestie all thankfulnesse for your majesties unexempled favour and grace in granting unto your subjects , by the concurrence with your parliament , such laws and freedoms , which have most fully expressed your majesties gracious goodnesse unto your people ; and we most thankfully receive your majesties free offer of a generall pardon , whereof wee most humbly desire to be made partakers . and we most humbly beseech your majestie , never to suffer your subjects to be governed by an arbitrary government , nor admit an alteration in religion . and your petitioners being most feelingly grieved for your majesties discontents ( partly occasioned by divers scandalous pamphlets , and seditious sermons , and no way lessened by unlawfull tumults ) do wish a confluence of all comforts , honour and happinesse unto your majestie , and do most heartily pray for the reconcilement between your majestie and your parliament : and in all humble thankfulnesse for your majesties said grace and goodnesse , your petitioners do offer themselves most ready to maintain and defend with their lives and fortunes , your majesties sacred person , honour , estate , and lawfull prerogative against all persons whatsoever , according to the oaths of supremacie and allegiance . cornub . iohn grills high sheriff . warwick lord mohun . sir iohn trelawney knight and baronet . sir william wrey knight and baronet . iohn arundell of trerise esq. charles trevanion esq. walter langdon esq. peter courtney esq. samuel cosowarth esq. richard prideaux esq. iohn arundell esq. renatus billot esq. francis iones esq. robert rous esq. edward trelawney esq. nevil blighe esq. william bastard esq. charles grills esq. nathanel dillon esq. william arundell gent. william courtney gent. ed. courtney , gent. walter glin gent. edward cook gent. hugh pomeroy esq. ambrose billot gent. iohn samuel gent. nichol . kendall , major of lostwithyell . obadiah ghoship cler. iohn kette cler. thomas harrison cler. thomas porter cler. simon lann cler. iohn peter cler. george brush cler. barnard achim gent. theophilus laugherne gent. william guavas gent. nicholas sawell gent. william robinson gent. thomas robinson gent. ioseph iolly gent. thomas trear gent. the aforesaid gentlemen subscribed at lostwithyell unto the petition direction to his majestie , together with seven thousand more , esquires , gentlemen , freeholders and other inhabitants which subscribed and signed the said petition in their severall parishes . his majesties answer to the petition of cornwall , at the court at york , 26. june , 1642. his majestie is so very well pleased with the duty and affection of this petition , that he hath commanded me to signifie his good acceptance of it , and thanks for it to the county of cornwall , and to assure them , that as he will be alwayes ready to increase the happinesse of his people , by consenting to such good new laws , as shall be proposed to him for their advantage , so he will be forward to venture his life in maintenance of the religion and laws established , which he doubts not , with the assistance of the petitioners , and other his good subjects , he shall be able to defend : his majestie will be ready to grant such a generall pardon to the petitioners as they desire ; and will no longer expect the continuance of their duty and affection , then himself continues true to those professions he hath so often made of maintaining and defending the religion and laws of this kingdom . falkland . the oath of allegiance , tertio iac. cap. 4. i a. b. do truely and sincerely acknowledge , professe , testifie , and declare , in my conscience before god and the world ; that our soueraigne lord king charls is lawfull and rightfull king of this realm , and of all other his majesties dominions and countries , and that the pope neither of himselfe , nor by any authority by the church or see of rome , or by any other meanes with any other , hath any power of authority , to depose the king , or to dispose any of his majesties kingdomes or dominions , or to authorize any forraign prince to invade or annoy him , or his countries , or to discharge any of his subjects of their allegiance and obedience to his majestie , or to give license or leave to any of them to beare armes , raise tumults , or to offer any violence or hurt to his majesties royall person , state , or government , or to any of his majesties subjects within his majesties dominions . also i do sweare from my heart , that notwithstanding any declaration , or sentence of excōmuuication , or deprivation , made , or granted to be made , or granted by the pope , or his successors , or by any authority , derived , or pretended to be derived from him , or his see , against the sayd king , his heirs or successors , or any absolution of the said subjects from their obedience : i will beare faith and true allegiance to his majestie , his heirs and successors , and him and them will defend to the utmost of my power , against all conspiracies and attempts whatsoever , which shall be made against his or their persons , their crowne and dignity , by reason or colour of any such sentence , or declaration , or otherwise , and will do my best endevour to disclose and make knowne unto his majestie , his heirs and successors , all treasons , or trayterous conspiracies , which i shall know or heare of , to be against him or any of them . and i do further sweare , that i do from my heart abhorre , detest and abjure as impious and hereticall , this damnable doctrine , and position . that princes which be excōmunicated or deprived by the pope , may be deposed or , murthered by their subjects , or any other whatsoever , and i do beleeve , and in my conscience am resolved , that neither the pope , nor any person whatsoever , hath power to absolve me of this oath , or any part thereof , which i acknowledge by good and full authority to be lawfully ministred unto me , and do renounce all pardons , or dispensations to the contrary . and all these things i do plainly , and sincerely acknowledge and sweare , according to these expresse words by me spoken , and according to the plaine and common sense , and understanding of the same words , without any equivocation , or mentall evasion , or secret reservation whatsoever . and i do make this recognition , and acknowledgement heartily , willingly , and truly , upon the true faith of a christian : so helpe me god . the oath of supremacy , primo eliz. cap. 1. i a. b. do utterly testifie and declare in my conscience , that the kings highnesse is the onely supreame governour of this realme , and all other his highnesse dominions and countries , as well in all spirirituall or ecclesiasticall things or causes , as temporall : and that no forraine prince , person , prelate , state or potentate , hath or ought to have any jurisdiction , power , superioritie , preeminence or authority ecclesiasticall or spirituall within this realme . and therefore , i do utterly renounce and forsake all forrain jurisdictions , powers , superiorities and authorities ; and do promise that from henceforth i shall beare faith and true allegiance to the kings highnesse , his heirs and lawfull successors : and to my power shall assist and defend all jurisdictions , priviledges , preeminences and authorities granted or belonging to the kings highnesse , his heirs and successors , or united and annexed to the imperiall crown of the realme : so help me god : and by the contents of this book . finis . the lord maior of londons letter to the king at yorke, iune, 22. in behalfe of the aldermen sheriffes, the master and wardens of each severall company in answer to his maiesites letter. the parliaments resolution, concerning the kings most excellent maiestie, and the lords and commons which have absented themselues from the said houses, and are now at yorke attending on his maiesty. like wise the grounds and reasons why they are enforceed [sic] to take arms, with the severall reasons to prove that every man is bound to uphold the parliament against all opposers whatsoever. gurney, richard, sir, 1577-1647. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a85788 of text r210847 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.5[49]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 7 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a85788 wing g2261 thomason 669.f.5[49] estc r210847 99869602 99869602 160762 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a85788) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160762) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f5[49]) the lord maior of londons letter to the king at yorke, iune, 22. in behalfe of the aldermen sheriffes, the master and wardens of each severall company in answer to his maiesites letter. the parliaments resolution, concerning the kings most excellent maiestie, and the lords and commons which have absented themselues from the said houses, and are now at yorke attending on his maiesty. like wise the grounds and reasons why they are enforceed [sic] to take arms, with the severall reasons to prove that every man is bound to uphold the parliament against all opposers whatsoever. gurney, richard, sir, 1577-1647. charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. england and wales. parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1642] place and date of publication from wing. "ordered by the lords and commons that this be printed and published. ic. bro. cler. par. hen. elsing cler. parl." reproduction of the original in the british library. eng charles -i, -king of england, 1600-1649 -early works to 1800. england and wales. -parliament -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a85788 r210847 (thomason 669.f.5[49]). civilwar no the lord maior of londons letter to the king at yorke, iune, 22. in behalfe of the aldermen sheriffes, the master and wardens of each severa gurney, richard, sir 1642 1050 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-12 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-12 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the lord maior of londons letter to the king at yorke , iune , 22. in behalfe of the aldermen sheriffes , the masters and wardens of each severall company in answer to his maiesties letter . the parliaments resolution , concerning the kings most excellent maiestie , and the lords and commons which have absented themselues from the said houses , and are now at yorke attending on his maiesty . like wise the grounds and reasons why they are enforced to take arms , with the severall reasons to prove that every man is bound to uphold the parliament against all opposers whatsoever . ordered by the lords and commons that this be printed and published . ic. bro. cler. par . hen. elsing cler. parl. as no greater fidility can be presented to me , then a loyall obedience to your maiesties command , so no greater unhappinesse can befall me , then in conceiving my solicitous indeavours to imbecill and invailid , and not able to incline to myaffections ; for my condiscentious mind is so dubiously ballanced , depending on a double authority , that it is an unexpressible difficulty to my thoughts , how to weigh my resolution with an unquestionable action . if i should not obey your maiesties command in an equitable cause , i might meritoriously bee suspended from that place of honour conferred on mee , undeserving to be your maiesties subiect , muchlesse your personable servant , and liable to your maiesties displeasure and indignation ; yet if i should obey your maiesties command without consent of parliament , i should bee neverthelesse liable to the censure of parliament , so that in various and severall commands a conformity of obedience is very difficult . whereas your maiesty hath received true information of great sums of money endeavoured to be borrowed of your city of london , by directions proceeding from both houses of parliament , with additionall perswasions to your good subiects for the raising of horse and furnishing your parliament with necessary moneyes , ( i your maiesties faithfull subiect ) doe conceive , and dare asseverate , that it is intended upon no other pretence then for the honour and defence of your maiesty , together with both houses of parliament , and for the vniversal security of your kingdomes . and since your maiesties manifold protestations taken in the presence of almighty god , and by your severall oathes taken by the faith of a prince , are ample testimonies of your maiesties iust desires for the publike peace , and sufficient manifestations , of your reall intentions , not to levie war against your parliament , i cannot entertaine such a sinister conceit in my thoughts , that your maiestie will violate those severall oathes by raising any forces , which consequently would ruinate the prosperitie of your maiesties kingdome by a civill discord and i am so confident on the other side , that whatsoever moneys shall be collected , or forces levied by your parliament , they will not derogate any thing from your maiesties prerogative , but to the preservation of the publike peace , and the advancement both of your maiisties honour , and your kingdomes happinesse . so that whatsover mony , plate , horse , arms shall be contributed by your maiesties willing and leyall , subiects of the city of london , being disposed by the prudent dispensation of your parliament , chiefly to maintaine the protestant religion , your maiestis authority , and person in royall dignity the free course of iustice , the lawes of the land , the peace of the kingdome , and priviledge of parliament , and partly to the necessary use of ireland ; as also the payment of the scottish subiects . i hope your maiesty will take it as an acceptable service at their hands , and not looke upon it as the raising forces against your maiesty , or to be done either in malice , or contempt of your , or of your authority . thus i , and the severall companies having herein punctually , observed the direction of both houses of parliament , nothing contradictory to your maiesties commands , we hope your maiesty shall have no cause to proceed against the severall companies , in obeying the trust reposed in them both by your maiestys authority , and by both houses of parliament : or against any particular persons , either as contemners or opposers of your maiesties commands and authoritys , or her law of the land ; doing nothing , but what your parliament wisdome , truth , and equitie have prescribed unto them , as well for the intended safetie of your maiestees person , as the securitie of the kingdom . and that your maiestie shall hereby have no iust occasion to be compelled to question the charter of this your city , which as your maiestie is yet willing to believe , so you may be confident both in a high and low degree will continue loyall to your maiesties sacred person , and authoritie . these ample testimonies of my loyaltie ( sir ) i hope will give your maiestie a satisfactorie contentation , since your maiesties commands are iusty presormed , and obeyed by your maiesties faithfull humble and loyall subject and servant . e. g the reason why the subject is bound to obey the command of the parliament , voted , that if in case of necessity , his majesty shall deny his assent , the ordinance agreed on by both houses of parliament , doth oblige the people , and ought to bee obeyed , being warranted by the fundamentall laws of the kingdome , both houses of parliament hath took into their serious consideration the occasion and reason why the members of the said houses should absent themselves upon their summoning in wherupon they hath drawn up a charge against them , and are resolv'd that they shall pay 100. l a man , and to be examined by the committee before the next fitting . ordered by the lords and commons in parliament , that this be printed and published . by the king, a proclamation prohibiting the assessing collecting or paying any weekly taxes, and seizing or sequestring the rents or estates of our good subjects, by colour of any orders or pretended ordinances of one or both houses of parliament england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a32075 of text r171190 in the english short title catalog (wing c2690). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 7 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a32075 wing c2690 estc r171190 18240490 ocm 18240490 107220 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a32075) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 107220) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1629:62) by the king, a proclamation prohibiting the assessing collecting or paying any weekly taxes, and seizing or sequestring the rents or estates of our good subjects, by colour of any orders or pretended ordinances of one or both houses of parliament england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. by leonard lichfield ..., printed at oxford : 1643. "given at our court at oxford, the seventh day of aprill, in the nineteenth yeare of our raigne." reproduction of original in the harvard university library. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649. a32075 r171190 (wing c2690). civilwar no by the king. a proclamation prohibiting the assessing collecting or paying any weekly taxes, and seizing or sequestring the rents or estates england and wales. sovereign 1643 1154 7 0 0 0 0 0 61 d the rate of 61 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-09 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-11 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-11 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c r honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the king . ¶ a proclamation prohibiting the assessing collecting or paying any weekly taxes ▪ and seizing or sequestring the rents or estates of our good subiects , by colour of any orders or pretended ordinances of one or both houses of parliament . whereas divers orders or pretended ordinances have been contrived in the name of one or both houses of parliament for taxing our subjects and leavying monyes to support the rebellion ; all which and all other waies of imposing upon our people to whatsoever intent or purpose , without our royall assent are cleerly unlawfull , and unwarrantable , and so by severall proclamations and otherwise have beene declared by vs , and we do hereby declare the same unto all our good subiects ; and in particular by our proclamation of the eight of march last , we did forbid ( amongst other things ) the assessing . collecting , and paying the weekly taxe imposed upon our good subiects , and their estates by one of the said pretended orders or ordinances ( which in three months exceedeth the svmme of the great subsidie of 400000 l. ) and neverthelesse we are given to understand the same is forceably levyed , and by colour thereof diverse of our good subiects imprisoned , and destrained , and great violence , spoyle , rapine and plundering committed upon them , and their estates in diverse counties and places of this our kingdome ; and that by another pretended ordinance , the whole estates reall & personall of diverse of our subiects most of them not named , but described , and distinguished by marks of loyalty , are ordained to be seized & sequestred for maintaining a warr against vs , and their tenants discharged of their rents , and protected against forfeitures penalties , and dammage with other clauses importing power to dissolve contracts , and make and marre lawes at pleasure , which we are informed is also endeavoured to be executed ; and all which ( whatsoever is pretended ) do tend apparantly to the destruction of vs and our posterity , ( whose lives have been attempted to be taken away ) the subversion of the established protestant religion the lawes of the land and the liberties and propertyes of our subjects , and the utter ruine of our whole kingdoms . we do therefore strictly charge and command all our loving subiects whatsoever not to submit to the said pretended orders & ordinances , or any of them , or to the weekly taxes imposed as aforesaid , or to any such seisures or sequestratious as aforesaid nor to presume to be assistant thereunto , by assessing , taxing , levying by distresse , or otherwise or collecting any such weekly taxes or making any such seisures or sequestrations , or by information or procureing books of accompt , or rentalls or by any other wayes or meanes giving any intelligence of any such estates reall or personall , or values thereof , but to their utmost power to resist all such acts of iniustice & violence . and we do hereby command the tenants & debtors of all our subjects , whose estates are intended to be seised & sequestred to pay their rents and debts to their landlords & creditors , notwithstanding such seisure or sequestration . and we do farther prohibit all person , as well aliens as denizens that they presume not to intermedle in the buying , receaving disposing the goods or cattell of any of our subjects , that shall be seised , sequestred , distrained , or taken from them by pretence of the said orders , or ordinances for such weekly taxes , or such seisures or sequestrations as aforesaid , or otherwise plundered . all which doth tend to the aid , and assistance of a warre against vs , which by the known lawes of the land are acts of high treason ; and we do declare , and publish ▪ that to adhere to our enemies giving them aid and comfort , is high treason nominally declared by the statute of the 25. of edward the 3d● and that we intend to give order for seizing the estates of such as shall rebelliously disobey vs herein , to the intent they may remaine in safe custody , untill the offenders can be brought to legall tryall , which shall speedily proceed as they shall be apprehended , and delivered into the hands of justice ; and we do hereby will and command , the tenants and debtors of those , who shall execute , or be a assisting unto , or shall voluntarily submit unto the said orders or ordinances for the said weekly taxes , or such seizures , or sequestrations as aforesaid , that they not only forbear to pay their rents , or debts , but detain the same towards the maintenance of the peace of the counties , and reparation of such as have suffered by the violence of the army in rebellion against vs : such course being already taken against such as have according to their allegiance assisted vs ; and as we have declared , that whosoever should loose his life in this our defence , the wardship of his heire should be granted by vs , without rent or fine so on the other side , we doe publish and declare , that whosoever shall excecute or be assisting to , or voluntarily shall submit unto the said orders , or ordinances shall receive no benefit by our instructions of grace , but we will be fully answered to the utmost which shall be due to vs by law , and dispose of such wardships as shall seeme best to vs , willing and commanding all sheriffes , majors , bailiffes , iustices of peace constables , and other our officers , and loveing subjects whatsoever , upon their allegiance , and the severest pa●nes that by the law may be inflicted upon them , not only to obey and observe carefully these our commands , but to be aiding and assisting to the utmost of their power , to all such persons as shall require their assistance or protection in this behalfe and to resist and repell by force of a●mes , all such as shall oppose this our legall command . and our will and command is , that this our proclamation be read in all church●● and chappells in this our kingdom . given at our court at oxford , the seventh day of aprill , in the nineteenth yeare of our raigne . god save the king . printed at o●ford by leonard lichfield , printer to the university . 1643. by the king. a proclamation for the free and safe passage of all clothes, goods, wares, and merchandize to our city of london. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a79006 of text r211521 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.5[114]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a79006 wing c2613 thomason 669.f.5[114] estc r211521 99870238 99870238 160826 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a79006) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160826) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f5[114]) by the king. a proclamation for the free and safe passage of all clothes, goods, wares, and merchandize to our city of london. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by alice norton, [london : 1642] imprint from wing. with engraving of royal seal at head of document, between two bands of ornament and initials c. r. "given at our court at oxford, the eight day of december, in the eighteenth yeare of our reigne. god save the king." reproduction of the original in the british library. eng london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a79006 r211521 (thomason 669.f.5[114]). civilwar no by the king. a proclamation for the free and safe passage of all clothes, goods, wares, and merchandize to our city of london. england and wales. sovereign 1642 433 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-07 paul schaffner sampled and proofread 2008-07 paul schaffner text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion royal blazon or coat of arms c r honi soit qvi mal y pense diev et mon droit c r by the king . a proclamation for the free and safe passage of all clothes , goods , wares , and merchandize to our city of london . whereas we have been informed , that diverse of our loving subjects , who have been travelling from our westerne counties , and other parts of our kingdome to our city of london with clothes , goods , and other merchandize , have been of late stopped and interrupted in their iournies , and other clothes , wares , and merchandize have been taken or detained from them , whereby the season and benefit of their markets have been lost to them , and considering , that if the same licence and course shall be still taken and held , that the damage and mischief thereof will not only fall upon places and persons disaffected to vs , but upon very many of our good and loving subjects of all parts , and that thereby the generall trade and commerce of the kingdom ( which we have alwayes , and do desire to advance to the utmost of our power ) will in a short time decay , and the poore people , wanting work , be brought to penury and famine . wee are gratiously pleased to declare , and doe hereby will and require all the officers and souldiers of our army , and all other our officers and ministers whatsoever , that from henceforth they giue no stop or interruption to any of our loving subjects as they travell to our city of london with any clothes , wares , or other merchandize , but that they suffer them , and such their clothes , wares , and merchandize freely and peaceably to passe without any let , trouble , or molestation whatsoever . and we doe hereby promise and assure all our loving subjects , that if they shall henceforth suffer by any souldiers of our army in this case , and shall not upon complaint to the chief officers of our army where such damage is suffered , receive iustice and reparation for the damage they sustaine , upon complaint made to vs we will take speedy care for the severe and exemplary punishment of the offendors , and for the full satisfaction of the parties grieved and injured . given at our court at oxford , the eight day of december , in the eighteenth yeare of our reigne . god save the king . the kings letter intercepted coming from oxford with a ioyful and true relation of th[e?] great victory obtained by sir thomas fairfax, sir william brereton, and sir vvilliam fairfax, against the irish at the raising of the siege at nantwich on friday last january 26, 1643 ... this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a47471 of text r41039 in the english short title catalog (wing k597a). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 10 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a47471 wing k597a estc r41039 19579508 ocm 19579508 109154 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a47471) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 109154) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1691:9) the kings letter intercepted coming from oxford with a ioyful and true relation of th[e?] great victory obtained by sir thomas fairfax, sir william brereton, and sir vvilliam fairfax, against the irish at the raising of the siege at nantwich on friday last january 26, 1643 ... charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. fairfax, thomas fairfax, baron, 1612-1671. fairfax, william, sir, 1609-1644. brereton, william, sir, 1604-1661. [8] p. printed by [andrew coe], london : [1644] illustrated t.p. reproduction of original in the huntington library. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. a47471 r41039 (wing k597a). civilwar no the kings letter intercepted coming from oxford. with a joyful and true relation of th[e] great victory obtained by sir thomas faireax [sic] [no entry] 1644 1537 5 0 0 0 1 0 98 d the rate of 98 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2000-00 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2001-07 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2001-08 tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread 2001-09 tcp staff (michigan) text and markup reviewed and edited 2001-11 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the kings letter intercepted coming from oxford . with a ioyful and true relation of the great victory obtained by sir thomas faireax , sir william brereton , and sir vvilliam fairfax , against the irish , at the raising of the siege at nantwich on friday last january 26. 1643. delivered in a message to the parliament . vvherein , was slain 2 lieutenant col : 4 captains . 200 souldiers in the right wing , & many in the left surprised . 6 pieces of ordnance . 20 carriages , wherein was great store of good plunder . 1700 foot . taken prisoner : 1 sergeant maior generall . 8 collonels . 14 captains . 19 lieutenants . 20 ensignes . 264 gentlemen & other officers . 120 hoorse 4 canoneers . 40 popsh priests . with another victory obtained by collonel massey at gloster who hath surprised 1 lieutenant collonel and 8 captains , besides other officers and common souldiers and a barke brought in to him laden with armes and ammunition . london carolus rex . right trusty and right well beloved cousin , we greet you well by our proclamation , which herewith we send you , you see our resolution , and the grounds of that our resolution , to advise with the members of both our houses of parliament , for the restoring of this kingdome to its former peace and happinesse : at least we doubt not it will appear to all the world , and to posterity , that there hath not been such a concurrence in the bringing these miseries upon it , or in compleating that , by the invitation of this forreign invasion , as is imagined : vve shall therefore desire you that you will by no means fail of giving your attendance at the time and place accordingly which in respect of the high concernment of our service and the good of the whole kingdome , we shall not doubt of : and so wee bid you heartily farewell . a full relation of the defeat given to the cavalliers , in the siege before glocester . the enemy with great forces marched againe towards glocester , and surrounded the town , to stop provision from comming in , but colonell massey issuing out of the towne , fell upon their quarters ; and slew many of them , and took prisoners . one lieutenant colonell , eight captains , and other officers and souldiers , with their bag and baggage , and put the rest to flight : colonell massey hath also surprised a barke laden with arms and ammunition , intended for the cavalliers , which will doe him good service , especially , because his own ammunition is not yet come to him . a joyfvll relation of the happy svccesse of the parliaments forces at the raising of the siege from nantwich , jan. 26. 1643. sir thomas fairfax and sir william fairfax , being at nottingham , marched from thence unto hinkley and there quartered ; and from thence the next day they marched to bosworth , and so to tamworth , where they quartered one night : from whence they marched the next day to stafford , and there joyned with sir william brewerton , with whom they marched to relieve nantwitch , which was besieged by the irish forces from westchester , and shrousbury , and raised the siege . the enemies being fled to their quarters , sir thomas fairfax , and sir william marched from nantwich to manchester , and there gathered a body of foot out of manchester and other parts in lancashire , and caused a fast to be kept for two dayes , for the enemy were of great strength , and the resiege was feared ; the enemies cruelty did much grieve the countrey , and accordingly as it was feared the enemy returned againe to nantwich , and laid close siege before it ; and did attempt to scale the works three severall times , and shot almost 100 fiery hot bullets , with a kind of fire balls to burne the towne . but blessed be god , there was none of them that did any considerable hurt : the greatest harme the towne sustained by those bals , was by one which light upon a stack of wood , and fired part of it ; which was quenched without doing any further mischief . captain booth the governour of nantwich , a young man of about 21 yeers of age , but of a valiant spirit , behaved himself bravely ; his souldiers consisting of about 1200 in number , who withstood the enemy bravely , and did good execution upon them , and slew lieutenant collonel boughton , and 4 captaines more : amongst which , captain stamford is one , and kept the towne in despight of them cap. booth still encouraging the souldiers , and promising unto them that he would loose his life in their defence before he would yeeld up the town to such traiterous irish rebels . yet sir william brewerton was in great fear of loosing the town ; and indeed had not god wrought wonderfully for us it had been lost . sir thomas fairfax returning again from manchester marched to stafford again , and joyned with sir william brewerton ; who joyning their forces together marched from thence again to relieve nantwich , on friday january the 26. with about 6000 horse and foot , the enemy consisting of about 8000. when our forces came neer the enemies quarters , they discovering our forces , came out of their trenches into the plain , and gave us battell ; wherein our forces charged so hot on their right wing , that they caused the lord byron with all their horse to run away , leaving onely the foot to stand to it : by this time there were slaine of the right wing about 200 , besides those that were in the left wing , and the foot were left to the mercy of our forces : and their horse hasted so fast away , that they threw away their pistols , and fled for their lives . the lord byron himself being one of the first that fled . there were also a fort of irish women , that were in the enemies campe : whose office was to robbe , and plunder , our men that fell : and with long knives which they had hanging by their sides , to cut the throates of those that they found not quite dead . c. booth with eight hundred issued out of namptwich , and fell upon the back of them , and so our forces surprised them all , with all their bag , and baggage : of which here followeth an exact list according to the copy , by the scout brought to the parliament . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the prisoners taken at the raising 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 e siege from namptwich , ian. 26. 1644. sejeant-major-generall gibson . sir michael earnly , colonell . sir richard fleetwood , colonell . colonell monks . sir ralph dewes colonell . colonell vvarren . sir francis butler , lieutenant-colonell . lieutenant-colonell gibs . major hamond . 14. captains . atkins . lidington . tinch . disney . fisher . cook . ward . deane . incas . ledcote . deetes . shotterwood . bawbridge . willis . 19. lieutenants . long . norton . rowe . pawlet . goodwin . kinerstone . dulaton . pate . mo●gell . strange . shipworth . ancars . billingley . cuftelion . milliner . bradshaw . lionnes . golden . smith . 26. ensignes . browne . brereton . batch . ihnes . wright . dampell . southwood . addise . smith . vahan . reise . doreworth . musgrave . pennicocks . danstermile . elliard . itlack . philips . hewde . thomas . mo●gan . lewes . goodfellow . busbey . terringham . withers . ordnance 6 peeces , wom●n with long common souldiers 1700 , gentlemen of c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 20. serjeants 41. drums 40. corporals 63. 〈◊〉 40. horse 120. coroners 2. quartermasters ●● canoniers 4. carriages 20. wherein was good s●●● of rich plunder . a list of those that were slain . lieutenant collonel vaine , lieut collonel boughton , captain stamford , and 3 captains more , 200 on the right wing and many more on the left . this relation is justified to be true by the bearer hereof , richard hunt. to all post-masters whom it may concern . these are to require you forthwith upon the sight hereof to furnish the bearer hereof , richard hunt , with two good sufficient post-horses for the present service of the parliament . hereof fail not . given under my hand this 31 of january 1643. sam. lvke . this is published according to order . finis . by the king a proclamation concerning tobacco. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) 1631 approx. 7 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a22537 stc 8971 estc s3583 33150514 ocm 33150514 28642 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a22537) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 28642) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1876:132) by the king a proclamation concerning tobacco. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. [2] leaves. by robert barker, printer to the kings most excellent maiestie: and by the assignes of iohn bill, imprinted at london : 1630 [i.e. 1631] caption title. imprint from colophon. forbidding foreign and domestic tobacco; all tobacco from virginia and other colonies must pass customs at london. "giuen at our court at whitehall, the sixt day of ianuary, in the sixt yeere of our reigne." reproduction of original in: society of antiquaries. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng tobacco industry -virginia. tobacco industry -bermuda islands. monopolies -great britain -early works to 1800. great britain -colonies -commerce. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. 2003-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-10 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-11 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2003-11 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-12 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion ❧ by the king. diev·et·mon·droit honi sit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms ¶ a proclamation concerning tobacco . whereas in the reigne of our most deare and royall father , king iames of blessed memory , & since our accesse to the crowne , seuerall proclamations haue been made and published concerning tobacco , yet notwithstanding all the care and prouidence which hath hitherto been vsed , we finde the vnlimited desire of gaine , and the inordinate appetite of taking tobacco , hath so farre preuailed , that tobacco hath been continued to bee planted in great quantities , in seuerall parts of this our realme , and a vast proportion of vnseruiceable tobacco made and brought from our colonies of virginia summer ilands , and other our forreigne plantations , besides an incredible quantity of brasill and spanish tobacco imported hither , and secretly conueyed on land. and it is now come to passe , that those our forreigne plantations , that might become vsefull to this kingdome , lingering onely vpon tobacco , are in apparant danger to be vtterly ruined , vnlesse wee speedily prouide for their subsistence ; the bodies and manners of our people are also in danger to bee corrupted , and the wealth of this kingdome exhausted by so vselesse a weede as tobacco is ; which beeing represented vnto us by the humble petition of our louing subiects the planters and aduenturers in virginia , and also by the like humble petition of the retailers and sellers of tobacco in and about our cities of london and westminster , wee haue thought it worthy of our princely care , as a matter not only fit for our profit , & the profit of our people , but much concerning us in our honour and gouernment so to regulate the same , and compell due obedience thereto , that our forreigne plantations and colonies may bee supported and encouraged , and they made vsefull to this kingdome , by applying themselues to more solide commodities , that the healths of our subiects may be preserued , the wealth of this kingdome enlarged , and the manners of our people so ordered and gouerned , that the world may not iustly taxe us , that these are at once endangered only by the licentious vse of tobacco . and therfore hauing seriously aduised hereof , wee , by the aduice of our priuie councell , haue now resolued vpon , and published these our commands following concerning tobacco , which our royall will and pleasure is , shall be in all things obserued vpon paine of our highest displeasure , and of such paines , penalties and punishments , as by our court of exchequer , and court of starre-chamber , and by any other courts and ministers of iustice , or by our prerogatiue royall can be inflicted vpon the offendors . and first , our will and command is , that no person whatsoeuer doe at any time hereafter plant , preserue , or maintaine any tobacco , which is , hath been , or shall be planted in our kingdomes of england or ireland , or dominion of wales , or in the islands of iersey or guernesey , but that the same bee vtterly displanted and destroyed , and that none presume or aduenture to buy , sell , or vtter any such tobacco , the same being vtterly vnwholesome to bee taken . and further , that no tobacco whatsoeuer be from hencefoorth imported into these our realms , or any hauen , port , creeke or place therof , which is , or shal be of the growth of any the parts or places beyond the seas , belonging to , or vnder the obedience of any foreine king , prince , or state whatsoeuer ; but such , and so much thereof onely , as wee shall specially allow to be imported , vntill it shal be fully setled betweene those forreine princes and us , according to those treaties which are betweene us , that our subiects may not vnthriftily vent the solide commodities of our owne kingdomes , and returne the proceed thereof in smoake . and further we will and command , that no tobacco of the growth of any of our english plantations in virginia the sommer islands , caribee islands , or other islands or places in america , or the coasts thereof , be at any time hereafter imported or brought into our kingdomes of england or ireland , or dominion of wales , at any other port then at , or in our port of london onely , and the same duely entred in our custome-houses there , nor that any greater quantitie thereof bee imported there , then wee by the aduice of our priuie councell shall hold fit , and vnder our priuie seale , shall declare to bee competent for the expence of these our kingdomes , wee not thinking it fit to admit of an immeasurable expence of so vaine and needlesse a commoditie , which ought to bee vsed as a drugge onely , and not so vainely and wantonly as an euill habite of late times hath brought it vnto . and these sorts of tobacco which shall be thus brought from our owne colonies , wee will take present order shall bee well ordered and made vp , and so certified to bee , vnder the hand of the gouernour of that place , and when the same shall be brought hither , shall bee againe searched , tryed and sealed , that our subiects be not abused by corrupt tobacco . and our expresse command is , that whatsoeuer tobacco shall be taken , which shall be imported contrary to this our proclamation , the same shall be forfeited and confiscate , and by the officers of that port or place where it shall bee taken , shall be immediatly burnt . and for the ordering and gouerning of the expence and vse of tobacco when it shall be imported , wee , by the aduice of our priuie councell , shall speedily direct such a course as wee shall hold fit , which wee expect shall be also in all things obserued . and wee straitly charge and command all our customers , comptrollers , searchers , and all other the officers and ministers of our ports , that they and euery of them in their seuerall places , doe carefully and faithfully obserue our royal command , in , and concerning the premisses ; and if any of them shall be found remisse or negligent therein , or to conniue at any such offender , that hee or they shall for such their fault , without any remission be remooued from the place or places of his or their attendance on our seruice . and to the end our pleasure and command hereby published , may be the better executed , wee doe hereby will , require and command , all maiors , sheriffes , iustices of peace , bayliffes , headboroughs , and other our officers and louing subiects whatsoeuer , to be aiding and assisting , and so much as in them lyeth , to take care that the premisses herein mentioned , be duly put in execution , as they tender their duetie and allegeance to us , and will answere the contrary at their vttermost perils . giuen at our court at whitehall the sixt day of ianuary , in the sixt yeere of our reigne . god saue the king. ¶ imprinted at london by robert barker , printer to the kings most excellent maiestie : and by the assignes of iohn bill . 1630. five remarkable passages which have very lately happened betweene his maiestie and the high court of parliament ... this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a39631 of text r22428 in the english short title catalog (wing f1120). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 17 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a39631 wing f1120 estc r22428 12621179 ocm 12621179 64518 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a39631) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 64518) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 251:e146, no 1) five remarkable passages which have very lately happened betweene his maiestie and the high court of parliament ... charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. england and wales. parliament. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) 5, [3] p. printed for f. cowles and t. bates, london : [1642] reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. (from t.p.) five passages "1. the humble petition of the gentry and commons of york presented to his majesty, april 22. 1642. 2. his majesties message sent to the parliament april 24. eng hotham, john, -sir, d. 1645 jan. 2. church of england -clergy. clergy -registers. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. yorkshire (england) -history -sources. a39631 r22428 (wing f1120). civilwar no five remarkable passages, which have very lately happened betweene his maiestie, and the high court of parliament· 1. the humble petition of [no entry] 1642 2236 4 0 0 0 0 0 18 c the rate of 18 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2005-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-12 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2005-12 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion five remarkable passages , which have very lately happened betweene his maiestie , and the high court of parliament . 1. the humble petition of the gentry and commons of york , presented to his majesty , april 22. 1642. 2. his majesties message sent to the parliament ▪ april 24. 1642. concerning sir iohn hotham's refusall to give his majestie entrance into hull . 3. the parliaments resolution concerning the said sir ioh. hotham 4. a declaration from both houses of parliament concerning the stopping of passages between hull and the parliament . 5. the true catalogue of all the names of the divines approved of by both houses of parliament , for each severall county in this kingdome of england and wales ; as fit persons to be consulted with by the parliament , touching the reformation of church-government , and the liturgie . together with an order from both houses to the same effect . 28. of aprill 1642. london , printed for f. cowlet , and t. bates . die sabbati , 9 april . 1642. the lords and commons doe declare , that they intend a due and necessarie reformation of the government & liturgie of the church , & take away nothing in the one or other , but what shall be evill , and justly offensive , or at least unnecessarie and burthensome : and for the better effecting thereof , speedily to have consultation with godly and learned divines . and because this will never of it selfe attaine the end sought therein , they will therefore use their utmost endevours to establish learned and preaching ministers , with a good and sufficient maintenance thorowout the whole kingdome , wherein many dark corners are miserably destitute of the meanes of salvation , and many poore ministers want necessarie provision . h. elsynge , cler. parl. d. com. die martis 26 april . 1642. ordered by the lords and commons in parliament , that the sheriffs of the counties of york and lincolne , and likewise the lords lieutetenants of the said counties , and in their absence , their deputies allowed by parliament , and the iustices of peace , and all other his majesties officers , shall suppresse all forces that shall be raised , or gathered together in th●se counties , either to force the towne of hull ; to stop the passages to , and from the same ; or in any other way to disturb the peace of the kingdome . ordered by the lords and commons in parliament , that this orde● shall be printed and published forthwith . io. browne cler. parl. to the kings most excellent majestie . the humble petition of the 〈◊〉 and commons of the countie of york . most royall soveraigne : encouraged by your majesties many testimonies of your gracious goodnesse to us and our countie , which we can never sufficiently acknowledge ; we in all dutie and loyaltie of heart addresse our selves to your sacred majestie , beseeching you to cast your eyes and thoughts upon the safetie of your own person , and your princely issue , and this whole countie , a great meanes of which we conceive doth consist in the arms and ammunition at hull , placed there by your princely care and charge , and since upon generall apprehension of dangers from forraine parts represented to your majestie , thought fit as yet to be continued . we for our parts , conceiving our selves to be still in danger , doe most humbly beseech your majestie that you will be pleased to take such course and order , that your magazine may still there remaine , for the better securing of these and the rest of the northerne parts . and the rather because we think it fit , that that part of the kingdome should be best provided , where your sacred person doth reside , your person being like davids , the light of israel , and more worth than ten thousands of us . who shall daily pray , &c. his majesties message sent to the parliament , april 24. 1642. concerning sir iohn hothams refusal to give his majestie entrance into hull . his majesty having received the petition inclosed from most of the chiefe gentry neere about yorke , desiring the stay of his majesties armes and munition in his magazine at hull , for the safety ( not onely of his majesties person and children , but likewise of all these northern parts : the manifold rumours of great dangers inducing them to make their said supplication ) thought it most fit to goe himselfe in person to his towne of hull , to view his armes and munition there , that thereupon he might give directions , what part thereof might be necessary to remaine there , for the security and satisfaction of his northerne subjects , and what part thereof might bee spared for ireland , the arming of his majesties scots subjects that are to go thither , or to replenish his chiefest magazine of the tower of london ; where being come , upon the 23 of this instant aprill , much contrary to his expectation , he found all the gates shut upon him , and the bridges drawn up , by the expresse command of sir iohn hotham , ( who for the present commands a garrison there ) and from the walls flatly denyed his majesty entrance into his said town , the reason of the sayd denyall being as strange to his majesty , as the thing it selfe , it being that he could not admit his majesty without breach of trust to his parliament ; which did the more incense his majesties anger against him , for that hee most seditiously and trayterously would have put his disobedience upon his majesties parliament ; which his majesty being willing to cleare , demanded of him if he had the impudence to aver , that the parliament had directed him to deny his majesty entrance and that if he had any such order , that he should shew it in writing , for otherwise his majesty could not beleeve it ; which he could no way produce , but malitiously made that false interpretation according to his own inferences , confessing that he had no such positive order , which his majesty was ever confident of : but his majesty not willing to take so much pains in vain , offered to come into that his towne onely with 20. horse , finding that the maine of his pretence lay , that his majesties traine was able to command the garrison : notwithstanding , his majesty was so desirous to go thither in a private way , that he gave warning thereof but overnight , which he refusing , but by way of condition ( which his majesty thought much below him ) held it most necessary to declare him traytour ( unlesse upon better thoughts , he should yeeld obedience ) which he doubly deserved , aswell for refusing entrance to his naturall soveraigne , as by laying the reason thereof groundlesly and maliciously upon his parliament . one circumstance his majesty cannot forget , that his sonne the duke of yorke , and his nephew the prince elector , having gone thither the day before , sir iohn hotham delayed the letting of them out to his majesty till after some consultation . hereupon his majesty hath thought it expedient to demand iustice of his parliament against the said sir iohn hotham , to be exemplarily inflicted on him according to the laws , and the rather because his majesty would give them a fit occasion to free themselves of this imputation , by him so injuriously cast upon them , to the end his majesty may have the easier way for the chastising of so high a disobedience . the names of those divines that are nominated by the knights and brugesses of each county , for the consultation , or assembly . bedfordshire . master dillingham . mr. boldes . buckinghamshire . mr. henry wilkinson . mr. valentine . berkshire . dr. twisse . mr. rayner . cambridgeshire . doctor thomas wincop . mr. thomas goodwin . cambridge university . doctor brounrig , bishop . doctor ward . cornwall . master gamon . master hicks . cheshire . master iohn lea. master thomas case . cumberland . doctor hoyle . master bridges . durham . master iennison . master morton . derbyshire . doctor love . doctor gouge . devonshire . master pine . master whiting . dorsetshire . master white . master peele . essex . 〈◊〉 marshall glocestershire . master mew . master dunning . huntingtonshire . master backhurst . master philip nye . hartfordshire . doctor smith . doctor burges . herefordshire . master greene . master gower . kent . master wilson . master taylor . lincolnshire . master tuckney . master coleman . lancashire . master herles . master herrick . leicestershire . master clayton . master gibs . middlesex . doctor calibute downing . master burroughs . london . master calamy . master george walker . master seaman . master caryll . munmouthshire . doctor harris . master george morley . northamptonshire . master edward reynolds . master hall . nottinghamshire . doctor robert saunderson . master foxcroft . northumberland . master iohn iackson . master william carter . norfolke . master thoroughgood . master arrow-smith . oxfordshire . master robert harris . master crosse . oxford university . archbishop of armagh . doctor stiles . rutlandshire . master samuel gibson . master whitaker . somersetshire . master samuel crook . master cunnet . shropshire . master edward corbet . master hildersham . surrey . doctor stainton . doctor daniel featley . staffordshire . master francis cooke . master lightfoot . hampshire . master langley . master tisdale . suffolk . master tho. young . master iohn philips . sussex . master pickering . master henry nye . westmorland . master hall . master hutton . wiltshire . master henry scudder . master baily . worcestershire . master salmay doctor prideaux , bishop . warwickshire . master burges . master vines . yorkshire . master levell . master michlethwait . anglesey . master buckley . brecknockshire . doctor temple . cardiganshire . master jos. shute . carmarthenshire . master nichols . carnarvanshire . master thomas gataker . denbyshire . doctor rich. flintshire . doctor parsley . glamorganshire . master tozer . merioneth shire . master sp●rstow . pembrookshire . master francis channell . montgomeryshire . master ellis . radnorshire . doctor hackwell . iland of gernesy . master de la marse . iland of iernesey . master de lasser . die martis 26. april 1642. resolved upon the question . that sir iohn hotham knight , according to this relation , hath done nothing but in obedience to the command of both houses of parliament . resolved upon the question . that this declaring of sir iohn hotham traytor , being a member of the house of commons , is a high breach of the priviledge of parliament . resolved upon the question . that this declaring of sir iohn hotham traitor without due processe of law , is against the libertie of the subject , and against the law of the land . ordered by the lords and commons in parliament , that these votes shallbe printed , and sent to the sheriffes , and the iustices of the peace to be published in all the market townes of the counties of york and lincoln . io. brown cler. parliament . die martis 26. april 1642. it is declared by the lords and commons in parliament , that the stopping of the passages between hull and the parliament , and the intercepting of messengers imployed from the parliament to hull , or from any that are in the service of the parliament , or any letters whatsoever sent by any to , or from the parliament , is a high breach of the priviledge of parliament , which by the lawes of this kingdome , and the protestation , we are bound to defend with our lives and fortunes , and to bring the violater to condigne punishment . and hereby all lords lieutenants , and their deputies authorised by the ordinance of both houses of parliament , all sheriffs , iustices , majors , bailiffs , constables , and other officers whatsoever , are required to give their uttermost aid and assistance to all that are imployed in the said service , for their better and more speedee free and safe passage : and to apprehend all such as by colour of any warrant or other authority whatsoever , shal endevour on 〈◊〉 about to hinder any that are employed about the same , and them to apprehend , & in safe custody to send up to the parliament . ordered by the lords and commons in parliament , that this declaration shall be forthwith printed and published . iohn browne cler. parl. finis . by the king. a proclamation to inform all our loving subjects of the lawfulnesse of our commissions of array, issued into the severall counties of our realm of england, and dominion of wales, and of the use of them and commanding them to obey our commissioners therein named, in the execution of their said commissions. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a79035 of text r210834 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.5[47]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 10 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a79035 wing c2703 thomason 669.f.5[47] estc r210834 99869589 99869589 160760 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a79035) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160760) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f5[47]) by the king. a proclamation to inform all our loving subjects of the lawfulnesse of our commissions of array, issued into the severall counties of our realm of england, and dominion of wales, and of the use of them and commanding them to obey our commissioners therein named, in the execution of their said commissions. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) [s.n.], imprinted at york, and now reprinted at london : 1642. originally published: york : 1642. reproduction of the original in the british library. at end of text: given at our court in york the twentieth day of june, in the eighteenth yeer of our reign, 1642. eng prerogative, royal -great britain -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a79035 r210834 (thomason 669.f.5[47]). civilwar no by the king. a proclamation to inform all our loving subjects of the lawfulnesse of our commissions of array, issued into the severall count england and wales. sovereign 1642 1842 2 0 0 0 0 0 11 c the rate of 11 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-05 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-07 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-07 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c r diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms ❧ by the king . a proclamation to inform all our loving subjects of the lawfulnesse of our commissions of array , issued into the severall counties of our realm of england , and dominion of wales , and of the use of them : and commanding them to obey our commissioners therein named , in the execution of their said commissions . whereas by the laws of this land , the ordering and governing of the militia of the kingdom , for the preventing and suppression of all invasions and rebellions , hath ( as a most known and undoubted right and prerogative ) belonged in all times solely to our self and our progenitors , kings of england . and accordingly we have heretofore awarded commissions of lieutenancie into the severall counties of this our realm , for the governing and exercising of the souldiory and trained bands there , like as queen elizabeth and our dear father , both of happy memory , had done before us . and therein ( amongst other things ) gave power to the commissioners in each county , to levie , call together , arm , array , train , and muster our subjects inhabiting in the said severall counties , and to conduct and lead them against all our enemies , and all rebels and traitors from time to time , as often as need should require . all which commissions ( although we did , since the beginning of this parliament , grant the like for the county of york , to the now earl of essex , with the privity of both our houses of parliament , and without exception from either ) have , without hearing any of our councell learned , been since voted in our said houses of parliament to be illegall and void ; the reason whereof we have not yet been informed of , nor can imagine : for that neither any illegall clause ( if any such be ) in those commissions , nor any excesse or abuse of their authority , by any lieutenants or their deputies , in raising of moneys , taxing of the inhabitants , or otherwise could , by law , make void any such powers as in themselves were lawfull to be granted and put in execution . and whereas , in case of danger and necessity , it had been more sutable to the condition of the times , and the good liking of our subjects ( who cannot be well pleased with any new wayes , how specious soever ) that our houses of parliament should ●●●e taken order that our commissions of lieutenancie ( the course whereof had so long continued ) should , for the present , have been put in execution , at least wise such part thereof as was undeniably and unquestionably legall , and was sufficent for the purposes before mentioned , or that ( according to the like presidents in former times ) they would have desired us to have granted new commissions of that nature , omitting such clauses as might justly have been excepted against , which we would not have denied ; and not to have called in so suddenly for those commissions to be cancelled , as was done ( though we know not by what law ) in our house of peers . yet notwithstanding , our two houses of parliament , in stead of such our commissions , under pretence of evident and imminent danger , and urgent and inevitable necessity of putting our subjects into a posture of defence , have made a late order for the setling of the militia , under the name of an ordinance ( which two or three severall times had been refused by the major part of peers ) and being made , not onely without , but against our consent ( the reasons whereof are sufficiently known to all our subjects ) is not onely without any one warrantable president of former times ( as we beleeve ) but ( as we are well assured ) void in law . wherefore , out of the care which we have of our people , lest under the pretence of danger , necessity , and want of authority from us to put them into a military posture , they should be drawn and ingaged in any opposition against us or our just authority ; and that they may know they are by us otherwise provided for , and secured against all just causes of fears and dangers from any force in a legall way ( for we are resolved to rule and govern our subjects according to our known laws onely ) we have thought fit , for the present , hereby thus timely to publish and declare , that we have awarded into the severall counties of our kingdom of england and dominion of wales , our severall commissions of array , thereby giving power to severall persons of honour , reputation , and estate in the said counties , for the safety and defence of us , our kingdom , and our good subjects from time to time , as it shall be needfull to array , train , arm , and muster our subjects inhabiting in the said counties , and in case of imminent danger to conduct and lead them for the destruction of our enemies , and in the defence of their countrey and the kingdom . which power of granting commissions for the defence of us and our kingdom , as it is inherent in us , and inseparable from our crown , so it hath been warranted by presidents of the like commissions in all ages , both before and since the grant of the great charter by king henry the third , down to the very time that commissions of lieutenancie were granted , and was agreed to be legall even by the two learned judges , sir george crook , and sir richard hutton ( amongst all the rest ) in their arguments , which concluded on the subjects part in our exchequer-chamber in master hampdens case , as by the same ( now since printed ) may appear , together with divers particular records in severall ages therein mentioned , to which many more may be added . and in these our commissions , to prevent all manner of exception , we have , in the powers given to our commissioners , in all points followed that commission of array , which was agreed upon by the king and both houses of parliament , after conference with the judges of the realm , in the fifth yeer of king henry the fourth , and was done upon the desire of the commons , to have some alterations from former commissions in certain overstrict clauses , whereunto neverthelesse no exception was taken for the legalitie , but the kings assent acknowledged as an act of great grace , as appeareth by the parliament rolls of that yeer . since which time commissions of array have frequently issued for prevention of danger , either of enemies abroad or at home ( in both which respects our houses of parliament have voted this kingdom to be in danger ) the same being indeed the old ordinary way for the preservation of the king and kingdom , who must not delay their preparation till such danger break forth into action , and so perhaps prove too late . and these commissions of array were not discontinued , till by reason of the commissions of lieutenancie ( which in substance contained the powers given by those commissions of array ) they came to be of little use . and , whereas by the statute of the fourth and fifth yeers of the reign of philip and mary king and queen of england , it is enacted , that if any person or persons that shall be commanded generally or specially to muster afore any such as shall have authority or commandment for the same , by , or from the king , or by any lieutenant , warden , or other person or persons authorised for the same , do willingly absent him or themselves from the same musters , having no true and reasonable excuse of sicknesse , or other lawfull impediment , or at their apparence at such musters , do not bring with them such their best furniture , or array and armour , as he or they shall then have for his or their own person in readinesse , that such person or persons shall , for every such default and offence , incur such penalties , and to be inflicted in such manner as by the said statute are limited . which statute is in full force . we do therefore , by this our proclamation , expresly charge and command all our sheriffs , justices of peace , majors , bailiffs , constables , and all other our officers , and other our loving subjects of our severall counties of england , and dominion of wales respectively , that they be attending , aiding , assisting , counselling , and at the commandment of the said commissioners of our severall counties respectively in the execution of their commissions , as they will answer the contrary at their utmost perils . and although we can nothing doubt that any of our loving subjects shall or will oppose or hinder our said commissioners in the execution of their said commissions , by putting in execution any power touching the militia , not warranted by our authoritie , or otherwise disturbing our said commissioners in execution of our service , considering the extreame danger wherein such act may upon the severall circumstances , by the strict construction of the law involve them : yet , lest any ill-affected persons , too far presuming upon our clemency , and in hope of impunity or pardon , should dare to off●nd us , and our laws , contrary to this our proclamation ; we do hereby declare to all our subjects , that whosoever shall , after this our proclamation published , do any thing in opposition of our commissioners , by disobeying their commands , according to law , or putting in execution any other command concerning the militia of our kingdom , contrary to law , we shall account them unworthy of our grace and mercy , and such as must expect , that justice ( how penall or capitall soever it be ) shall be done upon them according to their demerits . given at our court at york the twentieth day of june , in the eighteenth yeer of our reign , 1642. imprinted first at york , and now reprinted at london . 1642. charles by the grace of god king of england, scotland, france and ireland, defender of the faith, &c. to our right trusty and welbeloued cousin, william earle of northampton ... england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) 1625 approx. 10 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a22362 stc 8773 estc s3766 33150933 ocm 33150933 28825 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a22362) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 28825) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1876:35) charles by the grace of god king of england, scotland, france and ireland, defender of the faith, &c. to our right trusty and welbeloued cousin, william earle of northampton ... england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.). by b. norton and j. bill, [london : 1625] imprint suggested by stc (2nd ed.). "witnes our selfe at westminster, the ninth day of may, in the first yeere our reigne." reproduction of original in: society of antiquaries. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng northampton, william compton, -earl of, d. 1630. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. wales -politics and government -17th century. great britain -politics and government -1625-1649. broadsides -london (england) -17th century. 2008-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-11 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2009-01 aaron mccollough sampled and proofread 2009-01 aaron mccollough text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion charles , by the grace of god , king of england , scotland , france and ireland , defender of the faith , &c. to our right trusty and right welbeloued cousin , william earle of northampton , president of our councell within the dominion , principality , and marches of walles , greeting . know ye , that for the great and singuler trust and confidence , that we haue in your approued fidelitie , wisedome and circumspection , we haue assigned , made , constituted , and ordeined , and by these presents doe assigne , make , constitute , and ordeine you to bee our lieutenant within the principality and dominions of south-wales and north-wales , ( our counties of glamorgan and monmouth only excepted ) the marches thereunto adioyning , and the seuerall counties of worcester , hereford , and salop , and in all corporate and priuiledged places within the limits or precincts of the principalitie , dominions , marches , and counties aforesaid , or any of them , as well within liberties as without : and by these presents doe giue full power and authoritie vnto you , that you , from time to time may leuie , gather , and call together , all and singuler our subiects , of what estate , degree or dignitie , they or any of them bee , dwelling or inhabiting within the principalitie , dominions , marches and counties aforesaid , aswel within liberties as without , meet and apt for the warres , and them from time to time to trie , array , and put in readinesse ; and them also , and euery of them after their abilities , degrees and faculties , well and sufficiently from time to time , to cause to be armed and weaponed ; and to take the musters of them from time to time , in places most meet for that purpose , after your discretion : and also the same our subiects so arrayed , tried , and armed , aswell horsemen , archers , and footmen as other men of armes , of all kindes and degrees , meet and apt for the warres , to leade , and conduct , aswel against all and singuler our enemies , as also against all and singuler rebels , traytors , and other offenders and their adherents against vs , our crowne and dignity , within the said principalitie and dominions of north-wales and south-wales , the marches of the same , and counties and places aforesayd , and euery of them from time to time , as often as need shall require by your discretion : and with the said enemies , traitors and rebels from time to time , to fight , and them to inuade , resist , suppresse , subdue , slay , kill , and put to execution of death by all wayes and meanes , from time to time by your discretion : and to doe , fulfill and execute from time to time , all and singuler other things , which shall be requisite for the leuying and gouernement of our said subiects , for the conseruation of our person and peace , so by you in forme aforesaid to be leuied , and to be ledde : and further to doe , execute , and vse against the said enemies , traytors rebels , and such other like offenders and their adherents afore mentioned from time to time , as necessitie shall require by your discretion , the law called the martiall-law , according to the law-martial : and of such offenders apprehended , or being brought in subiection , to saue whom you shall thinke good to be saued , and to slay , destroy , and put to execution of death , such , and as many of them as you shall thinke meet , by your good discretion , to be put to death . and further , our will and pleasure is , and by these presents we doe giue full power and authority vnto you , that in case any inuasion of enemies , insurrection , rebellion , ryots , routs , or vnlawfull assemblies , or any like offences , shall happen to be mooued in any place of this our realme , out of the limits of this our commission , that then , and as often as need shal require , by your good discretion , or as you shall be directed from vs by any speciall commandement , you , with such power to be leuied within the limits of your lieutenancie , as you shall thinke requisite , or as shall be directed from vs , as is aforesaid , shall repaire to the place , where any such inuasion , rebellion , vnlawfull assembly , or insurrection shall happen to be made , to subdue , represse and reforme the same , aswell by battell , or other kind of force , as otherwise by the lawes of our realme , and the law-martiall , according to your discretion . and further , we giue vnto you full power and authoritie for the execution of this our commission , to appoint and assigne within the principalitie and dominions of south-wales and north-wales , the marches thereunto adioyning , and the counties aforesayd , from time to time muster-masters , and prouost-martials , as you in your discretion shall thinke conuenient , to vse and exercise that office , in such cases as you shall thinke requisite to vse the said law-martiall . wherefore wee will and command you our sayd lieutenant , that with all diligence ye doe execute the premisses with effect . and forasmuch as it may be , that there shall be iust cause for you to bee attendant vpon our person , or to be otherwise employed in our seruice , whereby this our seruice of lieutenancie committed to your fidelity , cannot be by you in person executed , in such sort as we haue appointed the same ; therefore wee giue vnto you , for your better ayde and assistance , and for the better performance and execution of this same our seruice , full power and authority to appoint , assigne and constitute by your writing , vnder your hand and seale , within euery seuerall shire and county of the said principality and dominions of south-wales and north-wales , and the other counties aforesaid respectiuely ( except before excepted ) from time to time , so many persons of quality , as to you our said lieutenant shall seeme meet and conuenient to be and the other counties aforesaid respectiuely ( except before excepted ) from time to time , so many persons of quality , as to you our said lieutenant shall seeme meet and conuenient to be your deputies in the said shires and counties , and all corporate and priuiledged places within the same . and by this our present commission , wee giue vnto euery two or more of your said deputies , so being by you appointed and assigned as aforesayd , full power and authority in your absence , to doe and execute , in euery county , where they are deputed and assigned to be your deputies , as aforesayd , and in all corporate and priuiledged places , within the limits or precincts of the same county , aswell within liberties as without , all and such , and so much of euery thing and things , before by this our present commission , assigned and appointed by you to bee done and executed , and so farre forth as by you in your said writings of deputation , shall be to them prescribed and appointed to be done and executed . and our further pleasure and commandement is , that your said deputies shall immediatly after your writings of deputation to them made , as aforesayd , take charge and care to see euery such point and thing of this our commission , fully and perfectly executed in your absence , as by you in your said writings of deputation shall be to them prescribed and appointed to be done and executed . and the better to enable them so to doe , yee shall deliuer to euery two of your said deputies , so appointed and deputed for the sayd seuerall counties as aforesayd , a true transcript of this our commission , subscribed with your hand : and whatsoeuer you alone being present , shall doe by vertue of this our commission , or in your absence your sayd deputies , or any two or more of them , shall doe according to the tenor and effect of your said writings of deputation to be made , as is aforesayd , the same shall be by these presents discharged against vs. our heires and successors . and further , wee will and command all and singuler iustices of peace , maiors , shiriffes , bailiffes , constables , headboroughs , and all other our officers , ministers , and subiects , meet and apt for the warres , within euery of the said shires and counties , and all corporate and priuiledged places , within the limits or precincts of the said shires and counties , and euery of them aswell within liberties as without , to whom it shall appertaine , that they , and euery of them with their power and seruants , from time to time shall be attendant , aiding , and assisting , counselling , helping , and at the commandement of you , and of your said deputies , or any two or more of them respectiuely , as aforesaid , in the shires and counties aforesaid , and for the execution hereof in all points , as appertaineth , as they and euery of them tender our pleasure , and will answere for the contrary at their vttermost perils . provided alwayes , that this our present commission , or any thing therein contained , shall not in any wise extend to the county of gloucester , the citie of gloucester , or county of the same city , or to any of them , or to the county palantine of chester , or to the citie of chester , or to any part thereof , or to the counties of glamorgan , or monmouth , or to any of them , or to any part of them , or any of them . in witnes whereof , we haue caused these our letters to be made patents . witnes our selfe at westminster , the ninth day of may , in the first yeere of our reigne . per dominum custodem magni sigilli angliae , virtute warr. reg. edmonds . the ingagement and resolution of the principall gentlemen of the county of salop for the raising and maintayning of forces at their own charge, for the defence of his maiestie, their countrey, and more particularly the fortunes, persons, and estates of the subscribers under-named. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a84430 of text r176617 in the english short title catalog (wing e734a). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a84430 wing e734a estc r176617 99897819 99897819 170951 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a84430) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 170951) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2532:5) the ingagement and resolution of the principall gentlemen of the county of salop for the raising and maintayning of forces at their own charge, for the defence of his maiestie, their countrey, and more particularly the fortunes, persons, and estates of the subscribers under-named. charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [s.l. : 1642]. cf. wing e734a which = steele 2321 which has steele notation: selves prevention very. steele notation for this edition is: selves prevention peace,. date of publication from wing e734a. with 81 signatures. reproduction of original in the william andrews clark memorial library. eng charles -i, -king of england, 1600-1649 -early works to 1800. wiltshire -history -sources -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. broadsides -england a84430 r176617 (wing e734a). civilwar no the ingagement and resolution of the principall gentlemen of the county of salop, for the raising and maintayning of forces at thier own cha [no entry] 1642 740 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-09 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-10 pip willcox sampled and proofread 2007-10 pip willcox text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the ingagement and resolution of the principall gentlemen of the county of salop , for the raising and maintayning of forces at their own charge , for the defence of his maiestie , their countrey , and more particularly the fortunes , persons , and estates of the subscribers under-named . vve whose names are under-written , do hereby ingage our selves each to other , and promise upon the faith and vvord of a gentleman , that we will do our uttermost endeavours , both by our selves and friends , to raise , aswell for defence of our king and countrey , as our own particular safeties , one entire regiment of dragoneers , and with our lives to defend those mens fortunes and families that shall be contributers herein , to their abilities . and for the more speedy expedition of the said service , as also for prevention of being surprized and plundered by our enemies , we have thought fit to intreat sir vincent corbett formerly captain of the horse for this county , to be our chief commander over the aforesaid regiment ; and likewise we have appointed the day of our appearance for bringing in of every mans proportion of his horse or money , according to the subscription of his undertaking , to be the twentieth day of december , all in battlefield . henry bromley esquire , sheriffe : robert viscount killmorrey . robert howard , richard leveson knights of the bath . richard herbert esquire . richard lee baronet . paul harris thomas wolrych . vincent corbett . knights and baronets . william owen . richard prince . robert eyton . iohn weld sen. francis ottley . thomas screven . thomas eyton . thomas lister . knights . iohn corbett . rowland lacon . roger owen . edward kinaston . francis herbert . robert corbett , of humfreston . iohn bromley . thomas corbett . pelham corbett . roger kinaston . carew stewry . william fowler . edward acton . walter pigot . thomas ireland . william cotton . edward cresset . william barker . francis thornes . arthur sandford . thomas owen . iohn newton . edward baudewin charles baldwin . thomas edwards . walter waring . esquires . ralph goodwin . tho. whitmore . william blunden . richard okeley . harbert iencks . francis billingsley . robert matthews . richard church . rees tannat . thomas phillips . iohn leighton . lawrence bentall . george ludlow . iohn dawes . thomas barkley . edward stanley . henry powell . francis burton . fulk crumpton . iohn pay . pontesbury owen . esquires . creswell taylor . thomas holland . andrew charleton . edward owen . george holland . edmund bullock . iohn huxley . iohn wilkocks . thomas lokier . audley bowdler . edward astley . richard hosier . iohn wibumbury . francis chambers . francis smith . henry heynes . francis morris . gentlemen . these who have subscribed , are those which were at the first and second meeting . the rest of the gentry which are far remote , and as well affected , we humbly desire may be added to this our association . iohn stvdley esq major of the town of shrewsbury , and the rest of the inhabitants within the said town and liberties thereof , do , with a full and generall consent , engage themselves to finde and furnish one troop of dragoneers consisting of sixtie , at the charge of the said town and liberties ; as also two hundred foot souldiers at their charges . likewise under the command of sir francis ottley knight , captain for the said town , for the defence of the kings majesties royall person , the known laws of the land , the liberty and property of the subjects , and the safety of the said town and liberties . may it please your majestie , we the clergy of this county , are ( with the noble gentry ) sensible of your majesties wrongs , and our countries danger ; and therefore with them offer up our abilities , ( with all humilitie ) an hundred horse , to be under the command of sir vincent corbett , according to your majesties commission : that so your loyall subjects may here live in peace , and be serviceable to your majestie . five matters of state, which hath lately hapned between his majesty, and his high court of parliament ... this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a39625 of text r22451 in the english short title catalog (wing f1112). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 13 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a39625 wing f1112 estc r22451 12060851 ocm 12060851 53227 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a39625) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 53227) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 67:23) five matters of state, which hath lately hapned between his majesty, and his high court of parliament ... charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. england and wales. parliament. [8] p. printed for f. coules, and t. bates, london : 164[2] subtitle: first, his majesties demands to the gentry of yorke-shire concerning the towne of hull ... secondly, the humble answer of those who petitioned to his majesty the thirtieth of april, and divers other knights and gentlemen of that country. thirdly, the humble answer of the gentry of the county of yorke. fourthly, a letter sent from hull, to the right worshipfull the high sheriffes of york-shire ... fifthly, the htmble [sic] petition of the gentrie, ministers, and freeholders of the countie palatine of chester, presented to his majestie at york, 1642. reproduction of original in yale university library. date of publication from wing. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. a39625 r22451 (wing f1112). civilwar no five matters of state, which hath lately hapned between his majesty, and his high court of parliament. first, his majesties demands to the g [no entry] 1642 2269 11 0 0 0 0 0 48 d the rate of 48 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2005-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-11 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2005-11 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion five matters of state , which hath lately hapned between his majesty , and his high court of parliament . first , his majesties demands to the gentry of yorke-shire , concerning the towne of hull , answered by two severall parties . secondly , the humble answer of those , who petitioned to his majesty the thirtieth of april , and divers other knights and gentlemen of that country . thirdly , the humble answer of the gentry of the county of yorke . fourthly , a letter sent from hull , to the right worshipfull the high sheriffes of york-shire , together with the gentrie of that countie , now attending his majesties pleasure at york . fifthly , the htmble petition of the gentrie , ministers , and freeholders of the countie palatine of chester , presented to his majestie at york . 1642. london , printed for f. coules , and t. bates . 164● . his majesties demands to the gentry of york-shire , concerning the towne of hull , answered by two severall parties . wee conceive that the substance of his majesties proposition unto us the 30. of april consisted in two particulars , first , to know , whether wee would defend his majesties royall person from violence , or no , according to our duties . secondly , to have our advice concerning his majesties not being admitted into his towne of hull , and how his majesty may be vindicated in his honour for that affront , and how he may be put into the possession of his owne . the humble answer of those who petitioned your majesty the 30. of april . and divers other knights and gentlemen . may it please your most excellent majesty , wee shall be ready to defend his majesties person from violence , by all such waies , as the law and our duties bind us . and for the meanes to uindicate your majesties honour , and to put you into possession of your owne , wee conceive that the best advice , that we can offer unto your majesty is , humbly to desire you to hearken to the counsels of your parliament , who ( we assure our selves will bee carefull of your majesties person and honour , and to whom your majesty hath already bin pleased to direct a message to that purpose . the humble answer of the gentry of the county of yorke . according to your majesties command to your majesties proposition , we professe our willingnesse , as in duty wee are bound to defend your majesties sacred person against all forraigne and domestick attempts , to the uttermost of our power , and as our allegiance binds us , and for the keeping of your majesties honour , touching the businesse of hull , your majesty being pleased to commend it to your parliament , the high counsell of your kingdome , wee doe humbly crave pardon that wee doe not interpose : but forasmuch as your majesty may looke for a particular satisfaction at our hands , wee humbly and heartily professe that wee shall be ready to serve your majesty in the same and all other occasions , with our lives and fortunes , as farre as your majesty shall bee pleased legally to enable and command us . to the kings most excellent majestie : the humble petition of the gentrie , ministers and free-holders of the countie palatine of chester , and of the inquests serving at the assizes for the body of the said countie . presented to his majestie at yorke , may 7. 1642. humbly sheweth , that though our heart-breaking griefes have beene many and great , through a lively apprehension of our wofull distractions , which have beene of late much encreased by this long night of your absence from your great councell , yet we have had some surviving reliques of hope , that the sighs and grones the teares and prayers of so many dutifull and well affected subjects from all parts might ( in time ) have been accepted , and at length have proved powerfull to have melted your royall brest into compassion , and with ( such a loving and pleasant violence ) might have won you to embrace againe with all tendernesse , your whole kingdom as it is at this present represented in parliament . but now we lament , that even those hopes appeare to us gashly , as breathing their last , having little vigour remaining in them to uphold our hearts , for our sorrowes are doubled , our feares multiplyed , by the report of your majesties resolutions , to undertake a dangerous voyage into your kingdome of ireland , whereon wee look with much wonder & astonishment ; far be it from you ( dread soveraigne ) to blame our hearts , which ( guided by the strength of law and dutie ) cannot consent to a journey so perillous , by which your royall person ( wherein wee challenge so great an interest , that it is no more yours than ours ) shall undergoe varietie of dangers by sea and land , wind and waters , having no difference betwixt a king and his meanest vassall . and if god ( the guardian and preserver of princes ) shall safely waft you over , what valuable securitie can bee given us of your life , being amongst such popish , barbarous , and cruell rebels as ( having banished the sense of all religion , pietie , and humanitie , and rejecting god , and you their king from raigning over them , ) do continue to murther daily your innocent and protestant subjects , of all ages , sexes , and conditions , and which they would perswade the world they doe act by your authoritie , approbation . and command , thereby heaping vengeance upon their owne heads , and rendring them uncapable and unworthy the thoughts of the least grace and favour ; let your iustice , we beseech your majesty , have its proper work upon them , and your mercie upon us , by granting our most humble prayers to these particulars : to comfort our hearts by your residing where you may with best conveniencie consult with your great councell before you thus hazard your person and your people . to consider to what danger hereby you expose us to the popish faction , when your majestie shall leave us naked , and not put into a posture of defence , to repell the rage and attempts of the enemies to our religion , when wee have too just cause to feare , that they do but wait for an opportunitie to bring to birth their cruell conceptions . and what so great advantage can they hope for , as would be this of your absence . to advise whether this journey would not much retard the intended reliefe for ireland since ( upon the first rumour ) many who were minded to subscribe thereto , doe demur in their proceedings , and others wish they might recall what they have subscribed . not to ●eprive us at once of that poore remainder of hope we have to reap further good by the endevors of your parliament , whereof we shall despaire . when your presence shall be wanting to infuse life in their prop●sals and conclusions . to beleeve that a j●urney to white-hall will be the more f●r your honour and safetie , and far more acceptable to your truest subj●cts than a voyage to ireland . to view at our humble entreaty that part of king davids story , who being resolved in person to war against his owne rebels , acquainted the people with his intention , in these words of resolution , i will go with you my selfe also , but his best subjects ( that were ready to hazard their lives for him , would not suff●r him to venture his regall person , which was to them so perillous ) opposed him in th●se tearmes , thou shalt not go forth : neither did david reject them as presumptuous , knowing that their confident expression in that particular , was the issues of their dutie and love , but gave them this mild and satisfactorie reply , ( which we humbly beg may be your majesties answer to your parliament : vs , and all other your good subjects ) what seemeth you best , that will we doe . so shall we eve● pray , &c. a letter sent to the right worshipfull the high sheriffe , and the rest of the county of yorke , now attending his sacred majesties pleasure . gentlemen , now ( if ever ) stand fast , quit your selves as fathers of your country , let it appeare before god and all the world , that truly generous blood runs in your vienes ; evidence in gods name , your heartiest loyalty and dearest affection to his most sacred majesty . but while you remember the king , forget not the kingdome for the lords sake ; put not asunder those things which god hath so neerely joyned together , oh consider the honour , the cause of god , the good successe of this present parliament , your lives , lawes , liberties , your temporall , your spirituall welfare lye all bleeding this day at your own feet , and earnestly supplicate your best assistance . tell vs we beseech you ; shall we dye and you live ? can it possibly goe well with you , while ill with vs ? is it not your own cause and quarrell ? nay , gods and the kings which wee maintaine ? stand you not as much interessed and as deeply ingaged to appear , for god and the kings honour as we our selves were disposed to recriminate , we could anathomize before god and man the worthlesnesse of those unreasonable , men who seem the great zealots , not only for the ruine but the ecclipsing of the glory of this blessed parliament . but our intent onely is , to beg that at your hands which in justice you dare not , and in charity ; ( we are sure ) ought not to deny us , and that 's your help and utmost indeavour in this nicke of our ( we had almost said your ) greatest necessity . be assured there was never a greater prize in your hands then at this time . in poore hull are imbarked two of the richest jewels in the world . gods truth , and christendomes peace : each of which in valuation far exceed a kings ransome . we delight not in a needlesse & superfluous expence of words , and therfore we shall in short tel you , what wee or rather god expects his day at al your hands . viz. that you ( and that with instance ) petition his most excellent majesty , to vouchsafe the influence of his royal favour and gracious presence to his great councell , the high . court of parliament , the only way , ( in humane apprehension ) to stanch the bleeding wounds of ireland , and distracted england . that you now help the lord against the mighty . that with as humble boldnesse you manifest your extreame unwillingnesse to come in an hostile way against us , least you bring guiltles blood upon your own heads , and kindle such a fire in england , as wil never be quenched : assure your selves , that without much caution and greatest circumspection , you may raise up such a spirit as will not be conjured down again in haste . worthies ponder we beseech you our present but sad condition , set your selves before gods awfull bar , make our case your owne . let your consciences speake , would you betray so great a trust committed to you , by so great a councell ? would you that we should wound through your sides heaven and earth ? what you shall attempt against us , wil in the reflection result upon god , the king , the church , the state , your selves ; would you to satisfie a good king set open the gates , and with the same curtesie gratifie a very bad company , who seeke nothing lesse then either the safety of his majesties royall person and posterity ; or the security of his dominions ▪ and liegepeople ? would you have us wash our hands in your dearest blood ? in sum ; would you have us render you the people of the kings wrath ? wee are confident you would not ; do then ( according to the primordiall law ) as you would be done unto . strike in we beseech you effectually whilst you have time ●●t not god upon another course of deliverance , least the honour of york-shire be laid in the dust for ever . oh! give us in this great streight , reall restimony of your affections ; and you shall for ever have the acknowledgement of the reall obligations of all . your affectionate friends and humble servants in the port town of hill . finis . by the king, a proclamation for the maintenance and encrease of the mines of saltpeter, and the true making of gunpowder, and reforming abuses concerning the same england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) 1625 approx. 11 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 3 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a22358 stc 8770.5 estc s2604 24357753 ocm 24357753 27571 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a22358) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 27571) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1850:43) by the king, a proclamation for the maintenance and encrease of the mines of saltpeter, and the true making of gunpowder, and reforming abuses concerning the same england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. [3] p. by bonham norton and iohn bill ..., printed at london : m. dc. xxv [1625] caption title. imprint from colophon. "giuen at the court at white-hall, the thirteenth day of april, in the first yeere of his maiesties reigne of great britaine, france and ireland"--p. 3. reproduction of original in the queen's college (university of oxford). library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng gunpowder industry -england. saltpeter industry -england. proclamations -great britain. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. 2003-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-05 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-06 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2003-06 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-08 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms ❧ by the king. ¶ a proclamation for the maintenance and encrease of the mines of saltpeter , and the true making of gunpowder , and reforming abuses concerning the same . the king our souereigne lord , taking into serious and prouident consideration , the most necessary and important vse of gunpowder , as well for supply of his owne royall nauy , and the shipping of his louing subiects , as otherwise for the strength , safety , and defence of his people and kingdomes , and how great a blessing it is of almighty god to this realme , that it naturally yeeldeth sufficient mynes of saltpeter for making of gunpowder , for defence of it selfe , without any necessitie to depend vpon the dangerous , chargeable , and casuall supply thereof from forreigne parts ; hath , ( with the aduice of his priuie councell ) concluded and set downe certaine orders and constitutions , to be from henceforth inuiolably kept and obserued , for the better maintaining of the breed and increase of saltpeter , and the true making of gunpowder , and for reforming and suppressing all abuses concerning the same , in these articles following . 1. first , that no person or persons whatsoeuer , within this kingdome of england , or dominion of wales , doe from hencefoorth paue with stone or bricke , or floore with board any douehouse , or douecoat , or lay the same with lime , sand , grauell , or other thing , whereby the growth and increase of the myne of saltpeter may bee hindred or impaired , but shall suffer the floore or ground thereof to lie open , with good and mellow earth , apt to breede increase of the said myne and saltpeter , and so continue and keepe the same . 2. that no inne-keepers , or others , that keepe stables for trauellers and passengers , doe vse any deceitfull meanes or deuices , whereby to destroy or hinder the growth of saltpeter in those stables ; and that no stables at all be pitched ▪ paued or grauelled , where the horse feet vse to stand , but planked onely , nor be paued , pitched or grauelled , before the plankes next the mangers , but that both places be kept and maintained with good and mellow earth , fit and apt to breede and increase the myne of saltpeter , and layd with nothing which may hurt the same . 3. that all and euery such person and persons , as hauing heretofore had any douehouse , douecoat or stable , ( which were then good nurceries for the breed of myne of saltpeter ) haue sithence caried out the good mould from thence , and filled the place againe with lime , grauell , sand , rubbish , or other like stuffe , or paued or floored the same , whereby the growth of saltpeter myne there , hath been decayed or destroyed ; shall , and doe within three moneths next comming , take vp the sayd pauements and boards againe , and cary out the sayd grauell , lime and offensiue stuffe from thence , and fill the place againe with good and mellow earth , fit for the increase of saltpeter , three foote deepe at the least , and so continue and keepe the same for the breed of saltpeter myne . 4. that no person or persons , of what degree or estate soeuer , shall hinder or denie any saltpeter-man , lawfully deputed thereunto , in the digging , taking , or working of any ground or earth which by commission may be taken and wrought for saltpeter ; nor any constable , or other officer doe , or shall forbeare or neglect to furnish any such saltpeter-man , with conuenient cariages necessary for his worke ; and that all and euery iustice , and iustices of the peace of any county , citie , or corporation , to whom the sayd saltpeter-man shall addresse himselfe for assistance , doe not faile , at his and their perils , to take present course therein , that his maiesties seruice suffer not by his or their default . 5. that no person or persons , shall directly or indirectly , giue or offer to any saltpeter-maker , deputy saltpeter-man , or others , imployed about the getting or making of saltpeter , any gratuity , benefit , hire or reward ; nor any such workeman ▪ imployed about saltpeter , shall take or receiue any such gratuity , benefit , hire , or reward , for the sparing or forbearing of any ground or place , which should or may bee digged or wrought for saltpeter , or of any cariages thereunto belonging , or for concealing , or not discouering of any offence or offences , committed against the true meaning of this proclamation , or otherwise to the hinderance of this seruice . 6. that no saltpeter-man , who shall hereafter vse and take the earth or floore of any douehouse or douecoat , for their making of saltpeter , shall digge or cary the same earth , but in such conuenient time of the day , and worke it in such maner , as may giue least disturbance and hurt to the pigeons , and encrease of their breed ; and in the chiefe times of breeding , that it be not done aboue two houres in any one day , and that about the midst of the day , when the pigeons vse to be abroad ; and shall in like seasonable time , cary in the said earth after it shall be wrought , and spread it there , and make flat the floore of the same douehouse and douecoat , and leaue it well and orderly , according to the direction and instructions giuen by his maiesties commission , and the deputation thereupon made vnto him . 7. that all saltpeter-men and workers in saltpeter , after they haue broken any other sorts of ground , and wrought ouer the earth taken from thence , doe , and shall afterwards within conuenient time , before the remooue of their worke from thence , fill vp the place againe , and leaue it in such good and orderly case as they found the same , according to their instructions aforesayd ; and that no owner or possessour of any douehouse , or grounds , shall hinder or disturbe any workemen from doing what is prescribed in this , and the next precedent article . 8. that no person or persons whatsoeuer , doe at any time hereafter make , or cause to be made for seruice against any enemie , or for sale , any gunpowder of any saltpeter , made , or to be made within the realme of england , or dominion of wales , but of such saltpeter onely , as is , or shall bee made by warrant of his maiesties commission , granted or to be granted in that behalfe . 9. that no saltpeter man , or maker of saltpeter , doe at any time hereafter transport , or cause to be transported into the parts beyond the seas , or sell , giue , vtter , or put to sale , or cause to be sold vttered , or put to sale within the sayd realme or dominion , any saltpeter , made within the said realme of england , but onely to his maiesties storehouse , to his maiesties powder-maker there : and that no person presume to buy any saltpeter , made by vertue of his maiesties commission , but his maiesties powder-maker onely , to whom it shall not be lawfull to receiue for any powder to be sold by him to his maiesties subiects , aboue ten pence the pound . 10. that no powder whatsoeuer , either made within the realme , or imported from forreigne parts , bee hereafter sold or vttered within this realme , or dominions aforesaid , by any person or persons , before the same be first tried , prooued , and allowed by the sworne proofe master , already appointed or to bee appointed , and by him marked , as hath beene heretofore vsed , whereby his maiesties louing subiects may take notice of the sorts of the said gunpowder , and the goodnesse thereof , and the vses to which it may most aptly be applied . 11. that no person presume or attempt to counterfeit the marke or markes , vsed , or to be vsed by the said proofe-master , to the purpose aforesaid , or doe worke or put in practise any fraud , deceipt , or sleight , by mixing or mingling any gunpowder , or otherwise , whereby his maiesties meaning , before expressed , may be altered , diuerted , or abused . 12. that the proofe-master , appointed and to be appointed , doe diligently attend to doe his duety faithfully and truely , in making proofe of the said gunpowder , and to marke none but that which shal be good and sufficient , and answerable to the markes ; and that he take not aboue sixe pence fee , for any barrell of powder of one hundred weight , which shall by him be tried , prooued , and marked as aforesayd ; and so proportionably not aboue that rate , for greater or lesser quantities . all which articles , and euery of them , his maiestie doth hereby straitly charge and command all manner of persons , of what quality soeuer they be , duely to obserue and fulfill ; and all officers and persons in authoritie , whom it may concerne , duely , carefully and diligently to see , and cause the same to be obserued , fulfilled , and put in execution , as they , and euery of them , will auoyde his maiesties heauy displeasure , and the censure of being holden contemners of his maiesties royal commandement , in a matter of high consequence , for the publique seruice , and safety of the state , and vpon such further penalties and punishments , as , for example of terrour to others , their contempts and want of duety shall demerit , and by his maiesties prerogatiue royall , or otherwise shall be found fit in honour and iustice to be inflicted vpon them . and for the better and more speedy performance of this seruice , his maiesties will and pleasure is , that the commissioners for the nauie , shall from time to time take notice of all such complaints , as shall be brought vnto them , touching any offence that shall be committed , contrary to this proclamation , either in the neglecting , hindering , or disturbing this his maiesties seruice , or in abusing the subiect : and that the said commissioners shall certifie the same to his maiesties right trustie , and right welbeloued cousin and counsellor , george duke of buckingham , lord high admirall of england and to his right trustie and welbeloued councellor , george , lord carew , master of the ordenance , to whose speciall trust and care , his maiestie hath committed the gouernment of the sayd businesse , by commission vnder the great seale of england : and that they , or either of them , shall from time to time send for all offenders complained of , and cause them to bee examined by the sayd commissioners of the nauie ; and vpon their report , take such further order therein , by referring the offenders to bee prosecuted in the high court of starre chamber , or otherwise , as to their wisedomes shall seeme meete ; commaunding and authorizing his maiesties attourney generall , for the time being , vpon such reference from the sayd duke of buckingham , or lord carew , or other information giuen vnto him , of any misdemeanour committed , contrary to the true meaning of any the articles aforesayd , to prosecute and proceed against the sayd offenders , in the said high court of starre chamber ; it being his maiesties expresse pleasure , that seuere punishment shall be executed vpon all the said offenders whatsoeuer . giuen at the court at white-hall , the thirteenth day of april , in the first yeere of his maiesties reigne of great britaine , france and ireland . god saue the king. ¶ printed at london by bonham norton and iohn bill , printers to the kings most excellent maiestie . m.dc.xxv . by the king a proclamation forbidding all his majesties subjects belonging to the trained bands of militia of this kingdom, to rise, march, muster, or exercise by vertue of any order or ordinance of one, or both houses of parliament, without consent or warrant from his majesty, upon pain of punishement according to the laws. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a79015 of text r210579 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.5[31]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a79015 wing c2648 thomason 669.f.5[31] estc r210579 99869363 99869363 160744 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a79015) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160744) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f5[31]) by the king a proclamation forbidding all his majesties subjects belonging to the trained bands of militia of this kingdom, to rise, march, muster, or exercise by vertue of any order or ordinance of one, or both houses of parliament, without consent or warrant from his majesty, upon pain of punishement according to the laws. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) imprinted first at york, and now re-printed at london for edward husbands, [london] : may 31. 1642. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng prerogative, royal -great britain -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. great britain -militia -early works to 1800. a79015 r210579 (thomason 669.f.5[31]). civilwar no by the king. a proclamation forbidding all his majesties subjects belonging to the trained bands or militia of this kingdom, to rise, march, england and wales. sovereign 1642 862 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-02 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-03 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-03 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion cr diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms ❧ by the king . ❧ a proclamation forbidding all his majesties subjects belonging to the trained bands or militia of this kingdom , to rise , march , muster , or eye cise by vertue of any order or ordinance of one , or both houses of parliament , without consent or warrant from his majesty , upon pain of punishment according to the laws . whereas by the statute made in the seventh year of king edward the first , the prelates . earls , barons , and commonalty of the realm affirmed in parliament , that to the king it belongeth , and his part it is by his royall séigniority , straitly to defend wearing of armour , and all other force against the peace , at all times when it shall please him , and to punish them which shall do contrary , according to the laws and vsages of the realm ; and hereunto all subjects are bound to aid the king , as their soveraign lord , at all seasons , when need shall be . and whereas wee understand , that expresly contrary to the said statute , and other good laws of this our kingdom , under colour and pretence of an ordinance of parliament , without our consent , or any commission or warrant from us , the trained bands , and militia of this kingdom have been lately , and are intended to be put in arms , and drawn into companies in a war-like manner , whereby the peace and quiet of our subjects is , or may be disturbed : we being desirous by all gracious and fair admonitions to prevent , that some malignant persons in this our kingdom , do not by degrees seduce our good subjects from their due obedience to us , and the laws of this our kingdom , subtilly endeavouring , by a generall combustion or confusion , to hide their mischievous designes and intentions against the peace of this our kingdom , and under a specious pretence of putting our trained bands into a posture , draw and engage our good subjects in a warlike opposition against us , as our town of hull is already , by the treason of sir iohn hotham , who at first pretended to put a garrison into the same , onely for our security and service . we do therefore by this our proclamation expresly charge and command all our sheriffs , and all colonells , lieutenant-colonels , serjeant majors , captains , officers , and souldiers belonging to the trained bands of this our kingdom , and likewise all high and petty-constables , and other our officers and subjects what soever , upon their allegiance , and as they tender the peace of this our kingdom , not to muster , leavy , raise , or march , or to summon , or warn upon any warrant , order , or ordinance from one , or both our houses of parliament ( whereto we have not , or shall not give our expresse consent ) any of our trained bands , or other forces , to rise , muster , march , or exercise , without expresse warrant under our hand , or warrant from our sheriff of the county , grounded upon a particular writ to that purpose under our great seal . and in case any of our trained bands shall rise , or gather together , contrary to this our command , we shall then call them in due time to a strict account , and proceed legally against them as violaters of the laws , and disturbers of the peace of the kingdom . given at our court at york the seven and twentieth day of may , 1642 . ❧ by the king . our will and pleasure is , that the ministers , free-holders , farmers , and substantiall copy-holders of this our county of york , do assemble and meet together at heworth moor , neer our city of york , upon friday in vvhitson week ( according to former summons ) by nine of the clock in the morning . for that vve are informed there are divers fayrs to be kept in this our county the day following , at which time many of them may have necessary occasion to be absent : and therefore , out of our tendernesse and care of our good subjects , vve have thought fit to give this early notice , to the end the said inhabitants may be put to as little prejudice as may be . and this our pleasure vve require to be forthwith printed , and copies thereof to be speedily published and dispersed by the sheriff of this county : for which this shall be sufficient vvarrant . given at our court at york , the seven and twentieth day of may , 1642 . imprinted first at york , and now re-printed at london for edward husbands , may 31. 1642. englands remonstrance to their king wherein is declared the humble desire of his majesties loyall and faithfull subjects within the kingdome of england, to the kings most excellent majestie, now resident in the isle of wight : containing the very sense of all the true hearted of the kingdom, touching his majesties royall person ... englands petition to their king. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a38428 of text r18648 in the english short title catalog (wing e3039). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 15 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a38428 wing e3039 estc r18648 12283326 ocm 12283326 58794 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a38428) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 58794) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 183:10) englands remonstrance to their king wherein is declared the humble desire of his majesties loyall and faithfull subjects within the kingdome of england, to the kings most excellent majestie, now resident in the isle of wight : containing the very sense of all the true hearted of the kingdom, touching his majesties royall person ... englands petition to their king. charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. [2], 6 p. : port. printed for g. horton, and are to be sold at the royall exchange in cornhill, [london] : 1648. place of publication from wing. also published as: englands petition to their king, (1643), and englands petition to king charles, (1648). reproduction of original in huntington library. eng great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. a38428 r18648 (wing e3039). civilwar no englands remonstrance to their king wherein is declared, the humble desire of his majesties loyall and faithfull subjects within the kingdom [no entry] 1648 2780 15 0 0 0 0 0 54 d the rate of 54 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2005-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-04 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2006-04 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion englands remonstrance to their king wherein is declared , the humble desires of his majesties loyall and faithfull subjects within the kingdome of england , to the kings most excellent majestie , now resident in the isle of wight . containing the very sense of all the true , hearted of the kingdom , touching his majesties royall person ; but because the way to the kings eare is stopt , is now sent to london , and published for generall satisfaction of the whole kingdome . cr printed for g. horton , and are to be sold at the royall exchange in cornhill . mdcxlviii . to the kings most excellent majesty . the humble remonstrance of your distressed , and almost destroyed subjects of your kingdom of england . dread soveraigne , its a double grief to our soules , that we should be constrained to beg for our lives at your hands , who are bound by the law of god and nature , and by your oath , to preserve them , and that we should be forced to entreat you to spare our estates , liberties , & bloud , whose honour and strength depends so much upon these our enjoyments : but extremity prevaileth , and drives us to you , and c●steth us here prostrate at the feet of your majesty : and let not your majesty be offended , if we speak more plainly then usually becometh us ; for necessity hath no law : it is for our lives and more , and therefore blame us not to speak ; our friends , our wives , our children , our wants , our dangers , our country , our bloud , do all pierce our ears and hearts with their dayly and dolefull cryes : oh that our requests could find as quick accesse to yours . surely ! its impossible your majesty should be ignorant of the dolefull conditions your two kingdoms are in ; doe you not know th●t our houses have beene plundered , and the fruit of our long labours taken from us ; that men who have heretofore relieved hundreds of the poor , have not left them a bed to ly on , food to sustaine them , or a house to put their heads in ? and the poore they were wont to relieve , are forced to become souldiers that they may rob us by authority . know you not how many thousand distressed soules cry to god day and night , in their anguish and m●sery , while they see you the father of their countrey , having no compassion on them ? oh! where is now your majesties ancient clemency ? you were wont if we lost our estates by pyrats , or but a house by fire , to grant your gracious letters patents for our relief ; but now the souldiery rob us of all , and hav burnt our houses to the ground , & this not only for obtaining victory in heat of fight , but upon deliberation afterwards . know you not how our bloud is spilt and the dead bodies of your subjects yea many of your nobles scat●ered as dung on the face of the earth ? have not your eyes seen it , and your eares heard the groanes of the wounded gaspe for life ? is all this nothing in your eyes ? to whom should your people go but to your majesty in this our distresse ? we have tryed all other known means , and professe in the sight of god , we know none but your majesty , under god , that can deliver us , without more bloud and desolation ; and the world knows it is in your hands , you may do it if you will ; and doe it easily , and do it with encrease of your honour , safety and happinesse . what if it were to part with something of your right , yet should not your majesty do it to save the life of your people , srow whom , and for whose goo , you first received it ? dread soveraign , we beseech you consider , what hath your parliament and people done , that deserves all this from you ? is it because your parl. relieved us from oppressing courts , and illegall taxations ? was it not with your own consent ? and is it not your glory to be king of a rich and free people ? is it because they prosecute delinquents ? why , to what ends are your courts of justice else ? and are not they your chiefest court ? and can those be friends to you , and worth the defending , that are enemies to your kingdoms ? for your forts and navy , are they not yours for your kingdoms good ? and is not your parliament , the kingdom representative ? we know your majesty cannot mannage them in your owne person , but by your ministers , and those chosen by councell ; and can you or the kingdom possible judge any more able , impartial , and faithfull to advi●e you in this then your parliament ? they medled not with it , till absolute necessity constrained ; till they saw ireland in rebellion , the rebels threatni●g england , the same spirits as malignant and active at home , and their own lives and the kingdome in present apparent jeopardy , and your majesties consent to their bill denyed . we cannot possibly conceive what your parliament can do now to remedy any of these miseries ; they humbly seek your consent in vaine ; the offenders legally proceeded against are defended from them , yea those that your majesty hath proclaimed such ; that is denied them which is yeelded to every the lowest court of iustice they desire nothing more then your presence and concurrence ; and we know if humble petitions or loyall affections would procure it there would not have been so long a distance . neither is there any visible means left , but either give up our states ▪ liberties and religion to the dispose of your two-long tryed secret councel , and make your majesties meere will the onely law and so betray their countrey , and the trust committed to them ; ( which god forbid ) or else defend us by the sword . and for us your people , what have we done that we are made a common spoile ? would your majesty desire us perfidiously to betr●y them whom we have trusted ; and desert them that have been so faithfull to us ? and to kill them whom we have chosen to save us ? and destroy those who are our selves representatively ? then should we be the disgrace of the engl●sh nation , the reproach of our posterity , the very shame of nature , and should presently expect some strange judgement of god , according to the strangenesse of our offence . it s true , we were forced to take , antidotum contra caesarem or rather to save our throats from the violence of desperate persons about you ; but we beseech you call not this bearing arms against you , it may be against your wil , but if her ofore your followers were more respective of your royall authority established by law , more truely tender of your person then we ; then let not god prosper our proceedings , but cause us to fall before them , and give us up into their hands . we are fallen upon by the cruell , and because we would not dye quietly & without resistance , we are accused as traytors and enemies to your majesty . we beseech your majesty , consider in the presence of god , if your own father and king had run upon you with his drawn sword whether would you have suffered death without resistance , or have taken the sword pro tompore ou● of his hand ; & yet neither be a verse to his honour & person , or his propriety in his weapon . doth not nature teach us the preservation of our soules ? will not the eye wink without deliberation ? and the smallest worm turne back if you tread on it ? and beside nature , we have frequent presidents in sacred writ , for even more then defensive resistance of transcendent monarchy , 1 sam. 14.44 , 45. but if all this were nothing , yet we know your majesty hath passed and act for the continuance of this parliament : and sure that act must needs mean a parliament with its power and authority , and not the meer name and carkasse of a parliament ; it s not only that they shall stay together in london , and doe nothing , or no more then another cour● ; but that they continue your chief councel , your chief court , and have sole legislative power , which are your parliaments peculiar properties . and if your majesty hath enacted the continuance of a real parliament in its power , who seeth not that you have thereby joyned with them your royall authority , though not your person . doth not your majesty in your expresses oft mention your selfe a part of the parliament ? and that the head without which the body cannot live ? and is the parliament valid without your authority ? therefore , if your majesty have formerly withdrawne from them your royal authority , then you have broke your own laws ; which we dare not judge after so many solemn protestations to maintain and rule by the known laws . wherefore , we hope your majesty must needs discerne that wee fought not against you , but for your known establisht authority in parliament . and we hope your majesty will not deny them to be your entire parliament ; for is the act recalled whereby they were established ? if not , how can they cease to be your parliament ? neither let the fault be laid on part of them ; for we all know the major part hath the authority of the whole ; and if it were the minor part , why did not , or doth the major over-vote them . and we beseech your majesty , blame us not to think our religion and all lyes at the stake while we look back by what a train popery had been almost brought upon us by that party , and see them still the chief in favour and when so many papists english and forreign have been in arms against us , and know no one papist in the land that is not zealous in the cause . wonder not , dread soveraign , if we hardly believe that those who would so cruelly have destroyed us , should be most zealous in fighting for the protestant religion . blame us not , we beseech you , to fear , while we see no contradiction appear to mounsieur de chesne his book , sold openly for many yeers , not in paris onely , but in london , and read at court , which records your maj. letter to the pope , promising to venter crown , and all to unite us to rome again . dread soveraign many princes have gone astray through strength of temptation , and after have been happy in repenting and returning ; oh that the lord would make it your case , and glorifie his mercy on you and us , in making knowne to you the thing concerning our peace , and not his justice in hardning you to destruction : that it may never be read in our chronicle by the generations to come , that england had a prince who lived and dyed in seeking the desolation of his people , and the church of god . your majesty knoweth there is a king and a judge above you ; before whom you must very shortly stand and give account of your government ; we desire you in the presence of that god , to think , and think seriously , and think again how sad it will be , to have all this bloud charged on your soule ; can your maj. think of this when you are dying ? can those councellours that have set you on then bring you as safely off ? your maj. may despise wha● we say , an● judge us your enemies because we tell you the truth , & speak as dying men in the sorrow of our soules ; but you cannot so put by divine justice , or quiet conscience at the last : as true as the lord liveth , your maj. will one day know that blasphemers and flatterers are not your friends ; but plain dealers , who do assure you , the ways you have taken , tend to the utter ruine and destruction of your kingdome . and can your heart endure , or can your hands be strong in the day the lord will reckon with you for his people committed to your charge ? o think of the low condition your majesty is now in , how your friends have left and forsaken you ; and in stead of commanding three kingdoms , confin'd to a petty island . suppose you now heard the bloud of your people already spilt , crying in your ears , & saw the many thousands yet living a life worse then death , lying in their sorrows at your feet , crying for pitty , help , o king help , or we lose our liberties , laws , lives and religion ; help , that you● self and royall posterity be not princes of an impoverished desolate nation : helpe as ever you would have god help you in the day of death and judgment , when your self shall cry for help and pitty ; helpe , that deliverance come not some other way , while you and your fathers house are destroyed . the lord god of our hopes , who hath for our sins most justly afflicted us in you , give your majesty a discerning eye , a holy and tender heart , to yeeld to the desires of your distressed subjects , to return to and concur with your parliament , that god and man may forget your mistakings , and you may be the blessed●st prince that ever reigned in our land , the terrour of your reall enemies , the joy of your people , and the glory of posterity ; such shall be the dayly and hearty prayers of your majesties loyall ( however esteemed ) subjects , &c. postcript . good friend , we would have you know this remonstrance was intended only for his majesties view , but because plain dealing is seldome well taken , and his majesty so guarded from the requests of his subjests , we are therefore forced to submit it to your common view , and to turn it out , in hope his majesty may light of one copy , and seriously read it , and lay to heart the distresse of the miserable : if you censure it as the work of some few discontented persons , know you it is the sense of the north and north west of england , and if you will promise us freedome , and hopes of successe , wee 'l soon return it you with the hands of 1000000. if you condemn us for speaking too plainly , know that misery makes men forget good manners , and dying men use not complements ; we are in the case of the lepers , if we sit still we perish ; therefore , we will move in the way of hope , and go in to the king , though it be not according to law , and if we perish we perish . yet know , we will come far short of the plainnesse of better persons and times , 2 sam. 12.7 . 1 king. 18.18 . &c. &c. &c. febr. 16. 1647. imprimatur , gilbert mabbot . finis . the letters from his maiesty, and from the officers of his majesties army, to the earle of essex at lestithen, inviting him to peace and his refusall thereof england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a31965 of text r17824 in the english short title catalog (wing c2420). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 19 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 7 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a31965 wing c2420 estc r17824 11936259 ocm 11936259 51187 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a31965) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 51187) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 229:e8, no 26) the letters from his maiesty, and from the officers of his majesties army, to the earle of essex at lestithen, inviting him to peace and his refusall thereof england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. essex, robert devereux, earl of, 1591-1646. [2], 10 p. printed by leonard lichfield ..., oxford : 1644. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. a31965 r17824 (wing c2420). civilwar no the letters from his maiesty, and from the officers of his majesties army, to the earle of essex at lestithen, inviting him to peace, and hi england and wales. sovereign 1644 3101 7 0 0 0 0 0 23 c the rate of 23 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2004-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-11 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-01 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2005-01 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the letters from his maiesty , and from the officers of his majesties army , to the earle of essex at lestithen , inviting him to peace , and his refusall thereof . oxford , printed by leonard lichfield , printer to the vniversity . 1644. there cannot be a better expedient for removing the calamities and miseries of this languishing kingdom , then cleerly and plainly to informe the world , and the consciences and understandings of all men , who they are that will not suffer the blessing of peace to returne to us . for however the inclinations of many are so seduced , and their understandings so corrupted , that they are not , or seem not , to be convinced of the horror and odiousnesse of this rebellion , yet none have owned so much blood-thirstinesse , so much folly & inhumanity , as to declare to the people , that peace is not good for them , ( though they have used all possible designes and engines of wit , malice , and perjury , to involve them in a desperate and eternall warre ) presuming that whatsoever absence there is of courage and conscience , of religion and loyalty , that they are yet too wise and decerning in their own interest , bare-faced to affect famine , ruine and desolation , and therefore in the middest of their blood and rapine , in the very act of invading and infesting the kingdom with forraigne forces , and basely betraying the wealth , blood , and honour of their country to strangers , they would faine be thought solicitous and importunate for peace . vpon this ground , and for this reason ( how perverse soever the hearts of many are to the cleerest evidence , and how insolently soever even this overture was entertained , and since scornfully commented on ) 't is necessary to publish to the world , the last attempt made by his majesty , to prevent the further effusion of christian english blood , with all the circumstances both of the sending and reception , that all men may see the difference between the spirit and temper of a just and gratious king , and of men whose pride and ambition have broken the bounds prescribed to them by law and religion ; and how hard it is for persons who have once assumed and usurped a power too great for them , to quit and depart from that power , though they see it inconsistent with the preservation of themselves and their country ; and that all men may confesse ( what iudgement soever it shall please god to lay upon this miserable kingdome ) that he , to whom he intrusted it , left no means unattempted , that either publique consultations , or private conjectures could think expedient to redeeme it from those iudgements ; and that himselfe descended ( notwithstanding the greatest discouragement and provocation that ever prince endured ) in his princely and fatherly care of his people , to all imaginable arts and offices , which might remove the present , or prevent the growing mischiefes . his majesty having alwaies principally chosen ( though he hath consented to , and embraced all councells and occasions that looked that way ) those seasons to desire and solicite for peace , in which he might be understood to have some advantages in warre , ( witnesse his messages and declarations after the battell at edge-hill , after his taking of bristoll , after the reliefe of newarke , ) no sooner freed himselfe from the attendance of sir william wallers army ( having routed a considerable part of it , taken tenne peece of cannon , and some principall officers prisoners ) and put himselfe into the head of an army much superior in common understanding to the force he was to contend with ; then he considered how to prevent that effusion of blood , which a battell would produce , and to procure such a peace , as seemed to be wished by those , with whom he was to fight , and was the same he had alwayes desired . it was too evident upon so many , and a very late refusall , that such an overture would meet with nothing but scorne and insolence at westminster , where without forme or liberty of debate , councells , and resolutions are imposed by the fury and violence of those , who are too much concerned in the guilt and benefit of the rebellion , to submit themselves to the old lawes and government . and many were of opinion that the earle of essex himselfe was so conscious of being made an instrument of so much misery and devastation to his country , so sensible of the condition of the nobility , gentry , and commons of england , of the religion , lawes , and liberties of the kingdome , by this invasion of the scots , that he would willingly embrace any opportunity to relieve and redeeme himselfe , and his fellow subjects from that thraldome , and captivity he could not but see designed for them , and to preserve the religion , lawes , and priviledges of parliament , which he was bound and trusted even by his commission of generall to defend , and which he saw without a speedy peace could not be preserved . hereupon his majesty having drawne his army to liskard within very few miles of the earles forces , on the sixth of august vouchsafed to send a letter , all written with his owne royall hand , to the earle of essex ( then at listithen ) in these words . essex , i have been very willing to believe , that when ever there should be such a conjuncture as to put it in your power to effect that happy settlement of this miserable kingdome , ( which all good men desire ) you would lay hold of it . that season is now before you , you have it at this time in your power to redeeme your country and the crowne , and to oblige your king in the highest degree , ( an action certainly of the greatest piety , prudence and honour ) such an opportunity as perhaps no subject before you hath ever had , or after you shall have . to which there is no more required , but that you joyne with mee heartily and really , in the setling of those things which we have both professed constantly to be our only aimes . let us doe this , and if any shall be so foolishly unnaturall as to oppose their kings , their countries , and their own good , we will make 'em happy ( by gods blessing ) even against their wills . the only impediment can be want of mutuall confidence , i promise it you on my part , as i have endeavour'd to prepare it on yours , by my letter to hertford from evesham . i hope this will perfect it , when ( as i here doe ) i shall have engag'd unto you the word of a king , that you joyning with me in that blessed worke , i shall give both to you and your army such eminent markes of my confidence and valour , as shall not leave a roome for the least distrust amongst you , either in relation to the publique , or to your selfe , unto whom i shall then be liskard aug. 6· your faithfull friend . jf you like of this , hearken to this bearer , whom j have fully instructed in particulars , but this will admit of no delay . this letter was delivered by the lord beauchamp ; the earle having read it , master richard ( who attended on the lord beauchamp ) told him , that he was to desire a safe passe for mr harding to come to him , who had authority from his majesty to make particular propositions in order to peace ; his answer was , he would not permit mr harding to come to him , neither would he have any treaty with the king ; whereupon mr richard replyed , that he was commanded from his majesty to let him know his very earnest desire of peace , to prevent that ruine and desolation which would inevitably ensue this unnaturall warre ; that the peace his majesty desired , should be established by the settlement of the true protestant religion , the lawes of the land , the liberties of the subject and the priviledges of parliament , and that the earle might be assured that this was his majesties reall intention , his majesty would give any security he could propose , as well by the trust , power , and confidence he would put in himselfe , as by any other the most solemne way of engagement that could be devised . the earle seeming not moved with what was said to him , was then desired to returne an answer to his majesties letter , he replyed he would make none , and so turned away . this strange neglect of his majesty and his message , produced no other effect with his majesty then an opinion , that there could be no reason , for a man to refuse all that he pretended to desire , but onely a doubt in the security of the promise , which no man could so well aske , as his majesty himselfe could offer , and therefore his majesty was pleased , that they by whose assistance he was principally to manage the warre , should be his security for a peace ; and so the next day after his majesty understood what reception his letter had , this other , under the hands of the chiefe officers of his army , was sent to the earle of essex , in these words . my lord , wee having obtained his majesties leave to send this to your lordship , shall not repeat the many gratious messages , endeavours and declarations which his majesty hath made , and have been so solemnly protested in the presence of god and men , that we wonder how the most scrupulous can make any doubt of the reall , and royall performance of them . but we must before this approaching occasion tell your lordship , that we bear armes for this end only , to defend his majesties knowne rights , the lawes of the kingdome , the liberty of the subject , the priviledge of the parliament , and the true protestant religion against popery and popish innovations ▪ and this being the professed cause of your lordships taking armes , we are confident , that concurring in the same opinions and pretences , we shall not by an unnaturall warre weaken the maine strength of this kingdome , and advance the designe of our common enemies , who long since have devoured vs in their hopes . my lord , the exigent of the time will not suffer vs to make any laboured declarations of our intentions , but onely this , that on the faith of subjects , the honour and reputation of gentlemen and souldiers , we will with our lives maintaine that which his majesty shall publiquely promise in order to a bloodlesse peace , nor shall it be in the power of any private person to divert this resolution of ours , and the same we expect from you ; and now we must take leave to protest , that if this our proffer be neglected , ( which we make neither in feare of your power , nor distrust of our owne , but onely touched with the approaching miseries of our nation ) that what calamities shall oppresse posterity , will lie heavy on the soules and consciences of those that shall decline this overture ; which we cannot hope so seasonably to make againe , if this conjuncture be let goe ; and therefore it is desired that your lordship , and six other persons may meet our generall to morrow ( at such an indifferent place as you shall think fit ) attended with as many ; or if you shall find that any way inconvenient , to come in person , that then your lordship will appoynt such or so many to meet with the like number from hence , that may consider of all means possible to reconcile these unhappy differences and misunderstandings that have so long afflicted the kingdome . and for the security of your lordship , and those that shall come with , and be employed by your lordship , we doe engage our faith and honour , and doe expect the same from your lordship , desiring withall your very speedy answer , which must be a guide to our proceedings . concluding , that if this shall be refused , we shall hold our selves justified before god and men , whatsoever shall be the successe , so we rest from the army the 8. of august . 1644. your lordships humble servants maurice . tho. wentworth . lindsey . lo. hopton , northampton . cleveland . tho. blagge . joseph bamfeild . anth. thelwell . joh. owen . tho. stradling . robert howard . john stocker . edw. porter . gil. armestrong . rich. nevell . tho. pigat . jo. browne . ad. scroope . amy pollard . ia. hamilton . rich. thornhill . io. topping . ja. dundasse . giles strangewayes . r. smith . iames cary . brainford . percey . jacob asteley . rich. cave . bar. stewart . barnard asteley . theo. gilby . will. leighton . will. murrey . tho. blackwell . tho. bellingham . richard page . bar. jenckes . hen. miller . rich. fielding . tho. weston . paul . smith . g. mouldsworth . phil. honywood . tho. culpeper . william leake . jo. luntler . io. monck . cha. fawlke . rich. samuell . arth. slingsby . geo. goring . joseph wagstaffe ▪ tho. basset . char. lloyd . geo. lisley . will. saint leger . hen. lunde●ford . barth. fell . hen. shelley . tho. paulet . thom. kyrton . anth. brochet . devery leigh . david ▪ stringer . ja. mowbray . cha. compton . ed. nott. alex. standish . io. ridech . io. steward . io. gambling . io. grienvile . arth. heningh●● . iames haswell . will. maxwell . this indeed procured an answer , ( which his majesties could not ) but such a one as would not suffer the bleeding wounds of this poore kingdome to be closed up : the earle hath onely power to kill , murder , and destroy : none to save , cherish , and protect , or to joyne with those that can . the answer was this . my lords , in the beginning of your letter you expresse by what authority you send it . i having no power from the parliament ( who have employed me ) to treat , cannot give way to it without breach of trust . my lords , i am ▪ lestithen , aug. 10. 1644. your humble servant , essex . for his highnesse prince maurice , and the earle of forth . let the world now judge , without looking back upon that blessed flourishing condition this kingdome enjoyed , before these men frighted our peace from us , at a time when we wanted nothing but gratitude to god and the king , to acknowledge the fullest measure of happinesse that ever nation was possessed of ; onely reviewing those very gratious messages and sollicitations on his majesties part for an accommodation from that at nottingham to this present ; i say , let the world iudge who they were that procured this warre , and who they are that will not suffer the warre to have an end ; who it is that endeavours and desires to preserve the true reformed protestant religion , and who to confound and destroy it with all licence , impiety , and prophanation ; who it is that would maintaine and defend the lawes of the land , by which the liberty and property of the subject is established , and who it is that cancells all those lawes , and subject's the freeborne subjects to the most unlimited , lawlesse , arbitrary power and servitude that ever christian state groaned under ; lastly who it is that labours to uphold and vindicate the priviledges of parliament , and who to dissolve and pull up parliaments by the rootes , by usurping an unnaturall power not belonging to houses of parliament , and confounding that power which in truth doth belong to them , with admission of forreigners and strangers , and abridging themselves of their owne rights , by which onely parliaments can consist . if there be courage and conscience enough to take these things to heart , and the preservation of these be indeed the end and resolution of all good men ( and without the preservation of them no happinesse is to be hoped for ) they will in a peremptory and constant love of peace joyne with those who endeavour peace , and not suffer men who grow fat ●nd rich with the blood and spoiles of their brethren , and whose greatnesse and authority cannot be preserved but by these distractions , to sacrifice their poor country to their owne pride , covetousnesse and ambition . however let the contrivers of this most unnaturall and unparalelld rebellion assure themselves , however god may permit them to be instruments of his vengeance upon this unhappy kingdome , that as he hath already shewed his iudgements in a very exemplary manner upon many of the principall of them , so he will not suffer one of them to live to receive the fruit and benefit of his prosperous wickednesse . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a31965e-90 lord brook . sir iohn hotham . m. hambden . m. pym . m. fiennes . m. arthur goodwin . m. iohn hotham , &c. his majesties gracious proclamation to the cities of london and westminster. by the king. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription b02011 of text r211127 in the english short title catalog (wing c2343). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 b02011 wing c2343 estc r211127 51784437 ocm 51784437 174856 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b02011) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 174856) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2703:15) his majesties gracious proclamation to the cities of london and westminster. by the king. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by robert barker ... and by the assignes of john bill., imprinted at london : 1642 caption title. at head of title: "by the king." title vignette: royal seal. reproduction of original in: universität göttingen bibliothek. eng great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. broadsides -england -london -17th century b02011 r211127 (wing c2343). civilwar no by the king. his majesties gratious proclamation to the cities of london and westminster. england and wales. sovereign 1642 983 1 0 0 0 0 0 10 c the rate of 10 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-02 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-03 pip willcox sampled and proofread 2008-10 spi global rekeyed and resubmitted 2008-12 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-12 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion ❧ by the king . ❧ his majesties gracious proclamation to the cities of london and westminster . whereas amongst other arts used by the promoters of this horrid and desperate rebellion against vs , great industry and subtilty hath been applied to corrupt our subjects of our cities of london and westminster , first by engaging them in factions and tumults , to aw the members of both our houses of parliament who would not consent to their seditious designes ; then by perswading them to loans and contributions for the maintenance of the army now in rebellion against vs , upon pretence that the same was raised for the defence of our person , the protestant religion , the laws of the land , and priviledge of parliament ( whereas in truth it is for the destruction of them all ) by their yeelding obedience to , and executing the pretended ordinance of the militia : and lastly , by infusing into them a desperate sense of their own condition , and that we are so much incensed against them for the premisses , that we intend to plunder , and give up the wealth of those our cities as a prey to our souldiers ; we do hereby declare , that we are yet far from being so much incensed against those our cities as these men desire to be beleeved , and in truth have endeavoured to make vs ; but we beleeve that those tumults were contrived by the persons whom we have formerly accused of that practice , and raised out of the meanest and poorest people of those our cities and suburbs , without the privity and consent of the best and substantiall citizens and inhabitants , and that the loans and contributions which have been since raised , ( though they have passed more generally then we expected from the duty and sobriety of men of fortunes and understanding ) have been wrested and extorted from them by threats and menaces , and fear of plundering and violence . and therefore we do hereby offer our free and gracious pardon to all the citizens and inhabitants of our said cities of london and westminster for all offences concerning the premisses committed against vs before the publishing of this our proclamation , ( except all those persons whom we have excepted in our declaration of the twelfth of august , and except alderman fulke , and captain manwaring , against all which we shall proceed according to the rules of law , as against traitors and stirrers of sedition against vs ) and we do assure them in the word of a king , that no violence shall be offered by our army , or any part of it to any of them , not doubting but their demeanour will henceforward be such , that we shall not compelled to bring our army against them . provided that this our grace shall not extend to any person , who after the publishing this our proclamation shall presume by loan or contribution to assist the said army of rebels , to assemble and muster themselves in arms without authority derived from vs under our hand , or to enter into any oath of association for the assistance of the earl of essex , how speciously soever the same be pretended for our safety : for since the encounter on sunday the 23th . of this moneth , where they used all possible means and malice to have destroyed vs , and where it pleased god to give vs so great a victroy over them ( though with the losse of many worthy men ) no man can be unsatisfied in the mischief and malice of their rebelli●n and therefore we must , and do declare , that whosoever shall henceforward by money , plate , or otherwise assist the said rebellion , shall take arms by vertue of any pretended ordinance , or shall enter into any oath of association against vs , or without our consent , shall be esteemed by vs as an enemy to the publick peace , a person disaffected to vs , the religion and law of the kingdom , and shall accordingly receive condigne punishment ; of which we give them timely notice , that they may proceed accordingly at their perils . and to the end that they may receive all possible and particular assurance from vs of our gracious intentions towards them , we shall be willing that such a number of grave and substantiall citizens be imployed from our said city to vs , as shall by them be thought fit , who may propose such things to vs on their behalf as shall be desired , to which we shall give a gratious and just answer . and we do assure them and all the world , that as the scandalls and imputations upon vs concerning our favouring of papists have been groundlesse , and malitiously contrived by the authours of this rebellion to beget a misunderstanding between vs and our subjects , so all the professions we have made in our severall declarations for the suppression of popery , and the maintenance of the true reformed protestant religion established in the church of england , and for the defence of the lawes of the land , and the just priviledges of parliament , shall be as inviolably observed by vs , as we expect blessing from the almighty god , and obedience from our subjects . ¶ given at our court at ayno this 27. of october in the eighteenth yeer of our raigne . god save the king . ❧ imprinted at london by robert barker , printer to the kings most excellent majestie : and by the assignes of john bill . 1642. an act which his maiesty hath promised his royall word to passe for justifying the proceedings of parliament in the late war, and for declaring all oathes, declarations, proclamations, and other proceedings against it to be void. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a31773 of text r210950 in the english short title catalog (wing c2077). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a31773 wing c2077 estc r210950 09506269 ocm 09506269 43354 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a31773) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 43354) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1327:5) an act which his maiesty hath promised his royall word to passe for justifying the proceedings of parliament in the late war, and for declaring all oathes, declarations, proclamations, and other proceedings against it to be void. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. printed by robert ibbitson, london : [1648] at head of title: new port september 23, 1648. "agreed on between his majesty and the commissioners at newport in the isle of wight." reproduction of original in the bodleian library. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -sources. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649. a31773 r210950 (wing c2077). civilwar no new port september 23. 1648. soit baillè aux seigneurs, a ceste bille les seigneurs sont assentuz: an act which his maiesty hath promised h england and wales. sovereign 1648 499 3 0 0 0 0 0 60 d the rate of 60 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-05 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-06 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-06 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion new port september 23. 1648. soit baille a●● seigneurs , a ceste bille les seigneurs sont assentuz : an act which his maiesty hath promised his royall word to passe , for justifying the proceedings of parliament in the late vvar , and for declaring all oathes , declarations , proclamations , and other proceedings against it to be void . agreed on between his majesty and the commmissioners , at newport in the isle of vvight . whereas the lord●●●● commons assembled in parliament , have bin necessitated to make and prosecute a vvarre in their just and lawfull defence ; and thereupon oathes , declarations and proclamations have been made against them , and their ordinances and proceedings , and against others for adhering unto them , and for executing offices , places , and charges by authority derived from them ; and judgements , inditements , outlaries , attainders , and inquisitions , for the causes aforesaid , have been had and made against some of the members of the houses of parliament , and other his majesties good subjects , and gran● have been made of their lands and goods : be it therefore declared and hereby enacted , by the kings majesty , and by the lords and commons assembled in parliament , and by authority of the same . that all oathes declarations and proclamations , heretofore had or made against both or either of the houses of parliament , or any the members of either of them , for the causes aforesaid , or against their ordinances or proceedings , or against any for adhering unto them , or for doing or executing any office , place or charge , by any authority derived from the said houses ; or either of them , and all iudgements , iudictments , outlaries , attainders ; inquisitions and grants thereupon made , and all other proceedings for any the causes aforesaid , had , made , done or executed , or to be had , made , done or executed , whether the same bee done by the king or any iudges , iustices , sheriffes , ministers , or any others , are void and of no effect , and are contrary to and against the of lawes of this realme . and be it further enacted and hereby declared by the authority aforesaid , that all iudges , iustices of the peace , mayors sheriffes constables and other officers and ministers shall take notice hereof , and are hereby prohibited and discharged in all time to come , from awarding any writ , processe or summons , and from pronouncing or executing any iudgement , sentence or decree , or any way proceeding against , or molesting any of the said members of the two houses of parliament , or against any of the subjects of this kingdome , for any the causes aforesaid . london printed by robert ibbitson . by the king. a proclamation concerning the due and orderly proceedings in the court of wards and liveries. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a78981 of text r212002 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.7[56]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a78981 wing c2567 thomason 669.f.7[56] estc r212002 99870662 99870662 161037 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a78981) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 161037) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f7[56]) by the king. a proclamation concerning the due and orderly proceedings in the court of wards and liveries. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by leonard lichfield, printer to the university, printed at oxford : [1643] publication date from wing. dated at end: given at our court at oxford, the eleventh of november, in the nineteenth year of our raigne. 1643. with engraving of royal seal at head of document. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng england and wales. -parliament -early works to 1800. england and wales. -court of wards and liveries -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a78981 r212002 (thomason 669.f.7[56]). civilwar no by the king. a proclamation concerning the due and orderly proceedings in the court of wards and liveries. england and wales. sovereign 1643 691 22 0 0 0 0 0 318 f the rate of 318 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the f category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-04 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-05 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2008-05 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion royal blazon or coat of arms c r honi soit qvi mal y pense by the king . ¶ a proclamation concerning the due and orderly proceedings in the court of wards and liveries . his majesty having by his royall proclamation , setled the court of wards and liveries to be ke●● and held in his city of oxford , untill he shall otherwise ordaine the same ; to which place and 〈◊〉 the maister and councell of that court , there all his subjects who have affaires in that court m●●● and ought during that time make their resort . but his majesty finding a great neglect in those w●● should finde and returne offices after the death of the kings tenants , and thereupon make their co●●positions for wardships , and pay their monyes compounded for , pay the rents reserved and in 〈◊〉 time prosecute their liveries in that court , wheron a great part of his majestyes just revenue ●●●pends ; and his majesty being very willing and resolved to hold himselfe to such regular cou●●● as for many yeares past he hath prescribed to himselfe , for the good and safety of his good subjects , and of their estate● 〈◊〉 the case of granting of wardships ; yet least any of them should be misled and apply themselves to any other place o●●●ny other persons , and so by their negligence or error should incurre that danger or prejudice which they would o●●●●●wise willingly have avoided , or else his majestie to suffer in his just revenue through their default ; his majestie h●● therefore thought fit to give notice , & doth by this his proclamation give notice to all those whom it may any waies c●●●cerne , that as he on his part is , and will be constant to his rules of grace in the granting of wardships and preserving 〈◊〉 protecting their estates , if those to whom the same is so gratiously offered do not wilfully neglect it ; so his majesty d●●● hereby declare , that if those who do pretend , or might regularly pretend to become suitors for any wardship , or to h●●●● compounded for the same , or to sue out liverye of any lands , shall neglect within convenient time after the death of 〈◊〉 auncestor to finde an office and to returne the same into the petty bagge in chauncery , and to transcript the same into 〈◊〉 said court of wards and liveries at oxford , according as shall be ordered by that court , or shall neglect within conve●●●ent time to make their composition with his majesty , or with the councell of the said court now residing at oxf●●● on his majesties behalfe , or shall neglect to pay the monyes compounded and agreed for to his majessties recei●●● there , or shall neglect to pay the rents due and payable for the wards lands , or the meane rates paya●●● where meane rates shall be due , or shall neglect to sue out their liveries , when and where by law and by the cou●● of that court they ought , that in all those cases upon such neglect his majesty must be , and will be at his own liberty 〈◊〉 make his best advantage by granting such wardships to such others who will compound-for the same and pay the ●●●neys compounded for and not payd , and shall and will take his best remedy and advantage which by the s ; trictness● 〈◊〉 law in justice he can for the recovery of the rents and other dutyes due and payable to his majesty in those cases . 〈◊〉 that he will severely punish all those escheators , feodaries and other ministers of the said court , who shall in their ●●●spective place neglect their dutyes , to his majesties disservice . given at our court at oxford , the eleventh day of ●●●vember , in the nineteenth year of our raigne . 1643. god save the king . printed at oxford , by leonard lichfield , printer to the university . his majesties message to both houses, concerning the militia england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a78900 of text r209781 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.3[47]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a78900 wing c2464 thomason 669.f.3[47] estc r209781 99868643 99868643 160605 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a78900) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160605) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f3[47]) his majesties message to both houses, concerning the militia england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. england and wales. parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) february 22. london, printed for ioseph hunscott, [london] : [1642] date of publication from wing. includes "the humble petition of the lords and commons, concerning this message.". annotation on thomason copy: "1641". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng great britain -militia -early works to 1800. a78900 r209781 (thomason 669.f.3[47]). civilwar no his majesties message to both houses, concerning the militia. england and wales. sovereign 1642 521 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-04 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-05 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2008-05 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion his majesties message to both houses , concerning the militia . his majesty having received an humble petition of the lords and commons , by the hands of the earls of carlile and monmouth , returns this answer ; that his dearest consort , the queen , and his dear daughter , the princesse mary , being now upon their departure for holland , he cannot have so good time to consider of a particular answer for a matter of so great weight as this is , therefore he must respite the same untill his return . to the kings most excellent majesty : the humble petition of the lords and commons , concerning this message . may it please your most excellent majesty , your humble and loyall subjects , the lords and commons , have , with a great deal of grief , received your majesties answer to their just and necessary petition , concerning the militia of the kingdom ; which your majesty , by a gratious message formerly sent unto them , was pleased to promise should be put into such hands as your parliament should approve of , or recommend unto you the extent of their power , and the time of their continuance being likewise declared . that being done , and the persons by both houses nominated , your majesty , neverthelesse , referres your resolution herein , to a longer , and a very uncertain time , which ( the present dangers and distractions so great and pressing ) is as unsatisfactory and destructive , as an absolute denyall . therefore we once again beseeeh your majesty to take our desire into your royall thoughts , and to give us such an answer , as may raise in us a confidence that we shall not be exposed to the practises of those who thirst after the ruine of this kingdom , and the kindling of that combustion in england , which they have , in so great a measure effected in ireland ; from whence ( as we are dayly informed ) they intend and endeavour to invade us , with the the assistance of the papists here amongst us . nothing can prevent these evills , nor enable us to suppresse the rebellion in ireland and secure our selves , but the instant granting of that our humble petition ; which we hope your majesty will not deny to those who must in the discharge of their duties both to your majesty and the commonwealth , represent unto your majesty what they finde so absolutely necessary ; for the preservation of both which the laws both of god and man enjoyn them to see put in execution , as severall counties , by their daily petitions , have desired of us , and in some places , begun already to do it of themselves . resolved upon the question , and assented unto , and ordered , that master hollis carry it up to the lords , to desire their concurrence herein . february 22. london , printed for ioseph hunscott . charles r. to our trustie and welbeloved, the lord major, aldermen, and sheriffes of our city of london. given at our court at york the 14 day of june, in the 11 yeer of our reign. 1642. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription b02037 of text r171197 in the english short title catalog (wing c2833). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 b02037 wing c2833 estc r171197 47012343 ocm 47012343 174308 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b02037) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 174308) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2683:7) charles r. to our trustie and welbeloved, the lord major, aldermen, and sheriffes of our city of london. given at our court at york the 14 day of june, in the 11 yeer of our reign. 1642. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) for t.a., london, : 1642. reproduction of original in: university of london library. eng corporation of london -appropriations and expenditures. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -confiscations and contributions. broadsides -england -england -17th century. b02037 r171197 (wing c2833). civilwar no charles r. to our trusty and welbeloved, the lord major, aldermen, and sheriffes of our city of london. england and wales. sovereign 1642 635 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion charles r. ❧ to our trusty and welbeloved , the lord major , aldermen , and sheriffes of our city of london . trusty and welbeloved , we greet you well . whereas we have received severall informations of great summes of money endevoured to be borrowed of our city of london by some direction proceeding from both our houses of parliament , and likewise that great labour is used to perswade our subjects to raise horse , and to furnish money , upon pretence of providing a guard for our parliament ; these are to let you know , that ( notwithstanding any scandalous votes which have presumed to declare our intention of leavying war against our parliament , and to by other aspersions on us , so fully disavowed by us in the presence of almighty god , by our severall answers and declarations ) all our desires and purposes are for the publike peace , and that we have not the least thought of raising or using force , except we are compelled to it , for the defence of our person , and in protection of the law : and therefore we expect , that you suffer not your selves to be mis-led by such vain and improbable suggestions , and to declare , that if you shall lend any sums of money towards the relief of ireland ( to which we have contributed all the assistance could be desired of us , which way soever the money given and raised to that purpose is disposed ) or towards the payment of our scots subjects , we shall take it as an acceptable service at your hands ; but if upon generall pretences contrived by a few , factious persons against the peace of the kingdom , you shall give or lend any money , or provide or raise any horses or arms toward the raising such a guard , we shall look upon it as the raising force against us , and to be done in malice and contempt of us and our authority . and we do therefore straitly charge and command you to publish this our letter to the severall masters and wardens of the severall companies , thay they may be assured , that such money as they shall lend out of their good affection to the kingdom , may be onely imployed for ireland or scotland , and not toward such guards , which ( in truth ) are intended by the contrivers of that designe ( though we beleeve many honest men seduced by them do not yet see their end ) to be imployed against us : and if you and they shall herein fail punctually and severally to observe our commands , we shall not onely proceed against the severall companies for deceiving the trust reposed in them ; but against the particular persons , as contemners and opposers of our authoritie , and of the law of the land , in the most exemplary way the known law of the land shall prescribe to us ; and shall be compelled to question the charter of your city , which we are willing yet to beleeve ( notwithstanding the barbarous and insolent demeanour of the meaner and baser sort ) in a good degree to continue loyall to us . and of your obedience to these our commands we do expect and require a full account , and of the names of such persons who shall oppose the same . hereof faile you not as you will answer the contrary at your perill . given at our court at york the 14 day of june , in the 11 yeer of our reign . 1643. printed at london for t.a. 1642. a proclamation prohibiting the payment and receipt of tonnage and ponndage [sic], and other impositions upon merchandises, under colour of the late pretended ordinance of both houses of parliament england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a32077 of text r40802 in the english short title catalog (wing c2694). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a32077 wing c2694 estc r40802 19320309 ocm 19320309 108614 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a32077) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 108614) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1683:24) a proclamation prohibiting the payment and receipt of tonnage and ponndage [sic], and other impositions upon merchandises, under colour of the late pretended ordinance of both houses of parliament england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. by l. lichfield ..., [oxford : 1642] at head of title: by the king. "given under our signe manuall at our court of oxford, the sixteenth day december, in the eighteenth yeare of our reigne." imprint suggested by wing. reproduction of original in the bodleian library. eng tonnage fees -great britain -history. tonnage fees -legal status, laws, etc. -great britain. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. a32077 r40802 (wing c2694). civilwar no a proclamation prohibiting the payment and receipt of tonnage and ponndage [sic], and other impositions upon merchandises, under colour of t england and wales. sovereign 1642 771 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-04 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-05 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-05 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion by the king . cr honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms ¶ a proclamation prohibiting the payment and receipt of tonnage and poundage , and other impositions upon merchandises , under colour of the late pretended ordinance of both houses of parliament . wee have made so many declarations of our royall intentions concerning the preserving of the religion and lawes of this land , that wee think it not fit often to repeat , though by gods grace we seriously intend never to decline or depart from the same . but this seems most strange unto us , that whil'st ( especially at , and about london ) our just and legall commands are not obeyed , other orders and ordinances , ( for which there is no legall foundation ) which not only discountenance , but overthrow the lawes of the land that settle religion , and were the sences of the subjects property , are submitted unto and obeyed by many of our weaker subjects : and amongst these a blind obedience hath been yeelded unto the pretended ordinance , for setling the receipt of tonnage and poundage , and other impositions upon merchandises , without an act of parliament , when an act this parliament ( received from us , and so understood by us , as one of the greatest graces the crowne ever conferred on the subject ) declares , no such paiments are due without an act ; and by that act it is provided , that all such persons as receive the same incurr the forfeiture of a premunire . this we thought would not have found obedience from the merchant , who understood what his owne benefit was thereby , and could not be ignorant how penall it was in him to breake this law ; especially when he found he was to pay those duties for support of an unnaturall warr against his prince , and to foment an intestine and civill dissention which hath already , and may in the future produce so many evills upon this poore people , contrary to the true intention of the said act. but upon the menaces and usage some received that denyed it , we find since a more generall obedience in such as trade , then we expected , though we understand by it the trade of the kingdom is much lessened . neverthelesse we thought not fit untill this present , by any of our proclamations to prohibite the same , because we hoped before this time , we having so often and by so many meanes endeavoured the same , some happy understanding might have been between us and both our houses of parliament . but at present finding that the monyes arising from these duties , are a great part of the fewell that maintaines this fire , and supports this unnaturall rebellion against us , and heightens the spirits of such as have no spirit to peace , unlesse they may destroy us , our posterity , and the setled government both of church and state ; we doe hereby declare and proclaime to all our people of what sort soever , that whosoever hence forward shall , by vertue of the said pretended ordinance of parliament , pay any monyes under the names of tonnage and poundage , or other impositions upon merchandise , other then for customes to be paid to our proper ministers , which are due to us by the known lawes of the kingdome , that we will proceed against him or them in due time , as an ill-affected person or persons to the peace of this kingdome , and as such as endeavour ( as much as in them lyes ) to hinder a true intelligence betwixt us and our people . and for such person , or persons as shall continue to require or receive the same , contrary to the statute made this parliament , we shall like wise proceed against them according to the penalty in the said act. and because ( though the law ought to have been every mans prohibition ) we did not , untill this time , forbid the same , we doe hereby grant our free pardon to all such as formerly having either paid , or received these customes , shall henceforth refuse the same , and to no other . ¶ given under our signe manuall at our court at oxford , the sixteenth day of december , in the eighteenth yeare of our reigne . god save the king . his maiesties speciall command under the great seale of england to the lord major of the honourable city of london dated decemb. 9, 1641 : for the speedy sending of precepts into severall wards of the city : to suppresse the tumultuous and unlawfull assemblies and riotous disorders both in the city of london and vvestminster : vvith a relation of the riotous assemblies, mutinous vproares and disorders made and committed by a company of brownists or seperatists within the city of london and vvestminster : also in what manner they entred into st. georges church where one of them made a sermon on sunday decemb. 12 : vvhereunto is added the riotous insurrection and rebellion of some prisoners in new-gate condemned to dye on munday december 13, 1641. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a32109 of text r11307 in the english short title catalog (wing c2772). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 10 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a32109 wing c2772 estc r11307 13117136 ocm 13117136 97760 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a32109) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 97760) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 256:e179, no 19) his maiesties speciall command under the great seale of england to the lord major of the honourable city of london dated decemb. 9, 1641 : for the speedy sending of precepts into severall wards of the city : to suppresse the tumultuous and unlawfull assemblies and riotous disorders both in the city of london and vvestminster : vvith a relation of the riotous assemblies, mutinous vproares and disorders made and committed by a company of brownists or seperatists within the city of london and vvestminster : also in what manner they entred into st. georges church where one of them made a sermon on sunday decemb. 12 : vvhereunto is added the riotous insurrection and rebellion of some prisoners in new-gate condemned to dye on munday december 13, 1641. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. city of london (england). court of common council. [2] p. printed for john thomas, london : 1641. "his maiesties speciall command" is lacking in filmed copy. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649 -sources. a32109 r11307 (wing c2772). civilwar no his maiesties speciall command under the great seale of england· to the lord major of the honourable city of london, dated decemb. 9. 1641. england and wales. sovereign 1641 1754 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2002-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-06 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-07 john latta sampled and proofread 2002-07 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-08 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion his maiesties speciall command under the great seale of england . to the lord major of the honourable city of london , dated decemb. 9. 1641. for the speedy sending of precepts into severall wards of the city . to suppresse the tumultuous and unlawfull assemblies , and riotous disorders both in the city of london and westminster . vvith a relation of the riotous assemblies , mutinous vproares , and disorders , made and committed by a company , of brownists or seperatists within the city of london and vvestminster . also , in what manner they entred into st. georges church , where one of them made a sermon , on sunday decemb. 12. vvhereunto is added the riotous insurrection and rebellion of some prisoners in new-gate condemned to dye , on munday december 13. 1641. london , printed for iohn thomas , 1641. by the major . whereas our soveraigne lord the king having received information that many riots & unlaw full assemblies are daily made at the city of westminster and within the city of london , against his majesties peace and quiet of his people for repressing & punishing whereof hath directed his writ under the great seale of england , dated the 9. of this instant december unto the justices of peace within this city , and sheriffes of the same thereby strictly commanding them to put in execution according to the duty of their places , the statute made and provided against such riots , routs , and unlawfull assembly ; therefore for the better prevention & timely repressing of any tumults , riots , routs , or vnlawfull assemblies that may at any time hereafter be attempted , made or committed within this city or the liberties thereof , these are in his majesties name to charge and command you that forthwith upon receipt hereof , you cause his majesties command aforesaid to be notified by some of your common councell men , constables or other discreet persons vnto every housholder within your ward , charging every of them at their vttermost perill from henceforth not to permit any of their apprentises or servants to have the liberty of going abroad to make any tumults or vnlawfull meetings and assemblies within this city or elsewhere upon any pretence whatsoever , and by themselves to the vttermost of their power and best endeavour to hinder and let the committing of any such offences for the preseruation of his majesties peace and the quiet government of this city , which at this present doth suffer much reproach through the great disorder , tumults , and vnlawfull assemblies daily made and committed within that same . and further that you make knowne unto the masters and servants , that if they or any of them shall be found to offend in the premisses . then they are to be proceeded with according to the lawes in this case made , as you will answer the contrary at your perils . this 9. of december . 1641. michell . a relation of the disorders , mutinous assemblies , vprores , and distractions , committed by many schismaticall people , but especially by the brownists or separatists of this kingdome . how many sects , and schismes , are lately sprung up heere in this kingdome , that they ( like the plagues of egypt ) have over-runne the land , but namely the brownists or seperatists , beare the greatest sway , to what a height of impudency , and insolencie , have they aspired unto , being upheld by too many of that sect , they like the philistins bring their , goliah to fight their battells , but there is no doubt but there will arise a david of truth , to beare downe their violent and phantasticall doctrine , by which so many people are seduced , these are those sectarists that will abide no degrees in schooles , all humane learning must be layd by , accademies are to them abhominable . hence come those violent outrages , and sacrilegious disorders committed in the church , even in time of divine service , and the hubbubs , and strange tumults raised , where reverend silence ought to be used , by laying violent hands upon the ministers in divers places and parishes within this city , impudently ascending into their pulpits , assuming to themselves the power of preaching , others rending the surplices from their backs , they hardly escaping in their persons from being torne in peeces , and that when the psalme hath beene singing , and the preacher ready to goe up into the pulpit , to deliver his sermon , likewise by rending of the rayles about the communion table chopping them in peeces , and burning them in church-yard , and this to be done without commission or order , in a rude and riotous manner , as if wee lived vnder no government ; how many riotous assemblies and routs by their concourse and disorderly meetings in severall places of the cities of london & westminster , committing such insolencies and outrages at severall times , as if justice and authority had no power over them , to the great scandall and defamation of the government of this city and kingdome . witnesse their tumultuous assembling and flocking to the parliament at divers times , with their vndecent gestures and irreverent speeches in westminster hall , and other places , for which to instance , there was 4. men brought before the house of commons nov. 30. 1641. for making a hubbub in the hall , crying downe antichrist and the bishops , and saying , if they could not be heard , they would have a farre greater number the next day to back them , and the like . likewise the next day many hundred of citizens flocking to the houses of parliament , and called upon the members , as they passed from their houses , to suppresse bishops , crying aloud , no bishops , no bishops , calling them the limbes of antichrist . on wednesday sir iohn strangwaies made a complaint that he was assaulted by 100 in the streets , & had received offensive words , whereupon the house fell into consideration for suppressing and repelling of tumults , and disorders of that nature . this evening the citizens begun to rayse the like clamour againe , but being intreated to forbeare , and depart home to their houses , the tumult ceased for that time . againe , on friday decemb. 4. many hundred of citizens and brownists flocked to westminster armed with swords and staves , as if they came to besiege the parliament-house , whereupon the trayned bands was raised , and ceazed upon them , not knowing otherwise , but that they came against the parliament-house , to that their plea was , they came to defend the truth , but it was very true , that many of them were committed to prison . vpon friday notice was given to the parliament , how that their number was so great , so that instantly there was warrants sent unto each constahle , to command sufficient men with swords and halberds , to guard the parliament-house . on sunday last decemb. 12. was a great assembly of these brownists gathered about st. georges church in southwarke , and one of their preachers a cobler by profession violently went up into the pulpit , & made a sermon above an houre long , whom they assisted , untill all the constables thereabouts had raised ayd to suppresse these tumultuous outrages . after this he went from thence to st. olaves church neere the bridge , with all his illitterate audience after him , thinking to make another sermon there also , but being prevented , and that they could not get into the church , this preaching cobler stood up in the church porch , and made a sermon to them all . these and the like disturbances and distractions i hope the king and parliament will take into their grave considerations and pious care , that the peace of this church and state , may not be clowded nor eclipsed by these mists and errours of darkenesse and ignorance , and let it bee the prayer of all good christians , that these aegyptian locusts , that swarme in every corner of this city and kingdome , may be expelled , that we may enjoy the light of the gospell . the riotous insurrection and rebellion of the condemned prisoners which was to suffer on munday the 13. of december . the sessions of goale delivery being finished upon friday last , the parties delinquent were sent ( according to their severall offences ) back againe to the place of imprisonment from whence they came , with the 7. severall iesuites , who were accordingly condemned for their severall treasons , according to the statute thereupon provided , where till sunday after dinner they were all reasonably quiet , but afterwards they grew tumultuous by throwing of stones and other like stuffe , upon the passengers in the streets , who in great multitudes were then gaping up at the prison , and after a sermon that night , all departed . on the next morning early mr. maccalee the new visitor of the said prison came to them , with an earnest request to know whether they were prepared to dye and also to receive the sacrament , which they all did really confesse , so that the said iesuites might suffer with them , who after some admonitions to them , he expected their appearance in the chappell , but presently they stood upon their guard , and would not dye without them , upon which they having got strength and stood in defiance , till captain geeres with his trayned band came to suppresse them , then the sheriffes resolved to smother them , and provided a quantity of wet hay , which being fired did smoke them up , after that the armed men entred the prison and they were all taken and bound in chaines and lye ready to suffer according to their demerits , and wait the time of their execution . finis . five severall papers delivered by the king to the commissioners at the treaty and six papers presented by them to his majesty with an exact journall of the most remarkable passages of each day since the treaty began. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a31911 of text r28553 in the english short title catalog (wing c2310). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 12 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a31911 wing c2310 estc r28553 10629579 ocm 10629579 45455 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a31911) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 45455) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1400:11) five severall papers delivered by the king to the commissioners at the treaty and six papers presented by them to his majesty with an exact journall of the most remarkable passages of each day since the treaty began. charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 6 p. printed by robert ibbitson, london : 1648. does not contain texts of the papers. reproduction of original in the harvard university library. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. a31911 r28553 (wing c2310). civilwar no five severall papers, delivered by the king to the commissioners at the treaty. and six papers presented by them to his majesty with an exac [no entry] 1648 1904 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2005-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-12 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2005-12 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion five severall papers , delivered by the king to the commissioners at the treaty . and six papers presented by them to his majesty with an exact journall of the most remarkable passages of each day since the treaty began . die sabbathi 23. septemb. 1648. these papers are printed and published for satisfaction to the kingdome , and to prevent the false scandals reported about the treaty . severall papers signed charles rex . london printed by robert ibbitson . an exact journall of the most remarkable passages of each day since the treaty began . noble sir , on munday morning sep. 18. 1648. the lords and the rest of the commissioners ( after prayers with the chaplaines , who pray each of them by turnss , one , one weeke , another , another weeke mr. vines prayed this weeke ) they went ( but not the chaplaines ) to the place of the treaty , and sent word to his majesty , that they were come and ready to waite upon his majesty at the treaty : ( this was about 9 a clocke in the morning . ) the commissioners were appointed a roome neere unto the chamber where the treaty is , which is a withdrawing roome , ( in which is severall other roomes ) untill his majesty calls for them . the king is in one part of the house , the other is reserved for the commissioners when they come to the treaty . immediately after they were come , and word brought to the king , that the commissioners were ready , his majesty passeth from sir william hodges to the treaty in his coach , with the lords and others that attend his majesty , and his footmen , and coach-man , with new suites laid with broad plate silver lace , two in a seame . his majesty came into the treaty chamber , where is a large table : at the upper end whereof is a canopy and a chaire of state for his majesty , where he sat downe . his majesty being set , sent out for the commissioners into the treaty chamber , who comming into his majesties presence , stood bare to the king . his majesty bad them sit down at the table , the commissioners ( very modestly ) refused it at first , but his majesty pressing them , they sat downe at the other end of the table , but all bare both the lords and commons . no body at all , comes into the roome , but the king alone , and the commissioners from the parliament . that day they read their commission ( to the king in the morning ) and other things in relation to the preparations of the treaty , which they fell upon in the afternoone . the king went to dinner to his quarters , and the commissioners to theirs and in the afternoone fell to the treaty againe , and made some entrance , and parted againe at night to their respective lodgings . septemb. 18. 1648. the effect of his majesties first paper . his majesty desired the propositions , and copy of their instructions . septemb. 18. 1648. the effect of the commissioners papers . the commissioners first paper . may it please your majesty ; having made knowne our commission to treat personally with your majesty , upon the propositions formerly presented at hampton court , as they concern the kingdomes of england and ireland . and this treaty to be for forty daies , beginning this present , and to proceed in the first place upon the propositions following in order , viz. for recalling , and annulling all oathes , declarations , &c. and to receive your majesties answer in writing . wherefore we pray that nothing may be understood to bee binding of either side , but what shall be so set down in writing . accordingly wee are ready to present your majesty a paper concerning that first proposition for recalling oathes , declarations , &c. signed by the commissioners . his majesties second paper . nothing to bee binding but what should be agreed upon in writing . the commissioners second paper . desiring his majesty to give his royall assent to this proposition insuing : that whereas both houses of parliament have been necessitated to undertake a warre in their just and lawfull defence , &c. an act of parliament may passe , whereby all oathes , declarations , &c. against both or either houses of parliament , or against any for adhering to them , &c. to be declared null , and that publiquely intimated in all parish churches , in all your majesties dominions of england and ireland , &c. his majesties third paper . his majesty desired to have the propositions of the english and irish entirely together , &c. the commissioners third paper . vve humbly answer , that the propositions themselves were formerly presented to your majesty at hampton court , we conceive are in your majesties hands , excepting that of the court of wards , delivered since in the isle of wyght , &c. what concerns our instructions , wee humbly say , that wee have no warrant from our houses to deliver any copy . the commissioners fourth paper . as to the latter part of the second paper delivered in the morning , we shall acquaint the houses , that no agreement put in writing , be binding till the conclusion of the whole treaty , unlesse it shall be otherwise especially agreed . tuesday sep. 19. the king and the commissioners met again in the same order that they had done the day before , and treated both forenoon and afternoone . none of them do go to the king at all , but in the treaty chamber , and altogether publickly at the table , where there are made many gallant speechs , insomuch that his majesty gives them this character , that they are a company of very wise men . the king is very merry , and free , and hath such freedome that many resort to him , to the court to kisse his hand , but the commissioners never go thither none of them , since the first saturday , but daily meet his majesty in the treaty chamber . that night the king and the commissioners upon his majesties desire , adjourned untill wednesday night . 19 september . the substance of his majesties fourth paper . charles r. in answer to your paper of the 18th sept. concerning the recalling of all the oathes , declarations and proclamations heretofore in all , or to be had , against both or either houses of parliament or against any for adhering unto them , or for doing , or executing any office , place or charge by any authority derived from them : and all judgements , inditements , outlawries and inquisitions in any of the said causes , and all grants thereupon , made or had to be made or had , be declared null , suppressed , and forbidden , and that this be publickly intimated in all parish churches , and other places needfull , within his majesties dominions of england and ireland . his majesty , &c. concerning that expression that both houses of parliament have been necessitated to undertake a war for their just defence , &c. sept. 19. the commissioners fifth paper . for our giving the propositions entirely together , we finde not our selves warranted to present our desires concerning all the propositions at once , or in any sort to treate them but in order , but what wee have drawne out for our owne use we shall give your majesty to expedite the treaty . and this draught is seperated from what concernes the kingdome of scotland . and this we do not in way of treaty , but out of desire to satisfie your majesty , &c. we humbly desire your majesties answer to our paper delivered yesterday concerning the proposition for recalling all oathes , declarations , &c. and other proceedings thereupon against the parliament , or those that acted by their authority . wednesday sep. 20. mr. recorder came hither , from london , and went with the lords , and the rest of the commissioners to the treaty in the afternoone . and they sat very close , and debated matters very deep , in all which the commissioners argued so gallantly with his majesty , and gave such reasons to every thing debated on , that the king admired their wisdome and gravity . that night they adjourned untill thursday in the afternoon . but his majesty told the commissioners that he was not certaine , that he could then be ready , but said that he would either come to them , and proceed to treat then , or give them reasons why he could not come that night , and then proceed to the treaty on friday . the busines that thus holds in dispute is , about the matter of the fault upon whom the guilt of the blood shed these wars shall bee laid , and how as to freeing his majesty , which his majesty would have done . his majesties fifth paper . his majestie desired to know , whither they had any power to consent to any omissions or alterations , if upon a debate he should give reasons to satisfie such omissions or alterations . septem. 20. the commissioners sixt paper . wee are ready by debate to shew how reasonable our desires are , and there will be no reason that wee should alter or recede from them . but if in the matter of this , or any other debate , your majesty give such reasons as shall satisfie us for any omissions or alterations in the papers we sent to your majesty , wee shall then doe therein as we are warranted by our instructions , which we have not power to make known , as we have declared ( in a former paper of the 18 of this instant ) to your majesty . thursday sep. 21. his majesty could not dispatch to be ready to answer what was before propounded by the commissioners , and therefore put it off untill the next day . and his majesty sent answer by his secretary , that hee could not meet the commissioners that night , and delivered in reasons why hee could not meet that afternoone . the secretaries are admitted to be behind a curtaine , where they treate , in the time of the treaty . there is as yet nothing denyed by the king to bee passed ; though nothing actually granted . but the great rub is not get removed . his majesty is loath to charg himselfe with the guilt of the blood spilt . the commissioners are very faithfull to their instructions . to morrow his majesty puts in his answer . newport 21 sep. 1648. finis . by the king a proclamation to declare and publish his maiesties resolution, to ascertaine his reuenue, by granting his lands holden aswell by copie, as otherwise in fee-farme. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) 1626 approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a22418 stc 8837 estc s3525 33150396 ocm 33150396 28584 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a22418) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 28584) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1876:73) by the king a proclamation to declare and publish his maiesties resolution, to ascertaine his reuenue, by granting his lands holden aswell by copie, as otherwise in fee-farme. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. [2] leaves. by bonham norton and iohn bill, printers to the kings most excellent maiestie, imprinted at london : m.dc.xxvi [1626] caption title. imprint from colophon. "giuen at our court at nonesuch, the thirteenth day of august, in the second yeere of our reigne of great britaine, france and ireland." reproduction of original in: society of antiquaries. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng land tenure -law and legislation -great britain -early works to 1800. copyhold -early works to 1800. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. 2003-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-06 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-07 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2003-07 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-08 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion cr honi soit qvi mal y pense diev et mon droit . royal blazon or coat of arms ❧ by the king. ❧ a proclamation to declare and publish his maiesties resolution , to ascertaine his reuenue , by granting his lands holden aswell by copie , as otherwise in fee-farme . whereas at our accesse vnto the imperial crowne of this realme , wee found the treasures thereof exhausted , the reuenue of our lands much diminished , and yet a great masse of debts lying vpon us , & a dayly charge , which in an ordinary course must be borne for the support of our honour , and a more then extraordinary charge for the necessary defence of our kingdomes , wee being imbarked in a warre at our first comming to the crowne : and when wee entred into a serious consideration of the seuerall parts of our reuenue , wee found them much too short to maintaine our ordinary expences , much lesse the extraordinary , which are neuerthelesse vnauoidable . to the end therfore , that wee might be fully and truely informed of the present state of our reuenue in euery part thereof , and of the burthen which lyeth vpon it , and so bee better enabled , for the future , to dispose and settle the same in such an order , as that wee might with more comfort mannage our estate , wee thought it fit to make choyce of some persons of qualitie and experience , to bee our commissioners for our reuenue , and they to take into their especiall care and considerations , by what iust and honourable meanes , wee might retrench all vndue or vnnecessary charges , issuing out of our reuenue , or coffers , and how to aduance and improoue such parts thereof , as might admitte of an improouement ; which our commissioners hauing returned to us an accompt of their paines from time to time in this our seruice , wee finde by them that the casuall profits of our lands , either by fines for leases , or copy-hold estates , herriots , reliefes , or therwise , haue , communibus annis , yeelded to us , or our crowne , in diuers yeeres past , but a small summe , nor is like to doe in many yeeres yet to come ; and yet out of the same there are issuing diuers annuall fees and payments , amounting in the whole to a great yeerely value . wee therefore , by the aduice of our sayd commissioners , intending to reduce our reuenue to a more certaintie , and to improoue our yeerely rents in those places where it may conueniently admitte of such improouement , to abate our vnnecessary charge issuing thereout , and yet to raise a present summe of money towards the defraying of those great expences , which for the publique defence of our people and kingdomes wee cannot auoid , and for the supply whereof , wee are resolued to spare nothing which lyeth in our power , and for the satisfying of those iust debts , which dayly crie in our eares , haue resolued , and by these presents doe declare and publish our resolution to all our louing subiects whom it may concerne , that we wil grant in fee-farme , all , or any of our honours , manours , lands , tenements , woods , & other hereditaments , both in the suruey of our exchequer , and of our duchy of lancaster , aswell such as are held by copie , as by lease , custodie , or otherwise , & aswell such as are yet in the hands of our commissioners when we were prince , as other our lands in mortgage , ( which we purpose forthwith to redeeme ) those manors & lands onely excepted , which are parcell of our duchie of cornewall . and to this end we purpose forthwith to nominate certaine persons vnder our great seale of england , to bee our commissioners , to whom wee will giue full power and authoritie , for us , and in our name , to treate and conclude with any persons , for any parts thereof , aswell quillets and parcels , as entire manours , at , and for such increase of rents , or fine , or both , as they in their good discretions shall thinke fit , and agree vpon : and we haue thought good thus to publish our pleasure and resolution herein , that the present tenants of our lands , and all other our louing subiects may take notice thereof , and may know whither , and to whom to make their repaire for this purpose ; to which ende wee will appoint our sayd commissioners to attend this our seruice on the twentieth day of september next , and so from time to time thence forward , at the chamber , commonly called the painted chamber , in our palace at westminster , whither our pleasure is , that all such of our subiects , as shall bee desirous to purchase any of our said lands in fee-farme , as aforesaid , shall resort to make their agreements accordingly . and because this our resolution may take that effect which wee desire and expect , our will and command is , that from hencefoorth , vntill our further pleasure bee knowen herein , no estate or lease by copie or otherwise , bee renewed , granted , or altered by any , but by oursayd commissioners onely . giuen at our court at nonesuch , the thirteenth day of august , in the second yeere of our reigne of great britaine , france , and ireland . god saue the king. ¶ imprinted at london by bonham norton and iohn bill , printers to the kings most excellent maiestie . m.dc.xxvi . by the king. whhereas [sic] this county, in which (out of our experience of the good affection thereof) we have chosen to make our residence this winter, is in great danger to suffer violence, and to receive losse and damage by the incursions of the rebells, ... england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a79150 of text r211517 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.5[113]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a79150 wing c2879 thomason 669.f.5[113] estc r211517 99870234 99870234 160825 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a79150) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160825) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f5[113]) by the king. whhereas [sic] this county, in which (out of our experience of the good affection thereof) we have chosen to make our residence this winter, is in great danger to suffer violence, and to receive losse and damage by the incursions of the rebells, ... england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1642] a requisition for horses in order to protect the county of oxford from dragooners. title from caption title and opening words of text. at foot of page, below a rule of 33 ornaments: god save the king. with engraving of royal seal at head of document. imprint from wing. steele notation: affection up case. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng oxfordshire (england) -history -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a79150 r211517 (thomason 669.f.5[113]). civilwar no by the king. whhereas [sic] this county, in which (out of our experience of the good affection thereof) we have chosen to make our residence england and wales. sovereign 1642 654 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-12 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-12 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c r diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms ❧ by the king . whereas this county , in which ( out of our experience of the good affection thereof ) we have chosen to make our residence this winter , is in great danger to suffer violence , and to receive losse and damage by the incursions of the rebells , who by reason of their number of dragooners ( with which they have furnished themselves , by seizing of the horses of any of our loving subjects , without their consent , and to which they are authorized by a late pretended ordinance ) run up and down into severall counties , pillaging and plundring our good subjects with unheard of rapine , insolence , and inhumanity , whilst our horse , for want of such assistance in respect of the lanes , and deep and narrow wayes , cannot prevent those out-rages . though we hope never to be forced to follow the example of these ill men ( who having received such vast sums of money from our subjects , and seized all ours , can yet have no cause for such impositions , but their love of rapine ) to lay such burthens upon our people , albeit for their preservation , as the committees in severall counties have authority , and are directed to do by that ordinance , yet we have thought fit to declare , that it will be an exceeding acceptable service unto us , and we shall take it as a singular testimony or their affection , and the sense of the cause , if they shall at this time send in horses , geldings , mares , or naggs , to be used as dragoon-horses for our service , and the defence of this county : and to that purpose our will and pleasure is , that this our declaration be read in all churches and chappels on sunday next , both at morning and evening prayer ; not doubting but that every gentleman , and other substantiall free-holder , and the inhabitants of every parish , by joynt consent , will send in such horses as aforesaid , with saddles and bridles : and whosoever can send in men armed with muskets upon those horses , shall much adde to this service . and our pleasure is , that all such who are willing to gratifie us herein , shall bring or send their horses on thursday next , to the sign of the katherine-wheel in oxford , and deliver them to the hands of our trusty and welbeloved , winter graunt esquire , our waggon-master generall , who shall be there ready to receive them . and we command the constable of every hundred , receiving information from the severall petty-constables within their hundred , to bring in a note of the names of all such parishes and particular persons who upon this so visible occasion shall oblige us in this kinde , and present the same unto us , with the number of horses , men , and muskets so sent by them , that we may remember it to their advantage ; and , when it shall please god to enable us , pay them the true value , which we do hereby promise to do : and such persons who shall then offer themselves to serve on the said horses , shall be then listed and entred into pay , as the rest of our dragoons are ; and we hope the threats , menaces , and compulsion of the rebells shall not more work upon our people for their supply , then this gracious desire and earnest intreaty of ours shall do , in a case wherein they , we , and the publike are so neerly concerned . god save the king . his maiesties gratiovs message and summons to the city of glocester aug. 10, 1643 with their answer thereunto. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a31921 of text r39004 in the english short title catalog (wing c2324). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a31921 wing c2324 estc r39004 18204607 ocm 18204607 107071 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a31921) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 107071) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1629:32) his maiesties gratiovs message and summons to the city of glocester aug. 10, 1643 with their answer thereunto. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. by leonard lichfield ..., printed at oxford : 1643. "let the world now judge if his majesty could have sent a more gratious message to his most loyall subjects, and whether these desperate rebells deserve any mercy, who after so many offers doe still refuse a pardon. but since their returning this rebellious answer, they have set their own suburbs on fire, which surely is not to keep the city either for the king or parliament." imperfect: folded, with very slight loss of print. reproduction of original in the bodleian library. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649. a31921 r39004 (wing c2324). civilwar no his maiesties gratiovs message and summons to the city of glocester aug. 10, 1643 with their answer thereunto. england and wales. sovereign 1643 576 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion his maiesties gratiovs message and summons to the city of glocester aug. 10. 1643. with their answer thereunto . out of our tender compassion to our city of glocester , and that it may not receive prejudice by our army , which we cannot prevent , if we be compelled to assault it , we are personally come before it to require the same , and are gratiously pleased to let all the inhabitants of , and all other persons within that city , as well souldiers as others , know , that if they shall immediatly submit themselves , and deliver this our city to us , we are contented freely and absolutely to pardon every one of them without exception ; and doe assure them in the word of a king , that they nor any of them shall receive the least dammage or prejudice by our army in their persons , or estates ; but that we will appoynt such a governor , and a moderate garrison to reside there , as shall be both for the ease and security of that city and that whole county . but if they shall neglect this profer of grace and favour , and compell us by the power of our army to reduce that place ( which by the help of god we doubt not we shall be easily and shortly able to doe ) they must thank themselves for all the calamities and miseries must befall them . to this message we expect a cleere and positive answer within two houres after the publishing hereof , and by these presents doe give leave to any persons safely to repaire to , and returne from us whom that city shall desire to employ unto us in that businesse . and doe require all the officers and souldiers of our army , quietly to suffer them to passe accordingly . august 10. 1643. wee the inhabitants , magistrates , officers and souldiers within this garrison of glocester : unto his majesties gratious message returne this humble answere . that we doe keep this city according to our oathes and alleagiance to and for the use of his majesty and his royall posterity ; and doe accordingly conceive our selves wholly bound to obey the commands of his majesty signified by both houses of parliament ; and are resolved by gods help to keep this city accordingly . de. wise major . john brewster . william luggo . my. singleton . thomas hill . thomas pury . john scriven . nich. webb . io. dorney . anth. edwards . iohn halford . toby lordan . g. dawidssone . robert maxwell . edw. massie . con. ferrer . hum mathewes . isaack dobson . edward gray . charles blount . peter crispe . rob. backhouse . ia. harcus . tho. pury iun. rob. stevenson . tho. blayney . let the world now judge if his majesty could have sent a more gratious message to his most loyall subjects , and whether these desperate rebells deserve any mercy , who after so many offers doe still refuse a pardon . but since their returning this rebellious answer , they have set their own suburbs on fire , which surely is not to keep the city either for the king or parliament . printed at oxford , by leonard lichfield , printer to the vniversity . 1643. a proclamation for the incouragement of sea-men and mariners to returne to their obedience to the kings majesty, and to contine in his service. / by the king. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription b02021 of text r173714 in the english short title catalog (wing c2611a). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 b02021 wing c2611a estc r173714 51784441 ocm 51784441 174860 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b02021) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 174860) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2703:19) a proclamation for the incouragement of sea-men and mariners to returne to their obedience to the kings majesty, and to contine in his service. / by the king. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by leonard lichfield ..., printed at oxford, : [1645] caption title. date of publication taken from wing (2nd ed.) "given at his majesties court at oxford, this 22th day of february, in the twentieth yeare of his reigne." reproduction of original in: universität göttingen bibliothek. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649 -early works to 1800. broadsides -england -oxford -17th century b02021 r173714 (wing c2611a). civilwar no by the king. a proclamation for the incouragement of sea-men and mariners to returne to their obedience to the kings majesty, and to continu england and wales. sovereign 1645 403 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-09 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-11 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-11 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c r honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the king . ¶ a proclamation for the incouragement of sea-men and mariners to returne to their obedience to the kings majesty , and to continue in his service . his majesty understanding , that many sea-men and mariners employed by merchants being in rebellion against him , or apparently adhering to the rebels , have an inclination to return to their due obedience , as duty and loyalty doth oblige them ; but that the necessity of their condition is such , as that unlesse they may be assured of satisfaction for their wages and entertainment upon their comming to land , or into the ports in obedience to his majesty , they may be exposed to misery , and so disabled not onely to maintaine themselves and their families , but also to doe the king that service which they desire . his majesty therefore taking the same into his princely consideration , and the good services which these sea-men and mariners may performe unto him ; and being willing to give them all fit encouragement , doth hereby declare , and promise in the word of a king , that what sea-men and mariners soever , shall bring any ship or ships , or other vessell whatsoever into any port or harbour within . his majesties obedience , they shall not onely have their free pardons for what is past ; but shall also be rewarded with two third parts of the whole value of every such ship and vessell , and the loading thereof , to be immediately divided amongst the captaines , masters , officers , and mariners of the said ships and vessells ; and that they , or as many of them as shall desire it , shall immediately be againe employed , entertained , and set to sea for his majesties service , either in the said ship or vessell , that they shall so bring in , or in some other which shall be fitted for that purpose , and have such entertainment and wages as hath at any time been allowed unto them heretofore . given at his majestiescourt at oxford , this 22th day of february , in the twentieth yeare of his raigne . god save the king . printed at oxford , by leonard lichfield , printer to the vniversity . his maiesties message sent to the parliament april 8, 1642 concerning his resolution to go into ireland for suppressing the rebels there. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription b02017 of text r175719 in the english short title catalog (wing c2448d). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 6 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 b02017 wing c2448d estc r175719 53298988 ocm 53298988 179765 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b02017) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 179765) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2802:9) his maiesties message sent to the parliament april 8, 1642 concerning his resolution to go into ireland for suppressing the rebels there. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. england and wales. parliament. [7] p. printed for joseph smith, london : 1642. imperfect: print show-through with loss of text. reproduction of original in: british library. eng great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649 -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. ireland -history -rebellion of 1641 -sources. b02017 r175719 (wing c2448d). civilwar no his majesties message sent to the parliament, aprill, 8. 1642. concerning his resolution to go into ireland for suppressing the rebels there england and wales. sovereign 1642 937 2 0 0 0 0 0 21 c the rate of 21 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-02 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-03 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-03 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion his majesties message sent to the parliament , aprill , 8. 1642. concerning his resolution to go into ireland for suppressing the rebels there . london : printed for joseph smith , 1642. c r royal insignia his majesties message sent to the parliament the eighth of aprill , 1642. concerning his resolution to go into ireland , for suppressing the rebels there . his majesty being grieved at the very soul , for the calamities of his good subjects of ireland , and being most tenderly sensible of the false and scandalous reports dispersed amongst the people , concerning the rebellion there , which not onlywounds his majesty in honour , but likwise greatly retards the reducing of that unhappy kingdom , and multiplies the distractions at home , by weakning the mutuall confidence betwixt him and his people : out of his pious zeal to the honour of almighty god , in establishing the true protestant profession in that kingdom , and his princely care for the good of all his dominions , hath firmly resolved with all convenient speed to go into ireland , to chastise those wicked and detestable rebels ( odious to god aad all good men ) therby so to settle the peace of that kingdom , and the security of this , that the very name of fears and jealousies may be no more heard of amongst us . as his majesty doubts not , but that his parliament will cheerfully give all possible assistance to this good work ; so he requires them and all his loving sobjects to beleeve , that he shall upon those considerations as earnestly pursue this design ( not declining any hazard of his person , in performing that duty which he oweth to the defence of gods true religion , and his distressed subjects ) as for these , and only these ends he undertakes it : to the sincerity of which profession he cals god to witnesse , with this further assurance , that his majesty will never consent ( upon whatsoever pretence ) to a toleration of the popish profession there , or the abolition of the laws now in force against popish recusants in that kingdome . his majesty hath further thought fit to advertise his parliament , that toward this work he intends to raise forthwith by his commissions , in the counties neer westchester , a guard for his own person ( when he shall come into ireland ) consisting of 2000. foot , and 200. horse , which shall be armed at westchester from his magazine at hull : at which time all the officers and souldiers shall take the oaths of supremacy and allegiance : the charge of raising and paving wherof his majesty desires his parliament to adde to their former undertakings for that war which his maiestie will not only well accept ; but if their pay be found too great a burthen to his good subjects , his majesty will be willing ( by the advice of his parliament ) to sell , or pawn any of his parks , lands , or house towards the supplies of the service of jreland : with the addition of these leavies to the former of english and scots agreed upon in parliament , he hopes so to appear in this action , that ( by the assistance of almighty god ) in a short time that kingdome may be wholly reduced and restored to peace , and some measure of happinesse . whereby he may cheerefully seturne , to be welcomed home with the affections and blessings of all his good english people . toward this good work , as his majestie hath lately made dispatches into scotland , to quicken the leavies there for vlster , so he heartily wishes that his parliament here would give all possi expedition to those which they have resolved for munster and conaught : and hopes the encouragement which the adventurers ( of whose interest his maiestie will be alwayes very carefull ( will hereby receive ( as likewise by the lately signing of ● commission for the affairs of ireland , to such persons for were recommended to him by both houses of parliament ) will raise full sums of money for the doing there of . his majestie hath been likewise pleased ( out of of his earnest desire to remove all occasions , which do unhappily multiply m●s-understandings between him and his parliament ) to prepare a bill ro be offered to them by his attourney , concerning the militia , whereby he hopes the peace and safety of this kingdom may be fully secured , to the generall satisfaction of all men , without violation of his maiesties iust rights or preiudice to the liberty of the subiect . if this shall be thankfully received ; he is glad of it . if retused ; he calls god , and all the world to judge , on whose part the default is : one thing his majestie requires , ( if this bill be approved of ) that if any corporation shall make their lawfull rights appeare , they may be reserved to them . before his majestie shall part from england , he will take all due care to entrust such persons with such authority in his absence , as he shall find to be requisite for the peace and safety of this kingdom , and the happy progresse of this parliament . finis . honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms his majesties letter and declaration to the sheriffes and city of london. ianuary 17, 1642 england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription b02013 of text r223452 in the english short title catalog (wing c2385b). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 11 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 b02013 wing c2385b estc r223452 51784438 ocm 51784438 174857 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. b02013) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 174857) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2703:16) his majesties letter and declaration to the sheriffes and city of london. ianuary 17, 1642 england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. city of london (england). court of common council. [2], 6 p. by leonard lichfield, printer to the university., printed by his majesties command, at oxford, ianuary 18. : 1642. reproduction of original in: bodleian library. eng b02013 r223452 (wing c2385b). civilwar no his majesties letter and declaration to the sheriffes and citty of london· ianuary 17. 1642. england and wales. sovereign 1643 1939 1 0 0 0 0 0 5 b the rate of 5 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-02 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-03 robyn anspach sampled and proofread 2008-03 robyn anspach text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion his majesties letter and declaration to the sheriffes and citty of london . ianuary 17. 1642. printed , by his majesties command , at oxford , ianuary 18. by leonard lichfield printer to the vniversity . 1642. his majesties letter and declaration to the sheriffes and citty of london . ianuary 17. 1642. trusty and welbeloved , we greet you well . we received lately a petition from the aldermen and common-councell of our city of london , by the hands of persons entrusted by them for the delivery , who found such a reception from vs , as well manifested our regard to that body which sent them ; though we well knew by whom that petition was framed , and where perused and examined , before it was approved by those from whom it seemed to be sent , yet we were so willing to enter into a correspondence with that our city , and to receive any addresse and application from them according to that invitation we had given by our late proclamation ; and were so glad to find that there was yet some hopes they would look to the peace and happinesse of that city , and at last sever themselves from any faction or dependence , which might insensibly involve them in those calamities they did not foresee , that we returned such a gracious answer therunto , so full of candor and affection , that the meanest inhabitant of that our citty , if he carefully consider the same , will find himselfe concerned in it , and that we have had an especiall care of his particular . with this answer of ours we sent a servant of our own , in the company of those who had been so well used here , to require and see that it might be communicated to the whole body of that our city ; not doubting but that both it & the bringer should receive such entertainment there , as might manifest their due regard of vs , & of our affection to them : but to our great wonder , we finde that after ten dayes attendance , and suffering ridiculous pamphlets to be published in our name , as if we retracted our former resolutions , ( which pamphlet we have caused to be burned by the hand of the hangman , as we also require you to see don ) instead of that admission we expected to our messenger and message , guards of armed men have beene brought to keep our good subjects , to whom that our answer was directed , from being present at the reading thereof ; and speeches have been made by strangers ( who have been admitted to the citty councells , contrary to the freedome and custome of those meetings , ) to blast our said answer , and to dishonour and slander vs , which if our good subjects there shall suffer , we shall be much discouraged in our desired correspondence with that ou● city , and so by the cunning and power of those incendiaries mentioned in our answer ( alderman pennington ( who to show his great loyalty to vs , and his fitnesse to bee the chiefe magistrate of such a city , being informed that a desperate person there , said , that hee hoped shortly to wash his hands in our bloud , refused to send any warrant , or to give any direction to any officer for his apprehension , ) ven , fulke , and manwaring ) who have plunged that our city into such unspeakable calamities , in which they would still keepe it to cure their owne desperate condition , our good subjects there are not suffered to receive our gratious answer to that petition ; wee have therefore thought fit to write these our letters to you , requiring you the sheriffes of our said city ; to take care for the publishing that our answer ( which wee herewith send you ) to our good subjects of that our city ; and our pleasure is , that you the masters and wardens of the severall companies of our said city forth with summon all the members of your severall companies , with all the freemen and apprentises ( whose hopes and interests are so much blasted in these generall distractions ) belonging thereunto , to appeare at your severall halls , where you shall cause our said answer , together with these our letters , to bee publiquely read , that all our good subjects may cleerely understand how farre we have beene from begetting , how farre wee are from continuing or nourishing these unnaturall civill dissentions , and how much it is in their owne power to remove the present pressures , and to establish the future happinesse and glory of that famous city , and may seriously weigh every part of that our answer , as well that which carries caution in it for the future , as pardon for what is past , for assure your selves , for the time to come , wee shall proceed with all severity against such who shall incurre the penalty of the law in those points , of which wee have given them so faire a warning in our said answer , & whosoever shall not behave himselfe like a good subject in this our kingdome , shall not ( if we can helpe it ) receive the benefit and advantage of being our subject in any other , but all forraigne princes shall know , that as such person hath parted with his loyalty to us , so he must not hope for any security by us , and to that purpose wee shall hence forward have a very inquisitive eye upon the actions of all our subjects , that some example may be made , how easie it is for us to punish their disloyalties abroad , who for a time may avoyd our iustice at home . and to the end that none of our good subjects of that our city may thinke themselves bound to obey any of the orders or commands of the pretended lord major ( whom we have and doe still accuse of high treason , & conspiring to take our life from vs , ) it is well knowne to those citizens who understand the charter of that city ( so amply granted by our royall progenitors , and so gratiously confirmed by us , & of which we presume our good subjects there doe still desire to receive the benefit , ) that the said isaack pennington was never regularly elected , or lawfully admitted to bee lord major of that our city , that in truth alderman cordwell , was by the plurality of voyces chosen , and that this man was never presented to , or admitted by us , in such manner as is prescribed by the said charter , neither had that iudge , who presumed to sweare him , any more colour of law or authority to administer such an oath to him , then hee hath to doe the same to morrow to any other alderman of the city : and wee doe therefore hereby declare the said isaack pennington not to bee major of that our city of london , and to have no lawfull authority to exercise the same , and that our good subjects of that our city , ought not to submit to any order , directions , or commands which shall issue from him as lord major of that our city , but that the same are void and of none effect . and wee doe once more require you the sheriffes of our said city , and all other the magistrates of the same , in which all our good subjects of that city will assist you , that you cause the said isaack pennington , ven , fulke , and manwaring , to bee apprehended and committed to safe custody , that wee may proceed against them as guilty of high treason , and principall authours of those calamities which are now so heavy upon our poore subjects of that city , and if not suddenly remedied , will in a short time utterly confound a place , and a people lately of so flourishing an estimation in all the parts of christendome , and where as we are informed that one browne a wood-monger , titchborne a linnen-draper , and one harvy a silke-man , have exercised great insolencies and out rages in that our city , and when many of our good subjects there , have assembled together in a peaceable and modest manner , to consult about the peace and welfare of that city , the said mutinous and seditious persons have presumed to lead multitudes of armed men against them , and by such force have beaten , wounded , and killed our good subjects ; our will and pleasure is , that if the said browne , titchborne , and harvy , or either of them , shall so farre neglect our gratious offer of pardon , as still to engage themselves in those unwarrantable and seditious courses , that you our sheriffes of london , rayse power to suppresse the said force , and that you and all our ministers of iustice , use your utmost meanes to apprehend the said persons , and to bring them to condigne punishment . and we doe here by declare , that it shall be lawfull for any of our loving subjects , to resist and oppose the said persons , if they shall hereafter , in such a warlike manner , endeavour to molest them as they would doe rebels and traytours : and we hope that all our good subjects of that our much injured city of london , doe take notice of our grace and favour towards them in our so freely passing by and pardoning the offences there committed against us , as wee have offered by our proclamation and our late answer ; and of our very earnest desire to bee with them , and to reside amongst them for their comfort , support , and protection , if they shall , by first providing for their owne security ( in such manner as we have directed them in our late answer ) give us an instance that we may be safe there too ; and that they doe likewise observe , that being by such violence kept from them , wee have done our utmost endeavour to continue and advance the decayed trading of that our city , by permitting and encouraging all resort and traffique thither , and therefore if by the stopping of carriages , and seizing commodities by other men , the commerce and correspondence be broken betweene that place and our good subjects of other counties , they will impute that mischiefe to the true authours of it , and looke upon us onely as not able to helpe them . doe but your duties , and this cloud , which threatens a present confusion , will quickly vanish away , and you will enjoy all the blessings of a happy nation , to the which no endeavour of ours shall bee wanting . given at our court at oxford , this 17. day of ianuary . 1642. finish . a copy of an intercepted letter from his majesty to the lords and gentlemen, committees of the scots parliament, together with the officers of that army. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a78679 of text r211002 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.12[95]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a78679 wing c2165 thomason 669.f.12[95] estc r211002 99869744 99869744 162886 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a78679) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 162886) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 246:669f12[95]) a copy of an intercepted letter from his majesty to the lords and gentlemen, committees of the scots parliament, together with the officers of that army. charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. scotland. parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1648] imprint from wing. dated at end: carisbrook, munday 31 july, 1648. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a78679 r211002 (thomason 669.f.12[95]). civilwar no a copy of an intercepted letter from his majesty, to the lords and gentlemen, committees of the scots parliament, together with the officers charles king of england 1648 507 1 0 0 0 0 0 20 c the rate of 20 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-05 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-06 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-06 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a copy of an intercepted letter from his majesty , to the lords and gentenlemen , committees of the scots parliament , together with the officers of that army . my lords and gentlemen : it is no small comfort to me , that my native country hath so true a sense of my present condition , as i find expressed by your letter of the eight of this month , and your declaration , both which i received upon friday last , and the same reason which makes you discreetly and generously at this time , forbear to presse any thing to me , hinders me likewise to make any particular professions unto you , left it may be imagined that desire of liberty should now be the only secretary to my thoughts : yet thus much i cannot but say ; that , as in all humane reason , nothing but a free presonall treaty with me , can settle the unhappy distractions of these distressed kingdomes : so , if that could once be had , i would not doubt , but , that ( by the grace of god ) a happy peace would soon follow . such force ( i believe ) true reason has in the hearts of all men , when it may be clearly and calmly heard ; and i am not ashamed , at all times , to professe , that it hath , and so shall be alwayes want of understanding , not of will , if i do not yeeld to reason whensoever , and from whomsoever i hear it ; and it were a strange thing , if reason should be lesse esteemed because it comes from me , which ( truly ) i doe not expect from you : your declaration seeming to me , ( and i hope your actions will prove that i am not deceived ) to be so well grounded upon honour and justice ; that albeit by way of opinion , i cannot give a placet to every clause in it : yet i am confident , upon a calme and friendly debate , we shall very well agree . to conclude ; i cannot ( for the present ) better shew my thankfulnesse to you , for the generous and loyall expressions of your affections to me , then by giving you my honest and sincere advice ; which is , really and constanstly , without seeking private ends , to pursue the publicke professions in your declaration , as sincere christians & good subjects ought to do , alwaies remembring , that as the best foundation of loyalty is christianity ; so true christianity teaches perfect loyalty , for without this reciprocation , neither is truely what they pretend to be : but i am both confident that needs not to you , as likewise that you will rightly understand this , which is affectionatly intended by carisbrook , munday 31 july , 1648. your 〈…〉 his majesties gracious message to both houses of parliament, sent from nottingham, august 25. with the answer of the lords and commons to the said message: and his majesties reply to the same. sept. 2. together with the answer and humble petition of both houses to his majesties last message: and also his majesties message in reply to the said answer, sept. 11. 1642. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a78808 of text r19423 in the english short title catalog (thomason e116_47). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 13 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 9 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a78808 wing c2334 thomason e116_47 estc r19423 99860667 99860667 112792 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a78808) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 112792) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 20:e116[47]) his majesties gracious message to both houses of parliament, sent from nottingham, august 25. with the answer of the lords and commons to the said message: and his majesties reply to the same. sept. 2. together with the answer and humble petition of both houses to his majesties last message: and also his majesties message in reply to the said answer, sept. 11. 1642. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. dorset, edward sackville, earl of, 1591-1652. england and wales. parliament. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i). his maiesties gracious and last message, sent by the earle of dorset ... from nottingham 25 august 1642. [2], 14 p. printed by robert barker, printer to the kings most excellent majestie: and by the assignes of john bill, london : mdcxlii. [1642] also published with title: his maiesties gracious and last message, sent by the earle of dorset. annotation on thomason copy: "sep: 14". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng charles -i, -king of england, 1600-1649 -early works to 1800. england and wales. -parliament -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a78808 r19423 (thomason e116_47). civilwar no his majesties gracious message to both houses of parliament, sent from nottingham, august 25.: with the answer of the lords and commons to england and wales. sovereign 1642 2128 1 0 0 0 0 0 5 b the rate of 5 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-03 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-04 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-04 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion his majesties gracious message to both houses of parliament , sent from nottingham , august 25. with the answer of the lords and commons to the said message : and his majesties reply to the same . sept. 2. together with the answer and humble petition of both houses to his majesties last message : and also his majesties message in reply to the said answer , sept. 11. 1642. london : printed by robert barker , printer to the kings most excellent majestie : and by the assignes of john bill . mdcxlii . diev · et mon · droit cr royal blazon or coat of arms ¶ his majesties gracious message to both houses of parliament , sent from nottingham , 25. august , 1642. by the earles of southampton and dorset , sir iohn culpeper knight , chancellour of the exchequer , and sir vvilliam vvedall , knight . we have with unspeakable grief of heart long beheld the distractions of this our kingdom ; our very soul is full of anguish untill we may finde some remedy to prevent the miseries which are ready to overwhelm this whole nation by a civill war : and though all our endeavours tending to the composing of those unhappy differences betwixt vs & our two houses of parliament ( though pursued by vs with all zeal and sincerity ) have bin hitherto without that successee whoped for ; yet such is our constant and earnest care to preserve the publike peace , that we shall not be discouraged from using any expedient , which by the blessing of the god of mercy may lay a firm foundation of peace and happinesse to all our good subjects : to this end observing that many mistakes have arisen by the messages , petitions and answers betwixt vs and our two houses of parliament , which happily may be prevented by some other way of treatie , wherein the matters in difference may be more cleerly understood , and more freely transacted ; we have thought fit to propound to you , that some fit persons may be by you inabled to treat with the like number to be authorized by vs , in such a manner , and with such freedom of debate , as may best tend to that happy conclusion , which all good-men desire , the peace of the kingdom : wherein as we promist in the word of a king all safety and encouragement to such as shall be sent unto vs , if you shall choose the place where we are for the treaty , which we wholly leave to you , presuming of the like care of the safety of those we shall imploy , if you shall name another place ; so we assure you and all our good subjects , that ( to the best of our understanding ) nothing shall be therein wanting on our part , which may advance the true protestant religion , oppose poperie and superstition , secure the law of the land ( upon which is built as well our just prerogative , as the propriety and liberty of the subject ) confirm all just power & priviledges of parliament , and render vs and our people truely happy by a good vnderstanding betwixt vs and our two houses of parliament . bring with you as firm resolutions to do your duty , and let all our good people joyn with vs in our prayers to almighty god for his blessing upon this work . if this proposition shall be rejected by you , we have done our duty so amply , that god will ab●olve vs from the guilt of any of that blood which must be spilt . and what opinion soever other men may have of our power , we assure you nothing but our christian & pious care to prevent the effusion of blood hath begot this motion , our provision of men , arms and money being such as may secure vs from further violence , till it please god to open the eyes of our people . ❧ the answer of the lords and commons to his majesties message of the 25. of august . 1642. may it please your majestie , the lords and commons in parliament assembled , having received your majesties message of the 25 of august , do with much grief resent the dangerous and distracted state of this kingdom , which we have by all means endeavoured to prevent , both by our severall advices and petitions of your majesty , which have bin not only without successe , but there hath followed that , which no ill counsell in former times hath produced , or any age hath seen , namely , those severall proclamations and declarations against both the houses of parliament , whereby their actions are declared treasonable , and their persons traitors ; and thereupon your majestie hath set up your standard against them , whereby you have put the two houses of parliament , and in them this whole kingdom out of your protection ; so that untill your majestie shall recall those proclamations and declarations , whereby the earl of essex and both houses of parliament , and their adherents and assistante , and such as have obeyed and executed their commands & directions , according to their duties , are declared traitors , or otherwise delinquents ; and untill the standard set up in pursuance of the said proclamations be taken down , your majestie hath put us into such a condition , that whilest we so remain we cannot by the fundamentall priviledges of parliament , the publike trust reposed in us , or with the generall good and safetie of this kingdome give your majestie any other answer to this message . joh. browne cler. parliament . h. elsinge cler. parl. d. com. s his majesties reply to an answer sent by the two houses of parliament to his majesties message of the 25. of august , concerning a treatie of accommodation . we will not repeat what means we have used to prevent the dangerous and distracted estate of the kingdom , nor how those meanes have been interpreted , because being desirous to avoid effusion of blood we are willing to decline all memory of former bitternesse that might make our offer of a treatie lesse readily accepted . we never did declare , nor ever intended to declare both our houses of parliament traitours , or set up our standard against them , and much lesse to put them and this kingdom out of our protection : we utterly professe against it before god and the world . and further to remove all possible scruples which may hinder the treaty so much desired by vs ; we hereby promise , so that a day he appointed by you for the revoking of your declarations against all persons as traitours or otherwayes , for assisting of vs , we shall with all cheerfulnesse upon the same day recall our proclamations and declarations , and take down our standard : in which treaty we shall be ready to grant any thing that shall be really for the good of our subjects ; conjuring you to consider the bleeding , condition of ireland , and the dangerous condition of england , in as high a degree as by these our offers we have declared our self to do : and assuring you that our chief desire in this world is to beget a good understanding and mutuall confidence betwixt vs and our two houses of parliament . to the kings most excellent majestie the humble answer and petition of the lords and commons assembled in parliament , unto the kings last message . may it please your majestie . if we the lords and commons in parliament assembled should repeat all the waies we have taken , the endeavours we have used , and the expressions we have made unto your majestie to prevent those distractions and dangers your majestie speaks of , likely to fall upon this kingdom , we should too much enlarge the reply ; therefore as we humbly , so shall we onely let your majestie know , that we cannot recede from our former answer , for the reasons therein expressed : for that your majestie hath not taken down your standard , recalled your proclamations and declarations , whereby you have declared the actions of both houses of parliament to be treasonable , and their persons traitours , and you have published the same since your message of the 25 of august , by your late instructions sent to your commissioners of array : which standard being taken down , and the declarations , proclamations and instructions recalled , if your majestie shall then upon this our humble petition , leaving your forces , return unto your parliament , and receive their faithfull advice , your majestie will finde such expressions of our fidelities and duties as shall assure you , that your safety , honour and greatnesse can onely be found in the affections of your people , and the sincere counsels of your parliament whose constant and undiscouraged endeavours and consultations have passed through difficulties unheard of , onely to secure your kingdoms from the violent mischiefs and dangers now ready to fall upon them , and every part of them ; who deserve better of your majestie , and can never allow themselves ( representing likewise your whole kingdom ) to be balanced with those persons , whose desperate dispositions and counsels prevail still so to interrupt all our endeavours for the relieving of bleeding ireland , as we may fear our labours and vast expences will be fruitlesse to that distressed kingdom . as your presence is thus humbly desired by vs , so is it in our hopes your majestie will in your reason beleeve , there is no other way then this to make your majesties self happy , and your kingdom safe . jo. brown cler. par. his majesties message in reply to the answer and humble petition of both houses of parliament . we have taken most wayes , used most endeavours , and made most reall expressions to prevent the present distractions and dangers , let all the world judge , as well by former passages , as by our two last messages , which have been so fruitlesse , that ( though we have descended to desire and presse it ) not so much as a treatie can be obtained , unlesse we would denude our self of all force to defend vs from a visible strength marching against vs , and admit those persons as traitours to vs , who according to their duetie , their oathes of allegiance , and the law , have appeared in defence of vs their king and liege lord ( whom we are bound in conscience and honour to preserve ) though we disclaimed all our proclamations and declarations , and the erecting of our standard as against our parliament . all we have now left in our power is , to expresse the deep sense we have of the publike misery of this kingdom , in which is involved that of our distressed protestants of ireland , and to apply our self to our necessary defence , wherein we wholly rely upon the providence of god , the iustice of our cause , and the affection of our good people , so far we are from putting them out of our protection . when you shall desire a treaty of vs , we shall piously remember whose blood is to be spilt in this quarrell , and cheerfully embrace it . and as no other reason induced vs to leave our city of london , but that with honour and safety we could not stay there ; nor raise any force , but for the necessary defence of our person and the law , against leavies in opposition to both ; so we shall suddenly and most willingly return to the one , and disband the other , as soon as those causes shall be removed . the god of heaven direct you , and in mercy divert those iudgements which hang over this nation , and so deal with vs and our posterity , as we desire the preservation and advancement of the true protestant religion , the law and the liberty of the subject , the just rights of parliament , and the peace of the kingdom . finis . the kings maiesties answer to the petition of the house of commons sent on saturday last, the nine and twentieth of this instant jan. 1642. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a31817 of text r41446 in the english short title catalog (wing c2135). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a31817 wing c2135 estc r41446 31355366 ocm 31355366 110423 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a31817) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 110423) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1736:13) the kings maiesties answer to the petition of the house of commons sent on saturday last, the nine and twentieth of this instant jan. 1642. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.). for f.c.i.w., printed at london : 1642. imperfect: creased and torn, with slight loss of print. reproduction of original in the bodleian library. eng charles -i, -king of england, 1600-1649. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. broadsides -london (england) -17th century. a31817 r41446 (wing c2135). civilwar no the kings maiesties answer to the petition of the house of commons sent on saturday last, the nine and twentieth of this instant jan. 1642. england and wales. sovereign 1642 926 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c r honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms the kings maiesties answer to the petition of the house of commons , sent on saturday last , the nine and twentieth of this instant jan. 1642. his majesty having seriously considered of the petition presented to him from the house of commons , on wednesday the six and twentieth of this moneth , returnes this answer . that he was in good hope his gracious message , the twentieth of this moneth , to both houses would have produced some such overture , which by offring what is fit on their parts to do , and what is proper for his majesty to grant , might beget a mutuall confidence in each other . concerning the tower of london , his majesty did not expect , that having preferred a person of a known fortune , and an unquestionable reputation to that trust , he should be pressed to remove him without any particular charge objected against him , and therefore returns this answer , that if upon due examination any particulars shall be presented to his majesty , whereby it may appeare that his majesty was mistaken in his opinion of the gentleman , and that he is unfit for the trust committed to him , his majesty will make no scruple of discharging him , but otherwise his majesty is obliged in justice to himselfe , to preserve his own work , lest , his favour and good opinion may prove a disadvantage & misfortune to his servants without any other accusation , of which his majesty doubts not this house of commons will be so tender , ( as of all businesse wherein his majesties honour is so much concerned ) that if they find no materiall exceptions against his person , they will rather endeavour to satisfie and reform the feares of other men then ( by complying with them ) presse his majesty to any resolution which may seem so much to reflect upon his honor & justice . for the forts and castles of the kingdome his majesty is resolved that they shall alwayes be in such hands ( and onely in such ) as the parliament may safely confide in : but the nomination of any person to those places , being so principall and inseparable a flower of his crowne , vested in him , and derived to him from his ancestors by the fundamentall laws of the kingdome he will reserve to himselfe ; in bestowing whereof , as his maiesty will take care that no corrupt or sinister courses shall prevaile with him , so he is willing to declare that he shall not be induced to expresse that favour so soon to any person as to those whose good demeanour shall be eminent to him or his parliament : and if he now hath or shall at any time by misinformation confer such a trust upon an undeserving person , he is and alwaies will be ready to leave him to the wisdome and justice of his parliament . for the militia of the kingdome ( which by the law is subject to no command but of his majesty , and of authority lawfully derived from him ) when any particular course for ordering the same ( which his majesty holds very necessary for the peace and security of his kingdome ) shall be considered and digested by his parliament , and proposed to his majesty , his majesty will return such an answer , as shall be agreeable to his honour and the safety of his people , his majesty being resolved only to deny those things , the granting whereof would alter the fundamentall laws , and endanger the very foundation upon which the publike happinesse and welfare of his people is founded and constituted , and would nourish a greater and more destructive jealousie between the crown and the subjects , then any of these which would seem to be taken away by such a satisfaction : and his majesty doth not doubt that his having granted more then ever king hath granted will ever perswade his house of commons to aske more then ever subjects have asked . and if they shall acquaint his majesty with the particular grounds of their doubts and feares , he will very willingly apply remedies proportionall to those fears . for his majesty cals god to witnesse , that the preservation of the publick peace , and the laws and liberties of the subject , shall alwaies be his majesties care and industry as of his life , and the lives of his dearest children . and therefore his majesty doth conjure the house of commons by all the acts of justice and favour they have received from him this parliament , by their hopes of future happinesse in his majesty , and in one anothers love of religion and the peace of this kingdome ( in which that of ireland cannot be forgotten ) that they will not be transported with jealousies and apprehensions of possible dangers , to put themselves and his majesty into reall and present inconveniences , but that they will speedily pursue the way , proposed by his majestys former message which in humane reason is the only way to compose the distractions of the kingdom ; and with gods blessing will restore a great measure of felicity to king and people . printed at london for f.c.i.w. 1642. by the king a proclamation for a publike, generall, and solemne fast. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) 1625 approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a22376 stc 8787 estc s122671 33150389 ocm 33150389 28580 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a22376) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 28580) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1876:47) by the king a proclamation for a publike, generall, and solemne fast. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.). by bonham norton and iohn bill, printers to the kings most excellent maiestie, printed at london : anno dom. m. dc. xxv [1625] arms with "c r" at top. "giuen at the court at white-hall, the third day of iuly, in the first yeere of his maiesties reigne of great britaine, france and ireland." reproduction of original in: henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng fasts and feasts -church of england. fasts and feasts -great britain. plague -england -london -early works to 1800. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. broadsides -london (england) -17th century. 2003-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-06 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-07 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2003-07 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-08 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion cr diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms ❧ by the king. ¶ a proclamation for a publike , generall , and solemne fast. the kings most excellent maiestie , vpon the humble petition of the lords spirituall and temporall , and commons in the present parliament assembled , taking into his princely consideration the many important causes , and extraordinary occasions calling vpon him , and his people for a ioynt and generall humiliation of all estates of his kingdome , before almighty god in prayer and fasting , aswell for auerting this heauy uisitation of plague and pestilence , already begun , and dangerously dispersed in many parts of this kingdome , as also for drawing downe his blessing vpon his maiesty and his people , and armies both by sea and land , hath therefore ( according to the royall and laudable example of other godly kings ) by the aduice and assistance of his prelates and bishops , caused an order or direction for publique prayer and fasting , to be conceiued and published in print , in a booke for this speciall purpose , to be generally obserued and solemnized , in humble hope and confidence , that when both prince and people together through the whole land , shal ioyne in one common , & solemne deuotion , of sending vp their faithfull and repentant prayers to almighty god at one instant of time , the same shall bee more auaileable to obtaine that mercie , helpe and comfort from him , which in the present important occasions this church and common-wealth doe stand in neede of . his maiestie doeth therefore by this present proclamation straitly charge and command , that a generall , publike , and solemne fast be kept and holden , as well by abstinence from food , as by publike prayers , preaching , and hearing of the word of god , and other sacred duties , according to the direction of the said booke , in all collegiate and parish-churches and chappels within this kingdome of england , and dominion of wales , vpon wednesday , the twentieth day of this instant moneth of iuly , and from thencefoorth continued vpon the wednesday of euery weeke following , by the reuerend , religious , and deuout assembly of the whole congregation of such of the inhabitants in each seuerall place , as are free and safe from danger of infection , and may in euery family be conueniently spared ; willing and requiring , aswell all archbishops , and bishops , in their seuerall prouinces , and diocesses , and all parsons , uicars and curats , within their seuerall parishes and charges , as also all maiors , sheriffes , iustices of peace , and other officers in their seuerall places , limits , and iurisdictions , respectiuely to take especiall care , that this his maiesties royall commandement be duly executed and obserued : and that they themselues be lights of good example to the rest ; and that all others in manner aforesaid , doe diligently and deuoutlyfollow and performe the same , as they tender their duties to almighty god , and to their prince and countrey , and will answere for their prophane , or contemptuous neglect hereof at their vttermost perils . giuen at the court at white-hall , the third day of iuly , in the first yeere of his maiesties reigne of great britaine , france and ireland . god saue the king. ¶ printed at london by bonham norton and iohn bill , printers to the kings most excellent maiestie . m. dc . xxv . by the king. a proclamation for the better defence of the kings royall person, and of this universitie and city proclamations. 1644-05-24 england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a79002 of text r232688 in the english short title catalog (wing c2603). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a79002 wing c2603 estc r232688 99900223 99900223 171052 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a79002) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 171052) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2552:7) by the king. a proclamation for the better defence of the kings royall person, and of this universitie and city proclamations. 1644-05-24 england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by leonard lichfield, printer to the university, printed at oxford : 1644. dated at end: ... oxford, the 24th day of may, ... 1644. arms 41; steele notation: the to may. reproduction of original in the victoria and albert museum, forster collection, london, england. eng charles -i, -king of england, 1600-1649 -protection -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a79002 r232688 (wing c2603). civilwar no by the king. a proclamation for the better defence of the kings royall person, and of this universitie and city. england and wales. sovereign 1644 707 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c r honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the king . ¶ a proclamation for the better defence of the kings royall person , and of this vniversitie and city . whereas by our proclamation of the 28 of aprill past , taking notice of the desires of the lords and commons of parliament here assembled , we did straitly charge and command all persons whatsoever residing in this university and city speedily to list themselves in the regiment of auxiliaries under the command of the earle of dover , which is upon no occasion to march out of this city upon service , otherwise then upon sallyes in case of a siege , nor to doe duties therein , except in case of a siege , or other extraordinary occasion ; and whereas we have since given a like commission to the lord littleton , keeper of our great seale , to raise one other regiment of auxiliaries to consist of gentlemen of the innes of court , and others appertaining to the law : notwithstanding which we find that many persons have not , nor doe not ( as we are informed ) intend to list themselves at all in any of the said regiments , or any others here in garrison , to the manifest prejudice of our service , and neglect of their duties for the preservation of this university and city . wherefore we have thought fit , by the advice of our councell of warre , again straitly to charge and command all persons whatsoever ( not already listed ) ( except such as are already officers or souldiers in some other regiment of our army , and except the members of both houses of parliament , the gentlemen of our troop , our meniall servants , and the servants of our dearest sonne prince charles , our commissioners , such as have entered into holy orders , or such as for age , or some infirmity are not of ability to beare armes ) to list themselves in the city regiment , or in one of the said regiments of auxiliaries , before the 27 of this instant may , or else to depart the city , as persons unfit to reside here , or to have the benefit of our protection . and if any shall be found after that time ( not being excepted ) who have not listed themselves , we doe command the governour to cause such to be forthwith apprehended and proceeded against , as persons disaffected to our service and the good and security of this city . and we doe farther straitly command all the inhabitants of this city able to beare armes , with their servants , to list themselves in the city regiment , and to arme themselves accordingly before the said 27 of may , upon paine of being severely proceeded against for their neglect , which we require as well the governour , as the colonell and other officers of the said city regiment in their respective charges to see straitly obeyed ; and to the end that no person who shall reside here may be exempt , we shall take some speedy course that those of our servants , and of our dearest sonne the prince , whose attendances are not immediatly required , shall be listed under such commands , as that upon all occasions they may be ready for the defence of this city . and that we may find the effects hereof , our expresse pleasure is , that the city regiment , and both the regiments of auxiliaries appeare before us in armes upon tuesday next in the morning in the new parkes , where we intend to view them and their numbers . this our pleasure we command shall instantly be published in this city and university , to the end it may , be observed accordingly . given at our court at oxford , the 24th day of may , in the twentieth yeare of our reigne . 1644. god save the king . ¶ printed at oxford , by leonard lichfield , printer to the vniversity , 1644. a political catechism, or, certain questions concerning the government of this land, answered in his majesties own words, taken out of his answer to the 19 propositions, pag. 17, 18, 19, 20. of the first edition; with some brief observations thereupon. published for the more compleat setling of consciences; particularly of those that have made the late protestation, to maintain the power and priviledges of parliament, when they shall herein see the kings owne interpretation what that power and priviledges are. it is this twentieth day of may, an. dom. 1643. ordered by the committee of the house of commons in parliament concerning printing, that this booke entituled, a politicall catechism, be printed. iohn white. parker, henry, 1604-1652. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a91339 of text in the english short title catalog (thomason e104_8a). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 33 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 10 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a91339 wing p416a thomason e104_8a 99865335 99865335 155928 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a91339) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 155928) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 18:e104[8a]) a political catechism, or, certain questions concerning the government of this land, answered in his majesties own words, taken out of his answer to the 19 propositions, pag. 17, 18, 19, 20. of the first edition; with some brief observations thereupon. published for the more compleat setling of consciences; particularly of those that have made the late protestation, to maintain the power and priviledges of parliament, when they shall herein see the kings owne interpretation what that power and priviledges are. it is this twentieth day of may, an. dom. 1643. ordered by the committee of the house of commons in parliament concerning printing, that this booke entituled, a politicall catechism, be printed. iohn white. parker, henry, 1604-1652. charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) england and wales. parliament. [2], 14 p. printed for samuel gellibrand, at the brazen serpent in pauls church-yard, london : 1643. two editions are filmed consecutively, both labeled e.104[8]. the first is wing p416a, and has an ornamental border enclosing title. the second is wing p416, which does not have a border. in this edition, line fifteen of title reads: "herein see the kings owne interpreta-"; title enclosed within an ornamental border. by henry parker -cf. wing. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng england and wales. -parliament -early works to 1800. england and wales. -sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i). -his maiesties answer to the xix propositions of both houses of parliament. royal supremacy (church of england) -early works to 1800. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a91339 (thomason e104_8a). civilwar no a political catechism, or, certain questions concerning the government of this land,: answered in his majesties own words, taken out of his parker, henry 1643 5644 22 0 0 0 0 0 39 d the rate of 39 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-05 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-09 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2007-09 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a political catechism , or , certain questions concerning the government of this land , answered in his majesties own words , taken out of his answer to the 19 propositions , pag. 17 , 18 , 19 , 20. of the first edition ; with some brief observations thereupon . published for the more compleat setling of consciences ; particularly of those that have made the late protestation , to maintain the power and priviledges of parliament , when they shall herein see the kings owne interpretation what that power and priviledges are . we can do nothing against the truth , but for the truth . 2 cor. 13. 8. it is this twentieth day of may , an. dom. 1643. ordered by the committee of the house of commons-in parliament concerning printing , that this booke entituled , a politicall catechism , be printed . iohn white . london printed for samuel gellibrand , at the brazen serpent in pauls church-yard , 1643. a politicall catechism , serving to instruct those that have made the protestation concerning the power and priviledges of parliament ; taken out of his majesties answer to the 19 propositions . question . how many simple kinds are there of civill government of states , and common-wealths ? answer . there are three kinds of government among men ; absolute monarchy , aristocracy , and democracy , page , 17. qu. 2. are there any of these simple formes perfect ? ans. all these have their particular conveniences and inconveniences , page 17. observ. 1 experience hath taught men everywhere to acknowledge this , and accordingly there never was long ( if at all ) continued any of these forms exactly simple ; though some have more seemed such then others . also in all mixtures there is commonly some one of these forms more conspicuous then the rest , from whence such a particular government hath its denomination . q. 3. is the state of england governed by any one of these kinds simply ? a. the experience and wisdom of your ancestors hath . moulded this [ government ] out of a mixture of these . page 18 , q. 4 what kind of government then is that of the state of england ? a. regulated monarchy . page 18. observ. 1. if this government be a mixture of all these , and a regulated monarchy ; then it is a fond thing with us to talk of an absolute monarchy , and what an absolute monarch is , or may doe . and it is only the language of flattery that holds such discourses . 2 it need not be counted a solecisme ( as some would perswade us ) to speak of free subjects in a monarchy , such a monarchy as ours is . 3 if this government be a mixture of all three , then the house of commons , the representative body of the people , must needs be allowed a share in government ( some at least ) which yet is denyed , page 19. 4 if this government be a mixture , then is not the government according to these lawes , solely trusted to the king , as seems to be affirmed page 18. 5 if the government be regulated , why do men tell us that the king is above all law ? for it is by lawes that he is regulated . 6 if the king bee regulated by the law , then is the king accountable to the law , and not to god only , as men would make us beleeve . 7 if the monarchy or regall authority it selfe bee regulated , then whatsoever is done by the king , undeniably without and beyond the limits of that regulation , is not regall authority . and therefore . 8 to resist the notorious transgressions of that regulation , is no resisting of regall authority . and 9 it is so farre from being a resisting of the ordinance of god , that it is not so much as resisting the ordinance of man . q 5. by whom was this government framed in this sort ? or who is to be accounted the immediate efficient of the constitution thereof ? a. the experience and wisdom of your ancestors hath so moulded this , page 18. observ. 1. if our ancestors were the moulders of this government , then the king hath not his power , solely , or immediately , by divine right . 2 much lesse hath he his power or authority by right of conquest . 3 but the immediate originall of it was from the people . and if so , then — 4 in questioned cases , the king is to produce his grant ( for he hath no more then what was granted ) and not the people to shew a reservation ; for all is presumed to be reserved , which cannot be proved to be granted away . q. 6 is this regulated and mixt monarchy , as good as an absolute monarchy , or better , or worse ? a. this excellent constitution of this kingdom , ( the ancient , equall , happy , well-poysed , and never enough commended constitution of the government of this kingdom . page 17. ) hath made this nation so many years both famous and happy , and to a great degree of envy . page 20. q. 7 how comes it to passe that this constitution is so excellent . a. the experience and wisdom of your ancestors hath so moulded this , out of a mixture of these , as to give to this kingdom ( as farre as humane prudence can provide ) the conveniences of all three , without the inconvenience of any one p. 18 observ. 1. then those that would place in the king , an absolute and abitrary power to do what he list , are destructive to the nations happinesse , and enemies to the kingdom . 2. if this mixture cause this happinesse , then it is not the greatnesse of the kings power over his people , but the restraint of that power that hath made this kingdom famous and happy ; for other kings have power as large , but not so much restrained ; which largenesse of their power hath raised those kings indeed , ( but not their kingdoms ) to a great degree of envy . 3. hence we discern , that it is possible for kings to envy their peoples happinesse , because the largenesse of the peoples happinesse depends much upon the restraint of the kings exorbitant power . 4. if this mixture and well-poised constitution have raised this kingdom to so great a degree of envy , no marvell if iesuiticall councells be active to overthrow this happy constitution . q. 8 what is the conveniency or good of monarchy ? a. the vniting of a nation under one head , to resist invasion from abroad , and insurrection at home . page 18. obs. 1. what pernicious councellours are they then to a monarch that advise him to bring in from abroad german horse , or an irish army , or a fleet of danes to invade this kingdom ; or to imploy dunkeirk ships to seaze upon his merchants , which is so formally contrary to the proper good or end of monarchy it self ? 2. or are they better or worse that advise him to authorize , or even permit any in his name to plunder , rob , spoil ▪ imprison any of his subjects , whom they have found peaceably in their houses , or at work in the fields , and have not disobeyed any legall command of his ? q. 9 what is the ill of absolute monarchy ? or the inconvenience to which it is lyable ? a. the ill of absolute monarchy , is tyranny . page 18. obs. 1. therefore the more absolute a monarch is , the more prone to be a tyrant . 2. therfore also it is safer to restrain the king of some power to do us good then to grant him too much opportunity to do us hurt ; and the danger is greater to the people in englarging the kings power , then in restraining it somewhat . q. 10 what is the good or conveniency of aristocracy ? a. the good of aristocracy is the coniunction of councells in the ablest persons of a state for publike benefit . page 18 obs. ● . then surely it is for the publike benefit of the state , that this conjunction of councells in parliament should be made use of more then once in thirteen or fourteen years ; and the law for a trienniall parliament ( if there were not others before for the holding of a parliament yearly ) was a most necessary law , as also that it should not be dissolved for fifty dayes . 2. it was not then intended in the constitution of this government , that the king in the greatest matters of importance for publike benefit , should only hear what they say , and then follow it or reject it meerly at his owne pleasure ; for this may be as well done in an absolute monarchy . 3. neither is it agreeable to the constitution of this kingdom , to withdraw the king from affording his presence to his great councell of state , that so the private counsels of private men may be preferred before those whom the law and the constitution of the kingdom ▪ counts the ablest to iudge of publike benefit . q. 11 what is the ill of aristocracy , or the inconvenience to which it is lyable ? a. the ill of aristocracy is faction and division . page . 18. obs. what shall we say then to those private councellors that have abused the king , by perswading him first to withdraw himself from his parliament , and then to call away the members of both houses , when yet without the consent of both houses this parliament cannot be adjourned to another place , much lesse dissolved ? yet if all would have come away at call , had it not been dissolved for want of legall numbers remaining ? and what greater faction or division can there be , then such as divide between king and parliament , and between the house and their members ? are not they most pernicious instruments , that make monarchie it self , ( whose end is to unite as was said before ) thus far guilty of faction and division ? q. 12 what is the good , or convenience of democracy ? a. the good of democracy is liberty , and the courage and industry which liberty begets page 18. obs. 1. then the more liberties are encroached upon , the more the people will be rendred cowardly and poor , as may be plain enough seen by comparing the valour and riches of this nation in q. elizabeths dayes , with what hath been of late dayes . 2. the king himself , when once his subjects by having lost their liberties shall lose withall their courages , will prove the greatest looser ; for then his kingdom will be an easie prey to any forrain invader , or even to a home-bred usurper , that could gather any sudden strength , and would promise more libertie . q. 13 what is the ill of democracy , or the inoonvenience to which it is lyable ? a. the ills of democracy are tumults , violence , and licentiousnesse . page 18. obs. if these be the evils for which the peoples liberty ought to be restrained by the mixture in this government , then the restraint of the liberty should be measured according to the exigency of these evils , and so much liberty need onely be restrained as is sufficient for the prevention of these evils . q. 14 what is the mixture of this kingdom , which gives it the conveniences of all the three forementioned kinds of government , without the inconveniences of any one . a. in this kingdom the lawes are ioyntly made by a king , by a house of peeres , and by a house of commons chosen by the people : all having free votes , and particular priviledges . page 18. obs. 1. whereas there hath been great question made by many what is meant by the power and priviledges of parliament , mentioned in the protestation , which hath been so generally made thorowout the kingdom ? there is no reason to doubt but those things which the king grants afterward , to be the particular priviledge of each house , and of both , are their certain priviledges according to law , and the constitution of the kingdom ; and to the maintaining of them every one that hath made the protestation is most strictly bound , without peradventure or shift . 2. that the priviledges which the king challenges to himself , are to be yeelded to , onely so far forth as they are consistent with the acknowledged priviledges of the two houses ; because the monarchy being acknowledged to be a regulated monarchy , and the government mixt of aristocracy and democracy , as well a monarchy ; it is the priviledges of the two houses of parliament that makes the mixture , and so they must regulate and interpret the priviledges of the king , and not the priviledges of the king regulate or interpret theirs , save onely to the maintaining still the regall dignitie , and the succession according to laws . q. 15 what priviledges doth the king chalenge to himself ? a. the government according to these lawes is trusted to the king : power of treaties of warre and peace , of making peeres , of choosing officers , and councellors for state iudges for law , commanders for forts and castles ; giving commissions for raising men to make warre abroad , or to preuent or prouide against inuasions and insurr●ctions at home ▪ benefit of confiscations , power of pardouing , and some other of like kind are placed in the king . page 18. obs. 1. that all these are ordinarily in the king , experience and custom teaches , even those that know not the law by reading ; but by what hath been noted before , and follows after , it is to be understood only so , as not to prejudice the priviledges of the houses of parliament , specially in cases of necessitie , ( of which hereafter . ) also — 2. it is acknowledged here , that the government , trusted , is to be according to the lawes , and so all these things are not absolutely in the king ; as for instance , pardons , the law denies power of pardoning wilfull murther ; and benefit of some confiscations belongs to some private lords of mannours . 3. if government onely according to law be trusted to the king then to resist notorious illegall violences is not to resist the kings authority . q. 16 for what end is this authority trusted to the king , and placed in him ? a. for our subiects sake these rights are vested in us p 17 the prince may not make use of this high and perpetuall power to the hurt of those for whose good he hath it . page . 19. obs. 1. then the good of the subjects is ever to be preferred before the monarchiall greatnesse of the king ( the end is ever more considerable then the means ) salus populi is suprema lex . 2. whosoever counsels the king to any thing against the good of his subjects , is the kings enemy as well as the common-wealths , by attempting to turn him from that which is the end of his authoritie . q. 17 to what purpose especially are the priviledges of the house of commons and the house of peeres ? a. that the prince may not make use of this high and perpetuall power to the hurt of those for whose good he hath it : and make use of the name of publike necessity for the gain of his priuate fauourites and followers &c. page 19. obs. 1. the law then supposes , that such cases may fall out , though it then charge the blame upon those favorites and followers , and not upon the king ( as we shall see by and by . ) 2. we need not wonder then why private favorites and followers are such enemies to parliaments and their priviledges , which are on purpose to hinder their gains : of which also more anon . 3. the two houses are by the law it seems , to be trusted , when they declare , that the power is made use of for the hurt of the people ; and the name of publike necessitie made use of for the gain of private favorites and followers , and the like . q 18 what are the speciall priviledges of the house of commons towards this ? a. the house of comm●ns , an excellent conseruer of liberty — is solely intrusted with the first propositions concerning the leauies of moneys which is the sinnews as well of peace as of warre &c page 19 obs. 1. it seems then the house of commons is presumed to be more carefull for the subjects liberties , then either the king , or the house of peers . 2. then it must needs be strange for any to conceive ( as the kings declarations would perswade ) that the house of commons would fight against and subvert the libertie and propriety of the subject , and the kings favorites and followers fight for them , and protect them . 3. then no moneys may be levyed , neither for peace nor warre , no not under pretence of publike necessity , ( as ship-money and monopolies were ) without the house of commons first propound and grant it . 4. if the house of commons be an excellent conserver of libertie , it must needs have some power in some cases to levie mony even without the kings consent ; or else it will be utterly unpossible to conserve libertie at all . of which likewise more anon . q. 19. but if the kings private favorites and followers have ●ctually perswaded him to any thing against the laws and liberties of the subject with what further power and priviledge is the house of commons intrusted toward the conserving of liberty ? a. with the impeaching of those ▪ who for their own ends though countenanced by any surreptitiously-gotten command of the king , haue violated that law , which he is bound ( when he knowes it ) to protect ; and to the protection of which they were bound to aduise him , at least not to serue him in the contrary . page 19. obs. 1. then it is no excuse to any that violate the laws , that they serve the king in it . 2. the law counts all commands from the king , which are any way contrary to the law , surreptitiously-gotten . 3. then the parliament speaks according to the law , when they constantly lay the blame of all violations upon the kings favorites and followers , and their getting surreptitiously commands from him , and not upon the king himself . 4. no command of the king is to hinder the commons from impreaching such as have violated the law . 5. the king is bound not to protect any of his followers and favorites against the commons impeachment of them ; because he knows and affirms , that he is bound to protect the laws , and that this is the law , that the commons are to impeach such . qu. 20. what is the speciall priviledge of the house of peers in the former case of such favorites and followers of the kings as are impeached by the commons ? and so to decide all matters in questions between the king and the people . a. the lords being trusted with a iudicatory power are an excellent screen and bank between the prince and the people , to ass●st●nch against any encroachments of the other , and by iust iudgments to preserue that law which ought to be the rule of euery one of the three , page 19. qu. 21. but have the two houses power to put their judgements into execution , as well as to impeach and iudge ? a. the power of punishment is already in your hands according to law , page 20. obs. 1. then again it is no wonder that the kings favorites and followers hate parliaments , ( who not onely hinder their gain , but have power to punish them ) when they have violated the laws . 2. then the lords ( and much more the two houses together ) are supreme judges of all matters in difference between the king and the people , and have power to prevent all the kings encroachments upon the people , as well as the peoples upon him . 3. then the king is bound not to protect any whom the lords upon the impeachment of the commons , have judged delinquents ; for he hath granted that he is bound to protect the law , and that according to law the power of punishing ( even of his favourites and followers , 'fore spoken of ) is in their hands , and they cannot punish them , so long as he protects them . 4. then the law allows them as the supreme judicatory ( even th●t which must be a skreen between the king and the people , and assist the people against the kings encroachments , and punish the kings favorites and followers , though countenanced by surreptitiously-gotten commands from the king ) a power to bring such as they have judged , ( or are to judge ) to condign punishment , which is granted to all inferiour judges in their circuits and iurisdictions . 5. then if those delinquents get the king to protect them , or surreptiously get commands of him , to raise arms to shelter themselves against the iudgement of the two houses ; the two houses have power by the law to raise not onely the posse comitatus of those counties where such delinquents are ▪ to apprehend them ; but also the posse regni , the power of the whole kingdom if need be ; or else the power of punishment is not in their hands according to law , and it would be safer contemning and scorning and opposing the highest iudicatory , the parliament , then any inferiour court , a judge of assize , or the like : and they that could get commands to violate the law before , would easily get protection against the parliament when they are questioned , if the parliament had no power to raise arms to suppresse them . qu. 22. but if there be an attempt or danger , that the kings favorites and followers go about to change this regulated monarchy into an arbitrary government , and so into a tyrannie , is there authoritie in the houses sufficient according to what was sore mentioned to remedy this ? a. power legally placed in both houses is more then sufficient to preuent and restrain the power of tyrannie p. 20. obs. 1. then at least what ever power is necessary to prevent or restrain the power of tyrannie is confessed to be legally placed in both houses ; for else there is not power sufficient , much lesse , more then sufficient . 2. then it is lawfull for the two houses to raise arms to defend themselves in case an army be raised against them , for else they have not power sufficient to restrain the power of tyrannie : there is no greater attempt of tyrannie then to raise arms against the houses of parliament , and there is no way to restrain this tyrannie , but by raising arms in their own defence : lesse then this cannot be sufficient . 3. if a legall power be placed in them , not onely to restrain , but prevent the power of tyrannie , then they are the legall iudges , when there is danger of tyrannie ; and they have legall power to command their judgement to be obeyed , for preventions as well as restraint of tyrannie . 4. then it is lawfull for them to provide for their own and the kingdoms safetie , and they have legall power to command the people to this purpose ; not onely when arms are actually raised against them , but when they discern , and accordingly declare a preparation made towards it : for if they let alone altogether the exercise of their power , till arms are actually raised against them ; they may in all likelihood finde it too late , not onely to prevent , but even to restrain the power of tyrannie . 5. then they have legall power in such times of danger , to put into safe hands , such forts , ports , magazines , ships , and power of the militia , as are intended , or likely to be intended , to introduce a tyranny ; for else they cannot have power sufficient to prevent or restrain the power of tyrannie . 6. then they have legall power to levie moneys , arms , horse , ammunitions , upon the subjects , in such cases of danger , even without or against the kings consent ; for it cannot be imagined that in such cases when the kings favourites and followers have gotten commands from him , to protect them in their delinquencies , and attempts to introduce tyrannie , that ever he will consent to ●evies of moneys against those favourites and fol●owers of his , or to the raising arms against them , specially he being still in their hands , and among them , and not with his parliament ; and without such levies of moneys , &c. it is not possible for the two houses of parliament to prevent or restraine sufficiently the power of tyrannie . 7 they that have made the protestation , to maintain and defend the power and priviledges of parliament , may see in all these things ( acknowledged by the king , and clearly following from his acknowledgements ) what is that power , and what are priviledges of parliament , which they have so solemnly in the presence of almighty god vowed , promised and protested to maintain , &c. 8. and finally , since the two houses of parliament have so often and fully declared their intentions in settling the militia , securing hull and the magazine there , and the navie at sea , with the ports and forts , and afterward in raising arms under the command of the earl of essex , and last of all , levying moneys by voluntary contibutions and assessements ; they have onely used that legall power which is in them for the punishment of delinquents , and for the prevention and restraint of the power of tyrannie , of all which they are the legall judges ; and all the subjects of this kingdom are bound by the laws to obey them herein , and those doubly bound that have made the late protestation . that the reader may the better discern how the answers here applied do agree with the words of his majesties answer to the 19 propositions , i have here transcribed so much of it as concerns this particular . page 17. we call god to witnesse , that as for our subiects sake these rights are vested in vs , so for their sakes as well as for our own ) we are resolued not to quit them nor to subuert ( though in a parliamentary way ) the ancient , equall , happy well-poysed , and neuer-enough-commended constitution of the gouernment of this kingdom . there being three kinds of gouernment amongst men absolute monarchy , aristocracy , and democracy , and all these hauing their particular conveniences and inconveniences . page 18. the experience and wisdom of your ancestors hath so moulded this out of a mixture of these , as to giue to this kingdom ( as farre as humane prudence can prouide ) the conveniences of all three , without the inconveniences of any one , as long as the ballance hangs euen between the three estates ▪ and they run ioyntly on in their proper channell begetting verdure and fert●lity in the meadows on both sides ) and the ouer-flowing of either on either side , raise no deluge or inundation . the ill of absolute monarc●y is tyranny , the ill of aristocracy is faction and diuision , the ills of democracy are tumults , violence , and licent●ousnesse : the good of monarchy is the vniting a nation under one head , to resist inuasion from abroad , and insurrection at home : the good of aristocracy is the coniunction of councell in the ablest persons of a state for the publike benefit : the good of democracy is liberty , and the courage and industry which liberty begets . in this kingdom the laws are iointly made by a king , by a house of peeres , and by a house of commons chosen by the people , all hauing free votes and particular priviledges . the gouernment according to these laws is trusted to the king , power of treaties of war & peace , of making peeres , of chusing officers & counsellours for state iudges for law , cōmanders for forts & castles giving cōmissions for raising men to make war abroad , or to preuent & provide against invasions or insurrections at home , benefit of consiscations , power of pardoning ▪ & some more of the like kinde are placed in the king . — again , page 19. that the prince may not make use of this high and pertetuall power to the hurt of those for whose good he hath it , and make use of the name of publike necessity for the gain of his priuate fauorites and followers to the detriment of his people ; the house of commons an excellent conseruer of liberty ▪ but neuer intended for any share in gouernment , or the chusing of them that should gouern ) is solely intrusted with the first propositions concerning the leauies of moneys ( which is the sinews as wel of peace as warre , and the unpeaching of those who for their own ends , though countenanced by any surreptitiously-gotten cōmand of the king , haue violated that law , which he is bound ( when he knows it ) to protect , & to the protection of which they were bound to aduise him , at least not to serve him to the contrary : & the lords being trusted with a iudicatory power , are an excellent screen and bank between the prince and people , to assist each against any incroachments of the other , and by iust iudgements to preserue that law which ought to be the rule of euery one of the three . — pag. 20. since therefore the power legally placed in both houses is more then sufficient to preuent and restrain the power of tyrannie : — since this would be a totall subuersion of the fundamentall laws , and that excellent constitution of this kingdom , which hath made this nation so many years both famous & hapy to a great degree of envy ; since to the power of punishing ( which is already in your hands according to law ) if — since the encroaching of one of these estates upon the power of the other is unhappy in the effects both to them & all the rest — pag. 2● . our answer is ▪ nolumus leges angliae mutari . but this we promise , that we will be as carefull of preserving the lawes in what is supposed to concern wholly our subiects , as in what most concerns our self : for indeed we professe to belieue that the preseruation of euery law concerns vs , those of obed●ence being not secure , when those of protection are violated . finis . for a finall answer to your proposition of the 13. of this instant concerning delinquents, &. his majestie will consent, that all persons who have had any hand in the plotting, designing, or assisting the rebellion of ireland, shall expect no pardon ... charles r. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a78789 of text r39002 in the english short title catalog (wing c2312). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a78789 wing c2312 estc r39002 18204567 ocm 18204567 171543 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a78789) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 171543) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1629:30 or 2424:10) for a finall answer to your proposition of the 13. of this instant concerning delinquents, &. his majestie will consent, that all persons who have had any hand in the plotting, designing, or assisting the rebellion of ireland, shall expect no pardon ... charles r. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. s.n.], [s.l. : 1648. title from first 4 lines of text. statement of responsiblity transposed from head of title. "tuseday, october 17. 1648." incorrectly identified in reel guide as wing no. c2140, which begins: "his majesty's answer to the proposition of the 13th instant." reproduction of original in the societies of antiquaries library, london. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649. a78789 r39002 (wing c2312). civilwar no charles r. for a finall answer to your proposition of the 13. of this instant concerning delinquents, &c. his majestie will consent, that al england and wales. sovereign 1648 408 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion charles r. for a finall answer to your proposition of the 13. of this instant concerning delinquents , &c. his majestie will consent , that all persons who have had any hand in the plotting , designing , or assisting the rebellion of ireland , shall expect no pardon , as is exprest in the first branch of this proposition . as to all the rest of the propositions , his majesty cannot consent thereunto , as is proposed , otherwise then is here afterwards expressed , viz. as for all other persons comprised in the said first branch , his majestie for satisfaction of his two houses will give way , that they may moderately compound for their estates , and desires they may be admitted to the same . and for removing of distrust , and interruptions of the publique settlement , his majestie will consent as followeth . that such of them as the two houses of parliament will insist on shall not be admitted to his councels , and be restrained from comming to the court , at such distance , as both houses shall thinke fit , and shall not have any office and employment in the common-wealth , without the consent of both houses of parliament , or shall absent themselves out of the kingdome for some time , if both houses of parliament shall thinke fit . that all other persons in this proposition shall submit to a moderate composition , and for the space of three years shall not sit , or serve members , or assistants in neither house of parliament , without consent of both houses of parliament . tuseday , october 17. 1648. his majesties propositions . 1. that his majesty be put into a condition of honour , freedome and safety . 2. that safely he may be restored to his lands , and revenues . 3. that he may have composition for the court of vvards , and such of his revenues , as he shall part with . 4. that there may be an act of oblivion and indempnity . mr. vines gave in a paper in answer to his majesties , to satisfie his majesties conscience touching bishops : then the commons delivered a paper , desiring a more satisfactory answer to the businesse of the church . printed in the year , 1648. by the king. a proclamation of his majesties grace, favour, and pardon to the inhabitants of his counties of stafford and derby. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a79027 of text r211769 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.5[149]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a79027 wing c2677 thomason 669.f.5[149] estc r211769 99870469 99870469 160860 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a79027) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160860) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f5[149]) by the king. a proclamation of his majesties grace, favour, and pardon to the inhabitants of his counties of stafford and derby. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by robert barker, [london : 1643] at foot of title: given at our court at oxford, this five and twentieth day of march, in the eighteenth yeer of our reigne. god save the king. imprint from wing. a london reprint of the oxford original. with engraving of royal seal at head of document. annotation on thomason copy: "1642". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. staffordshire (england) -history -early works to 1800. derbyshire (england) -history -early works to 1800. a79027 r211769 (thomason 669.f.5[149]). civilwar no by the king. a proclamation of his majesties grace, favour, and pardon to the inhabitants of his counties of stafford and derby. england and wales. sovereign 1643 652 1 0 0 0 0 0 15 c the rate of 15 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-07 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-07 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the king . a proclamation of his majesties grace , favour , and pardon to the inhabitants of his counties of stafford and derby . whereas we have taken notice , that by the malice , industry , and importunity of severall ill affected and seditious persons our countries of stafford and derby very many of our weak and seduced subjects of those our our counties have not onely been drawn to exercise the militia , under colour of a pretended ordinance without and against our consent , ( a crime of a very high nature , if wee would strictly enquire thereinto ) but have made contributi-ons of plate , money , and horses , towards the maintenance of the army now in rebellion against us , and have at last actually themselves taken arms against us ; we do hereby publish and declare , that we are graciously pleased to attesbute the crimes and offences of our said subjects of those our counties to the power and faction of the their seducers , who , we beleeve , by threats , menaces , and false informations , compelled and led them into those actions of undutifulnesse and disloyalty towards us ; and we do therefore hereby offer our free and gracious pardon to all the inhabitants of our said counties of stafford and derby , for all offences concerning the premisses committed against us , before the publishing of this our proclamation , except sir john gell , and sir william brereton knights , against whom we shall proceed according to the rules of the law , as against traytors and stirrers of sedition against us , and whom we do hereby require all our officers and ministers of juctice , and all our lobing subjects whatsoever , to apprehend and cause to be kept in safe custody , till our pleasure be further known . provided that this our grace shall not extend to any person , who after the publishing this our proclamation , shall presume by loan , or contibution to assist the said army of rebells , to assemble and mustrer themselves in arms without authority derived from us under our hand , to enter into any oath of association for apposing us and our army or to succour or entertain any of the persons excepted in this our proclamation , or in our declaration of the twelfth of august , but we must and do declare , that whosoever shall henceforward be guilty of the premisses , or of either of them , shall be esteemed by us , as an enemy to the publike peace , a person disaffected to us , and to the religion and laws of the kingdom , and guilty of high-treason , and shall accordingly recieve their condigne punishment , of which we give them timely notice , that they may proceed accordingly at their perills . and we do hereby require our high-sheriffs , commissioners of array , justices of the peace , and all other our officers and loving subjects to resist , oppose , and apprehend all such persons as shall presume to make any levies in those our counties , under what pretence soever , without authority derived from us under our hand . and we likewise will and require them and every of them to be assistant to all such as shall either command the train-bands of those our counties , or make any levies in the same by virtue of commission under our great seale or signe mannuall . and our pleasure is , that this our counties of stafford and derby . given at our court at oxford , this five and twentieth day of march , in the eighteenth yeer of our reign . 1642. god save the kin● his maiesties letter for the speaker of the lords pro tempore to be communicated unto the lords and commons in the parliament of england at westminster, and the commissioners of the parliament of scotland and to all my other subjects of what degree, condition or calling whatsoever. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a31946 of text r37606 in the english short title catalog (wing c2388). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a31946 wing c2388 estc r37606 16987436 ocm 16987436 105620 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a31946) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 105620) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1611:40) his maiesties letter for the speaker of the lords pro tempore to be communicated unto the lords and commons in the parliament of england at westminster, and the commissioners of the parliament of scotland and to all my other subjects of what degree, condition or calling whatsoever. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. printed for matthew walbancke, london : 1647. "hampton court 11 november, 1647." reproduction of original in the bodleian library. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. a31946 r37606 (wing c2388). civilwar no his maiesties letter for the speaker of the lords pro tempore, to be communicated unto the lords and commons in the parliament of england at england and wales. sovereign 1647 756 1 0 0 0 0 0 13 c the rate of 13 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-08 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-08 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion his maiesties letter for the speaker of the lords protempore , to be communicated unto the lords and commons in the parliament of england at westminster , and the commissioners of the parliament of scotland , and to all my other subjects , of what degree , condition , or calling whatsoever . hampton court 11 november 1647. liberty being that which in all times hath been , but especially now is the condition , the aime , and desire of all men , condition , reason shews that kings lesse then any should endure captivity , yet i call god to witnesse with what patience j have endured a tedious restraint , which so long as j had any hopes that this sort of my suffring might conduce to the peace of my kingdomes , or the hindring of more effusion of blood i did willingly undergo ; but now finding by two certaine proofes , that this my continued patience would not only turne to my personall ruine , but likewise be of much more prejudice , then furtherance to the publique good , i thought i was bound as well by naturall as polliticall obligations , to seek my safety by retyring my selfe for some time from the publick view , both of my friends and enemies . and i appeale to all indifferent men , to judge if i have not just cause to free my selfe from the hands of those who change their principles with their condition , and who are not a shamed openly to intend the distruction of the nobility , by taking away their negative voice , and with whom the levelers doctrine , is rather countenanced then punished , and as for their intentions to my person , their changing and putting more strict guards upon me , with the discharging most of all those servants of mine , who formerly they willingly admitted to waite upon me , do sufficiently declare . nor would i have this my retirement mis-interpreted for , i shall earnestly and uncessantly endeavour the setling of a safe and well-grounded peace where-ever i am , or shall be , and that ( as much as may be ) without the effusion of more christian blood , for which how many tims have i desired , press't to the head , and yet no eare given to me : and can any reasonable man thinke that ( according to the ordinary course of affaires there can be a setled peace without it , or that god will bless those , who refuse to heare their owne king , surely no , nay j must further adde that ( besides what concernes my selfe ) unless all other cheise interests have not only a hearing but likewise just satisfaction given unto them , ( to witt the presbiterians , independants , armie , those who have adheared to mee , and even the scots ) i saie there cannot ( i speake not of miracles , it being in my opinion a sinfull presumption in such cases to expect or trust to them ) be a safe and lasting peace : now as j cannot deny but that my personall security is the urgent cause of this my retirement . so j take god to witness that the publik peace is no less before my eyes , and j can find no better way to express this my profession ( j know not what a wiser man may doe ) then by desiring and urging that all chiefe jnterests may be heard , to the end each may have just satisfaction , as for example , the army ( for the rest though necessary yet j suppose are not difficult to consent ) ought ( in my judgement ) to enjoy the liberty of their consciences , and have an act of oblivion , or indempnity ( which should extend to the rest of all my subjects ) and that all their arreares should be speedily and duely paid which j will undertake to doe so j may be heard , and tha● j be not hindred from using such lawfull and honest meanes as j shall choose , to conclude let me be heard with freedome , honor and safety , and j shall instantly breake through this cloud of retirement , and shew my selfe ready to be pater patre : charles r : london printed for mathew walbancke , 1647. his majesties message to both houses of parliament, die lunæ 14. febr. 1641 england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a78891 of text r230942 in the english short title catalog (wing c2451a). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a78891 wing c2451a estc r230942 99896597 99896597 134623 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a78891) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 134623) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2424:12) his majesties message to both houses of parliament, die lunæ 14. febr. 1641 england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. england and wales. parliament. proceedings. 1642. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by robert barker, printer to the kings most excellent majestie: and by the assignes of john bill, imprinted at london : [1642] dates given according to lady day dating. steele notation: passed sed in. reproduction of original in the society of antiquaries, london. eng church of england -government -early works to 1800. church and state -england -early works to 1800. royal supremacy (church of england) -early works to 1800. trade regulation -england -early works to 1800. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649 -early works to 1800. broadsides -england -london a78891 r230942 (wing c2451a). civilwar no his majesties message to both houses of parliament, die lunæ 14. febr. 1641. england and wales. sovereign 1642 596 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2009-01 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2009-01 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion ❧ his majesties message to both houses of parliament . die lunae 14. febr. 1641. though his majestie is assured , that his having so suddenly passed these two bills , being of so great importance , and so earnestly desired by both houses , will serve to assure his parliament , that he desires nothing more then the satisfaction of his kingdom ; yet that he may further manifest to both houses , how impatient he is till he finde out a full remedie to compose the present distempers , he is pleased to signifie : that his majestie will by proclamation require , that all statutes made concerning recusants , be with all care , diligence , and severity put in execution . that his majestie is resolved , that the seven condemned priests shall be immediately banished ( if his parliament shall consent therunto : ) and his majestie will give present order ( if it shall be held fit by both houses ) that a proclamation issue , to require all romish priests within twenty dayes to depart the kingdom ; and if any shall be apprehended after that time , his majestie assures both houses , in the word of a king , that he will grant no pardon to any such , without consent of his parliament . and because his majestie observes great and different troubles to arise in the hearts of his people , concerning the goverment and liturgie of the church , his majestie is willing to declare , that he will refer that whole consideration to the wisdom of his parliament , which he desires them to enter into speedily , that the present distraction about the same may be composed : but desires not to be pressed to any single act on his part , till the whole be so digested and setled by both houses , that his majestie may cleerly see what is fit to be left , as well as what is sit to be taken away . for ireland ( in behalf of which his majesties heart bleeds ) as his majestie hath concurred with all propositions made for that service by his parliament , so he is resolved to leave nothing undone for their relief , which shall fall within his possible power , nor will refuse to venter his owne person in that war , if his parliament shall think it convenient for the reduction of that miserable kingdome . and lastly , his majestie taking notice by severall petitions of the great and generall decay of trade in this kingdom , and more particularly of that of clothing , and new draperies ( concerning which he received lately at greenwich a modest , but earnest petition from the clothiers of suffolk ) of which decay of trade , his majestie hath a very deep sence , both in respect of the extream want and poverty it hath brought , and must bring upon many thousands of his loving subjects , and of the influence it must have in a very short time upon the very subsistence of this nation , doth earnestly recommend the consideraton of that great and weighty businesse to both houses ; promising them , that he will most readily concur in any resolution their wisdoms shall finde out , which may conduce to so necessary a work . ¶ imprinted at london by robert barker , printer to the kings most excellent majestie : and by the assignes of john bill . the humble petition of captain william booth of killingholme in the county of lincoln with his majesties answer thereunto. booth, william. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a28807 of text r25935 in the english short title catalog (wing b3740). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 7 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a28807 wing b3740 estc r25935 09296313 ocm 09296313 42640 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a28807) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 42640) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1303:4) the humble petition of captain william booth of killingholme in the county of lincoln with his majesties answer thereunto. booth, william. charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 6 p. printed by robert barker, and by the assignes of john bill, york : 1642. "york, 30 june, 1642." reproduction of original in the harvard university library. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -sources. a28807 r25935 (wing b3740). civilwar no the humble petition of captain william booth of killingholme, in the county of lincoln. vvith his majesties answer thereunto. york, 30 june, booth, william 1642 1147 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2005-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-02 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2006-02 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the humble petition of captain william booth of killingholme , in the county of lincoln . with his majesties answer thereunto . york , 30 june , 1642. york : printed by robert barker , printer to the kings most excellent majestie ; and by the assignes of john bill . 1642. to the kings most excellent majestie . the humble petition of captain william booth of killingholme in the county of lincoln . sheweth , that whereas upon wednesday , the 8 day of june instant , the trayned bands of the division of caister sessions , were summoned by francis lord vvilloughby of parham and the committe , to appear at caister before them , contrary to your majesties proclamation ; your petitioner being there , was informed against by one francis fields and iohn barnard for reading your majesties said proclamation , and sent for and delivered to a messenger , and disarmed to his great disgrace in the presence of his own souldiers , and to the great disheartning of the countrey from your majesties service ; which said proclamation was sleighted , and termed a seditious pamphlet by sir christopher vvray , who called himselfe captain of the said company which your petitioner commands under your majestie ; and told the souldiers he would live and dye with them , and would gladly know who durst oppose their proceedings : further saying , that he heard that the earle of lindsey was to be there that day , whom he would be glad to see , for they had a messenger ready to receive him . all that your petitioner was then charged with was , that he had said the day before , that there was a brave appearance of the trained bands at lincolne of some fifteen or sixteen ; which was interpreted to be an affront to their proceedings , and was threatned to be further charged at lowth the next day with businesse of a high nature , and to have witnesses produced against him face to face ; which said witnesses never appeared , your petitioner being all this while under commitment contrary to law , which being offered to be argued in point of law by sir gervase scroop in the behalf of your petitioner ; it was answered by sir christopher vvray , that they came thither , neither to dispute the law , nor to be taught the law , nor did value the law , but must observe the orders of the house ; sufficient bayle being offered was utterly refused , your petitioner being still under commitment and commanded to wait their further pleasures at horne castle the next day ; where , being able to prove nothing against him , they released him . your petitioner therefore humbly desireth , that your majestie would be graciously pleased to call these men to answer their contempt against your majestie , and to make satisfaction to your petitioner for the injury and publique disgrace , they have put upon him . and your petitioner will daily pray , &c. york , 30 june , 1642. his majestie hath expresly commanded me , to give this his answer to this petition . that it is not at all strange to him , that those persons who have ventured to assume a command over the militia ( a right of his never before separated from the crown ) by direction from those who pretend to this power by the fundamentall laws , and yet vouchsafe not to shew any one clause of any one statute , or any one president of any time , which might seem , with the least colour , to give them that authority , though he hath often pressed them to it , and as little vouchsafe any answer to the statutes , or to those multiplyed and perpetuall presidents , which cleerly and palpably declare that authority , to be in him , should use that authority with as much injustice as they have assumed it ; and not onely term his legall proclamation a seditious pamphlet ( since it is most certain , that if that be not , then they are most seditious , ) but contrary to the law of the land , both ancient and modern , both to magna charta , and to the petition of right , vex and imprison his good subjects for a legall obedience to his legall commands , or a legall disobedience or disrespect to their illegall orders and actions ; since he often before foretold , that their contempt of his regall rights and prerogatives , which are the guard of his subjects liberties , would in short time encourage them to destroy those too , when that which should guard them were oure destroyed . and as little doth his majestie wonder that the insolence of thus violating ancient and known laws should encourage them to that of using words proportionable to their actions , and professing ( with great truth and ingenuity ) that they value not the law . his majestie neverthelesse ( not following the example of other men in concluding any thing before examination ) is resolved to have the truth of these allegations legally examined , and if ( as is very probable by the annexed affidavit ) they be found true , to provide by all legall wayes , that both his majestie and the petitioner may receive full satisfaction for the injuries done to both , and to the law of the land ; his majestie professing it the principall reason of his desire to have justice in the like matters done to him , that ( his just authority being no longer scorned and vilified ) he may be enabled to see it done to others , and that his good subjects , who are wisely carefull to defend the law ( which is their common birthright , and to which onely they owe all they have besides ) may not ( by unjust and intolerable oppressions ) be made martyrs for it . edw. nicholas . captain william booth of killingholm , and william scroop of little coats , in the county of lincoln gentlemen make oath , that the petition delivered by the said william booth unto his majestie , concerning the imprisonment he suffered , by the command of francis lord willoughby of parham , and the rest of the committees of parliament for the county aforesaid , and all the actions and passages therein expressed are most true , in that manner and forme therein is declared . jurat . coram me in cancellaria magistro , decimo octavo die junii , anno domini . 1642. w. wentworth . finis . by the king. a proclamation prohibiting the buying or disposing of any the lading of the ship called the sancta clara, lately brought into south-hampton proclamations. 1643-01-02 england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a79031 of text r226402 in the english short title catalog (wing c2691). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a79031 wing c2691 estc r226402 99895661 99895661 153112 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a79031) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 153112) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2347:20) by the king. a proclamation prohibiting the buying or disposing of any the lading of the ship called the sancta clara, lately brought into south-hampton proclamations. 1643-01-02 england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by leonard lichfield, [oxford : 1643] concerns the disposition of the spanish ship sancta clara and its goods, pending an investigation by the admiralty occasioned by a complaint made by the spanish ambassador. imprint from wing. at end of text: given at the court at oxford, the second day of ianuary, in the eighteenth yeare of his majesties reigne. reproduction of original in the henry e. huntington library. eng cardenas, alonso de. -early works to 1800. strafford, bennet -early works to 1800. sancta clara (ship) -early works to 1800. pirates -england -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. broadsides -england a79031 r226402 (wing c2691). civilwar no by the king. a proclamation prohibiting the buying or disposing of any the lading of the ship called the sancta clara, lately brought into s england and wales. sovereign 1643 581 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c r honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the king . ¶ a proclamation prohibiting the buying or disposing of any the lading of the ship called the sancta clara , lately brought into south-hampton . complaint having been made unto his majesty , by don alonco de cardenas ambassador from the king of spaine , that a ship called the sancta clara belonging to the said king and his subjects , hath been lately treacherously brought to south-hampton , by one captain bennet strafford and others , from sancto domingo , the said ship being laden with silver , cocheneale , and other wares and merchandizes to a very great value ; and that the said ship and goods , being by the said ambassador arrested , and the said bennet strafford apprehended , whil'st a suite for the said ship and goods is depending in the court of admiralty , the silver ( part of the lading of the said ship to a very great value ) hath been disposed of contrary to law , without any other security given for the same , then the empty name of publike faith , which without his majesty cannot ( as is well knowne to all the world ) be engaged , or if engaged without his majesty , is not valid , or to be relyed on for satisfaction . and it is further complained by the said ambassador , that the cocheneale , and other merchandizes formerly sequestred at london and south-hampton , albeit they are not perishable , but have rather encreased in their price and value , are likely to be sold against the will of those who pretend to be the owners , ( parties to the suite depending in the said court of admiralty ) which is alleadged to be apparently against the rules of law , and practices of that court in such cases . his majesty well weighing what may be the ill consequences of such injurious proceedings , manifestly contrary to the law , and the articles of treaty between the two crownes , and plainly foreseeing how heavily it may light upon such of his good subjects , who have estates in spaine , and how destructive it may prove to the trade and commerce of his subjects and kingdomes , doth hereby not only expresly charge and command the judge of his admiralty , and all others whom it may concerne , to proceed in a businesse of such value and consequence , with care , expedition , and according to iustice ; but doth also expresly prohibite all persons , of what condition soever , upon pretence of any order or warrant from one or both houses of parliament , or any authority derived from thence , to buy , meddle with , or dispose of any part of the said cocheneale , or other goods or merchandizes belonging to the said ship , untill the propriety thereof shall be judicially decided and determined , upon paine of his majesties high displeasure , and of being responsible and lyable to payment and satisfaction for whatsoever damage shall happen to any of his majesties subjects , whose goods or estates shall for that cause be embargued or seized in spaine . ¶ given at the court at oxford , the second day of ianuary , in the eighteenth yeare of his majesties reigne . god save the king . articles agreed upon by the arch-bishops and bishops of both provinces, and the whole clergie in the convocation holden at london, in the yeer 1562. for the avoiding of diversities of opinions, and for the stablishing of consent touching true religion. re-printed by his majesties commandment: with his royall declaration prefixed thereunto. thirty-nine articles. english church of england. 1638 approx. 36 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 21 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a72015 stc 10060 estc s125374 99898240 99898240 173556 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a72015) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 173556) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 2063:10) articles agreed upon by the arch-bishops and bishops of both provinces, and the whole clergie in the convocation holden at london, in the yeer 1562. for the avoiding of diversities of opinions, and for the stablishing of consent touching true religion. re-printed by his majesties commandment: with his royall declaration prefixed thereunto. thirty-nine articles. english church of england. charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. [4], 6, [22] p. by robert barker, printer to the kings most excellent majestie: and by the assignes of john bill, imprinted at london : 1638. the thirty-nine articles of 1563. first leaf is blank except for signature mark "a" within mortised ornament. signatures: a-d⁴. running title reads: articles of religion. declaration is paginated; articles are unpaged -stc. reproduction of original in the folger shakespeare library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church of england -doctrines -early works to 1800. canon law -early works to 1800. 2008-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2008-02 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion articles agreed vpon by the arch-bishops and bishops of both provinces , and the whole clergie , in the convocation holden at london , in the yeer 1562. for the avoiding of diversities of opinions , and for the stablishing of consent touching true religion . re-printed by his majesties commandment : with his royall declaration prefixed thereunto . diev et mon droit ¶ imprinted at london by robert barker , printer to the kings most excellent majestie : and by the assignes of john bill . 1638. his maiesties declaration . being by gods ordinance , according to our just title , defender of the faith , and supream governour of the church within these our dominions , we hold it most agreeable to this our kingly office , & our own religious zeal , to conserve and maintain the church committed to our charge in the unitie of true religion , & in the bond of peace : and not to suffer unnecessary disputations , altercations , or questions to be raysed , which may nourish faction both in the church and common-wealth . we have therefore upon mature deliberation , and with the advice of so many of our bishops as might conveniently be called together , thought fit to make this declaration following . that the articles of the church of england ( which have been allowed and authorized heretofore , and which our clergie generally have subscribed unto ) do contain the true doctrine of the church of england , agreeable to gods word : which we do therefore ratifie and confirme , requiring all our loving subjects to continue in the uniform profession therof , and prohibiting the least difference from the said articles , which to that end we command to be new printed , & this our declaration to be published therewith . that we are supream governour of the church of england : and that if any difference arise about the externall policie , concerning injunctions , canons , or other constitutions whatsoever thereto belonging the clergie in their convocation is to order and settle them , having first obtained leave under our broad seal so to do : and we approving their said ordinances and constitutions , providing that none be made contrary to the laws and customes of the land. that out of our princely care , that the churchmen may do the work which is proper unto them ; the bishops and clergie , from time to time in convocatiō , upon their humble desire shall have licence under our broad seal , to deliberate of , and to do all such things , as being made plain by them , & assented unto by vs , shall concern the setled continuance of the doctrine & discipline of the church of england now established ; from which we will not endure any varying , or departing in the least degree . that for the present , though some differences have been ill raised , yet we take comfort in this , that all clergie-men within our realm , have alwayes most willingly subscribed to the articles established , which is an argument to vs , that they all agree in the true usuall literall meaning of the said articles , and that even in those curious points in which the present differences lie , men of all sorts take the articles of the church of england to be for them , which is an argumēt again , that none of them intend any desertion of the articles established . that therefore in these both curious and unhappy differences , which have for so many hundred yeers , in different times and places , exercised the church of christ : we will that all further curious search be laid aside , & these disputes shut up in gods promises , as they be generally set forth to vs , in the holy scriptures ; and the generall meaning of the articles of the church of england according to them . and that no man hereafter shall either print or preach , to draw the article aside anyway , but shall submit to it in the plain and full meaning thereof : and shall not put his own sense or comment to be the meaning of the article , but shall take it in the literall and grammaticall sense . that if any publique reader in either our vniversities , or any head or master of a colledge , or any other person respectively in either of them , shall affix any new sense to any article , or shall publiquely read , determine , or hold any publique disputation , or suffer any such to be held either way , in either the vniversities or colledges respectively ; or if any divine in the vniversities shall preach or print any thing either way , other then is already established in convocation with our royall assent : he , or they the offenders , shall be liable to our displeasure , & the churches censure in our commission ecclesiasticall , as well as any other : and we will see there shall be due execution upon them . articles of religion . 1. of faith in the holy trinity . there is but one living and true god , everlasting , without body , parts , or passions ; of infinite power , wisdome , and goodnesse , the maker and preserver of all things both visible and invisible . and in unity of this godhead there be three persons , of one substance , power , and eternity ; the father , the sonne , and the holy ghost . 2. of the word or sonne of god , which was made very man. the sonne , which is the word of the father , begotten from everlasting of the father , the very and eternall god of one substance with the father , took mans nature in the wombe of the blessed virgin of her substance : so that two whole and perfect natures , that is to say , the godhead and manhood , were ioyned together in one person , never to be devided , whereof is one christ , very god and very man , who truely suffered , was crucified , dead , and buried , to reconcile his father to us , and to be a sacrifice , not onely for originall guilt , but also for actuall sinnes of men . 3. ¶ of the going down of christ into hell. as christ died for us , and was buried : so also is it to be beleeved , that he went down into hell . 4. ¶ of the resurrection of christ . christ did truely rise again from death , and took again his body , with flesh , bones , and all things appertaining to the perfection of mans nature , wherewith he ascended into heaven , and there sitteth , untill he return to judge all men at the last day . 5. ¶ of the holy ghost . the holy ghost , proceeding from the father and the sonne , is of one substance , majestie and glory , with the father and the sonne , very and eternall god. 6. ¶ of the sufficiencie of the holy scriptures for salvation . holy scripture containeth all things necessary to salvation : so that whatsoever is not read therein , nor may be proved thereby , is not to be required of any man , that it should be beleeved as an article of the faith , or be thought requisite or necessary to salvation . in the name of the holy scripture , we do understand those canonicall books of the old and new testament , of whose authority was never any doubt in the church . ❧ of the names and number of the canonicall books . genesis . exodus . leviticus . numeri . deuteronomium . iosue . iudges . ruth . the 1. book of samuel . the 2. book of samuel . the 1. book of kings . the 2. book of kings . the 1. book of chron. the 2. book of chron. the 1. book of esdras . the 2. book of esdras . the book of hester . the book of iob. the psalmes . the proverbs . ecclesiast . or preacher . cantica , or songs of solom . 4. prophets the greater . 12. prophets the lesse . and the other books ( as hierome saith ) the church doeth read for example of life and instruction of manners : but yet doeth it not apply them to establish any doctrine ; such are these following . the 3. book of esdras . the 4. book of esdras . the book of tobias . the book of iudeth . the rest of the book of hester . the book of wisdome . iesus the sonne of sirach . baruch the prophet . the song of the three children . the story of susanna . of bell and the dragon . the prayer of manasses . the 1. book of maccabees . the 2. book of maccabees . all the books of the new testament , as they are commonly received , we do receive and account hem canonicall . 7. of the old testament . the old testament is not contrary to the new , for both in the old and new testament , everlasting life is offered to mankinde by christ , who is the onely mediator between god and man , being both god and man. wherefore they are not to be heard which feigne that the old fathers did look onely for transitory promises . although the law given from god by moses , as touching ceremonies and rites , do not binde christian men , nor the civill precepts thereof ought of necessity to be received in any common wealth : yet notwithstanding , no christian man whatsoever , is free from the obedience of the commandments , which are called morall . 8. of the three creeds . the three creeds , nice creed , athanasius creed , and that which is commonly called the apostles creed , ought thorowly to be received and beleeved : for they may be proved by most certain warrants of holy scripture . 9. of originall birth or sinne . originall sinne standeth not in the following of adam , ( as the pelagians do vainly talk ) but it is the fault and corruption of the nature of every man , that naturally is ingendred of the off-spring of adam , whereby man is very farre gone from originall righteousnesse , and is of his own nature enclined to evill , so that the flesh lusteth alwayes contrary to the spirit , and therefore in every person born into this world , it deserveth gods wrath and damnation . and this infection of nature doth remain , yea , in them that are regenerated , whereby the lust of the flesh , called in greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which some do expound the wisdome , some sensuality , some the affection , some the desire of the flesh , is not subject to the law of god. and although there is no condemnation for them that beleeve and are baptized , yet the apostle doth confesse , that concupiscence and lust , hath of it self the nature of sinne . 10. of free-will . the condition of man after the fall of adam , is such , that he cannot turn and prepare himself by his own naturall strength and good works to faith and calling upon god : wherefore we have no power to do good works pleasant and acceptable to god , without the grace of god by christ preventing us , that we may have a good will , and working with us , when we have that good will. 11. of the iustification of man. we are accounted righteous before god , onely for the merit of our lord and saviour iesus christ by faith , and not for our own works , or deservings . wherefore , that we are justified by faith onely , is a most wholesome doctrine , and very full of comfort , as more largely is expressed in the homily of iustification . 12. ¶ of good works . albeit that good works , which are the fruits of faith , and follow after iustification , cannot put away our sinnes , and endure the severity of gods iudgement , yet are they pleasing and acceptable to god in christ , and do spring out necessarily of a true and lively faith , in so much that by them a lively faith may be as evidently knowen , as a tree discerned by the fruit . 13. ¶ of works before iustification . works done before the grace of christ , and the inspiration of his spirit , are not pleasant to god , forasmuch as they spring not of faith in iesu christ , neither do they make men meet to receive grace , or ( as the school-authors say ) deserve grace of congruitie : yea , rather for that they are not done as god hath willed and commanded them to be done , we doubt not but they have the nature of sinne . 14. ¶ of works of supererogation . voluntary works besids , over and above gods commandments , which they call works of supererogation , cannot be taught with our arrogancie and impietie . for by them men do declare that they do not onely render unto god as much as they are bound to do , but that they do more for his sake , then of bounden duety is required : whereas christ saith plainly , when ye have done all that are commanded to you , say , we are unprofitable servants . 15. of christ alone without sinne . christ in the truth of our nature , was made like unto us in all things ( sinne onely except ) from which he was clearly void , both in his flesh , and in his spirit . he came to be a lambe without spot , who by sacrifice of himself once made , should take away the sinnes of the world : and sinne ( as saint john saith ) was not in him . but all we the rest ( although baptized , and born again in christ ) yet offend in many things , and if we say we have no sinne , we deceive our selves , and the truth is not in us . 16. of sinne after baptisme . not every deadly sinne willingly committed after baptisme , is sinne against the holy ghost , and unpardonable . wherfore the grant of repentance is not to be denyed to such as fall into sinne after baptisme . after we have received the holy ghost , we may depart from grace given , and fall into sinne , and by the grace of god ( we may ) arise again , and amend our lives . and therfore they are to be condemned , which say they can no more sinne as long as they live heer , to denie the place of forgivenesse to such as truely repent . 17. of predestination and election . predestination to life is the everlasting purpose of god , whereby ( before the foundations of the world were laid ) he hath constantly decreed by his counsell , secret to us , to deliver from curse and damnation , those whom he hath chosen in christ out of mankinde , and to bring them by christ to everlasting salvation , as vessels made to honour . wherefore they which be indued with so excellent a benefit of god , be called according to gods purpose by his spirit working in due season : they through grace obey the calling : they be justified freely : they be made sonnes of god by adoption : they be made like the image of his onely begotten sonne iesus christ : they walk religiously in good works , and at length by gods mercy they attain to everlasting felicitie . as the godly consideration of predestination and our election in christ , is full of sweet , pleasant , and unspeakable comfort to godly persons , and such as feel in themselves the working of the spirit of christ , mortifying the works of the flesh , and their earthly members , and drawing up their minde to high and heavenly things , as wel because it doeth greatly establish and confirme their faith of eternall salvation , to be enjoyed through christ , as because it doeth fervently kindle their love towards god : so , for curious and carnall persons , lacking the spirit of christ , to have continually before their eyes the sentence of gods predestination , is a most dangerous downfall , whereby the devill doeth thrust them either into desperation , or into wretchlesnesse of most unclean living , no lesse perilous then desperation . furthermore , we must receive gods promises , in such wise as they be generally set forth to us in holy scripture : and in our doings , that will of god is to be followed , which we have expresly declared unto us in the word of god. 18. of obtaining eternall salvation only by the name of christ . they also are to be had accursed , that presume to say , that every man shall bee saved by the law or sect which he professeth , so that he be diligent to frame his life according to that law , and the light of nature . for holy scripture doth set out unto us only the name of iesus christ , whereby men must be saved . 19. of the church . the visible church of christ is a congregation of faithfull men , in the which the pure word of god is preached , and the sacraments be duly ministred , according to christs ordinance , in all those things that of necessity are requisite to the same . as the church of hierusalem , alexandria , and antioch have erred : so also the church of rome hath erred , not only in their living and manner of ceremonies , but also in matters of faith . 20. of the authoritie of the church . the church hath power to decree rites or ceremonies , and authoritie in controversies of faith : and yet it is not lawfull for the church to ordaine any thing that is contrary to gods word written , neither may it so expound one place of scripture , that it be repugnant to an other . wherefore although the church be a witnes and a keeper of holy writ , yet as it ought not to decree any thing against the same , so besides the same ought it not to enforce any thing to be beleeved for necessitie of salvation . 21. of the authority of generall councels . generall councels may not be gathered together without the commandment and will of princes . and when they be gathered together ( forasmuch as they be an assembly of men , whereof all be not governed with the spirit and word of god ) they may erre , and sometime have erred , even in things pertaining unto god. wherefore things ordained by them as necessary to salvation , have neither strength nor authoritie , unlesse it may be declared that they be taken out of holy scripture . 22. of purgatorie . the romish doctrine concerning purgatorie , pardons , worshipping and adoration , aswell of images , as of reliques , and also invocation of saints , is a fond thing , vainly invented , and grounded upon no warranty of scripture , but rather repugnant to the word of god. 23. of ministring in the congregation . it is not lawfull for any man to take upon him the office of publike preaching , or ministring the sacraments in the congregation , before he be lawfully called , and sent to execute the same . and those we ought to judge lawfully called and sent , which be chosen and called to this work by men , who have publike authoritie given unto them in the congregation , to call and send ministers into the lords vineyard . 24. of speaking in the congregation , in such a tongue as the people understandeth . it is a thing plainly repugnant to the word of god , and the custom of the primitive church , to have publique prayer in the church , or to minister the sacraments in a tongue not understanded of the people . 25. of the sacraments . sacraments ordeined of christ , be not onely badges or tokens of christian mens profession : but rather they be certain sure witnesses , and effectuall signes of grace and gods good will towards us , by the which hee doth work invisibly in us , and doth not only quicken , but also stengthen and confirm our faith in him . there are two sacraments ordained of christ our lord in the gospel , that is to say , baptisme , and the supper of the lord. those five commonly called sacraments , that is to say , confirmation , penance , orders , matrimony , and extream vnction , are not to be counted for sacraments of the gospel , being such as have grown , partly of the corrupt following of the apostles , partly are states of life allowed in the scriptures : but yet have not like nature of sacraments with baptisme and the lords supper , for that they have not any visible signe or ceremony ordained of god. the sacraments were not ordained of christ to be gazed upon , or to be carried about , but that we should duly use them . and in such only , as worthily receive the same , they have a wholsome effect or operation : but they that receive them unworthily , purchase to themselves damnation , as s. paul saith . 26. of the unworthinesse of the ministers , which hinder not the effect of the sacraments . although in the visible church the evill be ever mingled with the good , and sometime the evill have chief authority in the ministration of the word and sacraments : yet forasmuch as they do not the same in their own name , but in christs , and do minister by his commission and authoritie , we may vse their ministrie , both in hearing the word of god , and in the receiving of the sacraments . neither is the effect of christs ordinance taken away by their wickednesse , nor the grace of gods gifts diminished from such , as by faith , and rightly do receive the sacraments ministred unto them , which be effectuall , because of christs institution and promise , although they be ministred by evill men . neverthelesse , it appertaineth to the discipline of the church , that enquiry bemade of evil ministers , and that they be accused by those that have knowledge of their oftences : and finally being found guilty , by just judgement be deposed . 27. of baptisme . baptisme is not onely a signe of profession , and mark of difference , whereby christian men are discerned from others that be not christned : but it is also a signe of regeneration or new birth , whereby , as by an instrument , they that receive baptisme rightly , are grafted into the church : the promises of the forgivenesse of sinne , and of our adoption to be the sonnes of god , by the holy ghost , are visibly signed and sealed : faith is confirmed : and grace increased by vertue of prayer unto god. the baptisme of young children is in any wise to be retained in the church , as most agreeable with the institution of christ . 28. of the lords supper . the supper of the lord is not onely a signe of the love that christians ought to have among themselves one to another : but rather it is a sacrament of our redemption by christs death . insomuch that to such as rightly , worthily , and with faith receive the same , the bread which we break , is a partaking of the body of christ : and likewise the cup of blessing is a partaking of the blood of christ . transubstantiation ( or the change of the substance of bread and wine ) in the supper of the lord , cannot be proved by holy writ : but it is repugnant to the plain words of scripture , overthroweth the nature of a sacrament , and hath given occasion to many superstitions . the body of christ is given , taken , and eaten in the supper only after an heavenly and spirituall manner . and the mean whereby the body of christ is received and eaten in the supper , is faith. the sacrament of the lords supper was not by christs ordinance reserved , carried about , lifted up , or worshipped . 29. of the wicked which eat not the body of christ in the use of the lords supper . the wicked and such as be void of a lively faith , although they do carnally and visibly presse with their teeth ( as s. augustine saith ) the sacrament of the body and blood of christ : yet in no wise are they partakers of christ , but rather to their condemnation do eat and drink the signe or sacrament of so great a thing . 30. of both kindes . the cup of the lord is not to be denied to the lay people . for both the parts of the lords sacrament , by christs ordinance and commandment , ought to be ministred to all christian men alike . 31. of the one oblation of christ finished upon the crosse . the offering of christ once made , is that perfect redemption , propitiation , and satisfaction for all the sinnes of the whole world , both originall and actuall , and there is none other satisfaction for sinne , but that alone . wherefore the sacrifices of masses , in the which it was commonly said , that the priests did offer christ for the quick and the dead , to have remission of pain or guilt , were blasphemous fables , and dangerous deceits . 32. of the mariage of priests . bishops , priests , and deacons , are not commanded by gods law , either to vow the estate of single life , or to abstain from marriage : therefore it is lawfull also for them , as for all other christian men , to marrie at their own discretion , as they shall judge the same to serve better to godlinesse . 33. of excommunicate persons , how they are to be avoyded . that person which by open denuntiation of the church , is rightly cut off from the unitie of the church , and excommunicated , ought to be taken of the whole multitude of the faithfull as an heathen and publicane , untill he be openly reconciled by penance , and received into the church by a iudge that hath authoritie thereunto . 34. of the traditions of the church . it is not necessary that traditions and ceremonies be in all places one , or utterly like , for at all times they have beene divers , and may be changed according to the diversitie of countries , times , and mens maners , so that nothing be ordained against gods word . whosoever through his private judgement , willingly and purposely doeth openly breake the traditions and ceremonies of the church , which be not repugnant to the word of god , and be ordained and approved by common authoritie , ought to be rebuked openly , ( that other may fear to do the like ) as he that offendeth against the common order of the church , and hurteth the authoritie of the magistrate , and woundeth the consciences of the weak brethren . every particular or nationall church , hath authoritie to ordain , change , and abolish ceremonies or rites of the church , ordained only by mans authoritie , so that all things be done to edifying . 35. of homilies . the second book of homilies , the severall titles whereof we have ioyned under this article , doth contain a godly and wholsome doctrine , and necessarie for these times , as doeth the former book of homilies , which were set forth in the time of edward the sixth : and therefore we judge them to be read in churches by the ministers diligently and distinctly , that they may be understanded of the people . ¶ of the names of the homilies . 1 of the right use of the church . 2 against perill of idolatry . 3 of repairing and keeping clean of churches . 4 of good works , first of fasting . 5 against gluttony and drunkennesse . 6 against excesse of apparell . 7 of prayer . 8 of the place and time of prayer . 9 that common prayers and sacraments ought to be ministred in a known tongue . 10 of the reverent estimation of gods word . 11 of almes doing . 12 of the nativity of christ . 13 of the passion of christ . 14 of the resurrection of christ . 15 of the worthy receiving of the sacrament of the body and blood of christ . 16 of the gifts of the holy ghost . 17 for the rogation dayes . 18 of the state of matrimonie . 19 of repentance . 20 against idlenesse . 21 against rebellion . 36. of consecration of bishops and ministers . the book of consecration of archbishops , and bishops , and ordering of priests , and deacons , lately set forth in the time of edward the sixth , and confirmed at the same time by authoritie of parliament , doth contain all things necessary to such consecration and ordering : neither hath it any thing , that of it self is superstitious and ungodly . and therefore , whosoever are consecrated or ordered according to the rites of that book , since the second yeer of the afore-named king edward , unto this time , or hereafter shall be consecrated , or ordered according to the same rites , we decree all such to be rightly , orderly , and lawfully consecrated and ordered . 37. of the civill magistrates . the queens majestie hath the chiefe power in this realm of england , and other her dominions , unto whom the chief government of all estates of this realm , whether they be ecclesiasticall or civill , in all causes doth appertain , and is not , nor ought to be subject to any forrein iurisdiction . where we attribute to the queens majestie the chief government , by which titles we understand the mindes of some slanderous folks to be offended : we give not to our princes the ministring , either of gods word , or of the sacraments , the which thing the injunctions also lately set forth by elizabeth our queene do most plainly testifie : but that onely prerogative which we see to have been given alwayes to all godly princes in holy scriptures by god himself , that is , that they should rule all estates and degrees committed to their charge by god , whether they be ecclesiasticall or temporall , and restrain with the civill sword the stubborne and evill doers . the bishop of rome hath no iurisdiction in this realm of england . the lawes of the realm may punish christian men with death , for heinous and greivous offences . it is lawfull for christian men , at the commandment of the magistrate , to wear weapons , and serve in the warres . 38. of christian mens goods , which are not common . the riches and goods of christians are not common , as touching the right , title and possession of the same , as certain anabaptists do falsly boast . notwithstanding , every man ought of such things as he possesseth , liberally to give almes to the poor , according to his ability . 39. of a christian mans oath . as we confesse that vain and rash swearing is forbidden christian men by our lord iesus christ , and iames his apostle : so we judge that christian religion doth not prohibite , but that a man may swear when the magistrate requireth , in a cause of faith and charitie , so it be done according to the prophets teaching , in justice , judgement , and trueth . 40. the ratification . this book of articles before rehearsed , is again approved , and allowed to be holden and executed within the realm , by the assent and consent of our sovereigne lady elizabeth by the grace of god of england , france and ireland queen , defender of the faith , &c. which articles were deliberately read , and confirmed again by the subscription of the hand of the arch-bishop and bishops of the upper house , and by the subscription of the whole clergie in the nether house in their convocation , in the yeer of our lord 1571. the table . 1 of faith in the trinitie . 2 of christ the sonne of god , 3 of his going down into hell . 4 of his resurrection . 5 of the holy ghost . 6 of the sufficiencie of the scripture . 7 of the old testament . 8 of the three creeds . 9 of the originall sinne . 10 of free-will . 11 of justification . 12 of good works . 13 of works before iustification . 14 of works of supererogation . 15 of christ alone without sinne . 16 of sinne after baptisme . 17 of predestination and election . 18 of obtaining salvation by christ . 19 of the church . 20 of the authoritie of the church . 21 of the authority of the generall councels . 22 of purgatorie . 23 of ministring in the congregation . 24 of speaking in the congregation . 25 of the sacraments . 26 of the worthinesse of ministers . 27 of baptisme . 28 of the lords supper . 29 of the wicked which eat not the body of christ . 30 of both kindes . 31 of christs one oblation . 32 of the marriage of priests . 33 of excommunicate persons . 34 of traditions of the church . 35 of homilies . 36 of consecration of ministers . 37 of civill magistrates . 38 of christian mens goods . 39 of a christian mans oath . 40 of the ratification . finis . by the king a proclamation concerning tobacco. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) 1634 approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a22574 stc 9016 estc s123850 33150492 ocm 33150492 28634 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a22574) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 28634) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1877:9) by the king a proclamation concerning tobacco. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. [2] leaves. by robert barker, printer to the kings most excellent maiestie: and by the assignes of iohn bill, imprinted at london : 1634. caption title. imprint from colophon. requiring imported tobacco to pass customs; forbidding domestic cultivation. "giuen at our court at greenevvich, this nineteenth day of may, in the tenth yeere of our reigne of england, scotland, france and ireland." reproduction of original in: society of antiquaries. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng tobacco industry -great britain. monopolies -great britain -early works to 1800. great britain -colonies -commerce. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. 2003-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-10 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-11 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2003-11 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-12 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms ❧ by the king. ¶ a proclamation concerning tobacco . whereas in the reigne of our late deare father , and since our accesse to the crowne , vpon mature deliberation three haue been sundry proclamations published for restraining the landing of tobacco to certaine ports and harbours within this kingdome , and against planting of the same within this realme ; and for that they haue not been put in due execution , diuers fraudes and abuses haue beene of late inuented and put in execution , by mixing of tobacco , not onely with other tobacco of worse condition , but also with other materials , falsifying and corrupting the same , to the great hurt and damage of our people , both in their estates and persons , which growing euill may in some measure bee preuented , if the tobacco brought into this our realme shall be layd or landed onely in one port and place . for remedie therefore in that behalfe , and to the end wee may bee the more truely answered of the custome , impost , and other dueties due vnto us for tobacco brought into this realme by way of merchandize , whereof wee haue been sundry times defrauded by landing the same at the pleasures of the owners : wee doe hereby publish and declare our royall will and pleasure , that no tobacco bee hereafter landed , or imported to bee landed at any other porte , then in our port of london , and at no other place of the sayd port then at the key and wharfe commonly called the custome-house key , scituate in our citie of london , and other port or place for landing of tobacco wee doe not admit or allow , but them inhibite . and wee doe hereby straitly charge and command all and singular customers , comptrollers , searchers , waiters and other officers , attending in all our ports , creekes , or places of lading or vnlading , ( except our said port of london ) not to take entries of any tobacco , nor suffer the same to be taken , landed , or layd on shoare in any other harbour , port , creeke or place within this kingdome , vpon paine that euery of the said officers that shall bee found negligent , corrupt or remisse herein , shall vndergoe such paines and penalties , as by the lawes or censure of our court of starre-chamber may bee inflicted vpon them for the same . and it is our further will and pleasure , that if any ship or barque wherein tobacco shall be loaden shall arriue at any other port or place then at our sayd port of london . wee doe hereby giue full power and authoritie to all and euery the customers , comptrollers , surueyours , searchers and waiters , and euery of them there attending , and doe command them to take and arrest the same tobacco , and forthwith to make certificate to the customers of the port of london , of the owners name of such ship or other uessell , and his place of dwelling , the number and names of the officers , and mariners in the same , the place from whence the same tobacco came , with the quantitie of tobacco that shall bee contained therein . and also , that our said officers , or some of them , shall with all conuenient speed cause and procure the tobacco so by them arrested , to bee carefully transmitted to the said port of london , to the customer there , that the same may bee there viewed , and the dueties thereof belonging vnto us , may be duely payed and satisfied , and such further order taken with the same , and with the owners thereof , as shall be fit . and whereas notwithstanding former proclamations published to the contrary , yet wee are informed , that tobacco is still planted and sowen in diuers parts of our realmes of england and ireland , in contempt of us and our royall commands declared to the contrary ; we do therefore hereby againe absolutely prohibit the planting therof in our said kingdomes , as also the bringing into the same of any seed for the increase thereof , from the parts beyond the seas ; the tobacco growing in the northerne and moist climats being not onely vnwholesome for mans body , but the same maketh fertill grounds become for a long space lesse fruitfull , that might otherwise produce corne , herbes and rootes for the sustenance of our subiects . and for the more certaine depressing of the same , we doe hereby straitly cōmand our iustices of assize within their seuerall circuits , our iustices of peace within our seuerall counties of this kingdome , maiors , sheriffes , bayliffes , and other our officers within each cittie and towne corporate , that they at their seuerall sittings , quarter sessions , and meetings , giue the same in charge as an offence , whereof wee expect due reformation , requiring a returne thereof amongst other the grieuances of the countrey in their presentments , and the names and dwelling places of any offenders herein , and the qualities of their offences , to present to the lords of our priuie councel , the then next tearme after euery such sitting or meeting , to the end the offenders may bee proceeded against by sentence in our court of starre-chamber , or otherwise , as in iustice shall be thought fit . and lastly , we doe by these presents will and require all and singuler maiors , sheriffes , iustices of peace , bayliffes , constables , headboroughes , customers , comptrollers , searchers , waiters , and all other our officers and ministers whatsoeuer , that they and euery of them in their seuerall places and offices , be diligent and attendant in the execution of this our proclamation , as they will answere the contrary at their vttermost perils . giuen at our court at greenewich , this nineteenth day of may , in the tenth yeere of our reigne of england , scotland , france and ireland . god saue the king. ❧ imprinted at london by robert barker , printer to the kings most excellent maiestie : and by the assignes of iohn bill . 1634. the copy of his excellency the earle of forth's letter to the earle of essex and the copy of his majesties letter to the lords and commons of parliament assembled at westminster, sent enclosed in the same 3 march 1643. forth and brentford, patrick ruthven, earl of, 1573?-1651. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a40019 of text r6858 in the english short title catalog (wing f1614). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 4 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a40019 wing f1614 estc r6858 11798190 ocm 11798190 49331 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a40019) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 49331) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 493:5) the copy of his excellency the earle of forth's letter to the earle of essex and the copy of his majesties letter to the lords and commons of parliament assembled at westminster, sent enclosed in the same 3 march 1643. forth and brentford, patrick ruthven, earl of, 1573?-1651. charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. [2], 5 p. printed by leonard lichfield, oxford [oxfordshire] : 1643. reproduction of original in cambridge university library. eng a40019 r6858 (wing f1614). civilwar no the copy of his excellency the earle of forth's letter to the earle of essex: and the copy of his majesties letter to the lords and commons forth and brentford, patrick ruthven, earl of 1643 481 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-05 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-06 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-06 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the copy of his excellency the earle of forth' 's letter to the earle of essex : and the copy of his maiesties letter to the lords and commons of parliament assembled at westminster : sent enclosed in the same 3 , march 1643. oxford march 7. printed by leonard lichfield printer to the vniversity 1643. the copy of his excellency the earle of forth' 's letter to the earle of essex . my lord , i have received your letter of the 19th of the last month , which according to my duty , i shewed to his majesty , who , observing in it your expressions concerning peace , ( that whensoever you shall receive any directions to those that have entrusted you , you shall use your best endeavours ) is gratiously pleased to send this enclosed , which is desired may be delivered according to the directions . your lordships humble servant forth . oxon. march 3. 1643. c. r. ovt of our most tender and pious senfe of the sad and bleeding condition of this our kingdom , and our unwearied desires to apply all remedies , which by the blessing of almighty god , may recover it from an utter ruine ; by the advice of the lords and commons of parliament assembled at oxford , we doe propound and desire , that a convenient number of fit persons , may be appoynted and authorized by you to meet with all convenient speed , at such place as you shall nominate , with an equall number of fit persons , whom we shall appoynt and authorize to treat of the wayes and meanes to settle the present distractions of this our kingdom , and to procure a happy peace . and particularly , how all the members of both houses , may securely meet in a full and free convention of parliament , there to treat , consult and agree upon such things , as may conduce to the maintenance and defence of the true reformed protestant religion , with due consideration to all just , and reasonable ease of tender consciences ; to the setling and maintaining of our just rights and priviledges ; of the rights and priviledges of parliament , the lawes of the land , the liberty and property of the subject ; and all other expedients that may conduce to that blessed end of a firme and lasting peace , both church and state , and a perfect understanding betwixt vs and our people , wherein no endeavours or concurrency of ours shall be wanting . and god direct your hearts in the wayes of peace . given at our court at oxford , the third day of march . 1643. superscribed , to the lords and commons of parliament assembled at westminster . by the king. a proclamation declaring his majesties expresse command, that no popish recusant, nor any other, who shall refuse to take the two oathes of allegiance and supremacie, shall serve him in his army and that the souldiery commit no rapines upon the people, but be fitly provided of necessaries for their money. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a78985 of text r210980 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.5[69]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a78985 wing c2575 thomason 669.f.5[69] estc r210980 99869724 99869724 160782 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a78985) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160782) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f5[69]) by the king. a proclamation declaring his majesties expresse command, that no popish recusant, nor any other, who shall refuse to take the two oathes of allegiance and supremacie, shall serve him in his army and that the souldiery commit no rapines upon the people, but be fitly provided of necessaries for their money. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by robert barker, printed to the kings most excellent [majestie, and by the assignes of john bill], imprinted by london : 1642. at bottom of text: given at our court at york the tenth day of august, in the eighteenth yeer of our reign. 1642. with engraving of royal seal at head of document. annotation on thomason copy: "august 15th". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng catholics -great britain -legal status, laws, etc. -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a78985 r210980 (thomason 669.f.5[69]). civilwar no by the king. a proclamation declaring his majesties expresse command, that no popish recusant, nor any other, who shall refuse to take the t england and wales. sovereign 1642 885 2 0 0 0 0 0 23 c the rate of 23 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-09 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-11 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-11 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c r diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms ❧ by the king . ❧ a proclamation declaring his majesties expresse command , that no popish recusant , nor any other , who shall refuse to take the two oathes of allegiance and supremacie , shall serve him in his army : and that the souldiery commit no rapines upon the people , but be fitly provided of necessaries for their money . whereas we have heretofore , by our proclamation , straightly charged and commanded , that the laws should be put in due execution against popish recusants , and we have , and shall have it still in our care , to suppresse and prevent the growth of popery , and to use all good means that may tend thereunto , and not to countenance papists , by any imployment or trust , by or for vs . and whereas there are now at and neer london great forces levied , and in levying , and moneys raising , by way of contribution , and otherwise , towards the charge of raising , and maintaining an army , or forces , under pretence of the order of our two houses of parliament , not onely without our consent , but contrary to our severall expresse commands , published by severall proclamations , letters , and otherwise . and the same forces are actually in so much forwardnesse , as that t●ere are divers horsemen daily exercised , and trained in places about london , and great numbers of foot in raising ; and a generall , and other principall officers are nominated and declared , and they have accepted and taken upon them those places , and have already done severall acts of hostility against vs , which cleerly appear to be a levying of war against vs ; we have found it necessary , to raise and levy forces , for the defence of the true protestant religion , our person , the two houses of parliament . and now , lest any popish recusants should presume to offer to serve vs herein , or procure themselves to be listed , as officers , or souldiers in our army , without our knowledge , and to the end that our intention herein may be cleerly known , that whereas one principall aim of raising these forces , is , for the defence and maintenance of the true protestant religion , we may not be served with papists , as falsly and slanderously hath been objected against vs , we do hereby declare our expresse will and pleasure to be , and we do hereby straightly command , that no person or persons soever being popish recusant , shall presume to come to our court , contrary to the law in such case provided , nor any popish recusant , or papist take any office , or place , or list himself as a souldier in this service . and to the end there may be as full discovery as can be made of such as shall , contrary to this our proclamation , be 〈◊〉 listed into such our service , we do straightly command and charge all officers and souldiers , who shall be entred or listed for this our service , that upon the first muster-day after they shall be so listed , they take the oathes of supremacy and allegiance , both which we shall take care shall be tendered unto them according to the law , thorowout our army . and if any shall continue his name in those lists , and yet shall refuse the said oathes , we shall not onely cashiere them , but also otherwise proceed against them , according to the law . and as we shall be carefull that all our officers and souldiers shall be duly paid , that there be no occasion or pretence of necessity amongst them to burden any of our subjects , so we do hereby straightly charge and command , that none of the said officers , or souldiers presume to take any thing from any of our good subiects , without due payment for the same , nor commit any unlawfull violence or outrage . and to all these our commands we expect a strict obedience of all our subjects whom it may concern , as they will answer the contrary at their uttermost perill . and being thus carefull that by this our necessary service , our subjects should not in any degree suffer or be wronged , so we do expect and require , that all our sheriffes , iustices of peace , majors , bayliffes , and all other our officers and subjects , should use their best endeavours as there shall be occasion for the assistance and convenient supplies of our said officers , and souldiers , with such things as shall be necessary and fit for them , at reasonable rates and prices . given at our court at york the tenth day of august , in the eighteenth yeer of our reign . 1642. august 15th god save the king . ¶ imprinted at london by robert barker , printer to the kings most 〈…〉 his majesties late protestation before his receiving of the sacrament. charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a78846 of text r211732 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.7[29]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 1 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a78846 wing c2384 thomason 669.f.7[29] estc r211732 99870438 99870438 161011 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a78846) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 161011) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f7[29]) his majesties late protestation before his receiving of the sacrament. charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n.], [london : printed in the yeere of our lord, 1643. place of publication from wing. with engraved border. annotation on thomason copy: "july 12". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng church of england -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a78846 r211732 (thomason 669.f.7[29]). civilwar no his majesties late protestation before his receiving of the sacrament. charles i, king of england 1643 195 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-08 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-08 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion his majesties late protestation before his receiving of the sacrament . his majestie being to receive the sacrament from the hands of the archbishop of armagh , used these publique expressions , immediately before the blessed elements ; he rose up from his knees , and beckning to bishop usher for a short forbearance , made this protestation . my lord , i espie here many resolved protestants , who may declare to the world , the resolution i doe now make . i have to the utmost of my power prepared my soule to become a worthy receiver : and may i so receive comfort by the blessed sacrament , as i doe intend the establishment of the true reformed protestant religion , as it stood in its beauty , in the happy daies of queene elizabeth , without any connivance of popery . i blesse god , in the midst of the publique distractions , i have still liberty to communicate ; and may this sacrament be my damnation , if my heart doe not joyne with my lips in this protestation . printed in the yeere of our lord , 1643. his maiesties answer to the last message and resolution of both houses of parliament concerning the militia and the prince, 2 march 1641 england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a31805 of text r33352 in the english short title catalog (wing c2119). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a31805 wing c2119 estc r33352 13280693 ocm 13280693 98748 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a31805) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 98748) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1546:23) his maiesties answer to the last message and resolution of both houses of parliament concerning the militia and the prince, 2 march 1641 england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. printed for j. wright, london : [2 march 1641, i.e. 1642] reproduction of original in the harvard university library. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. a31805 r33352 (wing c2119). civilwar no his maiesties ansvver to the last message and resolution of both houses of parliament concerning the militia and the prince. 2 march 1641 england and wales. sovereign 1642 255 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion his maiesties answer to the last message and resolvtion of both hovses of parliamnt concerning the militia and the prince . 2. march 1641 i am so much amased at this message , that i know not what to answer , you speake of ielosies and feares , lay your hands to you hearts , and aske your selves whether i may not likewise bee disturbed with feares and ielosies ; and if so , i assure you this message hath nothing lessened them . for the militia i thought so much of it before i sent that answer , and am so much assured that the answer is agreeable to what in iustice or reason you can aske , or i in honour grant , that i shall not alter it in any point . for my residence neere you i wish it might bee safe and honorable , that i had no cause to absent my selfe from white-hall , aske your selves whether i have not . for my sonne i shall take care of him , which shall justifie mee to god as a father , and to my dominions as a king . to conclude j assure you upon my honour , that i have no thought but of peace and iustice to my people , which j shall by all faire meanes seeke to preserve and maintaine , relying upon the goodnesse and providence of god for the preservative of my selfe and rights . london , printed for j. wright . charles r. wee are so highly sensible of the extraordinary merit of our county of cornwall, of their zeale for the defence of our person, and the just rights of our crowne ... proclamations. 1643-09-10 england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a79148 of text r225683 in the english short title catalog (wing c2874). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a79148 wing c2874 estc r225683 99896966 99896966 135754 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a79148) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 135754) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2457:6) charles r. wee are so highly sensible of the extraordinary merit of our county of cornwall, of their zeale for the defence of our person, and the just rights of our crowne ... proclamations. 1643-09-10 england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) y leonard lichfield, printer to the vniversity, printed at oxford : 1643. title taken from opening lines of text. dated at end: given at our campe at sudeley castle the tenth of september. 1643. arms 37; steele notation: of gable at. reproduction of original in the folger shakespeare library, washington, d.c. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649 -early works to 1800. cornwall (england : county) -history -early works to 1800. a79148 r225683 (wing c2874). civilwar no charles r. wee are so highly sensible of the extraordinary merit of our county of cornwall, of their zeale for the defence of our person, an england and wales. sovereign 1643 375 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-12 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-12 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c r honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms charles r. wee are so highly sensible of the extraordinary merit of our county of cornwall , of their zeale for the defence of our person , and the just rights of our crowne , ( in a time when we could contribute so little to our own defence or to their assistance ; in a time when not only no reward appeared , but great and probable dangers were threatned to obedience and loyalty ; ) of their great and eminent courage and patience in their indefatigable prosecution of their great work against so potent an enimy , backt with so strong , rich , and populous citties , and so plentifully furnished and supplied with men , armes , mony , ammunition and provision of all kinds ; and of the wonderfull successe with which it hath pleased almighty god ( though with the losse of some most eminent persons , who shall never be forgotten by vs ) to reward their loyalty and patience by many strange victories over their and our enimies , in despight of all humane probability , and all imaginable disadvantages ; that as we cannot be forgetfull of so great deserts , so we cannot but desire to publish to all the world , and perpetuate to all time the memory of these their merits , and of our acceptance of the same . and to that end , we doe hereby render our royall thankes to that our county , in the most publike and most lasting manner we can devise , commanding copies hereof to be printed and published , and one of them to be read in every church and chappell therein , and to be kept for ever as a record in the same , that as long as the history of these times , and of this nation shall continue , the memory of how much that county hath merited from vs and our crowne , may be derived with it to posterity . given at our campe at sudeley castle the tenth of september . 1643 . printed at oxford , by leonard lichfield , printer to the vniversity . 1643. by the king a proclamation for the ordering of tobacco. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) 1627 approx. 7 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a22447 stc 8864 estc s122719 33152847 ocm 33152847 28980 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a22447) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 28980) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1876:93) by the king a proclamation for the ordering of tobacco. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. [2] leaves. by bonham norton and iohn bill, printers to the kings most excellent maiestie, imprinted at london : m.dc.xxvii [1627] caption title. imprint from colophon. forbidding foreign and domestic tobacco; all tobacco from virginia and other colonies to be under the control of commissioners. "giuen at his maiesties court at windsore, the ninth day of august, in the third yeere of his reigne of england, scotland, france, and ireland. reproduction of original in: society of antiquaries. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng tobacco industry -virginia. tobacco industry -bermuda islands. monopolies -great britain -early works to 1800. great britain -colonies -commerce. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. 2003-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-10 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-11 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2003-11 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-12 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms ❧ by the king. ❧ a proclamation for the ordering of tobacco . the kings most excellent maiestie , and his royall father of blessed memory , hauing at seuerall times and vpon seuerall occasions , published their proclamations concerning tobacco , as well that which hath beene indeauoured to bee planted within this realme , as that which is of the growth of virginia and the sommer islands , and other english colonies and plantations , and also concerning spanish and other forraigne tobacco ; and finding that the inordinate desire of taking tobacco , and the unmoderate thirst of gaine , by the planting and selling of tobacco , cannot otherwise be allayed or moderated ; hath at the last , by the aduice of his priuie counsell , determined vpon this finall resolution touching all sorts of tobacco , in manner following . first , his maiestie doth heereby declare his royall pleasure to be , and doth heereby will and command , that no person whatsoeuer doe at any time heereafter , plant , cherish , or preserue any tobacco , within these his realmes of england or ireland , or dominion of wales , or any the isles , parts , or places , of , or belonging to them or any of them , and if any bee now planted or growing there , that the same bee presently plucked vp and vtterly destroyed , by the owners , planters , tenders , or dressers thereof , and lest they or any of them , should aduenture to neglect the performance heereof , his maiestie doeth further straitly charge and command all constables , tything-men , headboroughs , and other officers within their seuerall limits and iurisdictions , carefully and effectually to see the same executed and performed accordingly . and his maiestie doth further will and command all iustices of peace , maiors , sheriffes , and other principall officers in their seuerall places , within the compasse of their seuerall iurisdictions and authorities , vpon complaint to them made , to cause the same to be duly performed and executed without partialitie , as they and euery of them will answere their contempts in that behalfe at their vttermost perils . and that the tobacco of his maiesties owne plantations and colonies may not bee planted and imported hither without limitation or measure , or vnder colour thereof , the tobacco of the growth of spaine and other forraigne parts , may not be brought into these his realmes , or sold or vttered heere , to the ouerthrow of his colonies abroad , and to the wasting of the wealth and treasure of his kingdomes at home . his maiestie doeth further will and straitly command , that no person whatsoeuer doe at any time heereafter import any tobacco of the growth of spaine , and other forraigne parts out of his owne dominions , nor sell , vtter , or offer to sell , or vtter , or otherwise dispose or keepe any such tobacco , to the intent to sell or vtter the same without his maiesties speciall commission in that behalfe , vpon paine of confiscation and forfeiture thereof , in whose hands soeuer the same shall be found , and vpon such further paines and penalties , as by the lawes of these his realmes , or by his prerogatiue royall which in this case he will not admit to be disputed , may be inflicted vpon the offendors . and because such forraigne tobacco , may not be receiued and vttered , vnder the pretence of the tobacco of the growth of virginia , the summer-ilands , and other colonies and plantations , vnder , and within his maiesties owne dominions , nor the planters , owners , or aduenturers , of , and in these plantations , giue themselues ouer to the planting of tobacco onely , to make a present returne of profit , and neglect to applie themselues to solide commodities fit for the establishing of colonies , which will vtterly destroy these and all other plantations ; his maiestie doth further will and command , that from henceforth no tobacco of the growth of virginia , the summer-ilands , or any other plantations , or colonies , of , or within his owne dominions , bee imported into these his realmes or dominions , or any the ports , hauens , creekes , or places thereof , without his maiesties especiall licence in that behalfe , vnder the great seale of england , and that vpon the importation thereof , the same bee deliuered into the hands of such commissioners , for his maiesties owne immediate vse , as his maiestie vnder his great seale of england shal appoint , at , & for such prices and rates to be paid for the same , as shall be reasonably agreed vpon , betweene the owners or factors of the same , and the kings commissioners on his maiesties behalfe , or if they shall not agree thereon , then to be transported againe , and sold elsewhere , vpon paine of confiscation and forfeiture thereof , and vpon such further paines and penalties , as by the law , or his maiesties prerogatiue royall may be inflicted vpon them . and further his maiestie doth straitly charge and command , that no person whatsoeuer presume to buy any sort of tobacco , within these realmes or dominions , or any hauen , port , creeke , or place thereof , of any other person , then of his maiesties commissioners onely to bee authorised vnder the great seale of england , as aforesaid , and after the same shall bee sealed with a seale to that purpose appointed , and that they , vpon the buying thereof , doe expresse the true time when the same was bought , the quantitie and qualitie thereof , in and by a note in writing indented betweene the buyer and seller , testifying the same vpon the paines and penalties aforesayd , and if during these times of hostility , and tobacco shall bee imported by any of his maiesties owne shippes , or by the ships of any of his subiects , by way of prize , or letters of marque , his further will and pleasure is , that all such tobacco shall be deliuered vnto his maiesties commissioners , at , and for reasonable prices , to bee accomptable therefore to his maiesties vse . and his maiestie doeth hereby straitly charge and command , all customers , controllers , searchers , wayters , and all other officers , ministers , of , or belonging to his customes , and also all iustices of peace , maiors , sheriffes , constables , and other our officers , ministers and louing subiects , in their seuerall places and degrees , to take knowledge of this his royall pleasure and commandement , and to bee ayding , helping and assisting to his maiesties commissioners , and their deputies , factors and seruants , in all things touching and concerning this his seruice , whereof his maiestie is resolued to require a due and strict accompt . giuen at his maiesties court at windsore , the ninth day of august in the third yeere of his reigne of england , scotland , france , and ireland . god saue the king. ¶ imprinted at london by bonham norton and iohn bill , printers to the kings most excellent maiestie . m.dc.xxvii . by the king. a proclamation for the further restraint of prophane swearing and cursing, and the better observing of prayer and preaching in his majesties armies, and the city of oxford, and in all other parts of the kingdome. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a79007 of text r212174 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.9[3]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a79007 wing c2617 thomason 669.f.9[3] estc r212174 99870820 99870820 161101 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a79007) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 161101) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f9[3]) by the king. a proclamation for the further restraint of prophane swearing and cursing, and the better observing of prayer and preaching in his majesties armies, and the city of oxford, and in all other parts of the kingdome. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by leonard lichfield, printer to the university, printed at oxford [i.e. london] : 1644. with engraving of royal seal at head of document. actual place of publication from wing. dated at end: given at our court at oxford, the eighteenth of april. 1644. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng swearing -early works to 1800. soldiers -conduct of life -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a79007 r212174 (thomason 669.f.9[3]). civilwar no by the king· a proclamation for the further restraint of prophane swearing and cursing, and the better observing of prayer and preaching in england and wales. sovereign 1644 768 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-05 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-06 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-06 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion by the king . ❧ a proclamation for the further restraint of prophane swearing and cursing , and the better observing of prayer and preaching in his majesties armies , and the city of oxford , and in all other parts of the kingdome . whereas , by our proclamation dated the 13. day of june last past , we did strictly charge and command all the respective officers of our army , to cause all our military orders against blasphemie , oathes , and other scandalous actions against the honour and service of god , to be duly and severely put in execution ; which our command , if it had been well observed and the lawes of our realm touching those offences duly executed , ( as in duty to god and us they ought to have been ) there had not been that liberty taken by those of our army , and other persons in the kingdome , of dishonouring the sacred majesty of god , by horrible oathes and execrations , to the high provocation of god's wrath against themselves and this whole nation : we therefore out of our tender care of the honour of god ( to whose glory we shall ever devote our grown ) and in token of our hatred and detestation of this monstrous impiety , do by this out proclamation strictly charge all commanders and officers of our armies , and of all our garrison townes , to see that all our military orders for the repressing of prophane . swearing and cursing by souldiers , be duly and severely executed for the time to come , and exemplary punishment done upon offenders therein , to the terrour of others . which that they may know is by us expected at their hands , we do hereby require all commanders and officers in our armies , and garrison townes , and all who do or shall attend us in our court , to be vertuous examples in their own persons to all souldiers and others , by abstaining from all such prophanations , as they desire the blessing of god upon us , upon themselves , and the whole land ; which if they shall neglect to perform , we do hereby declare , that all such persons in our court , armies , or garrison towns as shall appear to us to be notorious offenders in this kind , we will in some publike way set a character of disgrace upon them , that they may appeare to the whole world to be offensive both to god and us . and we do further hereby strictly charge and command all justices of peace , bayliffs , and head-officers in all cities and townes corporate within the same , that they , cause the statute made in the 21. yeare of the raign of our late father of blessed memory , for the prevention and preformation of prophane swearing and cursing to be put in due execution and that the forfeiture of twelve-pence for every offence be levied according to that statute , and particularly in our city of oxford , where our court now is , wherein we strictly charge and require the major , and justices of peace of our said city ( of whom we will require a strict account ) to take especiall care of the punishment of all offenders in that kind , and that children and others , of whom the penalty of twelve-pence cannot be levied or had , be whipped , or set three houres in the stocks , according to the forme of that statute . and for the future prevention of these and the like offences so opposite to the glory of god by planting his true fear in the hearts of all men , we do lastly charge and command , that divine service and sermons ( according to the doctrine and liturgie of the church of england established by law ) be duly and constantly used in all our armies and garrison townes , and in all churches and chappells throughout this realme . all these our commands we require forthwith to be printed , and published at the head of every regiment of our army , and in all garrison townes and in all parish churches within this our realme . given at our court at oxford , the eighteenth of april . 1644. god save the king . printed at oxford , by leonard lichfield , printer to the vniversity , 1644. by the king. a proclamation warning all his majesties good subjects no longer to be misled by the votes, orders, and pretended ordinances, of one, or both houses by reason the members doe not enjoy the freedome and liberty of parliament. with his majesties gracious offer of pardon to the members of both houses, and of protection to such of them as shall repair to him. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a79038 of text r225499 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.7[23]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 18 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a79038 wing c2716 thomason 669.f.7[23] estc r225499 99870424 99870424 161005 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a79038) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 161005) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f7[23]) by the king. a proclamation warning all his majesties good subjects no longer to be misled by the votes, orders, and pretended ordinances, of one, or both houses by reason the members doe not enjoy the freedome and liberty of parliament. with his majesties gracious offer of pardon to the members of both houses, and of protection to such of them as shall repair to him. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by leonard lichfield, printer to the university, printed at oxford : 1643. dated at end: given at our court, the 20 day of june, in the 19 year of our reigne. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a79038 r225499 (thomason 669.f.7[23]). civilwar no c.r. by the king. a proclamation warning all his majesties good subjects no longer to be misled by the votes, orders, and pretended ordinanc england and wales. sovereign 1643 3245 2 0 0 0 0 0 6 b the rate of 6 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-08 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-08 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c. r. by the king . a proclamation warning all his majesties good subjects no longer to be misled by the votes , orders , and pretended ordinances , of one , or both houses , by reason the members doe not enjoy the freedome and liberty of parliament . with his majesties gracious offer of pardon to the members of both houses , and of protection to such of them as shall repair to him . whereas we have been long since driven by force and violence from our pallace at westminster ( the place of sitting for us , and our two houses of this parliament ) so that we could not with safety of our life be present with our great councell , and much the greater part of the members of both houses of parliament have been likewise driven by tumults and force for their safety from their attendance upon that councell , the said members having been threatned and assaulted for delivering their opinions freely in the houses ; or have out of conscience and duty withdrawne themselves from being present at the debates and resolutions , which they have well knowne to be so contrary to their duty and allegiance , or for so withdrawing , or for freely speaking in the houses , have been expended or suspended from being members of that councell , contrary to the ancient practice , and just priviledges of parliament . since which time , and by which meanes , a great and rebellious army hath been raised against us , under the command of robert earle of essex , which army hath not onely endeavoured to take away our life from us in a set battle , but the same , and other forces raised by the like meanes , hath committed all the acts of outrage , robbery , and murder , upon our good subjects throughout the kingdome , and still continues to doe the same . and though in truth , a very small part of that great councell remaine there together , yet under pretence of having the countenance of our two houses of parliament , some seditious persons assume to themselves ( with the assistance of those rebellious armies , and of divers mutinous and desperate brownists , anabaptists , and other ill affected persons in our city of london , by whose meanes they awe such members of both houses who yet continue amongst them ) a power to doe things abslolutely contrary to the lawes of the land , and destructive to our rights , and to the liberty and property of the subject , and to alter the whole frame and government of this kingdome , disposing of the lives and fortunes of us , and our good subjects , according to their discretion , subjecting both to their owne unlimited arbitrary power and government : we have only accused some particular persons , whom we well know to be the authours and contrivers of these desperate counsels , and actions , and have forborne to censure or charge the whole number of the members remaining , by whose orders and authority the evils have been pretended to be done , we hoping that the sense of the miserable distractions of the kingdom would at length have brought them to discern where they had erred , and our ●ften messages , and complaints of the violence offered to us , and to the members of both houses , would have procured justice & redresse and that the power and reputation of such amongst them , who wished well to the peace of the kingdom , and honor & dignity of parliaments , would at last so far prevailed , that a right understanding might have been begotten betwixt us and our people , and all shew of force and violence so taken away and suppressed , that we might in a full and peaceable convention of parliament , with the advice of that our great councell , have so setled the present distempers , that there might be no feare left ofthe of the like for the future . but finding to our great griefe , that the power of those seditious persons , who first contrived these desperate and bloody distractions , continues so great , that as they have driven , and now keep us , and the much greater part of both houses , from being present at that councell , so they so far awe those who remaine there , that they cannot with freedome give their votes and resolutions according to their consciences , and the laws and constitutions of the kingdome , that the members of both houses have beene compelled to make protestations to live and dye with the earle of essex , the generall of the rebellious army , and other unlawfull and treasonable protestations ; and that such who have refused to take the said protestations , have been expelled and imprisoned for such their refusall . that the great affaires of the kingdome are managed and concluded by a private committee without being ever reported to the houses , contrary to the laws and rules of parliament . that the common-councell of london ( most of them being persons factiously chosen out of brownists , anabaptists , and such who oppose the regular wholesome government of that city , and have promised themselves the destruction of the church , are grown the superintendents over both houses , and obtrude upon them what conclusions and resolutions they please . that they take upon them to justifie this rebellion against us ; and have presumed under pretence of the order of both houses , to invite forraigne forces to invade this kingdome . to send agents to forraigne princes to negotiate and treat with them in their owne names . to imprison our good subjects contrary to law , prohibiting our judges to grant habeas corpus according to law . to introduce a new clergy throughout the kingdome , by displacing godly learned divines , without the least colour of law , or judiciall , proceedings , and putting ignorant and seditious preachers in their places to poyson the hearts of the people . to countenance the vilifying of the booke of common-prayer established by the law of the land . to seize , leavy , and take away what they please of the estates and fortunes of our subjects by disposing of the twentieth part of their estates , by exhausting them with unsupportable weekly taxes for the maintenance of their rebellious army ; and by endeavouring to lay odious excises upon victuals , goods and marchandise of our people for the same purpose , while they suffer our poor protestant subjects of our kingdome of ireland , whose defence was undertaken by our two houses , and that army raised for the suppressing of that horrid rebellion , to be starved , and in danger of disbanding , or necessitated to desert that kingdome for want of money , victuall , and such other necessaries as were to be provided for them by act of parliament , out of those moneys which they have spent to destroy us and this kingdome , by exacting from marchants tunnage and poundage , and other impositions upon marchandises , as well native as forraigne , contrary to an act made this present parliament , with a penalty of premunire on those who shall pay or receive it . and lastly , that they have ( after the breaking of the late treaty , by a peremptory recalling the committee , who in truth , during their abode with us , had no power to treat by reason of their strict limitation ) so far rejected all possible meanes and overtures of treaty and accommodation , that instead of answering our gracious messages , the house of commons hath imprisoned our messenger sent by us to them , to invite both houses to an accommodation , and especially to move them to take such a course for the freedome of parliament which we might safely advise with that our great councell for the setling those miserable distractions , and distempers . and hath maliciously and in contempt of us ( and after an attempt to murder her at burlington rode , the place of her landing ) impeached our royall consort of high treason , for assisting us with armes and ammunition to defend us from this rebellion . t is time now to let our good subjects know , that they may no longer looke upon the votes and actions of the persons now remaining , as upon our two houses of parliament , freedome and liberty to be present , and of opinion and debate there , being essentiall to a parliament , which freedome and liberty , all men must confesse to be taken away from this assembly , when they remember the great tumults brought downe to awe and terrifie both houses , and that they were then brought downe when any great debate was in either house , and not like to be so carried as some seditious persons who governed those tumults did desire ; that in the greatest heat and fury of those tumults the principall governours amongst them directed the unruly people to goe to white-hall , where our owne person then was , and designed by force to have surprised the person of our son the prince ; that when it was desired that a declaration might be made against such tumults , in stead of consenting thereunto , the tumults themselves were justified ; and when a legall course was prescribed by the lords , and taken by the proper ministers of justice to suppresse and prevent such tumults , and riots , that legall course was superseaded by those who were then present of the house of commons , and the ministers of justice punished and imprisoned for executing the law , when they remember that severall members of either house have been threatned and assaulted in those tumults , and their owne names prescribed as persons disaffected , because they freely used to speake their consciences in both houses . that the house of peers have been so far threatned and menaced , that the names of those have been with threats demanded by the house of commons at the bar of the lords house , who refused to consent to this or that proposition which had been in debate before them : and tumultuous petitions countenanced which have been presented to that same purpose . that the members of both houses have been imprisoned , and forbid to be present at those councels , for no reasons but because their opinion have not been liked . that our negative voice ( our greatest and most soveraigne priviledge ) is boldly denyed . that a presumptuous attempt hath been made by the major part of the remaining part of the house of commons to make our great seale of england , the making of which by the expresse letter of the law , is high treason , and would subvert the ancient and fundamentall administration of justice . that at this time , we and the major part of both houses are kept by a strong and rebellious army from being present at that councell , and that those who are present , are by the same army awed and forced to take unlawfull and treasonable protestations to engage their votes . and that such resolutions and directions which concerne the property and liberty of the subjects are transacted and concluded by a few persons ( under the name of a close committee consisting of the earle of manchester , the lord say , mr. pym , mr. hampden , mr. strood , mr. martyn , and others , the whole number not exceeding the number of 17 persons ) without reporting the same to the houses , or having the same confirmed by the houses , contrary to the expresse law and customes of parliament . all which for the matter of fact , we are ready to make proofe of , and desire nothing but to bring the contrivers of all the aforesaid mischiefes o their triall by law , and till that be submitted to , we must pursue them by armes or any other way , in which our good subjects ought to give us assistance to that purpose . the imagining the death of us , our royall confort , or our eldest son , the leavying war against us in our realme , giving to them aid of comfort , the counterfeiting our great seal or money , being by the expresse words of the stat. of the 25 yeare of king edw. 3. cap. 2. high treason , and how applicable this is to those who have borne armes against us , and to those who have consented that such arms be borne , to those who have promised to live and dye with the earle of essex , and to those who every day consent to some act for the support and increase of that army , we shall leave to all the world to judge , and hope that this gracious warning and information now given by us , will make that impression in the hearts of our people , that they will no longer suffer themselves to be misled from their duty and allegiance upon any pretences whatsoever : and we doe declare , that we shall proceed with all severity against all persons whatsoever , who shall hence forward , insist , vote , or incur in any kinde toward the maintenance and countenancing such actions and resolutions , which by the knowne and expresse lawes of the land , are high treason , and against all those who shall adhere to them who are in rebellion against us , against rebells and traitors , in such manner as by the laws and statutes of the realme is directed and appointed : and since by the power of seditious persons , we and both houses are kept from being secured against tumultuous assemblies , and both houses from adjournment to some place of safety , which being done , might quickly make an end of these miserable destractions , whereby we are debarred from the benefit and advice we expected from that our great councell , the members thereof being scattered into severall places ; therefore that the whole kingdome may see that we are willing to receive advice from those who are trusted by them though we cannot receive the same in the place to which they were called , for the reasons aforesaid , nor intend to receive advice from them elsewhere in the capacity of houses of parliament : we do hereby declare , that such of the members of both houses , as well those who have been by the faction of the malignant party expelled for performing their duties to us , and into whose rooms no persons have been since chosen by their countries , as the rest who shall desire our protection , shall be welcome to us at our city of oxford , untill by the adjournment of the houses to some fit and free place , or otherwise due course be taken for the full and free convention in parliament of us , and all the members of both houses . and for their better encouragement to resort to us , we do hereby will and command all the officers and souldiers of our army to suffer all such persons who are members of either house , with their attendants and servants to come to us to this our city of oxford : and that none of our good subjects may believe that by this our necessary declaration against the freedom & liberty of that present assembly , we may have the least intention to violate or to avoid any act or acts passed by us for the good and benefit of our people this parliament : we doe hereby declare to all the world , that we shall , as we have often promised as inviolably observe all those acts , as if no such unhappy interruption had happened of the freedom and liberty in that councell : and desire nothing more then to have such a free convention in parliament , that we may add such further acts of grace as shall be thought necessary for the advancement of the true protestant religion , for the maintenance of the liberty & property of the subjects , and the preservation of the liberty , freedome and priviledges of parliament . and that all the world may see how willing and desirous we are to forget all the injuries and indignities offered to us by such who have been misled through weaknesse or fear , or who have not been the principall contrivers of the present miseries : we do offer a free and generall pardon to all the members of either house ( except robert earle of essex , ro●ert earle of warwick , edward earle of manchester , hen. earle of stamford , william vis . say and seal , sir john hotham knight and baronet , sir arthur haslerig barronet , sir henry ludlow , sir edward hungerford , sir francis popham knights , nathaniel fines , john hampden , john pym , william strood , henry martyn , & alexande popham esquires , isaac pennington alderman of london , and captain ven , who being the principall authors of these present calamities , have sacrificed the peace and prosperity of their country to their own pride , malice and ambition . and against whom we shall proceed as against persons guilty of high treason by the known laws of the land , & shall in the proceeding be most carefull to preserve to them all priviledges in the fullest manner that by the law or the usage of former times is due to them , ) if they shall within tenne dayes after the publishing of this our proclamation returne to their duty and allegiance to us . and lastly , we further injoyne and command all our subjects upon their allegiance to us , as they will answer the contrary to almighty god , and as they desire that they and their posterity should be freed from the foule taint of high treason , and as they tender the peace of this kingdome , that they presume not to give any assistance to the before mentioned rebellious armies in their persons or estates in any sort whatsoever , but joyn with vs according to their duty and the laws of the land to suppresse this horrid rebellion . and our pleasure and command is , that our proclamation be read in all churches and chappels within this our kingdome . given at our court at oxford , the 20 day of june , in the 19 year of our reigne . god save the king . printed at oxford by leonard lichfield , printer to the university , 1643. by the king, his majesties proclamation forbidding all his loving subjects of the counties of kent, surrey, sussex, and hampshire, to raise any forces without his majesties consent, or to enter into any association or protestation for the assistance of the rebellion against his majesty england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a32057 of text r226399 in the english short title catalog (wing c2643). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a32057 wing c2643 estc r226399 14756732 ocm 14756732 102726 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a32057) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 102726) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1566:29) by the king, his majesties proclamation forbidding all his loving subjects of the counties of kent, surrey, sussex, and hampshire, to raise any forces without his majesties consent, or to enter into any association or protestation for the assistance of the rebellion against his majesty england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. by leonard lichfield, [oxford : 1643] at head of title: c.r. "given at our court at oxford, this sixteenth day of february, in the eighteenth yeere of our reigne". imprint suggested by wing. reproduction of original in the harvard university library. eng great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649. a32057 r226399 (wing c2643). civilwar no by the king. his majesties proclamation forbidding all his loving subjects of the counties of kent, surry, sussex, and hamp-shire, to raise england and wales. sovereign 1643 1049 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-07 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-07 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c.r. by the king . his majesties proclamation forbidding all his loving subjects of the counties of kent , surrey , sussex , and hampshire to raise any forces without his majesties consent , or to enter into any association or protestation for the assistance of the rebellion against his majesty . whereas we have been informed of certain propositions agreed upon by some seditious persons of our severall counties of kent , surry , sussex and hampshire , for an association betwixt the said counties , to raise an army of 3000 foot , and 300 horse , and great summes of money for the maintenance thereof , and an invitation to our good subjects of that county , to enter into a protestation to assist them in this odious and unnaturall rebellion ; we doe hereby declare for the satisfaction of all our loving subjects of those counties , and that they may not be seduced from their obedience by the cunning and subtilty of those men , that the entring into such an association and protestation , and raising of men or contributing money upon the same , is an act of high treason , and an endeavour to take away our life from vs : and we do therefore straitly charge and command all our loving subjects whatsoever upon their allegiance not to enter into any such association or prorestation , and such , as by colour of such authority have assembled together , that they immediately disband and repaire to their houses . and we doe once more renew our offer of a free and gratious pardou to all our subjects of our said foure severall counties , excepting those whom we before excepted in our severall proclamations concerning those our counties , against all which we shall proceed according to the rules of the law , as against persons guilty of high treason ; and whom we doe hereby require all our officers and ministers of justice , and all our loving subjects whatsoever , to apprehend and cause to be kept in safe custody . and our expresse pleasure is , and we doe hereby will and command all the severall tenants of the persons excepted in our proclamation for those foure counties of kent , surrey sussex , and hampshire , and all other persons who are any wayes indebted unto them , and all the tenants to any other person of any of the said counties , who is now in actuall and open rebellion against us , or who after the publishing of this our proclamation shall contribute to the maintenance of the armies now in rebellion against us , under the conduct of robert earle of essex , or of any other person or persons , or that shall joyne in any such traiterous association or protestation , that they forbeare to pay any rents or debts due to the said severall persons , but detaine the same in their hands towards the maintenance of the peace of the counties , and the reparation of such men who have suffered by the violence of the others . and if any souldier or souldiers now under command against us in either of our said foure counties , shall within six dayes after the publishing of this our proclamation , apprehend and bring before us , or any officers of our army , or any other our minister of justice , so that the person apprehended be kept in safe custody , the bodies of any of the persons so excepted by us , or of any of the commanders or officers now in rebellion against us in any of the said foure counties , such souldier or souldiers , besides their pardons , shall receive such liberall rewards by pensions , or otherwise , as their severall services in respect of the qualities of the persons so apprehended shall deserve . and , if any commander or officer ( except the persons before excepted ) now in rebellion against us , in any of the said foure counties , shall within five dayes after this our proclamation published , being convinced in his conscience of his damnable offence against god and us , in assisting this odious rebellion , returne to his alleagiance and repaire to our army , and commit no hostile act in the meane while against us , we shall not onely pardon him , but so far imploy him as his quality and demeanour shall deserve . and we doe hereby require all our loving subjects of what degree or quality soever , within our said foure severall counties , upon their allegiance , and as they tender the cause of god , the protestant religion , being invaded and threatned to be rooted up by anabaptists , brownists and atheists , of us , and our posterity ( our life being sought after by this rebellion , and of themselves , the law and liberty of the subject being in apparent hazard to be subjected to an arbitrary lawlesse power , of a few schismaticall , factious , and ambitious persons ) to assist us in person , or with the loane of money , plate , and horses , in this our great necessity . and having said thus much out of our tender regard of our subjects of those our counties ; if they shall henceforward be guilty of the premises : and shall either by loane or contribution assist the said army of rebels , assemble and muster themselves in armes withour authority derived from us under our hand , or shall enter into any oath of association for opposing us and our army , and so compell us to send part of our forces thither to reduce them to their obedience ; they must answer the miseries that must follow , to god , and their country . and our pleasure is , that this our proclamation be read in all the parish churches and chappels in the said foure severall counties . given at our court at oxford , this sixteenth day of february , in the eighteenth yeare of our reigne . god save the king . his majesties letter of instrvction directed and sent to the iudges of assize of the severall circuits at the last summer assize. charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a31948 of text r26000 in the english short title catalog (wing c2392). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 8 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a31948 wing c2392 estc r26000 09312790 ocm 09312790 42707 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a31948) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 42707) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1304:52) his majesties letter of instrvction directed and sent to the iudges of assize of the severall circuits at the last summer assize. charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 6 p. printed by leonard lichfield, oxford : 1642. reproduction of original in the harvard university library. eng judges -great britain. justice, administration of -great britain. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649. a31948 r26000 (wing c2392). civilwar no his majesties letter of instruction directed and sent to the iudges of assize of the severall circuits, at the last summer assize. england and wales. sovereign 1642 1389 1 0 0 0 0 0 7 b the rate of 7 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2005-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-10 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-11 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2005-11 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion his majesties letter of instrvction directed and sent to the iudges of assize of the severall circuits , at the last summer assize . printed , by his majesties command , at oxford , february 7. by leonard lichfield printer to the vniversity . 1642. his majesties letter of instruction directed and sent to the judges of assize of the severall circuits . trusty and well-beloved , wee greet you well . we call to mind , that in former times the constant custome was , by the mouth of the lord keeper for the time being , at the court of star-chamber , in the end of trinity terme , to put the judges of assize ( shortly after to undertake their severall circuits , ) in mind of such things as were then thought necessary for the present , for the good government of the kingdome . this course in our judgement ▪ we doe so well approve of , that although we want that oportunity which we and our predecessors then had , of communicating our thoughts to our iudges , for the good of our people : yet we doe still retaine the same care for the safety and prosperity of our good subjects ; and much more by how much the distempers and distractions of the present times , unhappily fallen , have given us more occasion . we have therefore thought it fit to supply this defect by these our letters ; wherein beside the generall care of our iustice committed to us by god , and by us delegated to our iudges by our severall commissions , we recommend unto you in your circuit , as we shall doe to the rest of your brethren in their severall circuits , more especially these particulars following . first , that ye take care by all the best meanes you can , to suppresse popery in all those counties whither you are to goe , by putting the lawes made against them in due execution : and that you take the like care to give a stoppe to the overhasty growth of anabaptisme , and other schismes , as farre as by the good lawes of this land you may , and to punish the delinquents with an equall hand ; and those especially of either sort , whom you shall discover to be seditiously stirrers and moters of others , to any act of disobedience to us , and to our government . and that in your charges and otherwise , as you shall have fit opportunity , you assure our good subjects in our name , and in the word of a king ( who calls god to witnesse of his integrity and sincerity therein ) that by his gratious assistance , we are constantly resolved to maintain the true protestant religion established by law in this church of england , in the purity thereof , without declining either to the right hand or to the left , as we found it at our accesse to the crowne , and as it was maintained in the happy times of queen elizabeth , and king iames ( our deer father ) both of happy memory ; and therein both to live and dye . secondly , you shall let our people of those counties know , that according to our kingly duty and oath , we are also constantly resolved to maintain the lawes of this our kingdom , and by , and according to them , to governe our subjects , and not by any arbitrary power , whatsoever the malevolent spirits of any ill-affected to our person , or government have suggested , or shall suggest to the contrary ; and that we shall also maintain the just priviledges of parliament , as farre as any of our predecessors have done , and as farre as may stand with that iustice which we owe to our crowne , and to the honour thereof . but that we may not , nor will admit of any such unwarranted power in either or both houses of parliament , which in somethings hath been lately usurped , not only without , but against our royall consent and command ; and we require and command you , as there shall be just occasion offered , in a legall way , that you take care to preserve our just right in those cases . thirdly , we charge you , as you tender the peace of the kingdom , ( in the government whereof , according to our lawes , you our judges of the law have a principall part under us ) that you take care for the suppressing of all insurrections ( if any such should happen ) and of all riots , and unlawfull assemblies , under any pretence whatsoever , not warranted by the lawes of the land , and whosoever shall transgresse therein , that you let them know , that they must expect that punishment which by the law may be inflicted upon them , and at your hands we shall look for such an accompt herein , within your circuit , as becometh the quality of the place wherein you serve us . fourthly , because these distempers of the present times , unhappily stirred up , and fomented by some , under specious , but unjust pretences , are probable to stirre up loose and ungoverned persons , under hope of impunity , as farre as they dare , to make a prey of our good subjects , we strictly charge and command you to take the best order you can in those counties , that rogues and vagabonds , and other disorderly people may be apprehended , dealt with , & punished according to the lawes , whereby the good and quiet people of our kingdom may be secured , and the wicked and licentious may be suppressed . and we charge and command you to give it in charge in all the counties whither you are sent by our commissions , that watches and wards , be strictly kept in all parishes & places convenient , whereby the lawes made against such disorders may be put in due execution . fiftly and lastly , you shall let our people of those counties know from us , and by our command , that if they shall preferre unto us , or unto you in our stead , any thing wherein they hold themselves grieved , in an humble and fitting way , and shall desire a just reformation or reliefe , we shall give a gratious eare unto them , and with all conveniency return them such an answer , as shall give them cause to thank us for our justice and favour . and when ye shall have published our cleer intentions to our people in these things , least , at the first hearing , they should not so fully apprehend our sence therein , you shall deliver a copy of these our letters to the foreman of the grand-jury , and to any other , if any shall desire copies of these our letters for their better information , you may deliver the same . and to the end that our service in your circuit may not suffer through the absence of our learned councell ; our will and command is , that you assigne in every place of your sessions some of the ablest lawyers who ride that circuit , to be of councell for us , to assist in such pleas of the crowne , as may be most necessary for our service , in the examination and punishment of notorious delinquents . of all these things we shall expect that good accompt from you , as we shall from the rest of your brethren our iudges , to whom we have also written to the like purpose , ( of whose fidelity and good affections we are confident , ) as becometh us to look for from you , and for you to render to us , from whom you have so great a trust committed . given at our court at yorke the 5 of iuly 1641. his majesties message to both houses of parliament upon his removall to the city of york england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a31983 of text r23982 in the english short title catalog (wing c2452). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a31983 wing c2452 estc r23982 07937228 ocm 07937228 40547 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a31983) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 40547) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1201:22) his majesties message to both houses of parliament upon his removall to the city of york england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. england and wales. parliament. 1 broadside. by robert barker, and by the assignes of john bill, imprinted at london : 1641. at head of title: huntington 15 martii, 1641. reproduction of original in the bodleian library. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -sources. a31983 r23982 (wing c2452). civilwar no huntington 15 martii, 1641. his majesties message to both houses of parliament, upon his removall to the city of york. england and wales. sovereign 1641 610 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-07 paul schaffner sampled and proofread 2008-07 paul schaffner text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion royal blazon or coat of arms c r honi soit qvi mal y pense diev et mon droit huntington 15o martii , 1641. ❧ his majesties message to both houses of parliament , upon his removall to the city of york . his majestie being now in his remove to his city of york , where he intends to make his residence for sometime , thinks fit to send this massage to both houses of parliament . that he doth very earnestly desire , that they will use all possible industry in expediting the businesse of ireland , in which they shall finde so cheerfull a concurrence by his majestie , that no inconvenience shall happen to that service by his absence , he having all that passion for the reducing of that kingdom , which he hath expressed in his former messages , and being unable by words to manifest more affection to it , then he hath indeavoured to do by those messages ( having likewise done all such acts as he hath been moved unto by his parliament ) therefore if the misfortunes and calamities of his poor protestant subjects there shall grow upon them ( though his majestie shall be deeply concerned in , and sensible of their sufferings ) he shall wash his hands before all the world , from the least imputation of slacknesse in that most necessary and pious work . and that his majestie may leave no way unattempted , which may beget a good understanding between him and his parliament , he thinks it necessary to declare , that as he hath been so tender of the priviledges of parliament , that he hath been ready and forward to retract any act of his own , which he hath been informed hath trencht upon their priviledges , so he expects an equall tendernesse in them of his majesties known and unquestionable priviledges ( which are the priviledges of the kingdom ) amongst which , he is assured it is a fundamentall one , that his subjects cannot be obliged to obey any act , order , or injunction to which his majestie hath not given his consent : and therefore he thinks it necessary to publish , that he expects , and hereby requires obedience from all his loving subjects , to the laws established , and that they presume not upon any pretence of order , or ordinance ( to which his majestie is no partie ) concerning the militia or any other thing , to do or execute what is not warranted by those laws , his majestie being resolved to keep the laws himself , and to require obedience to them from all his subjects . and his majestie once more recommends to his parliament the substance of his message of the 20th of ianuary last , that they compose and digest , which all speed , such acts , as they shall think fit , for the present and future establishment of their priviledges ; the free and quiet enjoying their estates and fortunes ; the liberties of their persons ; the security of the true religion now professed in the church of england ; the maintaining his majesties regall and just authority , and setling his revenue ; his majestie being most desirous to take all sitting and just wayes , which may beget a happy understanding between him and his parliament , in which he concerves his greatest power and riches doth consist . ¶ imprinted at london by robert barker , printer to the kings most excellent majestie : and by the assignes of john bill . 1641. the humble petition of the commons of kent, agreed upon at their generall assizes, presented to his majestie the first of august, 1642 with certaine instructions from the county of kent, to mr. augustine skinner, whereby the desires of the said county may be presented by him to the honourable house of commons : with his majesties answer ... this fourth of august, 1642. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a45018 of text r18106 in the english short title catalog (wing h3495). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 15 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 9 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a45018 wing h3495 estc r18106 12167268 ocm 12167268 55348 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a45018) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 55348) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 816:7) the humble petition of the commons of kent, agreed upon at their generall assizes, presented to his majestie the first of august, 1642 with certaine instructions from the county of kent, to mr. augustine skinner, whereby the desires of the said county may be presented by him to the honourable house of commons : with his majesties answer ... this fourth of august, 1642. charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) [2], 12, [2] p. printed by robert barker ..., york : 1642. reproduction of original in duke university library. eng kent (england) -history, local -sources. a45018 r18106 (wing h3495). civilwar no the humble petition of the commons of kent, agreed upon at their generall assizes. presented to his majestie the first of august, 1642. with [no entry] 1642 2492 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2005-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-03 john latta sampled and proofread 2006-03 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the humble petition of the commons of kent , agreed upon at their generall assizes . presented to his majestie the first of august , 1642. with certain instructions from the county of kent , to mr. augustine skinner , whereby the desires of the said county may be presented by him , to the honourable house of commons . with his majesties answer to the aforesaid petition . at the court at york , this fourth of august , 1642. york : printed by robert barker , printer to the kings most excellent majesty : and by the assignes of john bill , 1642. to the kings most excellent majestie . the humble petition of the commons of kent , agreed upon at their generall assizes . most gracious soveraign , we do , with all thankfulnesse , acknowledge your great grace and favour towards us , and the whole kingdom ; in passing many good laws for the benefit of your subjects , in promising to ease us of all our grievances ; and graciously inviting us by your letter directed to the judge of our assize , full of love and care for your peoples good , to petition for redresse of them , promising a gracious answer ; and we should with all humility have presented them to your majesty at this time , did not the present great distractions and apprehension of a civill war ( which we earnestly pray to god to divert ) put us beyond all thought of other grievances . for prevention whereof , we have with all loyalty of heart to your sacred majesty , with all love and faithfulnesse to our country , presented our humble advice in certain instructions , to one of our knights of the shire now here present with a committee from the house of commons , to be presented by him to that honourable house : the copy whereof we make bold to annex unto this petition . most humbly desiring your most excellent majestie , that if it shall please the houses of parliament to satisfie your majesties just desires in these particular , that then your majesty would be graciously pleased , to lay down your extraordinary guards , and cheerfully meet your parliament , in such a place where your sacred majesty and each member of both houses , may be free from tumultuary assemblies . and as in all duty bound , we shall dayly pray for your majesties long life , and prosperous reign over us . instructions from the county of kent , to master augustine skinner , whereby the desires of the said county may be presented by him to the honorable house of commons . whereas a committee from the house of commons is now sent down to the assizes , upon a credible information ( as they say ) that something should be done to the disturbance of the peace of this county . we , the commons of kent , require you master augustine skinner ( as our servant ) to certifie to that honourable house , that you found the county in full peace , and that there is no ground for any such information , and that you desire , in our names , to know the particulars of that information , ( of which it seems you are ignorant , and the informer ) that this county may have full reparations in honour against so scandalous an aspersion cast upon them ; and that the informer , of what quality soever , may receive condigne punishment . and that the house of commons may understand our desires , not only to preserve the peace of this county , which ( with gods blessing , and the help of the good known laws of this kingdome ) we are confident we shall maintain , but also of the whole kingdome , being now in so great a distraction , that every man stands at a gaze , to see what the event is likely to be , and well weighing what a great fire a small spark may kindle ; abhorring and detesting the thought of a civill war : we farther require you to offer our humble advice , as faithfull and loyall subjects to his majesty , and good patriots and lovers of our countrey , for setling the distractions of these times . one principall meanes to effect it , we conceive will be to give his majesty full satisfaction in his just desires , in these foure particulars . 1. in presently leaving the town of hull in the same state it was before sir john hothams entrance into it ; and delivering his majesty his own magazine . 2. in laying aside the militia , untill a good law may be framed , wherein care may be taken as well for the liberty of the subjects , as the defence of the kingdom . 3. that the parliament be adjourned to an indifferent place , where his sacred majesty , all the lords and members of your house of commons may meet and treat with honour , freedom , and safety . 4. that his majesties navie may be immediately restored to him . our reasons are these . 1. for withdrawing your garrison out of the town of hull , we are perswaded your fears and jealousies of forraign forces , of french , or danes , or of the papists at home ( an inconsiderable party , especially being disarmed ) are long since vanished , the magazine or a great part of it being removed to london , we conceive master major of hull may safely keep the town as before . 2. for laying aside the militia , we are free from jealousies of forraign forces , so that you may have time enough to frame a lasting law , which notwithstanding , for feare of inconvenience to the subjects liberty , you may , if you so think fit , make the law a probationer . besides , his majesty , if occasion should be , is vested with sufficient power to raise forces for the defence of the kingdom , for which onely we are confident his majesty will employ them . and we should hold our selves worse then infidels , if , after so many protestations to maintain the true religion by law established , the subjects in the liberty of their persons and propriety of their goods , and the priviledges of parliament , and that he will govern us by the known laws of the land , we should not with full assurance , beleeve in him and confide in him . 3. for adjourning the parliament to another place , his majesty hath expressed the reasons , that he was driven away by tumultuary assemblies , and that he cannot return thither with honour and safety : and divers of the lords are absent , who promise to return back to the house , when they may sit with the liberty , and that condition that the peerage of england formerly have done , secured from all menaces , or demanding any account of their particular votes ; which we conceive to be against the freedom of parliament , which by our protestation we must maintain , and from tumultuarie assemblies : these having been the occasions , as we beleeve , that of neer five hundred in the house of commons , there are but about one hundred and forty left to sit there , and the greater part of the lords gone away . 4. for the restitution of the navie , our reason is , that the neighbour nations do take notice , that his majesties navie is detained from him , which if not suddenly restored , may turn to his majesties dishonour , whose honour , by our protestation , we are bound to maintain . another means , we conceive , to settle the states and minds of the subjects , is a free , generall , and large pardon : which since his majesty hath so graciously offered we desire and expect to receive , and if any man do dislike it , he may be excepted , and the generality of the subjects not hindred of their good , and his majesties grace and goodnesse . his majesties answer to the humble petition of the commons of kent , agreed upon at their generall assizes , and presented to his majesty the first of august . at the court at york this fourth of august , 1642. his majestie hath with great satisfaction in the loyalty and affection of the petitioners considered this petition , with the instructions annexed to their knight of the shire , and hath expresly commanded me to return this his answer , in these words : that the petitioners are not more eased and satisfied with the good laws his majestie hath passed , then his majestie himselfe is pleased with that way of obliging his subjects , neither hath he ever made the least promise or profession of repairing or redressing the grievances of his people , which he hath not been , and alwaies wil be ready to perform . his majestie cannot blame the petitioners to be apprehensive of a civill war , since the present distractions ( grounded upon no visible cause , to which his majestie could , or can yet applie a remedy ) threaten no lesse confusion . but his majestie doubts not , that the petitioners and all his good subjects , do well understand , that his majestie hath left no way unattempted , which in honour or wisdom could be consented to , to prevent that confusion . that after so many injuries and indignities offered to him , so many combinations and conspiracies against him , he departed so much from his own majestie , and the justice due to it , that he required no other reparation , then to have his town , goods , and navie ( taken and kept by violence from and against him ) to be restored to him : the power of making laws without him , by the way of ordinances ( and that in particular , concerning the militia ) to be disavowed . and that a safe place might be agreed on , where he might be present with his great councell , for the composing all misunderstandings , and making the kingdom happy . that before any answer returned to his majestie ( whil'st with all patience and hope his majestie forbore any action or attempt of force , according to his promise ) sir john hotham issued out of hull in the night , burned the houses , and murthered the persons of his fellow subjects ( though he knew his majestie quietly expected an answer to his reasonable and necessary demands ) and hath since exercised most barbarous cruelty upon a drummer then taken prisoner by him . that those propositions made by his majestie , and mentioned by the petitioners , in their instructions , are dissented from , and his majestie not suffered to enjoy what is as unquestionably his own , as any thing his subjects can call most theirs , upon pretence there is some trust on foot to dispossesse his majestie of them : whether any such trust be derived from the petitioners : themselves best know . that a generall is made to command his subjects against him , and forces already marching with canon towards him , under the conduct of the lord brook , whil'st all labour and endeavour is used , to cut off all succour and supply from his majesty , as from a forraign enemy . when the petitioners , and all other his majesties subjects have weighed this , and considered that these strange unheard of proceedings must be the effects of desperate resolutions , and that all this calamity is brought upon this nation , to wrest from his majestie his just rights , when no sober man can see the want of any thing which is in his majesties power to grant , and necessary for the peace and full happinesse of the kingdom . that when all encouragement is given , scandals raised , and provocations used to incense the people against his majesty , and to publish petitions and declarations against the known laws and established government : the petitioners , and all other his majesties good subjects ( who out of a true sense of the distraction and ruine the commonwealth must speedily fall into through these distempers have prepared sober and moderate petitions and animadversions for the peace of the kingdom ) have been discountenanced , censured and imprisoned in a lawlesse arbitrary way , when no offence have been committed by them , of which the law hath taken notice : that all their rights , interests , and priviledges , which they were born to , by the good known lawes , are taken from them , or subjected to an unintelligible arbitrary power and resolution , which destroyes their confidence and assurance even in innocencie it self ; they will think it time to provide for their own security , by assisting his majestie for the defence of his person , preservation of the true protestant religion , and maintenance of the law of the land , and liberty of the subject ; of the which , as the petitioners care is very eminent , and deserves all protection , thanks , and estimation from his majesty ; so his majesty will venture his life and his crown with them , in that quarrell . lastly , least any of the petitioners may unjustly suffer for making or presenting this humble , dutifull , and modest petition to his majestie ; his majestie declares , that he will with his utmost power and assistance protect and defend them against any power whatsoever , which shall question them for so doing ; and to that purpose advertiseth them , that they are not obliged to yeeld obedience to any pursuivants , sergeants , or messengers , who shall endeavour to molest them for doing their duty , and discharging their consciences therein . and that the whole county of kent may know his majesties gracious acceptance of this expression of their duty and affection unto him : 't is his majesties pleasure , that this his answer , together with the petition and instructions , be read in all the churches and chappels of that county . falkland . finis . his majesties declaration, directed to all persons of what degree and qualitie soever, in the christian world with a letter from divers godly ministers of the church of england to the assembly of the kirk of scotland, shewing the cause of these troubles : and a list of the popish vicker-generalls, jesuites, priests and fryers in england, and their names and places to them assigned, in the severall provinces of england and wales, to exstinguish the protestant clergie and religion and bring in and settle popery instead thereof. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a31851 of text r11738 in the english short title catalog (wing c2199). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 22 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a31851 wing c2199 estc r11738 11910638 ocm 11910638 50811 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a31851) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 50811) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 228:e6, no 9) his majesties declaration, directed to all persons of what degree and qualitie soever, in the christian world with a letter from divers godly ministers of the church of england to the assembly of the kirk of scotland, shewing the cause of these troubles : and a list of the popish vicker-generalls, jesuites, priests and fryers in england, and their names and places to them assigned, in the severall provinces of england and wales, to exstinguish the protestant clergie and religion and bring in and settle popery instead thereof. charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) [8] p. printed by jane coe, london : 1644. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng great britain -church history -17th century. a31851 r11738 (wing c2199). civilwar no his majesties declaration, directed to all persons of what degree and qualitie soever, in the christian world. vvith a letter from divers go [no entry] 1644 3785 10 0 0 0 0 0 26 c the rate of 26 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2005-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-12 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2005-12 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion his majesties declaration , directed to all persons of what degree and qualitie soever , in the christian world . vvith a letter from divers godly ministers of the church of england , to the assembly of the kirk of scotland ; shewing the cause of these troubles . and a list of the popish vicker-generalls , jesuites , priests , and fryers , in england , and their names and places to them assigned , in the severall provinces of england , and wales , to exstinguish the protestant clergie , and religion , and bring in , and settle popery instead thereof . published according to order . london , printed by jane coe . 1644. his majesties declaration to all forraign protestant churches . charles by the providence of almighty god , king of england , scotland , france , and ireland , defender of the faith , &c. to all those who professe the true reformed protestant religion , of what nation , degree , and condition so ever they be , to whom this present declaration shall come : greeting , whereas we are given to understand , that many false rumours , and scandalous letters , are spred up and down amongst the reformed churches in forraign parts , by the politique , or rather the pernicious industry of some ill-affected persons , that we have an inclination to receed from that orthodox religion which we were born , baptized , and bred in , and which we have firmly professed , and professed and practised throughout the whole course of our life , to this moment , and that we intend to give way to the introduction , and publike exercise of popery again in our dominions : which conjecture , or rather most detestable calumny , being grounded upon no imaginable foundation , hath raised these horrible tumults , and more then barbarous wars throughout this flourishing island , under pretext of a kinde of reformation , which would not onely prove incongruous , but incompatible with the fundamentall laws , and government of this kingdom ; we desire that the whole christian world should take notice , and rest assured , that we never entertained in our imagination , the least thought to attempt such a thing , or to depart a jot from that holy religion , which when we received the crown and scepter of this kingdom , we took a most solemn sacramentall oath , to professe and protect . nor doth our most constant practise and quotidian visible presence , in the exercise of this sole religion , with so many asserverations in the head of our armies , and the publike attestation of our barons , with the circumspection used in the education of our royall off-spring , besides divers other undenyable arguments , onely demonstrate this ; but also that happy alliance of marriage , we contracted betwixt our eldest daughter , and the illustrious prince of orange , most cleerly confirms the reality of our intentions herein ; by which nuptiall engagement , it appears further , that our endeavours are not onely to make a bare profession thereof , in our 〈◊〉 dominions , but to inlarge and corroborate it abroad , as much as liet● in our power . this most holy religion of the anglican church , ordained by so many convocations of learned divines , confirmed by so many acts of parliament , and strengthned by so many royall proclamations , together with the ecclesiastick discipline , and liturgie thereunto appertaining ; which liturgie , and discipline , the most eminent of protestant authors , as well germanes , as french ; as well danes , as swedes and switzers ; as well belgians as bohemians , do with many elogies ( and not without a kinde of envy ) approve and applaud in their publike writings , particularly in the transactions of the synod of dort , wherein besides others of our divines ( who afterwards were prelates ) one of our bishops assisted , to whose dignitie all due respects and precedency was given : this religion we say , which our royall father of blesled memory , doth publikely assert in that his famous confession , addressed ( as we also do this our protestation ) to all christian princes : this most holy religion , with the hierarchy and liturgie thereof , we solemnly protest , that by the help of almighty god , we will endeavour , to our utmost power , and last period of our life , to keep entire and invioable , and will be carefull , according to our duty to heaven , and the tenour of the aforesaid most sacred oath at our coronation , that all our ecclesiasticks in their severall degrees and incumbences , shall preach and practise the same . wherefore we enjoyn and command all our ministers of state beyond the seas , as well ambassadours as residents , agents , and messengers , and we desire all the rest of our loving subjects , that sojourn either for curiositie or commerce in any forraign parts , to communicate , uphold , and assert this our solemn and sincere protestation , when opportunitie of time and place shall be offered . the contriver of this declaration , whether it was digby or who ever it was , doth here in his maiesties name , charge not onely us with sending but other protestant churches with receiving groundlesse calumnies , and there upon came these warrs to be raised . but if his maiestie will be pleased to beleeve the godly protestant ministers of this kingdome they will iustifie for us that it is the hierarchie , & the hierarchicall factions , the prelates , papist , delinquents , and their adherents that have been and are the fomenters , and incendiaries of these our confused conflicts . a letter subcribed by divers godly protestant ministors in the church of england , sent to the generall assemblie of the church of scotland . right reverend in our lord and saviour , we received with much joy and satisfaction , the answer of your generall assembly , vouchsafed us to our letters of the last yeer : some of us in name of our brethren , thought it then fit by master alexander henderson ( a brother so justly approved by you , and honoured by us ) to return our desired thanks : and we now further think it equall upon this occasion , to make a more publique acknowledgement of such a publique favour : you w●re then pleased to give us fair grounds to expect that brotherly advice and endeavours , which the common cause of christ , and the mutuall interest of the united nations , command us now again to ask , if not to chalenge . we doubt not but your experience , together with your intelligence , abundantly informs you of our condition , what various administrations of providence we have passed thorow , and we still lie betwixt hopes and fears , a fit temper for working , the god of all grace inable us to improve it . as our hopes are not such as may make us secure ; so neither do our fears prevail to the casting away of our confidence . your own late condition , together with this declaration of our present , may acquaint you with the certain , though subtle authors and fomenters of these our confused conflicts , which we conceive to be the hierarchicall faction , who have no way to peace and safety , but through the trouble of others . our prayers and endeavours according to our measure have been , and shall be for the supplanting and rooting up whatsoever we finde so prejudiciall to the establishment of the kingdom of christ , and the peace of our soveraign . and that this declaration of our selves may not leave you unsatisfied , we think it requisite further to expresse , that the desire of the most godly and considerable part amongst us , is , that the presbyterian government , which hath just and evident foundation , both in the word of god , and religious reason , may be established amongst us , and that ( according to your intimation ) we may agree in one confession of faith , one directory for worship , one publique catechisme and form of government , which things , if they were accomplished , we should much rejoyce in our happy subjection to christ our head , and desired association with you our beloved brethren : for the better effecting whereof , we thought it necessary , not onely to acquaint you with what our desires are in themselves , but also to you , that is , that what shall seem most fit to the wisdom of that grave and religious assembly , may be taken for the furtherance of our endeavours in this kinde . we understand that our parliament hath been before-hand with us in this intimation , and it cannot be but our duty , who are so much concerned in the businesse , to adde what power the lord hath given , with you , to the same purpose . this design and desire of ours hath evennesse on the left hand , and dissenting brethren on the right ; but we doubt not that as our hearts justifie us that our intentions are right , and such as we conceive tend most directly to the glory of god , and peace of the churches of the saints : so ( by your brotherly concurrence in the most speedy and effectuall way you can finde ou●● ) the work will in gods due time receive a prayed for , and hoped for issue . we shall not need by any arguments from mutuall nationall interest ( thouuh we know ye will not over-looke these ) to inforce this request , the sam● bond wherewith we are all united in the lord jesus christ , we are assured , will alone ingage your faithfull endeavours in this businesse . to him we commit you , with these great and important affaires you have in hand . be pleased to accept of these , as the expression of the mindes of our many godly and faithfull brethren , whose hearts we doubt not of , neither need you though their hands in regard of the suddennesse of this opportuniy , could not be subscribed , together with ours , who are . london , iuly 22. 1644. your most affectionate friends , and brethren in the work of the lord . sic subscriber . in the next place , the contriver of this declaration goes about to make the world beleeve , that our fear of the bringing in of popery , is grounded upon no imaginable foundation . but the truth of it is , we had great cause to fear it ; for there were cardinals appointed in rome to come over , and vicker-generals , archdeacons , deans , priests and fryers , not onely chosen , but planted in all places throughout the kingdom of england , and dominion of wales , and all of them had approbation from rome , before they could be received by authority of the romish church in england . and therefore , for more fuller satisfaction , that all the world may know how his majesty hath been misled by a pernicious and wicked crue of papists , priests and fryers ; and how neer this kingdom was brought to be subjected to popish religion . here followeth a catalogue of the jesuites , popish priests , and fryers , that were appointed to be placed in their severall places throughout the severall diocesse of england , and dominion of wales . 1. the vicker-generall for the cities of london , and westminster , the counties of kent , barks , sussex , surrey , essex , and hartfordshire , was chosen and settled , his name , father gregory fisher . 2. for the vicker-generall for the counties of cornwall , devon , sommerset , wilts , gloster , and hampshire : master hammon in cornwall was chosen , a notorious fryer . 3. for the counties of bedford , huntington , cambridge , ely , lincoln , norfolk , and suffolk , was chosen master herbert . 4. for the counties of oxford , buckingham , northampton , 〈◊〉 , stafford , warwick , worcester , and chester , was chosen doctor b●svile . 5. for wales , one humphrey hughes , and under him , master 〈◊〉 and master barrington ; the one for north-wales , the other for south-wales . 6. for the counties of york , derby , nottingham , linc●●● , 〈◊〉 rutland , were nominated , master faulkner and master 〈…〉 certain who was chosen . 7. for lancashire , westmerland , cumberland , northumberland , and durham , master holden , and master lab. were nominated after , master tralloy , who was vicker before them . these are called vicker generals , and were none of them placed without the consent of the pope , all of them being notorious popish priests , and fryers . and besides these , there were also other priests and fryers appointed , for severall charges throughout the kingdom . a catalogue of some already discovered , here follows . 1. about london and westminster , were father musket , archdeacon , master webstar , dean , and other popish priests ; father curtes , father howard , blaeklo , harrington , barker , holden , filton , hide , clifford , laborn , drury , and others . 2. about cornwall and those parts , master manger , archdeacon , and other popish priests , and fryers : father martin , father woodward , two warhams . vvhite , hames , brown , newman . 3. in bedfordshire , &c. father thomas , green , vveeke , everard , garlton , henry blacklo , ely , hoh , marchand . 4. in oxfordshire , &c. master button , archdeacon , besides father b●rlo , breuerton , venables , laurence , suttlo , turbervil , iennings , ellis , falkner , cheeks , hughes . 5. in wales , father stephens , vaughen , pew , permaunt , vvilliams , barrington , powel , perkins , street , holland , remble , lay , green , elliots , morris , two of the prices . 6. in yorkeshire , &c. father french , arnold , fathering , hughes , iackeson , vvorthington . 7. in lancashire , &c. master redman , archdeacon , and other priests and fryers ; father catreck , vvalker , blunderston , nevel , neatby , lassels , green , constable , hodgeson , strickland , sands , tolly , sale , vvorthington , and father tunstall , besides many more . all which , were placed there to extirpate the protestant religion , and bring in popery . a message not much unlike this declaration , was sent from the king to the parliament , in september , 1642. at which time , the lords and commons sent this petition following to his majestie . may it please your majestie ; we the lords and commons in parliament assembled , do present this our houble answer to your majesties message of the eleventh of this instant moneth of september . when we consider the oppression rapine , firing of houses , murthers ( even at this time whilest your maiestie propounds a treatie ) committed upon your good subjects by your souldiers in the presence , and by the authority of their commanders , being of the number of those whom your majestie holds your self bound in honour and conscience to protect , as persons doing their duties , we cannot thinke your majestie hath done all that in you lies , to prevent or remove the present distractions , nor so long as your majestie will admit no peace , without securing the afithors and instruments of these mischiefs from the justice of parliament , which yet shall be ever dispensed , with all requisite moderation , and distinction of offences , although some of those persons be such , in whose preservation your kingdom cannot be safe , nor the unquestionable rights and priviledges of parliament be maintained : without which , the power and dignitie thereof will fall into contempt : we beseech your majesty therefore to consider your expressions , that god shall deal with you and your posterity as your majestie desires the preservation of the just rights of parliament , which being undeniable in the trying of such as we have declared to be delinquents , we shall beleeve your maiestie , both towards your self and parliament , will not in this priviledge we are most sensible of , denyus that which belongs unto the meanest court of iustice in this kingdom : neither hath your majestie cause to complaine that you are denyed a treaty , when we offer all that a treaty can produce , or your majestie expect , security , honour , service , obedience , support , and all other effects of an humble , loyall , and faithfull subjection , and seek nothing but that our religion , libertie , peace of the kigdome , safety of the parliament , may be secured from the open violence and cunning practises of a wicked partee , who have long ploted our ruine and destruction : and if there were any cause of treatie , we know no competent persons to treate between the king and the parliament ; and if both cause and persons were such as to invite a trteay , the season is altogether unfit , while your majesties standard is up , and your proclamations and declarations unrecalled , whereby your parliament is charged with treason . if your majestie shall persist to make your selfe a shield and defence to those instruments , and shall continue to reject our faithfull and necessary advice for securing and maintaining religion , and liberty with peace of the kingdome , and safety of the parliament , we doubt not but to indifferent judgements , it will easily appear who is most tender of that innocent blood which is like to be spilt in this cause ; your majestie who by such persisting doth endenger your selfe and your kingdomes , or we who are willing to hazard our selves to preserve both . we humbly beseech your majestie to consider how impossible it is , that any protestation , though published in your majesties name , of your tendernesse of the miseries of your protestant subjects in ireland , of your resolution to maintain the protestant religion , and lawes of this kingdome , can give satisfaction to reasonable and indifferent men , 〈…〉 time divers of the irish traitors and rebells , the known favourers of them and the agents for them , are admitted to your majesties presence with grace and favour , and some of them imployed in your service ; when the cloaths , munition , horses , and other necessaries bought by your parliament , and sent for the supply of the army against the rebells there , are violently taken away , some by your majesties command , others by your ministers , and applyed to the maintenance of an unnaturall war against your people here . all this notwithstanding , as we never gave your majestie any iust cause of withdrawing your self from your great counsell , so it hath ever been , and shall ever be far from us to give any impediment to your returne , or to neglect any proper meanes of curing the distempers of the kingdome , and closing the dangerous breaches betweene your majestie and your parliament , according to the great trust which lyeth upon us . and if your majestie shall now be pleased to come backe to your parliament , without your forces , we shall be ready to secure your royall person , your crown and dignitie , with our lives and fortunes ; your presence in this your great counsell being the onely meanes of any treaty betwixt your majestie and them , with hope of successe . and in none of our desires to your majestie shall we be swayed by any particular mans advantage , but shall give a cleer testimonie to your maistie and the whole world , that in all thing done by us , we faithfully intend the good of your majstie ●ct of your kingdoms ; and that we will not be diverted from this end by any private or selfe-respect whatsoever . one thing more is much to be taken notice of , which relisheth rather of digbies spirit , then of his majesties penning , which is this ; the declaration which is published in english , saith thus , this most holy religion , with the hierarchy and liturgie thereof , we solemnly protest , &c. but in the latin ( with the plierarchy and liturgie ) is left out : so that indeed it speaks one thing to us , and another thing to forraign nations : and whereas those of his maiesties subiects are desired to uphold this protestation when opportunity and time shall be offered . i could wish that his maiestie would be pleased to remember those many covenants , by which he is bound to return to his parliament , and seek the peace and safety of his people , and not by protecting a few popish , prelaticall , jesuiticall , incendiaries , and delinquents ; bring himself , his posterity , and kingdom to ruine . god almighty be pleased to put it into the kings heart , to consider the bleeding condition of his poor people , and cause him to return to comply with his parliament , to the stopping of this great effusion of blood , and the setling of the church , and kingdom in peace and tranquilitie ; which god grant . finis . [a proclamation declaring our purpose] england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a32038 of text r39048 in the english short title catalog (wing c2579). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a32038 wing c2579 estc r39048 18207673 ocm 18207673 107116 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a32038) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 107116) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1629:54) [a proclamation declaring our purpose] england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. by robert barker ... and by the assignes of john bill, imprinted at york : 1642. bracketed title information suggested by wing. "given at our court at beverley the eighth day of july, in the eighteenth yeer of our reign. 1642." imperfect: original printed as a broadside in two sheets; first sheet lacking. best copy available for photographing. reproduction of original in the bodleian library. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649. a32038 r39048 (wing c2579). civilwar no [a proclamation declaring our purpose] england and wales. sovereign 1642 957 1 0 0 0 0 0 10 c the rate of 10 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-09 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-11 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-11 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion 〈…〉 whereupon , we being very sensible of this extream dishonour to vs , that a town of such importance , and so neer to the place of our present residence , should be thus fortified , kept , and maintained against vs , that the port and passage by sea should be defended against vs by our own ships , under the conduct of the earl of warwick , who being legally discharged by vs of his employment at sea , by our revocation of the commission formerly granted by vs to the earl of northumberland , and by our command signified unto him under our own hand , to deliver the commmand of our ships into the hands of another person named by vs , hath , notwithstanding our said commands ( to which the earl of northumberland paid a dutifull obedience ) presumed not only to dispossesse vs of our said navie , but to employ it against vs , and to take prisoners such of our captains as expressed a loyalty to vs according to their oaths , and the duty of subjects ; and that a ship of ours lately imployed for our particular service into holland , and returning from thence with some of our proper goods , hath been chased by them as an enemie , and inforced , for her safetie , to put into a small creek within six miles of that town , and there to run on ground , to the great hazard of our said vessell ; and that both our ship and goods there were yet remaining in danger to be surprized by our own subjects , we took a journey on wednesday the sixth of this moneth from york towards the said creek , to take a view of our said ship and goods thus exposed to danger ; we having just cause to fear that sir john hotham , and others of his confederacie , would ( for our good , and the good of the kingdom ) make prize of these also ; and by the oportunitie of that journey , we our selves are now fully informed of the certaintie of those things , which we had before received but from the relation of others ; and there received a lamentable petition of our subjects of those parts , complaining of the unheard of insolence and barbarisme of sir john hotham , and desiring our just and necessary protection of them from those cruell oppressions . vpon all which considerations , that we may at length , after this long patience , do that right to our honour , our crown , and royall dignitie , and to our good subjects in generall , and those of and near to our town of hull in particular , which we had reason to have expected from our two houses of parliament ; but have failed of the fruit of our long expectation , by the malice of some ill-affected spirits amongst them , who studie nothing more then by false pretences to amuse and abuse our good people , we have taken this resolution , by gods blessing , and the assistance of our good subjects , to force sir john hotham and all that shall take part with him in the unjust and treasonable defence of the town of hull against vs , to that obedience which is due by subjects to their liege lord and soveraign , and to resist the assistance intended to sir john hotham from our said county of lincoln and other places adjoyning , if they shall attempt it . and to this purpose we will and require all our loving subjects to yeeld their best assistance of what kinde soever , to so necessary a defence of our person , and just vindication of so great an injury offered unto vs , to the dishonour of this nation . and we do declare , that whosoever shall give vs their cheerfull help at this time , and to this purpose , either with men , horse , arms , or money , to be brought , sent , or conveyed unto vs , we shall look upon it as a service never to be forgotten . and this we publish to all our subjects , and to all the world , that they may truly understand the cleering of our intentions herein , as we shall do in all other things concerning our government ; and that we do and ever shall maintain those resolutions we have professed so often , and so seriously by our former declarations ; that we will continue and defend the true protestant religion as it is by law established in the church of england , the laws of the land , the rights and just liberties of our subjects , equally to and with our own just prerogative , and the true priviledges of parliament , and never infringe any act consented to by vs this parliament : and that we have not , nor ever had the least thought of making war upon our two houses of parliament , as hath been slanderously and maliciously published . and these things , not our words onely , but all our actions shall make good . and in this resolution and the just observation thereof we shall both live and dye . given at our court at beverley the eighth day of july , in the eighteenth yeer of our reign . 1642. ¶ imprinted at york by robert barker , printer to the kings most excellent majestie : and by the assignes of john bill . 1642. his majesties declaration to all his loving subjects; concerning the remonstrance of the army. delivered to the commissioners on wednesday last; and brought by the post on thursday novemb. 23. to be forthwith printed and published. together with his majesties letter to the lord generall fairfax; and his protestation and proposals to all the officers and souldiers in the army, who acts contrary to the will of his majesty, or the desire of his two houses of parliament. likewise, the declaration of col. hamond, concerning the king. and his letter to the house of peers. read and debated in parliament, novemb. 23. 1648. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a78722 of text r205272 in the english short title catalog (thomason e473_20). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 10 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a78722 wing c2230 thomason e473_20 estc r205272 99864689 99864689 162441 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a78722) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 162441) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 76:e473[20]) his majesties declaration to all his loving subjects; concerning the remonstrance of the army. delivered to the commissioners on wednesday last; and brought by the post on thursday novemb. 23. to be forthwith printed and published. together with his majesties letter to the lord generall fairfax; and his protestation and proposals to all the officers and souldiers in the army, who acts contrary to the will of his majesty, or the desire of his two houses of parliament. likewise, the declaration of col. hamond, concerning the king. and his letter to the house of peers. read and debated in parliament, novemb. 23. 1648. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. hammond, robert, 1621-1654. [2], 6 p. printed for richard brysons, london : 1648. in response to: a remonstrance of his excellency thomas lord fairfax, lord generall of the parliaments forces. and of the generall councell of officers held at st albans the 16. of november, 1648. annotation on thomason copy: "nouemb. 24". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng england and wales. -army. -council. -remonstrance of his excellency thomas lord fairfax, lord generall of the parliaments forces. and of the generall councell of officers held at st albans the 16. of november, 1648. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a78722 r205272 (thomason e473_20). civilwar no his majesties declaration to all his loving subjects; concerning the remonstrance of the army.: delivered to the commissioners on wednesday england and wales. sovereign 1648 1546 2 0 0 0 0 0 13 c the rate of 13 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-08 paul schaffner sampled and proofread 2008-08 paul schaffner text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion his majesties declaration to all his loving subjects ; concerning the remonstrance of the army . delivered to the commissioners on wednesday last ; and brought by the post on thursday novemb. 23. to be forthwith printed and published . together with his majesties letter to the lord generall fairfax ; and his protestation and proposals to all the officers and souldiers in the army , who acts contrary to the will of his majesty , or the desire of his two houses of parliament . likewise , the declaration of col. hamond , concerning the king . and his letter to the house of peers . read and debated in parliament , novemb. 23. 1648. royal blazon or coat of arms c r oni soit qvi mal y pens diev et mon droit london , printed for richard brysons , 1648. his majesties declaration concerning the army , and his resolution touching their late remonstrance , to proceed by the way of charge against his royall person . sir , his majesty having received a copy of the chief heads and representation of the remonstrance of the army , upon reading the same , declared a great dislike thereof , and uttered many sad and solentary expressions , in reference to the same ; who after reading thereof , desired a conference with the bishop of london , the bishop of salisbury , and the rest of the clergy attending his royall person , which being assented to , his majesty remonstrated and declared the grievances of his oppressed and afflicted heart , which followeth in these words . right reverend , vvhereas divine providence hath beene my sole protector , and his almighty power the chiefe anchor whereon my hopes and confidence did and shall depend ; i shall therefore in this dismall and distracted age remonstrate unto you , before my departure hence , the sad and heavy contemplations of my opressed and grieved hart , occasioned t●e by voice and sentence of the army against our royall person and family , and their resolution to proceed against us , by the way of charge : however , i shall say with the blessed psalmist , and the patient sufferer , thy will bee done , o lord , and not mine , and shall indeavour to submit my will unto the will of the lord , that so i may be able to beare and undergoe the crosse and type of christ in all adversity , tribulation , and affliction whatsoever . his majesty having thus graciously and compassionately declared his present apprehensions of the feares and jealousies arising within his royall breast , arising from the late councels and consultations of the army ; the bishop of london , and the bishop of salisbury made each of them a speech , tending to the supporting of his majesties troubled spirits in these dangerous and perilous times of adversity . the duke of richmond , and the rest of the nobility at court , have declared their sense and resolution to his majesty , and have moved the parliaments commissioners to write to both houses , concerning the armies demonstration for the executing of justice on the person of the king . these things , upon serious debate and consultation , hath caused the royall party to propose severall particulars to his majesty for expediting of the treaty , & putting a small end to his concessions ; but ( as yet ) they have taken little effect : for his majesty declares a great unwillingnesse to passe any thing against the marquis of ormond , untill the treaty be wholly ended : but hath promised upon his royall word , that he will not depart this island for 20 dayes to come , beginning the 19. instant , and therefore desireth liberty and freedom ; which the better to effect , his majesty hath sent a letter to the lord gen. fairfax , desiring his admission and grant for performance of the same . as for his consenting to the abolishing of episcopacy , and the sale of bishops lands , though so much conducing in the opinion of all his restoration : yet it s generally conceiv'd he will not yeild therein : and the rather , because what 's like to happen by way of difference . dated from his majesties court at newport , novemb. 22. 1648. the proposals of the parliament touching the demands of the army . the honourable court of parliament having received a remonstrance , or declaration , from the army , containing divers proposals exceeding high and of great consequence ; and upon debate thereof , divers of the dis-assenting members declared a great dislike thereof , and his majesties moderate friends desired it might be laid aside for some certain dayes , others moved that it might be ejected ; and in the conclusion , after they had sufficiently declared their full sense touching the desires of the army , they resolved to lay it aside till munday next . after reading the said remonstrance , mr. pryn made a very learned speech , concerning the demands of the army , his expressions tending much to the dishonour of them , who argued very stifly against the unlawfulnesse of their demands . divers other members seconded him , and desired to insist no further thereon , but to wave their proposals for a time . yet notwithstanding the said arguments and desires , the well-affected party declared a great unwillingnesse to dispense with any time , but to insist thereon immediatly , and to endeavour to give all speedy & possible satisfaction to them in all things by them desired . the declaration of the citizens of london , concerning the demands of the army . whereas we have lately received a paper intituled the remonstrance or declaration of the army , touching the king , we do unanimously declare , that wee shall willingly and freely comply with them therein , for the executing exemplary justice upon all capitall offenders , and endeavour the restitution of the free-born people of england to their common rights , liberties , and freedoms , protesting to live and dye with them therein , for obtaining , effecting , and making future provision for the same . signed by many thousands of the well-affected party in and about the city of london . these mutuall expressions are said to proceed from those citizens , who are known and distinguished by the badge of independency ; but it is said , that the presbyterian party , and others , are resolved to thwart them in their engagement , and to declare against some particular demands of the army , whom they conceive to be too high and unreasonable . but concur with them in their proposition for the executing of justice upon the visible enemies of peace provided a favourable construction may be had on his majesties former actions and proceedings , and that they may bee weighed in the ballance of equity and compassion . novemb. 22. letters from the isle of wight say , that his majesty begins to grow exceeding discontented and melancholy , and feareth much the present overtures of the army , touching their seizing on his royall person , which hath occasioned many sundry contemplative expressions from his majesty , who saith , that if they execute their wills on him , by spilling of his royall bloud , he feareth divers more will follow . these dismall representations causeth much sadnesse and mourning throughout severall corners of the nation . but it is thought that some new addresses will be made from the severall counties , to the parliament and army , in behalf of their dread soveraign the king . other letters from the isle of wight say , that his majesty hath solicited col. hamond ( governor therof ) that none may have the power and protection of his person but himself , and those who were intrusted formerly by his two houses ; but the said colonell hath declared to the contrary , being weary of so great a charge , and hath sent a letter to the house of peers ( which was this day read ) humbly desiring their lordships to take off from him the care of the kings person , and to make such provision for him ; as they in their wisdoms shall think fit , to the end that he may be discharged of the said trust or imployment . and the said letters further make mention , that his maiesty hath againe debated the heads of the armies remonstrance , and doth declare a very ill sense thereof , protesting that he had formerly a good opinion of them , and little thought that they would have ever acted so contrary to his expectation , and their former promises ; and therefore desireth the omnipotent god of heaven ( to whom vengeance doth belong ) to repay them according to their own deserts , and to act by them ▪ as they intend to deal by him . vivat rex . his majesties declaration to the ministers, freeholders, farmers, and substantiall copy-holders of the county of yorke assembled by his majesties speciall summons, at heworth moore, neere the city of yorke; on friday, the 3. of june, 1642. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a78762 of text r210592 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.5[34]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 8 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a78762 wing c2282 thomason 669.f.5[34] estc r210592 99869376 99869376 160747 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a78762) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160747) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f5[34]) his majesties declaration to the ministers, freeholders, farmers, and substantiall copy-holders of the county of yorke assembled by his majesties speciall summons, at heworth moore, neere the city of yorke; on friday, the 3. of june, 1642. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) york: printed by robert barker, printer to the kings most excellent majesty: and by the assignes of john bill: and reprinted at london, for john sweeting, at the angell in popes head alley, [london] : 1642. explains reasons for delay, and for his coming to the north. declares his attitude towards the protestant profession, is equally against papists and separatists. .. a guard is necessary. -steele. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng prerogative, royal -great britain -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. great britain -militia -early works to 1800. yorkshire (england) -history -17th century -sources. a78762 r210592 (thomason 669.f.5[34]). civilwar no his majesties declaration to the ministers, freeholders, farmers, and substantiall copy-holders of the county of yorke. assembled by his maj england and wales. sovereign 1642 1426 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion his majesties declaration to the ministers , freeholders , farmers , and substantiall copy-holders of the county of yorke . assembled by his majesties speciall summons , at heworth moore , neere the city of yorke ; on friday , the 3. of june , 1642. wee would have you to be assured that we never intended the least neglect unto you in any former summons of the countrey , our love , as well as our protection , extending to all our subjects ; but as you are a great body , time and conveniency must be observed in your assembling . that you may know the generall reasons of our being here , you must understand , that when we found it neither safe nor honourable to expose our person to the tumultuous and licentious proceedings of many ( which to this day are unpunished ) who did disorderly approach neere our court at whitehall , we trusted this part of our dominions chiefly to reside in ; where , as most of the gentry already have , so we assure our selves the rest of you will give us cleere testimony of your service and obedience , which we will never use otherwise then for the defence of the true orthodoxe religion professed and setled in queen elizabeths time , and confirmed by the authority of the statutes of this realm , the defence of the laws and fundamentall constitutions of this kingdome ( as the justest measure and rule of our prerogative , and your liberties and rights ) and lastly , for the preservation of the peace of this kingdome . as for our own zeal to the protestant profession , we refer all the world to our daily exercise of , and our declarations concerning it , and execution of the laws against the papists ; so likewise we cannot but declare our selfe most heartily sorry to finde such separatists and schismaticks , who presume , against law , to foment new doctrines and disciplines to the disturbance of church and state . for the law , it being the common inheritance of our people , we shall never enforce any prerogative of ours beyond it , but submit our self to it , and give you , and all our subjects the fullest latitude of it , both for the liberty of your persons , and the propriety of your estates . and for an inviolable confidence and assurance hereof , as we take god ( the searcher of all hearts ) to witnesse our reall intention herein , so we shall no longer desire you to stand for the defence of our person , honour , and just prerogatives , then we shall maintain the laws of the land , the liberty of your persons , and the propriety of your goods . and for the cleere understanding of our resolutions to maintain peace , we may have the confidence and happinesse to refer ( against all malignity whatsoever ) to our former sixteen yeares reign ; ( too long to dissemble our nature ) if in all this time wee never caused the effusion of one drop of blood , it must needs be thought , that in our riper judgement in government , we should never open such issues as might drown us and our posterity in them : but we are sure to have no enemies , but in the defence of the true protestant profession , the right of the established laws , and for the preservation of peace : and certainly all these must be all yours , as well as our enemies . and to the end that this present posture wherein we meet , should not affright you , with the distempers of the times , the example of the two houses having made us prepare for a guard to us and our childrens persons , we wish ; you to looke into the composition and constitution of it , and you will finde it so far from the face or feare of war , that it serves to secure you , as well as us , from it : for our choice is of the prime gentry , and of one regiment of our trained bands , which cannot be thought to oppresse the countrey ( being their own ) nor war with themselves . and we further assure you , we never intended to use foreigners or disaffected in religion : and that you may fully assure your selves of our sole dependancy upon the love and service of our own people , to live and die with them . we have armed these our subjects ; which had been most irrationall , if we had ever intended to have used strangers . and farther , you may perceive that we receive none , but such as stand cleere in loyalty and religion , for which reason we have caused the oathes of allegiance and supremacy to be given them . likewise , to prevent any distempers at home , we have , and shall put the trained bands of all this our kingdome under the command of persons of honour , confidence , and affection to their countrey ; straitly charging , upon their allegiance , no officer to accept any command in them , nor souldiers to obey any save such as are authorized by vs . and for the prevention of any innovated power over you , you shall have vs here to govern you , and the souldiory to protect you in peace , and to relieve you against all oppressions ; for that , as we have told you before , must arise from some great violation ( which we hope god will prevent ) and not from this preparation of our subjects . therefore let none of you be affrighted with vain feares ; if such a warre should follow , it followes the authors home to their owne doores : and such ( by the confidence of our person with you ) we assure our self you are not . here we had left you to your fidelity and duty , had not some malicious insolence in our former meetings sent forth most presumptuous summons , deceiving our people , and presuming upon our royall authority ; and these present themselves as great defenders of religion , peace , and liberty ; whereas they become infectious , and contagious to the people , seducing them into vaine fancies and delusions , as may appeare by their warrants which we could trace to some pulpits , as we are credibly informed : and you see it were just in vs , to punish these as authors of sedition , but that it would be too great a favour , for it would honour them with the title of martyrdome , for gods cause , as they vainely pretend : but you may now see from whence this spirit comes , that would make vs to be in the act of destruction of religion , our person a disturber of the peace , and ready to introduce slavery . these here are all the forraign forces we have , or ever shall intend to have , to act these great designes , notwithstanding the vaine feares hitherto imagined . so that you see it is high time that these fancies were dispersed and driven away , that we might be repaired in honour and interest , and you enjoy the blessing of peace and happinesse ; the advancement whereof shall be our study and comfort : and therefore we shall ( when you shall thinke it a convenient time ) ease you in the number of the trained bands : and for your billet-money , it had beene long since paid , but that no part of the subsidies ( which we passed for that purpose ) came to our hands , and shall not be wanting in any thing that lieth in vs for the full satisfaction thereof : and shall make our grace and bounty to you answerable to your best fidelity and loyalty , as occasion shall be offered to vs . york : printed by robert barker , printer to the kings most excellent majesty : and by the assignes of john bill : and reprinted at london , for john sweeting , at the angell in popes head alley . 1642. a letter sent from the kings majestie to the lords of his privie councell of the kingdome of scotland. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a78856 of text r210539 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.5[27]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a78856 wing c2396 thomason 669.f.5[27] estc r210539 99869325 99869325 160740 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a78856) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160740) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f5[27]) a letter sent from the kings majestie to the lords of his privie councell of the kingdome of scotland. charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by robert young, his majesties printer for the kingdome of scotland, london : [1642] at bottom of text: given at our court at yorke, the 20. of may, 1642. charles r. desires to make known his dispositions more fully. feels [he] .. must preserve his right and authority. .. he has been charged with [1] being popishly affected, [2] being the cause of the irish bloodshed, [3] intending to bring in foreign forces. these charges are untrue. reproduction of the original in the british library. with engraving of royal seal at head of document. eng charles -i, -king of england, 1600-1649 -early works to 1800. prerogative, royal -great britain -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a78856 r210539 (thomason 669.f.5[27]). civilwar no a letter sent from the kings majestie to the lords of his privie councell of the kingdome of scotland. charles king of england 1642 681 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-08 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-08 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a letter sent from the kings majestie to the lords of his privie councell of the kingdome of scotland . charles r. right trustie and wel-beloved cousins , and councellers , we greet you well . although we have already written our minde to you our councell ; yet upon our second thoughts , arising especially from some bad rumours , coming to our knowledge , we finde it necessarie both for our selfe , and for the good of that our kingdome , to declare , and make knowne both our disposition and desires more fully . wee know and feele the charge to be great , and the place to be high , wherein god ( the king of kings ) hath placed us , and that we must render an accompt of all our actions to him , who in his owne time shall judge all men without exception of persons . we have no other intentions , but by our government , to honour him by whom kings raigne , and to procure the good of our people : and for this end to preserve the right and authoritie wherewith god hath vested us , and which by his providence hath been derived to us , by many princely progenitors : in the which glory that our ancient kingdome , and native realme of scotland doth participate . we did not require of you , that you should sit as judges upon the affaires of another kingdome : we onely intended to have both our sufferings and our actions , ( as they are exprest in many papers past betwixt us and our parliament ) made throughly knowne unto you : that since we have none besides you whom wee can acquaint with our proceedings , you may clearly see that we have been so far from wronging our parliament of england , that we have given them all satisfaction , even above that which they themselves in the beginning did expresse , or almost desire : and as much as could well consist with the safety of our person and honour . we will not put you in minde of your naturall affection toward us , which we know will rather be kindled then extinguished by our distresse : nor of your covenant , wherein you are zealous of our greatnesse and authority , and which standeth in that sense wherein you did sweare and subscribe it : nor of the many good lawes made in our late parliament ( of which we hope the present and succeeding generations shall reap the fruits , when we are dead and gone : ) nor of the many promises made to us , upon which we were willing to yeeld to such things for settling the government of that our kingdome , in our personall absence , which neither could we have granted , nor would you have craved ( as your selves did professe ) had our greater affaires permitted our residence amongst you . and whereas we are most unjustly blamed and calumniated , 1. that we are popishly affected : 2. that we are the cause of the bloud-shed in ireland : 3. that we intend to bring in forraigne forces : we here do protest and declare in presence of him who knowes the most secret of our intentions and actions , that we are no wayes conscious to our selfe of the guiltinesse of any of the saids aspersions : and do take him to witnesse our innocency therein , who onely hath the priviledge to be the searcher of hearts . and if any after so full and plaine profession shall distrust this our free declaration , we attest god , that the fault is in the malignity of their rebellious humours , and no wayes deserved on our part . given at our court at yorke , the 20. of may , 1642. london , printed by robert young , his majesties printer for the kingdome of scotland . the golden apophthegms of his royall maiesty [sic] king charles i and henry marq. of worcester both divine and morall as they were delivered upon several occasions in the time of the late unhappy war between his majesty and the old parliament : wherein is observable ... / written by tho. bayly ... charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a41374 of text r4827 in the english short title catalog (wing g1012). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 27 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a41374 wing g1012 estc r4827 13082142 ocm 13082142 97250 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a41374) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 97250) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 257:e184, no 3) the golden apophthegms of his royall maiesty [sic] king charles i and henry marq. of worcester both divine and morall as they were delivered upon several occasions in the time of the late unhappy war between his majesty and the old parliament : wherein is observable ... / written by tho. bayly ... charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. worcester, henry somerset, marquis of, 1577-1646. selections. 1660. bayly, thomas, d. 1657? witty apothegms delivered at several times and upon several occasions. 8 p. printed by john clowes ..., london : 1660. "wherein is observable, i. the witty sayings of the marquess of worcester, and his majestys prudent answers thereunto. ii. the notable expressions of the marquesse upon his leaving a bag of gold in a poor town upon his journey towards ragland. iii. his noble interpretation on the magpy that builded on the crown that was on the head of the effigies of king edward that stood over the gate of the castle at carnarvan in wales. and how they were disperced by jack-daws who were after beaten away by buzzards, all which he compares to bishops, presbyterians and independents. iv. the pleasant conference between the lord marquess and the l. gen. fairfax. v. some deligtful discourse between the marquess and his daughter the countess of glamorgan. vi. the honourable description of the royal oak by the marquess, when his majesty was playing at bowls on ragland castle green. vii. several remarkable passages between his royal majestie and the marquesse touching lebanon, naboths vine-yard, london, york, lincoln, troy, ragland castle, naseby fight, windsor, alexander, aristotle and the lord john somerset." reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649 -sources. a41374 r4827 (wing g1012). civilwar no the golden apophthegms of his royall maiesty king charles i. and henry marq. of worcester, both divine and morall, as they were delivered up charles i, king of england 1660 4962 6 0 0 0 0 0 12 c the rate of 12 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2005-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-08 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-01 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2006-01 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the golden apophthegms of his royall maiesty king charles i. and henry marq. of worcester , both divine and morall , as they were delivered upon several occasions in the time of the late unhappy war between his majesty and the old parliament , wherein is observable , i. the witty sayings of the marquess of worcester , and his majestys prudent answers thereunto . ii. the notable expressions of the marquesse upon his leaving a bag of gold in a poor town upon his journey towards ragland . iii. his noble interpretaion on the magpy that builded on the crown that was on the head of the effigies of king edward that stood over the gate of the castle at carnarvan in wales . and how they were disperced by jack-daws who were after beaten away by buzzards , all which he compares to bishops , presbyterians and independents . iiii. the pleasant conference between the lord marquess and the l. gen. fairfax . v. some delightful discourse between the marquess and his daughter the countess of glamorgan . vi . the honourable description of the royal oak by the marquess , when his majesty was playing at bowls on ragland castle green . vii . several remarkable passages between his royal majestie and the marquesse touching lebanon , naboths vine-yard , london , york , lincoln , troy , ragland castle , naseby fight , windsor , alexander , aristotle and the lord john somerset . written by tho. bayly dr. in divinity entred and published according to order . london , printed by john clowes , over against the lower pump in grub-street , 1660. having well considered the worth of these witty sayings , i shall not hold a candle ( as it were ) to the sun , by writing an epistle , the work in it self being a store-house of excelent use both for wit and wisdom . apophthegm 1. afflictions cannot be esteemed with wise and godly men any argument of sin in an innocent person , more then the impurity of wicked men is amongst good men any sure token of innocency . 2. that in the direct worship of god himself we ought to be guided by the word of god , and not otherwise , but in the form and order of ceremonies , that indeed is solely left to the church . 3. when the king first entered the castle of ragland , the marquess kissed the kings hand , and rising up again he saluted his majesty with this complement , my lord , i am not worthy : the king replyed unto the marquess , my lord , i may well answer you again , i have not found so great faith in israel , for no man would trust me with so much mony as you have done : to which the marquess replyed , i hope your majesty will prove a defender of the faith . 4. prepare for war when thou prepoundest for peace , otherwise thy peace will be hardly obtained , or too highly prized , whatever thy first article be , let disbanding , be the last . a cunning curre , though he wag his tail will shew his teeth , the best treaty is with a drawn sword , and the safest peace is concluded under a buckler . 5. when king charls had made his repair to raegland , after the battell of naseby , taking occasion thank the marquess for some money lend his maiesty , the marquess returned his majesty this answer , sir i had your word for my money , but i never thought i should be soon repaid , for now you have given me thanks , i have all i look for . 6. the lower sort of people are desirous of novelties , and apt for change weighing government with the scales of their own fortune , they are too sensible of evils in present , to fear worse in future , let such know they move in their particular orbs , not in the common sphere , and that the alteration in the heavens make no star greater , which way soever the change moves , a cobler shall be but a cobler still . 7. it is a princely alchimy out of necessary wars to extract an honourable peace , and more beseeming the majesty of a prince to thirst after peace then conquest . blessedness is promised to the peace-maker , not to the conqueror . it is a happy state whose peach hath a peacefull hand , and a martiall heart , able both to use peace , and to manage war . 8. his majesty being very well grounded in the true protestant religion , in a discourse concerning sectaries , said truly , that there were but two good sentences in a sectaries sermon , the first of necessity good , which is the text , the second by consequent , which is the end , and thereby an end of an impertinent discourse . 9. sir henry bard , who was lord bellamount , coming into the hall of ragland , and seeing so many tables furnished with food , and feeders , sware that his majesty had a plot to destroy that family first , in borrowing all the old mans money , and then in coming thus to eat up his victuals : which his majesty hearing smiled at : but the marquesse asked the man who made the relation unto him , of what garrison the lord bellamount was governour ; it was told his lordship , that he was governour of cambden house ; the marquesse replyed , that when the king had done as he said , that then his majesty might go to his garrison , and there he might have cambdens remains . 10. there be three sorts of government , monarchical , historical , democratical , and they are apt to fall three several wayes into ruine . the first by tyranny , the second by ambition , the last by tumult . a commonwealth grounded upon any of these , is but of short continuance , but being wisely mingled , either guard the other , and makes the government exact . 11. in the war , the king came to a castle , and told the lord thereof , that he thought not to have stayed with his lordship above three dayes , but his occasion requiring a longer stay , and considering that it was a garrison , and that his provision might be spent by so great a pressure , was willing his lordship should take what provision the countrey would afford for his present maintenance , and recruir : to which his lordship answered , i humbly thank your majesty , but my castle will never stand long , if it leans upon the countrey , and i had rather be brought to a morsell of bread , then any morsels of bread should be brought in to entertain your majesty . 12. sir thomas somerset , brother to the marquesse of worcester , had a house which they called troy , five miles from ragland castle : this sir thomas being a compleat gentleman of himself , delighted himself much in fine gardens and orchards , whereby the benefit of art the earth was made so gratefull to him at the same time , that the king happened to be at his brothers house , that it yielded him wherewithall to send his brother worcester a present , and such an one as the time and place considered was able to make the king to believe , that the soveraign of the planets had new changed the poles , and that wales , the refuse and outcast of the fair garden of england , had fairer and riper fruit then england bowels had on all her beds , this presented to the marquesse , the marquesse would not suffer to be presented to the king , by any other hand then his own , in comes the marquesse at the latter end of supper , led by the arm , with a slow pace , expressing much a spanish gravity , with a silver dish in each hand filled with rarities , and a little basket on his arm , as a reserve , where making his obeysance , he thus speaks , may it please your majesty , if the four elements could have been rob'd to have entertained your majesty , i think i had but done my duty ; but i must do as i may , if i had sent to bristol for some good things to entertain your majesty , that had been no wonder at all , if i had procured from london some goodness , that might have been acceptable to your majesty , but here i present your majesty ( placing his dishes upon the table ) with what , that came not from lincoln , that was not london , that is not york that is to be , but i assure your majesty , that this present came from troy : whereupon the king smiled , and answered the marquesse , truly my lord , i have heard , that corn now grows where troy town stood , but i never thought there had grown any apricocks there before . whereupon the marquess replyed , any thing to please your majesty : when my lord marquesse departed the presence , one told his lordship , that he would make a very good courtier , the marquesse said i remember i said one thing that may give you some hopes of me , any thing to please your majesty . 13. the first night his majesty came into ragland castle , the king desired to see the great tower , where his lordship did use to keep his treasure , his majesty spake unto doctor baily then standing by to fetch the keyes ; he ran down to the marquesse and acquainted him with the kings pleasure , who would needs bring them to the king , and shew him the tower himself : when the king saw the marquesse bringing the keyes himself , he thus spake unto the marquesse , my lord , there are some men so unreasonable , as to make me believe , that your lordship hath good store of gold yet left within this tower , but i knowing how i have exhausted you , together with your own occasions could never have believed it until now i see you will not trust the keyes with any but your self : to which the marquesse made this reply , sir , i was so far from giving your majesty any such occasion of thought by this tender of my duty , that i protest unto you , that i was once resolves that your majesty should have lain there , but that i was loath to commit your majesty to the tower . 14. when the king first entred the gates of ragland , the marquess delivered his majesty the keyes according to the ordinary custome the king restoring them to the marquesse , the marquesse said , i beseech your majesty to keep them if you please , for they are in a good hand , but i am afraid that ere it be long , i shall be forced to deliver them into the hands of who will spoil the complement . 15. king charls coming to ragland , when the tall cedar of our lebanon was brought so low , and those sycomores flourished when the royal oak was in the fall of the leaf , it happened that his majesty was at bowls upon ragland castle green , a place proudly situated , where after he had ended his recreation , his majesty was pleased to delight himself with observing the countrey round about , it happened , that one prichard , the kings partner at bowls , presuming more upon his good bowling , then good manners , continued that familiarity that should have ended with the rubbers , shewing the king where his house stood , and told his majesty he must look through the wood , and he might see a white thing , and that was it : moreover acquainted his majesty what the lord of worcester had advised him , viz. to cut down some of those trees , that the house might plainly be discerned from the green , whereby his lordship when he wanted a good bowler might make a sign , and so have him at a beck : to which the king replyed , mr. prichard , let me give you better advise , put up more trees where the trees are so thin , that my lord of worcester may not see thy house at all . the marq. of worcester supposing the king had dreamed of this greediness , of purchasing all the land which was near unto him , shewed his majesty a row of trees , and told the king , that beyond that row of trees stood a pretty tenement , and because he would not have naboths vineyard to be an eye-sore to him , he had planted those trees to hoodwink his eyes from such temptations . apophthegms of the earl of worcester . 1. the marquess had a mind to tell the king as handsomely as he could of some of his ( as he thought ) faults , and thus he contrived his plot against the time , that his majesty was wont to give his lordship a visit , as commonly he used to do after dinner , his lordship had the book of john gower lying before him on the table , the king casting his eye upon the book , told the marquess , that he had never seen it before , o said the marquess , it is a book of books , which if your majesty had been well versed in , it would have made you a king of kings , why so my lord , said the king ? why said the marquess , here is set down how aristotle brought up and instructed alexander the great in all his rudiments and principles belonging to a prince ; and under the persons of alexander and aristotle , he read the king such a lesson , that all the standers by were amazed at his boldness , and the king supposing that he had gone further then his text would have given him leave , asked the marquess , whether he had his lesson by heart , or whether he spake out of the book : the marquess replyed , sir , if you could read my heart , it may be , you might find it there , or if your majesty please to get it by heart , i will lend it you upon these conditions , 1. that you read it , 2. that you make use of it : but perceiving how some of the new made lords fretted and bit the thumbs , at certain passages in the marquesses discourse he thought a little to please his majesty , though he displeased them , the men who were so much displeased already protesting unto his majesty , that no man was so much for the absolute power of a king , aristotle , desiring the book out of the king he would shew him one remarkable passage to that purpose , turning to that place , that had this verse , viz. a king can kill , a king can save , a king can make a lord a knave , and of a knave a lord also . whereupon there were divers new made lords slunk out of the room , on which the king said , at this rate you will drive away all my nobilty . 2. the marquesse travelling , was as he thought surprized by enemies , but recovering the top of a high mountain , by the advantage of the ground , he could see the enemy marching off another way , at which sight the marquess dwelt with his eyes a little longer upon that object then the l. john somerset his son thought convenient , whereunto the marquess answered , o son , i love to see my own danger , especially when it is marching off . 3. the earl of worcester travelling towards ragland , at a certain inne in a poor town , where he lay , by the carelesness of servants left behind him 1000 l. in gold , being hid under a bench , and forgot to be taken away , the money was never missed untill they came to their journeys end at night , and it being told my lord that so much was missing , and where they had left it , my lord made no other words of it but these , you talk of a cheap reckoning , but i never paid so dearly for a nights lodging in all my life : who would think that a man should leave so much money behind him in such a lowsie inn ? on that stood by at that time told the marquesse , that it was a hundred to one if ever he h●●●d of his money again , it was such a beggerly house , o peace , said the marquesse , if they will not be known of the mony , you shall see it will be a brave inne in a short time : this mony was sent after , and very honestly restored , and delivered into the messengers hands that came for it . being brought unto the marquess , there was much wondering at the honesty of the woman of the house , others praised the whole town seeing it was generally known . the marquess told them , it may be the town never saw so much mony before , and therefore they knew not what to make of it . 5. the earl of clamorgan , the marquess of worcesters eldest son , accompanied with divers of high rank and quality , as they were on their journey for ireland , quartered in the town of carnarvan , a sea town in north wales , where they were entertained with discourse at the table , by some of the county gentlemen , who informed them of the falling of an old welch prophesie at that very time and place , which was viz. that there should come a magpy , and build her nest in the crown , then should come a jackdaw , and beat away the magpy , and after that there should come a buzzard , that should beat away the jackdaw , and then there should be seen no crown , but that of thorns upon the kings head , at last there should come a band of men from a far countrey , and take away the thorns and then the crown should appear again : this they said , was thus hitherto accomplished , viz. over the gate of carnarvan castle , there was the picture of king edward the first , in full proportion , with a crown upon his head , there did come a magpy , and did build her nest in the said kings crown , and a jackdaw did beat away the magpy , and the buzzard the jackdaw : this we assure your honour to be true ; for all our townsmen have observed it . dinner being ended , they all went unto the castle gate , being greedy to satisfie their eyes with the sight , as well as their ears with the relation ; where being come they beheld the sight , the nest being disordered by the fighting of the combatants , and the materials of the nest made such a mournfull aspect , as if they had been artificially pleated upon the kings head . the earl of clamorgan could not endure the sight but straightway commanded the nest to be pulled down , the materialls of which was such , as never any bird builded her nest with , viz. white thorn : the story being related to the marquess of worcester , after some pause he said , that is the nick-name , which the roundheads use to give the bishops : and none about him guessing at his meaning , he said , as i take it , they used to call the bishops magpies , whom they reproach for building their nests in the crown , then came the presbyterian jackdawes , and beat them out , and the next thing that you shall see , will be the independent buzzards , which drive them away , and who comes next god knows : but asking further whether it was an open or an imperiall crown , answer being made that it was open , o then , said the marquess , that was the reason the kings crown was too open , had it been close at top with the crosse over head , such unlucky birds could never have come there to have built their nests . 6. antisthines being asked of one what learning was most necessary for mans life , answered , to unlearn that which is nought . 7. the marquess talking of an old drunken fellow , who having used his body to disorder in drinking all his life time , at last giving it over , presently dyed , oh said the marquess , if you take a brand out of the fire , that is throughly burnt it will fall in pieces , but if you let it ly there still , it may remain a pretty while before it turn to a●hes . 8. during the siege of ragland , there came a musket bullet in at the window of the withdrawing room , where my lord was used to entertain his friends with his pleasant discourses after dinners and suppers , which glancing upon ? little marble pillar of the window , and from thence hit the marquess upon the side of the head , and fell down flatted uppon the table , which breaking in pieces the pillar , made such a noise in the rome , that the countess of glamorgan who stood in the same window , run away , as if the house had been falling down upon her head , crying out o lord , o lord , but finding her self more afraid then hurt , she returned back again , no lesse excusing her self , as she was pleased to call it rudenesse to her father , then acknowledging her fears to all the company : to whom the marq. said , daughter , you had reason to run away when your father was knockt on the head , and pausing some while , and turning the flatted bullet round with his finger , he further said , gentlemen , those who had a mind to flatter me , were wont to tell me , that i had a good head-piece in my younger dayes , but if i do not flatter my self , i think i have a good head-piece in my old age , or else it would not have been musket proof . 9. there was a young and beautiful lady , who was shewing the marquesse , that the colours that hung on such a tower , was one of the curtains of her bed . to which he replyed , madam . i would you would set the little boy that uses to stand behind that curtain , on the top of that tower , that we may see whether or no he would drive away all those men with his bow and arrows . to which the lady replyed , cupid never raised a siege in his life , but he hath taken many a strong hold : then said my lord , i shall tell you how you shall make yours impregnable . how my lord said the lady ? he said unto he , whatsoever you see a handsome young man be sure you shut your eyes , or else he will take the fort of your virginity , fl●ing in at your windows . 10. the marquess was one day reading of us a lecture of patience in our adversity : amongst the rest of those witty sayings which came from him , he told us that there was nothing so bad , but it was good for something ; for said he if there were no silence there would be no musick ; for the sudden stops which are in musick adde to the grace & perfection of the art . ignorance is a spur to knowle●ge , da●kness a pavilion to the almighty , a cabbinor drawn chamber for us to sleep in . a dungion for the judge to punish his delinquents , and a foil for the painter to make his shadows : so are afflictions good for our instructions , and adversities for our amendments . 11. when it was told the marquess , that some would warrant him that if he would , he might be duke of somerset , he made them this reply , when i was e. of worcester i was well to live , since i was a marq. i am worse by one hundred thousand pounds , and if i should be a duke , i should be an arrant beggar ; wherefore i had rather if i might go back again to my earldom , `then at this rate keep on my pace to the dukedom of somerset . 12. after much conference betwixt the marq. and gen. fairfax , wherein ●any things were requested of the gen. by the marquess , and being as he thought himself happy in the attainment , his lordship was pleased to make a merry petition to the general , as he was taking his leave , viz. in the behalf of a couple of young pigeons , which were wont to come to his hand , and feed out of it constantly , in whose behalf he desired the general that he would be pleased to give him his protection for them , fearing the little command that he should have over his souldiers in that behalf . to which the general said i am glad to see your lordship so merry . oh said the marquess , you have given me no other cause ; for i resolved to undergo even the worst of evils you were able to lay on me before ever i took up arms for my sovereign , therefore wonder not that i am so merry . 12. vespasian asked of apollonius what was the cause of nero's ruin ; who answered , that nero could tune the harp well , but in government he did alwaies wind up the strings too high , or let them down to low . 14. some men have so much of the serpents subtilty , that they forget the doves simplicity . 15. justice should be blind and friendly , it is not by it , that those that be in authority should reward their friends , or crosse their enemies . 16. misfortunes are not acceptable in any kind , yet those are endured with most ease , that come rather by destiny than deserving . 17. the marquesse of worcester , called for a glasse of claret wine , it was told him by his physician that claret wine was nought for his gout , the marq. replyd , what my old friend claret ? nay , give it me in spight of all physicians and their books , it never shall be said , that i forsook my friend for to pleasure my enemy . 18. when it was told his lordship not long before he dyed , that leave was obtained by the parliament , that he might be buried in windsor castle , within the great chappel , and wherein divers of his ancestors ly buried , with some spritlinesse he spake aloud , god bless us all , why then i shall take a better castle when i am dead , then they take from me whilst i was alive . 19. the marq. being weak in body , and told by some friends , that when he was dead they would petition for mony to bury him , he replyed , then will they appoint those to dispose of the time and manner of my burial , and you shall see that they , being it is so near the good time , will cause me to be buried according to the directory in spite of christmas day , upon christmas and so they did . finis . majesty in misery, or, an imploration to the king of kings written by his late majesty king charles the first in his durance at carisbrook castle, 1648. 1681 approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-12 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a31966 wing c2422 estc r26592 09506307 ocm 09506307 43356 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a31966) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 43356) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1327:7) majesty in misery, or, an imploration to the king of kings written by his late majesty king charles the first in his durance at carisbrook castle, 1648. charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. wither, george, 1588-1667. 1 sheet. [s.n.], london : 1681. in verse. not actually written by charles i, and often wrongly attributed to george wither--nuc pre-l956 imprints. reproduction of original in the harvard university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng charles -i, -king of england, 1600-1649 -poetry. 2005-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-07 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-08 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2005-08 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion majesty in misery , or an imploration to the king of kings ; written by his late majesty king charles the first , in his durance at carisbrook castle , 1648. great monarch of the world , from whose arm springs the potency and power of kings , record the royal woe , my sufferings . and teach my tongue , that ever did confine its faculties in truth's seraphick line , to track the treasons of thy foes and mine . nature and law by thy divine decree , the only work of righteous loyalty , with this dim diadem invested me . with it the sacred scepter , purple robe , thy holy unction , and the royal globe , yet i am levell'd with the life of job . the fiercest furies that do daily tread , upon my grief , my gray discrowned head , are those that owe my bounty for their bread. they raise a war , and christen it the cause , whilst sacrilegious persons have applause , plunder and murther are the kingdom 's laws . tyranny bears the title of taxation , revenge and robbery are reformation , oppression gains the name of sequestration . my loyal subject who in this bad season attended me , ( by the law of god and reason ) they dare impeach and punish for high-treason . next at the clergy do their furies frown , pious episcopacy must go down , they will destroy the crozier and crown . church-men are chain'd , and schismaticks are free'd , mechanicks preach , and holy fathers bleed , the crown is crucified with the creed . the church of england does all faction foster , the pulpit is usurpt by each imposter ▪ extempore excludes the pater noster . the presbyter and independent's seed , springs from broad blades to make religion bleed , herod and pontius pilate are agreed . the corner stones misplac'd by every pavier ▪ with such a bloody method and behaviour , their ancestors did crucifie our saviour . my royal consort from whose fruitful womb , so many princes legally have come ▪ is forc'd in pilgrimage to seek a tomb. great britain's heir is forced into france , whilst on his father's head his foes advance , poor child ! he weeps out his inheritance . with my own power my majesty they wound , in the king's name the king himself 's uncrown'd , so doth the dust destroy the diamond . with propositions daily they inchant , my peoples ears , such as due reason daunt , and the almighty will not let me grant . they promise to erect my royal stem , to make me great , t' advance my diadem , if i will first fall down and worship them . but for refusal they devour my thrones , distress my children , and destroy my bones , i fear they 'll force me to make bread of stones . my life they prize at such a slender rate , that in my absence they draw bills of hate , to prove the king a traitor to the state. felons attain more priviledge than i , they are allow'd to answer e'er they die ; 't is death to me to ask the reason why . but sacred saviour with thy words i woo thee to forgive , and not be bitter to such as thou know'st do not know what they do for since they from the lord are so disjoynted , as to contemn the edict he appointed , how can they prize the power of his anointed ? augment my patience , nullifie my hate , preserve my issue , and inspire my mate , yet though we perish , bless this church and state ▪ vota dabant quae bella negarunt . london , printed anno domini 1681. his majesties last answer to the parliament, this present tuesday, august 29. 1648. brought by sir peter killegrew. for persons to be about him, and a list of the lords, bishops, chaplaines, councell, and houshold servants, nominated by his majesty england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a78825 of text r231265 in the english short title catalog (wing c2361). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a78825 wing c2361 estc r231265 99897008 99897008 136949 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a78825) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 136949) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2456:24) his majesties last answer to the parliament, this present tuesday, august 29. 1648. brought by sir peter killegrew. for persons to be about him, and a list of the lords, bishops, chaplaines, councell, and houshold servants, nominated by his majesty england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by robert ibbitson, london : 1648. printed in two columns. reproduction of original in the folger shakespeare library, washington, d.c. eng charles -i, -king of england, 1600-1649 -early works to 1800. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649 -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a78825 r231265 (wing c2361). civilwar no his majesties last answer to the parliament, this present tuesday, august 29. 1648. brought by sir peter killegrew. for persons to be about england and wales. sovereign 1647 346 3 0 0 0 0 0 87 d the rate of 87 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-07 paul schaffner sampled and proofread 2008-07 paul schaffner text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion his majesties last answer to the parliament , 〈…〉 29 , 1648. brought by sir peter killegrew . for 〈…〉 and a list of the lords , bishops , chaplaines , councell , and houshold servants , nominated by his majesty . carisbrooke aug. 28.1648 . honoured sir , his majesty hath accepted of the votes of the parliament , and given his royall word not to goe out of the island , but observe what is propounded , and his majesty is now at liberty from his restraint , god send a good issue of the treaty . a list of the names propounded by his majesty for his houshold servants , and for persons to be with him in order to the treaty . for his majesties houshold , for gentlemen of his majesties bed-chamber , duke of richmond marquisse of harford earle of lindsey earle of southampton . for groomes for his majesties bed-chamber . mr. george ki●ke m. james leviston m. henry murry m. ashburnham m. vvilliam leg. for providing of beds m. thomas davis . for pages of the backestaires . m. hugh kem m. humphery rogers m. vvilliam levett . for the laundry . mris. vvheeler , and such maids as she shall chuse . to waite before , or as his majesty shall please . sir fulke grevell . captaine titus captaine burras m. francis cresset m. abraham douset m. firebrasse for assistance as to the treaty . and chaplains for his majesties houshold . for chaplains . bishop of london bishop of salisbury doctor heywood doctor hammond doctor sheldon doctor sanderson doctor holsworth doctor turner . for lawyers to assist his majesty , in order to the treaty . sir thomas gardner sir orlando bridgeman sir robert holburne m. jeffery palmer m. thomas cooke . m. john vaughan . for clerks to his majesty , in order to the treaty . sir edward vvalker , m. phil. vvarwicke m. rich. owdart m. charles vvhittakers . charles rex . london , printed by robert ibbitson , 1648. his maiesties speech at leicester, to the gentlemen, freeholders, and inhabitants of that county. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a79090 of text r210969 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.5[63]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a79090 wing c2780 thomason 669.f.5[63] estc r210969 99869715 99869715 160776 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a79090) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160776) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f5[63]) his maiesties speech at leicester, to the gentlemen, freeholders, and inhabitants of that county. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by alice norton, imprinted at yorke, and re-printed at london : 1642. royal arms with initials at head of title. he had come to leicester to remove any misunderstandings there. he has sent such propositions for peace and accommodation to parliament as should make them submit. if they do not the king relies on them to support him and the old-established laws .. -steele. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng england and wales. -parliament -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. leicestershire (england) -history -early works to 1800. a79090 r210969 (thomason 669.f.5[63]). civilwar no his maiesties speech at leicester, to the gentlemen, freeholders, and inhabitants of that county. england and wales. sovereign 1642 499 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-05 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-06 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2008-06 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion royal blazon or coat of arms c r honi soit qvi mal y pense his maiesties speech at leicester , to the gentlemen , freeholders , and inhabitants of that county . gentlemen , since i have found my presence so very acceptable amongst my good subjects in these northerne parts , and that the errours and mistakes amongst them , have wholly proceeded from mis-information , and are removed with more satisfaction , and case to them then they were received ; i hold it a piece of my duty , to take the utmost paines i can , fully to informe and undeceive my people ; and rather to prevent crimes , then to punish them : in this errand i am come to you , amongst whom there hath not beene the least misunderstanding , to shew you , that i doe not suspect any malice in the place , or in the people ; though persons of as ill dispositions have been busie in it , and amongst you , as in any county in england , and such who have taken as great paines to doe mischiefe , and to bring confusion , as good men should for peace and happinesse : though 't is as true , that very many worthier persons amongst you have appeared of contrary affections , which i shall alwayes acknowledge : i am come to you in a time too , when nothing could invite mee to such a iourney , but my affection to , and good esteem of you ; having sent such propositions for peace and accommodation to my two houses of parliament , that i hope to have no other use of your affections , but in your prayers ; being sure they will submit to them with all alacrity , if the unexcusable enemies to the peace of the kingdom be not strong enough to prevail : and then you will find your selves so much concerned ( for i have required nothing that with more justice can be denied me ( if it be duly weighed ) then my crown , or my life may be taken from me ) that i shall not need to ask your assistance : i know you will bring horse , men , money , and hearts worthy such a cause . your religion , your liberties , your laws ( which i will defend with my life , i mean the good known laws of the land , not ordinances without my consent , which till within these twelve moneths was never heard of from the foundation of this kingdom ) will be the quarrell : and in such a cause , the taking away my towns , ships , armes , and money from me , shall not dishearten me : the concurrence and affection of my people with gods blessing will supply and recover all . imprinted at yorke , and re-printed at london by alice norton , 1642. by the king. a proclamation for repealing and making voyd of all letters of marque or reprisall, and commissions of that nature, granted before the first of iuly, in the 18th yeare of his majesties raigne. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a78997 of text r212204 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.9[17]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a78997 wing c2594 thomason 669.f.9[17] estc r212204 99870848 99870848 161115 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a78997) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 161115) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f9[17]) by the king. a proclamation for repealing and making voyd of all letters of marque or reprisall, and commissions of that nature, granted before the first of iuly, in the 18th yeare of his majesties raigne. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by leonard lichfield, printer to the university, printed at oxford : 1644. with engraving of royal seal at head of document. dated at end: given at our court at oxford, the 19. day of december, in the twentieth yeare of our reigne. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng privateering -england -early works to 1800. prize law -great britain -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a78997 r212204 (thomason 669.f.9[17]). civilwar no by the king. a proclamation for repealing and making voyd of all letters of marque or reprisall, and commissions of that nature, granted bef england and wales. sovereign 1644 731 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-07 paul schaffner sampled and proofread 2008-07 paul schaffner text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion royal blazon or coat of arms c r honi soit qvi mal y pense by the king . ¶ a proclamation for repealing and making voyd of all letters of marque or reprisall , and commissions of that nature , granted before the first of iuly , in the 18th yeare of his majesties raigne . whereas at severall times before the first day of july in the eighteenth yeare of our raigne , severall letters of marque or reprisall and commissions of that nature , have been granted to severall persons under our great seale of england , or under the seale of our admiralty , giving them power thereby to set forth to sea one or more shippe or shippes equipped , victualled and manned in warlike manner , and therewith to take , seize , or surprize the ships goods and merchandizes of such persons , countryes , or states as are limited or mentioned in the said commissions , for the satisfaction and reimbursment of such person or persons to whom such commissions were granted , of and for the losses and dammage which they had susteined at sea or in forreigne parts ; and in particular such letters of marque or reprizall , or a commission of that nature , was granted before the said first day of july , unto one gregory clements of london merchant , and his partners or associates . and whereas the said gregory clements , his partners or associates , and others to whom such letters or commissions have bin granted as aforesaid , have had sufficient time to recover their losses , and as we are credibly informed , have seised , and taken the ships , vessells , goods , and merchandizes of diverse subjects of our friends and allies , and have received full satisfaction for their losses , and do shelter themselves under the power of the rebells , which are now in armes against us , so that there is no meanes open for examination of what goods , or merchandizes have come to their hands , or have bin taken or seised by them , and yet still they endeavour to make further use of those commissions , or letters of marque or reprisall ; wee do therefore by this our proclamation , publish and declare our will and pleasure to bee , to repeale , revoke , determine , and make voyd , all letters of marque or reprisall , and all commissions of that nature , for letting forth any shippe or shippes , and taking of prizes , granted at any time since the beginning of our raigne , before the said first day of iuly , in the said eighteenth year of our raigne , to the said gregory clements , his partners or associates , or to any other person or persons , or to any corporation or body-politique whatsoever , upon any pretence or suggestion whatsoever ; and that all such commissions , and letters of marque or reprisall granted within the time aforesaid , and the force and effect of the same , be from henceforth revok'd , repeal'd , and absolutely voyd and determined ; and accordingly we do hereby revoke , repeale , determine , and make voyd the same ; and we do hereby further publish & declare , that all prizes which shall at any time hereafter be taken , & all acts whatsoever which shall at any time hereafter be done or acted , by or under colour or pretence of any such commission , letters of marque or reprisall , granted within the time aforesaid , shall be taken , deemed and adjudged as illegall and voyd , and without warrant or authority , and the person or persons which shall take , act , or doe the same to be punishable , as if such commissions , letters of marque or reprisall , had never bin made or granted , any clause , matter , or thing contayned in any such commission letters of marque or reprisall to the contrary here of not withstanding . given at our court at oxford , the 19. day of december , in the twentieth yeare of our reigne . god save the king . printed at oxford , by leonard lichfield , printer to the vniversity . 1644. by the king whereas, upon summons from vs, divers gentlemen of this our county of york did attend vs upon thursday the twelfth of this instant may ... england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a32161 of text r39156 in the english short title catalog (wing c2882). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a32161 wing c2882 estc r39156 18240593 ocm 18240593 107224 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a32161) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 107224) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1629:66) by the king whereas, upon summons from vs, divers gentlemen of this our county of york did attend vs upon thursday the twelfth of this instant may ... england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. imprinted at yorke, by robert barker ... and by the assignes of john bill, and reprinted at london by a.n. for i.t., [london] : 1642. "given at our court at york, the fourteenth day of may, in the eighteenth yeere of our reigne, 1642." other title information taken from first 4 lines of text. imperfect: torn and folded, with slight loss of print. reproduction of original in the harvard university library. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649. a32161 r39156 (wing c2882). civilwar no by the king. whereas, upon summons from vs, divers gentlemen of this our county of york did attend vs upon thursday the twelfth of this inst england and wales. sovereign 1642 292 1 0 0 0 0 0 34 c the rate of 34 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2009-01 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2009-01 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion royal coat of arms by the king . whereas , upon summons from vs , divers gentlemen of this our county of york did attend vs upon thursday the twelfth of this instant may , when wee declared our resolution ( for the reasons then delivered by vs ) to have a guard to secure and defend our person , and desired there 〈…〉 concurrence and assistance of the gentry of this county . and whereas divers gentlemen of this county , for many reasons and occasions , could not then appeare to receive our pleasure on that behalfe , whereunto divers have subscribed . vve have therefore thought good hereby to give notice as wel to those gentlemen who were not then present , as to those who did then attend vs , that our command is , that as wel those gentlemen who are charged with horse , as others , appeare at yorke upon friday the twentieth of this moneth , in such manner and equipage as will be convenient for the guard of our person . and we require and command , that in the interim no other warrants , order , or command whatsoever shall distract or hinder this our service . and we further will and command , that this our order be forthwith published by the sheriffe of this our county : for which this shall be sufficient warrant . given at our court at york , the fourteenth day of may , in the eighteenth yeere of our reigne , 1642. imprinted at yorke , by robert barker , printer to the kings most excellent majesty : and by the assignes of iohn bill , 1642. and reprinted at london by a.n. for p.t. 1642. charles r. to our trustie and welbeloved, the lord major, aldermen, and sheriffs of our city of london. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a79128 of text r209725 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.3[29]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a79128 wing c2832 thomason 669.f.3[29] estc r209725 99868592 99868592 160587 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a79128) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160587) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f3[29]) charles r. to our trustie and welbeloved, the lord major, aldermen, and sheriffs of our city of london. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by robert barker, printer to the kings most excellent majestie: and by the assignes of john bill, imprinted at london : 1642. "given at our court at york the 14 day of june, in the 18 yeer of our reign. 1642". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649 -early works to 1800. a79128 r209725 (thomason 669.f.3[29]). civilwar no charles r. to our trustie and welbeloved, the lord major, aldermen, and sheriffs of our city of london. england and wales. sovereign 1642 650 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion charles r. to our trustie and welbeloved , the lord major , aldermen , and sheriffs of our city of london . trustie and welbeloved , we greet you well . whereas we have received severall informations of great sums of money endeavoured to be borrowed of our city of london by some direction proceeding from both our houses of parliament , and likewise that great labour is used to perswade our subjects to raise horse , and to furnish money , upon pretence of providing a guard for our parliament ; these are to let you know , that ( notwithstanding any scandalous votes which have presumed to declare our intention of leavying war against our parliament , and to lay other aspersions on us , so fully disavowed by us in the presence of almighty god , by our severall answers and declarations ) all our desires and purposes are for the publike peace , and that we have not the least thought of raising or using force , except we are compelled to it , for the defence of our person , and in protection of the law : and therefore we expect , that you suffer not your selves to be mis-led by such vain and improbable suggestions , and do declare , that if you shall lend any sums of money towards the relief of ireland ( to which we have contributed all the assistance could be desired of us , which way soever the money given and raised to that purpose is disposed ) or towards the payment of our scots subjects , we shall take it as an acceptable service at your hands ; but if upon generall pretences contrived by a few factious persons against the peace of the kingdom , you shall give or lend any money , or provide or raise any horses or arms towards the raising such a guard , we shall look upon it as the raising force against us , and to be done in malice and contempt of us and our authority . and we do therefore straitly charge and command you to publish this our letter to the severall masters and wardens of the severall companies , that they may be assured , that such money as they shall lend out of their good affection to the kingdom , may be onely imployed for ireland or scotland and not toward such guards , which ( in trueth ) are intended by the contrivers of that designe ( though we beleeve many honest men seduced by them do not yet see their end ) to be imployed against us : and if you and they shall herein fail punctually and severally to observe our commands , we shall not onely proceed against the severall companies for deceiving the trust reposed in them ; but against the particular persons , as contemners and opposers of our authoritie , and of the law of the land , in the most exemplary way the known law of the land shall prescribe to us ; and shall be compelled to question the charter of your city , which we are willing yet to beleeve ( notwithstanding the barbarous and insolent demeanour of the meaner and baser sort ) in a good degree to continue loyall to us . and of your obedience to these our commands we do expect and require a full account , and of the names of such persons who shall oppose the same . hereof faile you not as you will answer the contrary at your perill . given at our court at york the 14 day of june , in the 18 yeer of our reign . 1642. imprinted at london by robert barker , printer to the kings most excellent majestie : and by the assignes of john bill . 1642. a speech spoken by a worthy and learned gentleman, master thomas chadlicot, esquire: in the behalfe of the king and parliament, at bishops cannings in wiltshire; before one master blithe a minister of gods word, and master lewin a councellour at law. and now published for the publique good for the cure of the miserable distempers of this distracted kingdome. with the parliaments resolution concerning the kings most excellent majesty. chadlicot, thomas. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a78511 of text r212614 in the english short title catalog (thomason e200_57 e200_58). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 1 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a78511 wing c1786 thomason e200_57 thomason e200_58 estc r212614 99871218 99871218 157592 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a78511) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 157592) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 35:e200[57] or 35:e200[58]) a speech spoken by a worthy and learned gentleman, master thomas chadlicot, esquire: in the behalfe of the king and parliament, at bishops cannings in wiltshire; before one master blithe a minister of gods word, and master lewin a councellour at law. and now published for the publique good for the cure of the miserable distempers of this distracted kingdome. with the parliaments resolution concerning the kings most excellent majesty. chadlicot, thomas. charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. [8] p. printed for tho. banks, london : august 26. 1642. signatures: a⁴. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng speeches, addresses, etc., english -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a78511 r212614 (thomason e200_57 e200_58). civilwar no a speech spoken by a worthy and learned gentleman, master thomas chadlicot, esquire:: in the behalfe of the king and parliament, at bishops chadlicot, thomas. 1642 144 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2009-01 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2009-01 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the parliaments resolution concernings the kings most excellent maiesty . the lords and commons to witnesse their constant and unshaken loyalty and affection to his majesty ; doe solemnly declare , that if his majesty shall immediately disband all his forces ; and be pleased to abandon all those wicked counsels , and leave them to condigne punishment , and returne and harken to the wholesome advice of his great councell ; they will really endevour to make both his majesty and his posterity , as great , rich and potent ; as much beloved at home and feared abroad , as any prince that ever swayed this scepter ; which is their firme and constant resolution . ordered by the lords and commons in parliament , that this declaration be forthwith printed and published . hen. elsyng cler. parl. do. com. by the king a proclamation for the prices of victuals within the verge of the court. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) 1625 approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a22365 stc 8776 estc s3510 33150383 ocm 33150383 28577 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a22365) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 28577) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1876:38) by the king a proclamation for the prices of victuals within the verge of the court. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 2 leaves. by bonham norton and iohn bill, printers to the kings most excellent maiestie, imprinted at london : anno dom. m.dc.xxv [1625] caption title. imprint from colophon. arms without "c r" at top. "giuen at our court of whitehall, the fourteenth day of may in the first yeere of our reigne of great britaine, france and ireland." reproduction of original in: henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng food prices -england -london -early works to 1800. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. great britain -court and courtiers -food -early works to 1800. 2003-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-06 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-07 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2003-07 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-08 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms ¶ by the king. ❧ a proclamation for the prices of victuals within the verge of the court. whereas wee vnderstand by the records of our counting-house , that our most noble progenitors & predecessors , kings and queenes of this realm , haue alwaies had an especiall care to restraine the excessiue rates and prices of uictuals , horse-meate , and lodging ; and that , notwithstanding the extraordinary care thereof , taken by our most deare and royall father , king iames of blessed memory , yet there were within the uerge of the court , alwayes some , who out of their greedy desire of vnlawfull gaine , would neuer bee kept within any bounds of equall and reasonable prices , but , by the accesse of the court , and the increase of the concourse of people thither , would take an occasion to enhaunce their rates , and exact vnconscionable extreame prices , at their owne willes and pleasures : wee , taking the same into our princely consideration , and being desirous that all our louing subiects in generall , should in all places of their trauaile bee well vsed , and especially within the uerge of our court , where our nobility , seruants & traine , dayly attending vpon our person , are lodged & placed by our harbingers , & other suitors haue dayly occasion to resort , haue giuen order to the clerke of the market of our houshold , within the uerge of our court , foorthwith to cause a rate and ualuation to bee set by indifferent iurors , of all corne , uictuals , lodgings , horse-meate , and other necessaries of that kinde , according to the reasonable and equall rates and prices of the market , and to renewe such rates and ualuations from time to time , as occasion shall require , by oath and presentments of iurors ; and haue commanded , that schedules of the inquisitions and presentments of the iuries , to bee thereupon taken , shall , not onely be certified by our sayd clerke of the market , or his deputie , into our counting-house , to remaine there with the officers of our houshold ; but shall also be fixed , and set vpon the gates of our court , and other places within the uerge , aswell within liberties as without , whereby publique notice may bee taken of the same ; our will and pleasure being , and we do by this our proclamation straitly charge & command , that no baker , brewer , inholder , butcher , or other uictualler , or any other person or persons , of what estate or degree soeuer hee or they be , doe in any wise demand , aske , or receiue more for corne , uictuals , horsemeate , lodging , or any other thing to bee specified in the sayd schedule or inquisition , then according to the rates and prices therein mentioned , vpon paine of imprisonment , and such further punishment , as by the lawes of this realme , or by our prerogatiue royall , may bee inflicted vpon them , as opressors of the common-wealth , and contemners of this our royall commandement . and moreouer , wee doe straitly charge and command , that no manner of person or persons , now vsing , or which shall hereafter vse , to serue any citie , borough , towne , or other place , in , or neere the place of our residence or abode , or elsewhere within the uerge of our court , either within liberties or without , of , or with any kinde of corne or uictuals , or other necessaries , either vpon the market dayes , or at any other time , shall be any thing the more remisse , or slacke , for making of prouision for the same , then they or any of them heretofore haue been , nor shall vse any colour of craft , to deceiue the buyers of , or in the said prouisions , or to withdraw , conceale , hide , or lay aside their corne , uictuals , horse-meate , or other necessaries , to lessen or diminish the market , whereby our traine , or attendants of our court , within any citie , borough , or towne within the uerge , or the inhabitants of the same , or any other our louing subiects thereunto resorting , shall not be as well , and as plenteously furnished in euery respect , as the markets were before , in defrauding of this our ordinance . and furthermore , we straitly charge , and expresly command , aswell all our officers of our greenecloth , and our clerke of the market , and his deputie or deputies , as also all maiors , bayliffes , sheriffes , constables , and all other our officers and ministers of all and euery the cities , boroughs , townes , hundreds , and other places within the uerge of our court , aswel within liberties as without , that they and euery of them from time to time , when , and as often as any complaint shall bee made vnto them by any partie or parties , iustly grieued or wronged , contrary to the tenour of this our proclamation , within their authorities respectiuely , forthwith to endeauour themselues to see speedy reformation thereof and due punishment of the person or persons that shall offend therein , according to the seuerest iustice of our lawes in that behalfe . giuen at our court at white-hall , the fourteenth day of may , in the first yeere of our reigne of great britaine , france and ireland . god saue the king. ¶ imprinted at london by bonham norton , and iohn bill , printers to the kings most excellent maiestie . anno dom. m. dc . xxv . charles by the grace of god, king of great britaine ... forsomuch as in our parliament holden at edinburgh upon the twentie eighth day of june, 1633 ... have made one voluntarie and free offer of one taxation ... thirtie shillings ... scotland. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) 1633 approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a11701 stc 21990 estc s2321 23272172 ocm 23272172 26483 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a11701) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 26483) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1803:23) charles by the grace of god, king of great britaine ... forsomuch as in our parliament holden at edinburgh upon the twentie eighth day of june, 1633 ... have made one voluntarie and free offer of one taxation ... thirtie shillings ... scotland. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. r. young, [edinburgh : 1633] second pt. of title from text. imprint suggested by stc (2nd ed.). "given under our signet at edinburgh the twentie eight day of june, and of our reigne the ninth year, 1633." reproduction of original in the town house (aberdeen, scotland). charter room. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng taxation -scotland. scotland -history -charles i, 1625-1649. scotland -proclamations. 2007-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-09 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2007-09 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion charles by the grace of god , king of great britaine , france , and ireland , defender of the faith , &c. to 〈…〉 messengers , our sheriffs , in that part conjunctly and severally specially constitute greeting . forsomuch as in our parliament holden at edinburgh upon the twentie eighth day of june , 1633. the three estates of our kingdome of scotland being assembled , having taken to their consideration the many blessings which this nation doth enjoy under our most wise , happie , and peaceable government , whereof each estate is most sensible , our royall zeale for propagating the gospel of jesus christ , our care for providing sufficient maintenance for the clergie , our extraordinarie pains taken for uniting the dis-jointed members of this common-wealth , and extirping of all roots of discords , relieving the oppressed , and with so even and fatherly a hand curing the wounds of this common-wealth , as the wisest eye can finde no blemish in the temper of all our royall actions ; and lastly , the great comfort they have by enjoying of our presence , pains taken , and expences disburst by us in this our journey , have made one voluntarie and free offer of one taxation to be imposed , collected , and payed to us in manner and at the six termes following , that is to say , for the barons and free-holders partes of the same taxation thirtie shillings money to be uplifted of everie pound land of old extent within this our kingdome pertaining to dukes , marquesses , earles , vicounts , lords , barons , free-holders and fewars of our proper lands , holden by them immediately of us ▪ and to be payed by them at everie one of the six severall termes following , videlicet , the sowme of thirtie shillings money 〈…〉 feast and terme of martinmasse in the year of god , 1634. years . the sowme of other thirtie shillings money at the feast and 〈…〉 ●●●●inmasse in the year of god , 1635. the sowme of other thirtie shillings mony at the feast and terme of martinmasse in th● 〈…〉 1636. the sowme of other thirtie shillings mony at the feast and terme of martinmasse in the year of god , 1637. the sow●●●● other thirtie shillings mony at the feast and terme of martinmasse in the year of god , 1638. and the sowme of other thirtie shillings money at the feast and terme of martinmasse in the year of god , 1639. and for the spirituall men and burrows , partes of the same taxation , that there shall be uplifted of everie archbishoprick , bishoprick , abbacie , priorie , and other inferiour benefice , and of everie free burgh within this our said kingdome at everie one of the said six severall termes payment , the just taxation thereof as they have been accustomed to be taxed unto in all time by-gone whensoever the temporall lands within this our said kingdome were stented to thirtie shillings the pound land of old extent . and the same taxation to be payed at everie one of the six severall termes above-written . and for inbringing of the 〈…〉 termes payment of our burrowes , parts of the same taxation , our other letters are direct , charging the provest and bayliffs of each burgh to make payment of the taxt and stent thereof to 〈…〉 our co●●●or generall appointed by us for receiving of the same taxation , or to his deputes and officers in his name , having his power 〈◊〉 the same , at the feast and terme of martinmasse , in the year of god one thousand six hundred thirtie 〈…〉 years , 〈…〉 of rebellion , and putting of them to our horn . for whose relief 〈…〉 our will is , and we charge you straitly and command , that incontinent these our letters seene , ye passe , and in our name and authoritie command and charge the councell of that our burgh of 〈…〉 to conveene with you the said provest and bayliffs , and elect certain persons to stent their neighbours , and the same election being made , that ye charge the persons elected to accept the charge upon them in setting of the said stent upon the inhabitants of that our said burgh , and to conveene and set the same , and to make a stent roll thereupon as effeiris , within twentie foure houres next after they be charged by you thereto , under the pain of rebellion and putting of them to our horne . and if they failyie therein the said twenty foure houres being by-past , that ye incontinent ▪ thereafter denounce the disobeyers our rebels , and put them to our horne , and escheat and inbring all their moveable goods to our use for their contemption . and likewise the said stent roll being made and set down as said is , that ye in our name and authoritie command and charge the burgesses , indwellers and inhabitants within that our burgh , to make payment of their said stent to you our said provest and bayliffs conform to the taxt roll to be made and given out thereupon within three daies next after they be charged by you thereto , under the paine of rebellion , and putting of them to our horne . and if they failyie the said three daies being by-past , that ye incontinent thereafter denounce the disobeyers our rebells , and put them to our horne , and escheat and inbring all their moveable goods to our use for their contemption . and if need be , that ye our said provest and bayliffs poynd and distreinyie therefore , as ye shall think most expedient , according to justice , as ye will answer to us thereupon . the which to doe we commit to you conjunctly and severally our full power , by these our letters delivering them by you duely execute and indorsed again to the bearer . given under our signet at edinburgh the twentie eight day of june , and of our reigne the ninth year , 1633. per actum parliamenti . by the king. a proclamation of his majesties grace, favour, and pardon, to the inhabitants of his county of sussex. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a79026 of text r211298 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.5[97]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a79026 wing c2676 thomason 669.f.5[97] estc r211298 99870027 99870027 160810 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a79026) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160810) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f5[97]) by the king. a proclamation of his majesties grace, favour, and pardon, to the inhabitants of his county of sussex. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by l. lichfield, [oxford : 1642] "given at our court at reading, this seaventh day of november, in the eighteenth yeare of our reigne." with engraving of royal seal at head of document. place and date of imprint from wing. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng pardons -great britain -early works to 1800. sussex (england) -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a79026 r211298 (thomason 669.f.5[97]). civilwar no by the king. a proclamation of his majesties grace, favour, and pardon, to the inhabitants of his county of sussex. england and wales. sovereign 1642 608 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c r honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the king . ¶ a proclamation of his majesties grace , favour , and pardon , to the inhabitants of his county of sussex . whereas we have taken notice that by the malice , industry and importunity of severall ill affected and seditious persons in our county of sussex , very many of our weake and seduced subjects of that our county have not only been drawne to exercise the militia , under colour of a pretended ordinance , without and against our consent ( a crime of a very high nature , if we would strictly enquire thereinto ) but have made contributions of plate , money and horses , towards the maintenance of the army now in rebellion against vs ; we doe hereby publish and declare , that we are graciously pleased to attribute the crimes and offences of our said subjects of that country to the power and faction of their seducers , who , we beleeve by threates , menaces , and false informations compelled and led them into these actions of undutifullnesse and disloyalty towards vs ; and we doe therefore hereby offer our free and gracious pardon to all the inhabitants of our said county of sussex , for all offences concerning the premises committed against vs before the publishing of this our proclamation ( except herbert morley esquire , and henry chisttey cittizen of chichester , ) against whom wee shall proceed according to the rules of the law , as against traitours and stirrers of sedition against vs , and whom wee doe hereby require all our officers and ministers of iustice , and all our loving subjects whatsoever , to apprehend and cause to be kept in safe custody till our pleasure be further knowne . provided that this our grace shall not extend to any person , who after the publishing this our proclamation shall presume by loane or contribution to assist the said army of rebells , to assemble and muster themselves in armes without authority derived from vs under our hand , to enter into any oath of association for opposing vs and our army , or to succour or entertaine any of the persons excepted in this our proclamation , or in our declaration of the 12 of august . but we must and doe declare , that whosoever shall hence forward be guilty of the premises , or of either of them , shall be esteemed by us as an enemy to the publick peace , a person disaffected to vs , and to the religion and law of the kingdome , and shall accordingly receive condigne punishment , of which we give them timely notice , that they may proceed accordingly at their perills . and we doe hereby will and require our high sheriffe , commissioners of array , iustices of the peace , and all other our officers , and loving subjects to resist , oppose and apprehend all such persons as shall presume to make any leavies in that our county under what pretence soever without authority derived from vs under our hand ; and we likewise will and require them and every of them to be assistant to all such as shall either command the traine bands of that our county , or make any leavies in the same by virtue of commission under our great seale or signe manuall . ¶ given at our court at reading , this seaventh day of november , in the eighteenth yeare of our reigne . god save the king . his maiesties speech with mr. speakers speech to both houses of parliament, at the passing of the bill for tonnage and poundage : being an answer to mr. speakers speech at the presenting thereof, 22 june, 1641. lenthall, william, 1591-1662. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a32137 of text r41770 in the english short title catalog (wing c2818). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a32137 wing c2818 estc r41770 31360613 ocm 31360613 110749 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a32137) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 110749) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1736:17) his maiesties speech with mr. speakers speech to both houses of parliament, at the passing of the bill for tonnage and poundage : being an answer to mr. speakers speech at the presenting thereof, 22 june, 1641. lenthall, william, 1591-1662. charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.). s.n., [london : 1641] place and date of publication from wing (2nd ed.) "mr. speaker's speech" appears first on the sheet, and comprises most of the text. william lenthall (1591-1662) was speaker of the house of commons -cf. dnb. reproduction of original in the bodleian library. eng tonnage fees -england. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. broadsides -london (england) -17th century. a32137 r41770 (wing c2818). civilwar no his maiesties speech: with mr. speakers speech,to both houses of parliament; at the passing of the bill for tonnage and poundage: being an a england and wales. sovereign 1641 1020 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2004-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-02 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-03 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2004-03 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms ❧ his maiesties speech : with mr. speakers speech , to both houses of parliament ; at the passing of the bill for tonnage and poundage : being an answer to mr. speakers speech at the presenting thereof , 22. june 1641. that policy , most gracious and dread soveraigne , which weighs the prerogative of the king and property of the subject in the same scales , and increases the plenty of the crowne and government of the people ; the even poysing of this beame enables both , the one being ordained for the preservation of the other . this principle is so riveted into the hearts of your subjects by the acts of their ancestors , and traditions of their fore-fathers , that it hath created a beliefe in them , that their wills are bound to a due allegiance , and their fortunes and estates , as well as their duty and subjection , must bend to the commands of that soveraigne power with which god hath invested your sacred majesty . compulsary obedience , advanced by the transcendent power of prerogative , is too weake to support the right of government : it is the affections and estates of your people , tyed with the threads of obedience , by the rules of law , that fastens safety and prosperity to the crowne . the experiment of elder times , in the raignes of the most valiant puissant princes , hath concluded this the soveraigne preservative against the diseases of distraction and confusion , and makes it manifest to the world , that the honour and glory of this throne is to command the hearts of free-men . this admitted , the permission of the least diminution , or any eclypsed interposition betweene the honour and plenty of the crowne , contracts a scorne upon the nation . severall parliaments in former times have stampt the caracter of a free gift upon the fore-front of this ayd , still offered by the people as a sacrifice of thankesgiving to the crowne , for the safe conduct of your merchants , and provision of the navie , to strengthen your undoubted dominion over the seas , which hath protected your allyes , and is a terrour to your enemies . our hopes were long since to have settled this for the measure and the time , and with this to have presented to your sacred majesty the triumphant palme of tranquillity in all your kingdomes : but , as a ship floating upon a rough sea , wee have beene cast upon the rocke of feare and dangers , and tossed on the billowes of distraction and distrust of church and common-wealth , where we yet remaine hopelesse ever to passe through that narrow channell which leads to the haven of peace , unlesse we be speedily steered on by the hand of your sacred wisedome , care and providence . in the midst of all these troubles , and the severall opinions which have beene amongst us , no division had power to distract any one of us from the care and duty wee owe to your sacred person . and , to that end am i now sent by the commons of england , to present this as a marke onely , whereby your sacred majesty may view the inward duties of our hearts , untill time and opportunity will give leave for a further expression of our duties and affections . the acceptation of this gift will glad the hearts of your people , and the approbation by the royall assent of this bill ( being the largest for the measure which was ever given ) will joyne wings to our desires and hopes , which shall never returne without that olive-leafe , which may declare that the waters are abated , and your sacred majesty may have full assurance of the faith and loyalty of your subjects . his majesties speech . i doe very willingly accept your offer made at this time , as a testimony of your love , and beginning of your dutifull affections unto mee ; and i no way doubt , but that you will performe that which you have intimated unto me , and that in due time you will performe the rest , when you have leisure . i doe not doubt likewise , but that in passing this bill you will see a testimony of the trust and confidence i have in your affections , as also that i omit no occasion whereby i may shew that affection to my people , that i desire my people would shew to me , as in this parliament hitherto no body can say but that i have sought occasions both to shew my affections unto them , and to remove disputes . and therefore in this particular bill i hope you will know that i do freely and frankly give over the right which my predecessours have ever challenged unto them ( though i confesse disputed , but yet they did never yeeld in their times ; ) therefore you will understand this but a marke of my confidence to put my selfe wholly upon the love and affection of my people for my subsistence ; and therefore i hope that in prosecution of this , you will go on as you have said , and that , though you have rumors of jealousies and suspitions , by flying and idle discourses , that have come to my eares , concerning the ordinary way , i confesse i never understood otherwise then as having relation to the scotish army , and preventing insurrection ; which vanished as soone as they were borne . and therefore now you see my clearnesse , i will leave that to you , and will not meddle with it one way or other , for i never had other designe but to win the affections of my people by my justice in my government . his majesties late protestation before his receiving of the sacrament. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a79118 of text r210843 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.12[48]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a79118 wing c2823 thomason 669.f.12[48] estc r210843 99869598 99869598 162841 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a79118) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 162841) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 246:669f12[48]) his majesties late protestation before his receiving of the sacrament. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n.], [london : printed in the yeare 1648. place of publication from wing. with engraving of royal seal at head of document. at head of title: that the mouths of all schismaticall and seditious persons may be stopped (who endeavour to bring their soveraigne into hatred with his people, by scandalizing his sacred majestie, with a purpose to alter our religion, and introduce poperie) ... annotation on thomason copy: "june 14th". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng charles -i, -king of england, 1600-1649 -early works to 1800. church and state -great britain -17th century -early works to 1800. a79118 r210843 (thomason 669.f.12[48]). civilwar no that the mouthes of all schismaticall and seditious persons may be stopped, (who endeavour to bring their soveraigne into hatred with his pe england and wales. sovereign 1648 651 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-07 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-07 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c r diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms that the mouthes of all schismaticall and seditious persons may be stopped , ( who endeavour to bring their soveraigne into hatred with his people , by scandalizing his sacred majestie , with a purpose to alter our religion , and introduce poperie ) here is published to the view of all the world his majesties solemne protestation ( which he made in the presence of god and the congregation , before he received the blessed sacrament ) at christs-church in oxford , 1643. which neither adversitie nor prosperitie can ever make him violate . his maiesties late protestation , before his receiving of the sacrament . his majestie being to receive the sacrament from the hands of the arch-bishop of armagh , used these publique expressions immediately before ; he rose up from his knees , and beckning to the arch-bishop for a short forbearance , made this protestation . my lord , i espie here many resolved protestants , who may declare to the world the resolution i doe now make . i have to the utmost of my power prepared my soule to become a worthy receiver : and may i so receive comfort by this holy communion , as i doe intend the establishment of the true reformed protestant religion , as it stood in its beautie , in the happie dayes of queene elizabeth . i blesse god , in the midst of the publique distractions , i have still libertie to communicate ; and may this sacrament be my damnation , if my heart doe not joyne with my lips in this protestation . a prayer for the king , to be frequently and fervently said of all loyall subjects . o most gracious and most glorious lord god , we humbly pray thee , for the merits of our lord iesus christ , to look downe ( with much pitie and compassion ) upon the sad and suffering condition of thy servant ; and our soveraigne , the king , o , let his life be right deare and precious in thy sight : lord remember him and all his trouble , how he sware unto the lord , and vowed a vow unto the almightie god of jacob : o , save and deliver him , according to thy mercy , that all the world may know that this is thy hand , and that thou , lord , hast done it : though his enemies curse , yet blesse thou ; and let them be confounded that rise up against him , but let thy servant rejoyce : o , be with him in trouble , deliver him , and bring him to honor ; satisfie him with long life , and shew hun thy salvation . remember , lord , the reproach that thy servant hath , and vow he doth beare in his bosome the rebukes of many people , wherewith thine enemies have blasphemed thee , and slandred the foot-steps of thine anointed : wherefore we beseech thee to comfort him againe now , after the time that thou hast afflicted him , and for the yeares wherein he hath suffered adversitie ; shew thy servant thy worke , and his royall children thy glory : and the glorious majestie of the lord our god be upon all those that endeavour his re-inthroning : prosper thou the work of their hands upon them , o prosper thou their handy-worke . o , satisfie us with this mercy and that soone , so shall we be glad , and rejoyce all the dayes of our life , and joyne with our gracious king , in giving prayse to thee , who livest and reignest world without end . amen . june 14th printed in the yeare 1648. by the king, a proclamation for preventing the plundring, spoyling, or robbing of any his majesties subjects, and for restraining of stragling and idle people from following the army, as likewise for supplying his majesties army with necessary provisions during their march england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a32042 of text r225752 in the english short title catalog (wing c2590). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a32042 wing c2590 estc r225752 18207909 ocm 18207909 107121 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a32042) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 107121) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1629:56) by the king, a proclamation for preventing the plundring, spoyling, or robbing of any his majesties subjects, and for restraining of stragling and idle people from following the army, as likewise for supplying his majesties army with necessary provisions during their march england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. by leonard lichfield ..., printed at oxford : 1642 [i.e. 1643] "given at our court at oxford, this seventeenth day of march, in the eighteenth yeare of our raigne." reproduction of original in the bodleian library. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649. a32042 r225752 (wing c2590). civilwar no by the king. a proclamation for preventing the plundring, spoyling, or robbing of any his majesties subjects, and for restraining of stragli england and wales. sovereign 1643 995 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-07 paul schaffner sampled and proofread 2008-07 paul schaffner text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion royal blazon or coat of arms c r honi soit qvi mal y pense by the king . ¶ a proclamation for preventing the plundring , spoyling , or robbing of any his majesties subjects , and for restraining of stragling and idle people from following the army , as likewise for supplying his majesties army with necessary provisons during their march . whereas by our gratious proclamation of the twenty fifth of november last past , we took notice of the great misery and ruine falling , and likely to fall upon our good subjects ( if not timely prevented ) by the plundring , spoyling and robbing of their houses , and taking from them their mony , plate , housholdstuffe , horses , cattell , and other goods , in detestation of which barbarous , and unlawfull proceedings , and in tender commiseration of the sufferings of our people , we did then declare , that if any either officer or souldier of our army of horse or foot should from henceforth , plunder , spoyle , or robbe , any of our people , or take from them any of their mony , plate , housholdstuffe , horses , or other cattell , as likewise any victuall , or commodities going to , or from our markets , upon complaint made thereof , the commander , or officer in chiefe of such quarter where the fact was committed , was required to proceed against any such offendor , by the law martiall , without favour or connivance , and to cause him or them , so offending , to be executed without mercy ( as in and by the same proclamation more at large appeareth , ) notwithstanding which , to the great and heavy grievance and oppression of our people , we find that our commands therein have not been ( as we expected ) streightly observed . and having lately received information that the greatest part of these plunderings and robberies committed on our people , especially by the taking away of horses and other cattell in the severall marches and expeditions of our forces , are committed and done by persons no way listed , or imployed in our service , or under any command , and by voluntiers out of other troopes , not commanded upon present service , following our army for spoyle and pillage ; we doe therefore charge and command all persons whatsoever , but such as are or shall be licensed by the superior officers of our army , or such of our good subjects as shall offer their service for our assistance , and be received into our army upon their march , or as shall be of such forces , as shall be sent upon any expedition , that they forbeare to follow , or attend our army or forces , or to take away any mony , plate , goods , horses or cattell from any of our subjects whatsoever . and if any shall offend , spoyle , robbe , pillage , or plunder , in the least kind , contrary to this our proclamation , or take any horse , mony , plate , or other goods , from any of our subjects without especiall warrant of their superior officer then commanding our said army , we doe require and command all the officers and souldiers of our army , and all other our officers and loving subjects , to apprehend him or them so offending against this our proclamation , and to bring them before the commander in chiefe of such army or forces , whom we require and authorize forthwith to cause him or them , so offending , to be hanged without mercy , and to see that restitution be made to such person , or persons , as received such losse by the taking away any of their goods or cattell , in the best manner our commander in chiefe , or such officer shall be able to performe ; this we require and command to be fully and in every part obeyed , that thereby out good subjects may be freed from misery and ruine , or the least apprehension thereof , and may without any interruption proceed in following their severall callings and professions , to the welfare and happinesse of our kingdom and our army , and that the officers thereof may have the reputation of doing iustice , and giving help and assistance to our people . and our further will and pleasure is , that this our proclamation be publiquely read in all churches and chappells of this our kingdom , and in the heads of all our regiments of horse , foot , and dragooners . and as we have published this our proclamation for the protection of the goods and estates of all our loving subjects , so we expect that all such counties , hundreds , townes , and villages in , or neere which any part of our army shall happen to be quartered upon their march , shall upon warrants from the superior officer , or from the commissaries of our army , furnish and supply our forces , so passing through or neere them , with all necessary provisions of victualls and other accommodation both for horse and foot , ( for which they are to give tickets or receipts , which we shall carefully pay when god shall enable us , ) that so the souldier for want of necessary provisions may not have any pretence to offer any injury to any of our good subjects , whose ease and security shall alwaies be our principal care , given at our court at oxford , this seventeenth day of march , in the eighteenth yeare of our raigne . god save the king . printed at oxford by leonard lichfield , printer to the university . 1642. by the king, a proclamation for the assembling the members of both houses at oxford, upon occasion of the invasion by the scots england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a32045 of text r39056 in the english short title catalog (wing c2599). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a32045 wing c2599 estc r39056 18207944 ocm 18207944 107124 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a32045) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 107124) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1629:57) by the king, a proclamation for the assembling the members of both houses at oxford, upon occasion of the invasion by the scots england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. by leonard lichfield ..., printed at oxford : 1643. "given at our court at oxford, the 22th day of december, in the nineteenth yeare of our reigne." reproduction of original in the huntington library. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649. a32045 r39056 (wing c2599). civilwar no by the king. a proclamation for the assembling the members of both houses at oxford, upon occasion of the invasion by the scots. england and wales. sovereign 1643 939 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c r honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the king . ¶ a proclamation for the assembling the members of both houses at oxford , upon occasion of the invasion by the scots . whereas we did by our proclamation , bearing date the twentieth day of june last , upon due consideration of the miseries of this kingdom , and the true cause thereof , warne all our good subjects no longer to be misled by the votes , orders , and pretended ordinances of one or both houses , by reason the members do not enjoy the freedom and liberty of parliament , which appeares by severall instances of force and violence , and by the course of their proceedings mentioned in our said proclamation , and severall of our declarations : since which time our subjects of scotland have made great and warlike preparations to enter and invade this kingdome with an army , and have already actually invaded the same , by possessing themselves , by force of armes , of our towne of barwick , upon pretence that they are invited thereunto by the desires of the two houses ; the which as we doubt not all our good subjects of this kingdome will look upon as the most insolent act of ingratitude and disloyalty , and to the apparent breach of the late act of pacification so solemnly made between the kingdomes , and is indeed no other then a designe of conquest , and to impose new lawes upon this nation , they not so much as pretending the least provocation or violation from this kingdom so we are most assured that the major part of both houses of parliament doe from their soules abhorre the least thought of introducing that forraigne power , to encrease and make desperate the miseries of their unhappy country . and therefore that it may appeare to all the world how far the major part of both houses is from such actions of treason & disloyalty , and how grossely those few members remaining at westminster have and do impose upon our people , we do will and require such of the members of both houses , as well those who have been by the faction of the malignant party expelled for performing their duty to us , and into whose roomes no persons have been since chosen by their country , as the rest who have been driven thence , and all those who being conscious of their want of freedom , now shall be willing to withdraw from that rebellious city , to assemble themselves together at our city of oxford , on munday the twenty second day of january , where care shall be taken for their severall accommodations , and fit places appointed for their meeting , and where all our good subjects shall see how willing we are to receive advice for the preservation of the religion , lawes and safety of the kingdome , and , as farre as in us lyes , to restore it to its former peace and security ( our chiefe and only end ) from those whom they have trusted , though we cannot receive it in the place where we appointed . and for the better encouragement of those members of either house to resort to us , who may be conscious to themselves of having justly incurred our displeasure by submitting to , or concurring in unlawfull actions ; and that all the world may see how willing and desirous we are to forget the injuries & indignities offered to us , and by an union of english hearts , to prevent the lasting miseries which this forraigne invasion must bring upon this kingdome , we doe offer a free and generall pardon to all the members of either house , who shall at , or before the said twenty second day of ianuary appeare at our city of oxford , and desire the same , without exceptions : which considering the manifest treasons committed against us , and the condition we are now in , improved by gods wonderfull blessing to a better degree then we have enjoyed at any time since these distractions , is the greatest instance of princely and fatherly care of our people that can be expressed , and which malice it selfe cannot suggest to proceed from any other ground . and therefore we hope , and are confident , that all such who upon this our gratious invitation will not returne to their duty and allegiance , shall be no more thought promoters of the religion , lawes and liberty of the kingdome ( which this way may be , without doubt , setled and secured ) but persons engaged from the beginning , out of their owne pride , malice , and ambition , to bring confusion and desolation upon their country , and to that purpose ( having long since contrived the designe ) to invite and joyne with a forraigne nation to ruine and extinguish their owne , and shall accordingly be pursued as the most desperate and malitious enemies of the kingdome . and our pleasure is , that this our proclamation be read in all churches and chappells within this our kingdome , and dominion of wales . given at our court at oxford , the 22th day of december , in the nineteenth yeare of our reigne . 1643. god save the king . printed at oxford , by leonard lichfield , printer to the university . 1643. his royall maiesties speech: spoken in the high court of parliament on friday, december the 2. 1641, with the love which his majesty lately hath shown to the city of london, by knighting five aldermen, at his palace at hampton court, and royally giving them againe into their hands london-derrie. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a79105 of text r9799 in the english short title catalog (thomason e199_33 e199_34). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a79105 wing c2795 thomason e199_33 thomason e199_34 estc r9799 99873616 99873616 157532 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a79105) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 157532) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 35:e199[33], 35:e199[34]) his royall maiesties speech: spoken in the high court of parliament on friday, december the 2. 1641, with the love which his majesty lately hath shown to the city of london, by knighting five aldermen, at his palace at hampton court, and royally giving them againe into their hands london-derrie. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. [2], 1, [5],p. printed by b. alsop, [london] : 1641. place of publication from wing. text continuous despite pagination. thomason e.199[34] has the caption title: "his majesties love to the aldermen of london at hampton court.". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng speeches, addresses, etc., english -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. a79105 r9799 (thomason e199_33 e199_34). civilwar no his royall maiesties speech: spoken in the high court of parliament on friday, december the 2. 1641,: with the love which his majesty latel england and wales. sovereign 1641 326 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-07 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-07 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion his majesties love to the aldermen of london at hampton court . his majesties goodnesse and care of this kingdome , hath alwayes bin wonderfull , to the comfort of all his loyall and well-affected subjects . london in his returning home , shew'd its love unto his sacred majesty , and he his affection by the honour which he shewed downe upon it . first of all , in knighting the loid major , and recorder , at kingsland , then by suffering the lord major in such a tryumph to beare the sword before him . the like of which , was never knowne in england , but the sword was alwayes presented , as an honour to some noblemen . at guild-hall his majesty graced the city with his presence to dine there , accompanyed with his spouse and princely children , guifts were presented there unto his sacred majesty . and he rewarded them with as great a benefit by granting unto them ( so soone as it shall please god to fet a period to the wicked designes of treacherous rebels in ireland ) london-derry . also upon thursday , decemb , 4 about seven of the clock in the morning , so expresse his extraordinary love to the city , he sent for five of the aldermen of london to hampton court , his majesties royall palace , 12 miles distance from london , and made them all knights . what encouragement can subjects have more , as to love and obey a king , then to have such favour and love showne by a king ; for whose prosperous , happy , and successive reigne , it behoves us all to pray : else there is no question to be made , but that judgment will bee flowred downe upon our heads , by the heavenly king , for not loving so good a heavenly king . finis . charles by the grace of god, king of great britaine ... forsomuch as we and the estates of our parliament presently conveened, remembring that at the first institution of the colledge of justice ... scotland. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) 1633 approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a11705 stc 21995 estc s2324 23273444 ocm 23273444 26487 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a11705) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 26487) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1803:26) charles by the grace of god, king of great britaine ... forsomuch as we and the estates of our parliament presently conveened, remembring that at the first institution of the colledge of justice ... scotland. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. r. young, [edinburgh : 1633] second pt. of title from text. imprint suggested by stc (2nd ed.). "given under our signet at edinburgh the twentie eight day of june, and of our reigne the ninth year. 1633." reproduction of original in the town house (aberdeen, scotland). charter room. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng taxation -scotland. scotland -history -charles i, 1625-1649. scotland -proclamations. 2007-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms charles by the grace of god , king of great britaine , france , and ireland , defender of the faith , &c. to our messengers , our sheriffs , in that part , conjunctly and severally specially constitute greeting . forsomuch as we and the estates of our parliament presently conveened , remembring that at the first institution of the colledge of justice , and divers times thereafter in parliaments ratifying the same ; our royall ancestors and estates of our realme then assembled , found the erection of that honourable consistorie , which is a biding monument of the glorie of their reignes , not onlie to be usefull for royall service , but also necessarie and profitable for the peace of this our kingdome , and to the seene good and comfort of all our subjects ; and considering that the provision allowed of before to the lords of session was no wayes sufficient for defraying of their charges ; and that through their continuall attendance , their private affaires are neglected , and great losses thereby sustained by them : therefore , and to the effect , the said senators and lords of our session , present and to come , may be more encouraged to go on , and to persist as they do , in their zeale , and affections to our service , and in faithfull ministration of justice , to the generall weale of this our realme and our lieges ; the said estates , with our speciall approbation , and gracious good-liking , have most freelie condescended , statute , and enacted , that a taxation be presently imposed upon their lands and means , which with our consent foresaid , they ordaine to be collected and payed to the effect , in maner , and at the termes following : that is to say , the duke , marquesses , earles , vicounts , lords , and commissioners of shires for the temporall estate , have granted that there shall be vplifted of everie pound land of old extent within this our kingdome pertaining to dukes , marquesses , earles , vicounts , lords , barons , freeholders , and fewers of our proper lands , the summe of ten shillings mony at every one of the four tearms following , viz. the summe of ten shillings mony at the feast and tearm of martinmasse next to come in this instant year of god , 1633. the summe of other ten shillings mony at the feast and tearm of martinmasse , in anno 1634. the summe of other ten shillings money at the feast and tearm of martinmasse , 1635. and the summe of other ten shillings money at the feast and tearme of martinmasse , 1636. and for the spirituall men and burrowes parts of the same taxation , that there shall be uplifted of all archbishoprickes , bishoprickes , abbacies , pryories , and other inferiour benefices , and of every free burgh within this our kingdome , at every one of the foure tearms abouespecified ; the just taxation thereof , as they have been accustomed to be taxed in all time by-gone , whensoever the temporall lands of this our kingdome were stented to tenne shillings the pound land of old extent . and for inbringing the tearms payment of the taxation of our proper lands , our other letters are direct , charging all and sundry our stewards , bayliffs , chamberlanes , and receivers of our proper lands , and their deputs and clerks , that they and every one of them , within the bounds of their offices , raise and uplift the said sum of ten shillings money of every pound land of old extent within the bounds of their jurisdictions , for the sayd tearms payment of the same taxation , and inbring and deliver the same to collector generall , appointed for receiving of the same taxation , or to his deputs & officers in his name , having his power to receive the same , at the said feast & tearm of martinmas , in the yeare of god one thousand six hundred thirtie years , under the pain of rebellion & putting of them to our horn : for whose reliefe , our will is , and we charge you straitly and command , that incontinent these our letters seene , yee passe , and in our name and authoritie command and charge all and sundry fewers and rentallers of that our of personally , or at their dwelling places , and by open proclamation at the market-crosse of the head burgh of that our if they bee within our said kingdome ; and if they be without the same , by open proclamation at the market-crosse of edinburgh , peir , and shore of leith , upon threescore dayes warning , to make payment to you our said your deputes and clerkes each one of them for their own parts respective , of the said summe of ten shillings money for everie pound land of old extent pertaining to them , lying within that our said as for their parts of the said termes payment of the same taxation within twentie dayes next after they be charged by you thereto , under the paine of rebellion and putting them to our horne : and if they fayle therein , the said twentie dayes being by-past , that ye incontinent thereafter denounce the disobeyers our rebells , and put them to our horne , and escheat and inbring all their moveable goods to our use , for their contemption . and if need be , that ye our said your deputes and clerks pound and distrinyie the readiest goods and geir being upon their said lands therefore , as ye shall think most expedient , according to justice , as ye will answer to us thereupon . the which to doe , wee commit to you conjunctly and severally , our full power by these our letters , delivering them by you duely execute and indorsed againe to the bearer . given under our signet at edinburgh the twentie eight day of june , and of our reigne the ninth year . 1633. per actum parliamenti . [a proclamation commanding the muster master generall ...] england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a32027 of text r39029 in the english short title catalog (wing c2556). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a32027 wing c2556 estc r39029 18206659 ocm 18206659 107096 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a32027) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 107096) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1629:46) [a proclamation commanding the muster master generall ...] england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. s.n., [oxford : 1643] title and imprint suggested by wing. at head of fragment: ... punished with death. no muster-master shall receive or ... in ms. at foot of fragment: part of a broadside issued at oxford by ch. i. imperfect: fragment. best copy available for photographing. "given at our court at oxford, this eleaventh day of novemb ..." reproduction of original in the bodleian library. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649. a32027 r39029 (wing c2556). civilwar no [a proclamation commanding the muster master generall ...] england and wales. sovereign 1643 225 13 0 0 0 0 0 578 f the rate of 578 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the f category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-05 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-06 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-06 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion 〈…〉 punished with death . no muster-master shall receive of● so testified upon paine of the losse of his place , and further himselfe to the muster , or to be enrolled in the muster ro● birth or habitation upon paine of death . to which we h● shall after twenty dayes from the publication hereof , be 〈◊〉 horseman without a sword or pistoll . nor that any n● muster-master or his deputies , and attested under their ha●●spective garrisons and commands without licence of th●●ther punishment as is mentioned in the said articles . all 〈◊〉 generall , and his deputies , and all officers and souldiers of 〈◊〉 inflict the penalties therein mentioned with severity upon 〈◊〉 and because the officers and souldiers of the foot of our ●bled chearefully to performe the same . we are gratiously ●taines of foot of our army , shall every of their receive t● common souldiers each foure shillings weekly , the other t● upon accompt . and the officers and souldiers of horse , 〈◊〉 of the contributions . this our pleasure we command 〈◊〉 troop and company of our army , and to be fully obeye from time to time to receive a strict accompt of every person● given at our court at oxford , this eleaventh day of november god save 〈…〉 his majesties message to the house of peeres, aprill 22, 1642 whereunto is added his majesties answer to both houses of parliament concerning the petition and reasons to forbeare his intended iourney to ireland, presented the 18 of aprill (by the earle of stamford, sir iohn culpepper, chancellour of the exchequer and anthony hungerford, esquire) and returned the 22 of the same, 1642. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a31999 of text r35982 in the english short title catalog (wing c2483). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a31999 wing c2483 estc r35982 15585248 ocm 15585248 103953 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a31999) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 103953) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1588:37) his majesties message to the house of peeres, aprill 22, 1642 whereunto is added his majesties answer to both houses of parliament concerning the petition and reasons to forbeare his intended iourney to ireland, presented the 18 of aprill (by the earle of stamford, sir iohn culpepper, chancellour of the exchequer and anthony hungerford, esquire) and returned the 22 of the same, 1642. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. printed by t. fawcet for j.h., london : 1642. reproduction of original in the harvard university library. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649. a31999 r35982 (wing c2483). civilwar no his maiesties message to the house of peeres, aprill 22, 1642. his majesty having seen a printed paper, entitled a question answered how law england and wales. sovereign 1642 445 1 0 0 0 0 0 22 c the rate of 22 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-04 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-05 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-05 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion cr honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms ¶ his maiesties message to the house of peeres , aprill 22. 1642. his majesty having seen a printed paper , entituled , a question answered how law are to be understood , and obedience yeelded ; ( which paper he sends together will this message ) thinkes fit to recommend the consideration of it to his house o● peers , that they may use all possible care and diligence for the finding out the author , and may give directions to his learned councell , to proceed against him and the publishers of it , in such a way as shall be agreeable to law and the course of justice , as persons who endeavour to stirre up sedition against his majesty . and his majesty doubts not but they will be very sensible how much their own particular interest ( as well as the publike government of the kingdom ) is , and must be shaken , if such licence shall be permitted to bold factious spirits to withdraw his subiects strict obedience from the lawes established , by such seditious and treasonable distinctions . and of doctrines of this nature his majesty doubts not but that their lordships will publish their great dislike , it being growne into frequent discourse , and vented in some pulpits ( by those desperate preachers , who are the great promotors of the distempers of this time ) that humane lawes doe not binde the conscience ; which being once believed , the civill government and peace of the kingdome will be quickly dissolved . his majesty expects a speedy account of their lordships exemplary justice upon the authors and publishers of this paper . whereunto is added his maiesties answer to both houses of parliament , concerning the petition and reasons to forbeare his intended iourney to jreland . presented the 18. of aprill ( by the earle of stamford , sir iohn culpepper , chancellour of the exchequer , and anthony hungerford esquire ) and returned the 22. of the same , 1642. his maiesty hath thought something of the petition , and is much unsatisfied with many of your expressions therein : his maiesty will shortly send his parliament , a particular answer , but for the present you are to tell them , that as he resolved to doe nothing concerning his jrish journey , before he should receive their answer , so now he will not proceed further therein , untill they shall heare , further from him againe . london , printed by t. fawcet , for j. h. 1642. his majesties second message to the parliament, concerning sir iohn hothams refusall to give his majestie entrance into his town of hull. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a79082 of text r29649 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.5[10]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a79082 wing c2769 thomason 669.f.5[10] estc r29649 99872237 99872237 160723 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a79082) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160723) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f5[10]) his majesties second message to the parliament, concerning sir iohn hothams refusall to give his majestie entrance into his town of hull. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by robert barker, printer to the kings most excellent majesty: and by the assignes of john bill, imprinted at london : 1642. the message of 30 april 1642. with engraving of royal seal at head of document. reproductions of the originals in the british library (thomason tracts) and the bodleian library (early english books). eng hotham, john, -sir, d. 1647 jan. 2. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. hull (england) -history -siege, 1642 -early works to 1800. a79082 r29649 (thomason 669.f.5[10]). civilwar no his majesties second message to the parliament, concerning sir iohn hothams refusall to give his majestie entrance into his town of hull. england and wales. sovereign 1642 418 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-04 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-05 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2008-05 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion royal blazon or coat of arms c r honi soit qvi mal y pense diev et mon droit . ¶ his majesties second message to the parliament , concerning sir iohn hothams refusall to give his majestie entrance into his town of hull . we are so much concerned in the undutifull affront ( an indignity all our good subjects must disdain in our behalf ) we received from sir john hotham at hull , that we are impatient till we receive iustice from you ; and are compelled to call again for an answer , being confident ( however you would be so carefull , ( though without our consent ) to put a garrison into that our town , to secure it and our magazine against any attempt of the papists ) that you never intended to dispose and maintain it against vs your soveraign : therefore we require you forthwith ( for the businesse will admit no delay ) that you take some speedie course , that our said town and magazine be immediately delivered up unto vs , and that such severe exemplary proceedings be against those persons ( who have offered vs this insupportable affront and injury ) as by the law is provided : and till this be done , we shall intend no businesse whatsoever ( other then the businesse of ireland ) for if we are brought into a condition so much worse then any of our subjects , that whilest you all enjoy your priviledges , and may not have your possessions disturbed , or your titles questioned , we onely may be spoiled , thrown out of our towns , and our goods taken from vs ; 't is time to examine how we have lost those priviledges , and to try all possible wayes , by the help of god , the law of the land , and the affection of our good subjects , to recover them , and vindicate our self from those injuries . and if we shall miscarry herein , we shall be the first prince of this kingdom that hath done so ; having no other end , but to defend the true protestant profession , the law of the land , and the libertie of the subject : and god so deal with vs , as we continue in those resolutions . ¶ imprinted at london by robert barker , printer to the kings most excellent majesty : and by the assignes of john bill . 1642. a proclamation of his majesties grace, favour, and pardon to the inhabitants of his county of chester england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a32064 of text r40798 in the english short title catalog (wing c2665). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a32064 wing c2665 estc r40798 19320111 ocm 19320111 108609 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a32064) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 108609) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1683:20) a proclamation of his majesties grace, favour, and pardon to the inhabitants of his county of chester england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. by l. lichfield ..., [oxford : 1642] at head of title: by the king. "given at our court at oxford, the ninth day december, in the eighteenth yeare of our reigne." imprint suggested by wing. reproduction of original in the bodleian library. eng proclamations -great britain. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649. a32064 r40798 (wing c2665). civilwar no a proclamation of his majesties grace, favour, and pardon to the inhabitants of his county of chester england and wales. sovereign 1642 620 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-07 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-07 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c r honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the king . ¶ a proclamation of his majesties grace , favour , and pardon to the inhabitants of his county of chester . whereas we have taken notice , that by the malice , industry , and importunity of severall ill-affected and seditious persons in our county or chester , very many of our weake and seduced subjects of that our county have not only beene drawne to exercise the militia , under colour of a pretended ordinance , without and against our consent , ( a crime of a very high nature , if we would strictly enquire thereinto ) but have made contributions of plate , money , and horses , towards the maintenance of the army now in rebellion against vs ; we doe hereby publish and declare , that we are gratiously pleased to attribute the crimes and offences of our said subjects of that county , to the power and faction of their seducers ; who , we beleeve , by threates , menaces , and false informations compelled and led them into these actions of undutifullnesse and disloyalty towards vs ; and we doe therefore hereby offer our free and gracious pardon to all the inhabitants of our said county of chester , for all offences concerning the premisses committed against vs , before the publishing of this our proclamation , except sir william brereton knight , against whom wee shall proceed according to the rules of the law , as against a traytour and stirrour of sedition against vs , and whom wee doe hereby require all our officers and ministers of iustice , and all our loving subjects whatsoever , to apprehend , and cause to be kept in safe custody till our pleasure be further knowne . provided , that this our grace shall not extend to any person , who after the publishing this our proclamation shall presume by loane or contribution , to assist the said army of rebells , to assemble and muster themselves in armes without authority derived from vs under our hand , to enter into any oath of association for opposing vs and our army , or to succour , or entertaine any of the persons excepted in this our proclamation , or in our declaration of the 12th of august . but we must and doe declare , that whosoever shall henceforward be guilty of the premisses , or of either of them , shall be esteemed by vs , as an enimy to the publike peace , a person disaffected to vs , and to the religion and lawes of the kingdome , and shall accordingly receive condigne punishment , of which we give them timely notice , that they may proceed accordingly at their perills . and wee doe hereby will and require our high sheriffe , commissioners of array , iustices of the peace , and all other our officers , and loving subjects to resist , oppose , and apprehend all such persons as shall presume to make any leavies in that our county , under what pretence soever , without authority derived from vs under our hand . and we likewise will and require them , and every of them to be assistant to all such as shall either command the traine bands of that our county , or make any leavies in the same , by vertue of our commission under our great seale , or signe manuall . ¶ given at our court at oxford , the ninth day of december , in the eighteenth yeare of our reigne . god s : ave the king . charles by the grace of god king of great brittain, france and ireland, defender of the faith. to our lovits [blank] messengers, our sheriffes in that part conjunctly and severally specially constitute, greeting. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a79124 of text r211963 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.7[31]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a79124 wing c2826 thomason 669.f.7[31] estc r211963 99870628 99870628 161013 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a79124) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 161013) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f7[31]) charles by the grace of god king of great brittain, france and ireland, defender of the faith. to our lovits [blank] messengers, our sheriffes in that part conjunctly and severally specially constitute, greeting. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [edinburgh : 1643] dated and signed at end: given under our signet at edinburgh the eighteenth of august, and of our reigne the nineteenth yeare, 1643. per actum dominorum conventionis. arch. primerose cler. conven. a proclamation for raising men and arms in scotland, in pursuance of the solemn covenant entered into between england and scotland. with engraving of royal seal at head of document. annotation on thomason copy: "printed at edinburgh. 18 august 1643.". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng solemn league and covenant (1643). -early works to 1800. scotland -history -charles i, 1625-1649 -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a79124 r211963 (thomason 669.f.7[31]). civilwar no charles by the grace of god king of great brittain, france and ireland, defender of the faith. to our lovits [blank] messengers, our sheriff england and wales. sovereign 1643 841 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-07 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-07 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c r honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms charles by the grace of god king of great brittain , france and ireland , defender of the faith . to our lovits messengers , our sheriffes in that part conjunctly and severally specially constitute , greeting . forsameikle as the estates of our kingdome of scotland presently conveened , taking into their most serious consideration the great and imminent danger of the true protestant reformed religion , and of the peace of thir our kingdomes from the treacherous and bloudy plots , conspiracies , attempts and practices of papists , prelats , malignants , and their adherents , have after mature deliberation thought expedient to enter into a solemne and mutuall covenant with our kingdome of england , for the defence of the true protestant reformed religion in the kirk of scotland , and the reformation of religion in the kirk of england , according to the word of god , the example of the best reformed kirks , and as may bring the kirk of god in both kingdomes to the nearest conjunction and uniformity in religion and church government , and siclike to preserve and defend the rights and priviledges of our parliaments , and liberties of our kingdomes respectivè , and to preserve and defend our person and authoritie in the preservation of the said true religion , and liberties of our saids kingdomes , and to observe the articles of the late treaty and peace betwixt the two nations , and to assist and defend all that shall enter into this covenant , in the maintaining and pursuing thereof , as the same more fully proports : which as it wil be a comfort and incouragement to all christians who fear god , and love religion , to all good and loyall subjects who truly honour us , and to all true patriots who tender the liberty of their countrie : so doubtlesse it wil exasperate and inrage the said papists , prelats , malignants , and their adherents , to practise and execute all the mischief & cruelty they can against this kirk and kingdome , as they have done in our kingdoms of england and ireland . for preventing therof , the estates of this our said kingdome ( according to the practise of our councel , convention of our estates , & of our parliaments in former times of the like exigence ) have resolved to put this our said kingdom , with all possible speed , in a present posture of defence , and for the better safety and securitie thereof , have statute and ordained , and hereby statues and ordaines , that immediately after the publication hereof , all the sensible persons within this our kingdome of scotland , betwixt sixtie and sixteene yeares of age , of whatsoever qualitie , rank , or degree , shall provide themselves with fourtie dayes provision , and with ammunition , armes , and other warlike provision of all forts , in the most substantious manner , for horse and foot , with tents , and all other furnishing requisite , and that the horsemen be armed with pistols , broad swords , and steel caps , and where these armes cannot be had , that they provide jacks , or secrets , lances and steel-bonnets , and that the footmen be armed with musket and sword , or pike and sword , and where these cannot be had , that they be furnished with halberts , loquhaber axes , or jeddart staves and swords . our will is herefore , and we charge you straitly and commands , that incontinent thir our letters seene , you passe to the market crosse of edinburgh , and severall burrowes of this our kingdome , and parish kirks thereof , and there by open proclamation make publication hereof , wherethrough none pretend ignorance of the same , and that you command and charge all and sundry our subjects foresaids , being sensible persons , betwixt sixtie and sixteene yeares , to provide themselves in manner foresaid , and to be in readinesse to make their randevous thus armed at the places to be appointed by our saids estates , or committees having power from them , within eight and fourty hours after they shall be lawfully warned by order from them to that effect , as they will testifie their affections to the true protestant religion , the liberties of our kingdomes , our owne honour , and the peace and safety of that their native countrey ; and under the paine to be esteemed and punish as enemies to religion , us and our kingdomes , and their whole goods to be confiscate to the use of the publick . given under our signet at edinburgh the eighteenth of august , and of our reigne the nineteenth yeare , 1643. per actum dominorum conventionis . arch. primerose cler. conven. printed at edinburgh 15 august 1648 by the king. his maiesties proclamation forbidding the tendring or taking of the late vow or covenant, devised by some members of both houses to engage his maiesties good subjects in the maintenance of this odious rebellion. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a79021 of text r39149 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.7[24]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a79021 wing c2660 thomason 669.f.7[24] estc r39149 99872532 99872532 161006 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a79021) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 161006) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f7[24]) by the king. his maiesties proclamation forbidding the tendring or taking of the late vow or covenant, devised by some members of both houses to engage his maiesties good subjects in the maintenance of this odious rebellion. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by leonard lichfield, printer to the university, printed at oxford [i.e. london] : 1643. actual place of publication from wing. dated at end: given at our court at oxford the one and twentieth day of iune, in the nineteenth year of our raigne. with engraving of royal seal at head of document. reproductions of the originals in the harvard university library (early english books), and the british library (thomason tracts). eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a79021 r39149 (thomason 669.f.7[24]). civilwar no by the king. his maiesties proclamation forbidding the tendring or taking of the late vow or covenant, devised by some members of both house england and wales. sovereign 1643 849 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-07 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-07 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion cr honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms ¶ by the king . his maiesties proclamation forbidding the tendring or taking of the late vow or covenant , devised by some members of both houses to engage his maiesties good subiects in the maintenance of this odious rebellion . vvhereas we have lately seen a vow or covenant pretended to be taken by some members of both houses of parliament , whereby after the taking notice of a popish and traiterous plot for the subversion of the true reformed protestant religion , and the liberty of the subject , and to surprize the cities of london and westminster , they doe promise and covenant , according to their utmost power , to assist the forces pretended to be raised and continued by both houses of parliament , against the forces raised by us , and to assist all other persons that shall take the said oath , in what they shall doe in pursuance thereof ; which oath as the same hath been taken without the least colour or ground , the contrivers thereof well knowing that there is no popish army within this kingdom , that we are so far from giving countenance to that religion , that we have alwayes given , and always offered our consent to any act for the suppression of popery and the growth thereof ; and that the army raised by us is in truth for the necessary defence of the true reformed protestant religion established by law , the liberty and property of the subject , and our own just rights according to law , all which being setled and submitted to , or such a free and peaceable convention in parliament being provided for , that the same might be setled , we have offered and are still ready to disband our armies ; and as the said oath was devised only to prevent peace , and to preengage the votes of the members of both houses ( directly contrary to the freedom and liberty of parliament ) & to engage them and our good subjects in the maintenance of this horrid and odious rebellion ; so it is directly contrary , as well to their naturall duty as to the oaths of allegiance & supremacie established by law , which obliges them to bear to vs truth and faith of life , members and earthly honour , and to defend us to the utmost of their powers against all conspiracies and attempts whatsoever , which shall be made against our person , our crown and dignity , and to do their best endeavours to disclose and make known to us all treasons and traiterous conspiracies which shall be against us , and to their power to assist and defend all jurisdictions , priviledges , preheminences , and authority belonging to us , or united and annexed to the imperiall crowne of this realme . and whereas we are informed that some desperate seditious persons doe endeavour to perswade and seduce others of our subjects to take the said oath , thereby to engage them & this kingdom into a continuance of these miserable and bloody distempers , we doe therefore out of grace and compassion to our people , and that they may not by any craft or violence suffer themselves to be seduced against their duty and conscience , warne them of their naturall allegiance , and their obligations by oathes lawfully administred to them , and with them to remember the great blessings of god in peace and plenty which the whole kingdome hath received , whilst that duty and these oathes were carefully observed , and the unspeakable miseries and calamities they have suffered in the breaking and violation thereof . and we doe straitly charge and command our loving subjects of what degree and quality soever , upon their allegiance , that they presume not to take the said seditious and traiterous vow or covenant , which endeavours to withdraw them from their naturall allegiance which they owe unto us , and to which they are or ought to be sworn , and are bound by the known laws of the land , albeit they are not sworn , and engages them in acts of high treason by the expresse letter of the statute of the 25. year of king edward the third . and we doe likewise hereby forbid and inhibit all our subjects to impose , administer , or tender the said oath or covenant : and if not withstanding this our gracious proclamation any person s ; hall presume to impose , tender , or take the said vow or covenant , we shall proceed against him or them with all severit , according to the known laws of the land . given at our court at oxford the one and twentieth day of iune , in the nineteenth year of our raigne . god save the king . printed at oxford by leonard lichfield , printer to the university . 1643. propositions from the kings most excellent majesty: propounded by the earle of devon. the earle of newcastle. the e. of northampton. the earle of lindsey. the earle of rivers. the lord moubray. the lord rich. the lord chapel. accompanyed with 5000. horse and foot for their guard. to the lo: brooks, and the gentry and commonalty assembled at warwick, on thursday last, august 18. with the lo: brooks his answer to the said propositions. also the parliaments determination concerning their resolution, wherein they declare that they will (to the hazard of their lives and fortunes) assist all those that shall obey their just commands. aug. 20. ordered that this be printed and published. joh. browne, clar. parl. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a79047 of text r22167 in the english short title catalog (thomason e112_44). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 9 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a79047 wing c2727 thomason e112_44 estc r22167 99871633 99871633 124045 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a79047) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 124045) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 20:e112[44]) propositions from the kings most excellent majesty: propounded by the earle of devon. the earle of newcastle. the e. of northampton. the earle of lindsey. the earle of rivers. the lord moubray. the lord rich. the lord chapel. accompanyed with 5000. horse and foot for their guard. to the lo: brooks, and the gentry and commonalty assembled at warwick, on thursday last, august 18. with the lo: brooks his answer to the said propositions. also the parliaments determination concerning their resolution, wherein they declare that they will (to the hazard of their lives and fortunes) assist all those that shall obey their just commands. aug. 20. ordered that this be printed and published. joh. browne, clar. parl. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) brooke, robert greville, baron, 1607-1643. charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. england and wales. parliament. [2], 6 p. printed for henry fowler, london : 1642. annotation on thomason copy: "aug: 20". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng brooke, robert greville, -baron, 1607-1643 -early works to 1800. charles -i, -king of england, 1600-1649 -early works to 1800. england and wales. -parliament -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -sources -early works to 1800. a79047 r22167 (thomason e112_44). civilwar no propositions from the kings most excellent majesty:: propounded by the earle of devon. the earle of newcastle. the e. of northampton. the e england and wales. sovereign 1642 1393 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-03 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-04 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-04 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion propositions from the kings most excellent majesty : propounded by the earle of devon . the earle of newcastle . the e. of northampton . the earle of lindsey . the earle of rivers . the lord moubray . the lord rich. the lord chapel . accompanyed with 5000. horse and foot for their guard . to the lo : brooks , and the gentry and commonalty assembled at warwick , on thursday last , august 18. with the lo : brooks his answer to the said propositions . also the parliaments determination concerning their resolution , wherein they declare that they will ( to the hazard of their lives and fortunes ) assist all those that shall obey their just commands . aug. 20. ordered that this be printed and published . joh. browne , cler. parl. london , printed for henry fowler . 1642. propositions propounded from the kings most excellent majesty , to the lord brooks and the gentry and communalty or the county of warwick . the kings most excellent majesty had set downe his resolution , that on the 18. of august , being thursday , he would goe in person to warwicke , but other affaires hindering him , or his intention altering , he deferred it till a further time , onely there went up the earle of newcastle , with two troops of horse , the earle of northampton with a regiment of foot , and a troope of horse , the earle of lindsey with five companies and two troops of horse , the earle of rivers with a company of lancashire-men , which are thought to be for the most part papists the lord rich with a regiment of foot and two hundred horse , the lord mowbray with a regiment of foot , and the lord chapell with a troop of horse . thus they marcht from nottingham , about eleven of the clock at night , toward warwick , with a great deale of privacie : where being arrived , they found my lord brooks provided for to entertaine them ; for he having given private intelligence to the gentry and commonalty of the county , there were assembled almost 7000. trained men and others , who suffered them not to come neere warwicke by 2. miles , but met them comming from grove-parke , from mr. dormers , a great papist ; where it seemes the lords had been to refresh themselves . the lords seing my lord brooks so well prepared , made a stand , and caused the drum to beate a parly , which was answered by my lord brooks , and a trumpet let 〈◊〉 to demand the cause ; who was met by a trumpeter of the kings partie ; who gave information that they desired a conference with my lord . brooks , wishing him to draw out a hundred horse , and fifty musketiers for his guard , and they would doe the like . also that six men might be exchanged as pledges for the security of either party . which was agreed on , and speedily effected ; which being done , in the middle way between both forces , the lord brooks gave them a meeting , where after a salutation , the earle of newcastle and the earle of lindsey , propounded these following propositions . 1. that the lord brookes should immediately lay down his arms and submit to his majesties mercie , from whom he should receive a gracious pardon . 2. that the lo. brooks should resigne the castle of vvarwick into such hands as his majesty should thinke fit . 3. that the lord brooks should disavow the ordinance of the militia , and endeavour the execution of the commission of array . 4. that the lord brooks should deliver the magazine of that county into the hands of the earle of north-hampton . 5. that the lord brooks should immediately repaire to nottingham , and appeale for his majesties pardon or upon neglect thereof , to undergo his majesties severest censure . and that if he refused to performe these their honourable demands , they vowed to make him the subject of their that dayes fury . these threats so farre incensed my lord brooks , that he was about to leave them without reply , but after a litle consideration he wheeld about , and boldly marcht up to them , speaking as followes . my lords , i much wonder that men of judgement , in whose breasts true honour should remaine , should so much derogate from their ancestors and noble predecessors , as to seeke ( for private ends ) the ruine of that kingdom they should endeavour to support . doth fond ambition , or your selfe-will'd pride so much bewitch you , that you cannot see the crown of all your actions ? when the great councel of the parliament was first assembled , you then were members ; why did you not continue ? was it because your actions were so bad , you were ashamed to own them ? had you done evill in some petty kind , submission might have quitted you from that , and you have been still honoured , loved , and feared ; but by these actions ( which tend both to the ruine of king and kingdome , and your selves too ) you cannot make amends for former evils . as for these propositions , take this in answer : when that his majesty , his posterity , and the peace of the kingdome shall be secured from you that seeke the ruine of them all , i gladly shall lay downe my armes and power . as for the castle , it was delivered to my trust by the high court of parliament , who reserve it for the kings use ; and dare boldly say will so imploy it , and not like you imploy it against the king . as for the commission of array , you know it is unlawfull , and like your actions , destructive both to the laws and religion of the kingdome . for the magazine of the county , it was delivered to him both by the parliament , and the countrey ; and although he was not an earle , yet he dares be a truer subject to his king , and a faithfuller servant to his countrey ; and being so , he was resolved to keep it till northampton could shew him greater authority for his delivery of the same . as touching his majesties pardon , as he was confident that he had not given any occasion of offence to his majesty , so he needed not pardon ; that being a duty belonging to offenders , such as themselves ; and he advised them to sue out a pardon with speed , for feare that their offences being once knowne , they prove impardonable ; for he doubted not but that in a short time his majesty would finde who are his best friends . as for their fury , he bade them spit their venome ; for he hoped that northampton should be translated to warwick , and stand centry upon warwick-castle , to fright crowes , kites , and buzzards . having thus spoken , they turned their horses , and rode up to their troops : my lord books thinking that they had intended to have done something , but they very fairely wheeled about , and marched away , not once so much as taking their leave ; which my lord brooks seeing , did the like , and marched with his men to warwick : where after many thanks he read part of the resolution of the lords and commons to them , animating them on to the same resolution . we the lords and commons doe declare , that this is the true cause for which we raise armes , in the defence whereof we are resolved to live and die . ordered that this by printed and published . hen. elsyng cler. parl. do. com. his maiesties most gratiovs answer to the proposition of both houses of parliament, for ireland, sent the twenty fourth of february, 1642 england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a32006 of text r41769 in the english short title catalog (wing c2502). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a32006 wing c2502 estc r41769 31360611 ocm 31360611 110748 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a32006) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 110748) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1736:16) his maiesties most gratiovs answer to the proposition of both houses of parliament, for ireland, sent the twenty fourth of february, 1642 england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.). printed for iohn franke, london : mdcxlii [1642] printed within ornamental border. reproduction of original in the bodleian library. eng ireland -history -rebellion of 1641. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. broadsides -london (england) -17th century. a32006 r41769 (wing c2502). civilwar no his maiesties most gratiovs answer to the proposition of both houses of parliament, for ireland, sent the twenty fourth of february, 1642 england and wales. sovereign 1642 247 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion his maiesties most gratiovs ansvver to the proposition of both houses of parliament for ireland sent the twenty fourth of february 1642. his maiesty being glad to receive any proposition that may repaire the calamity of his ; distressed kingdome of ireland , especially when it may be without burthen or imposition , and for the ease of his good subjects of this kingdome hath graciously considered the overture made by both houses of parliament to that purpose , and returnes this answere . that as he hath offered and is still ready to venture his owne royall person for the recovery of that kingdome , if his parliament shall advise him thereunto , so he will not deny to contribute any other assistance he can to that service , by parting with any profit or advantage of his owne there . and therefore ( relying upon the wisedome of this parliament ) doth consent to every proposition now made to him , without taking time to examine whether this course may not retard the reducing of that kingdome , by exasperating the rebells , and rendring them desperate of being received into grace , if they shall returne to their obedience . and his majesty will be ready to give his royall assent to all such bills as shall be tendred unto him by his parliament for the confirmation of every particular of this proposition . london , printed for iohn franke . mdcxlii . his majesties answer to the petition of the lords and commons in parliament assembled presented to his majestie at york, june 17, 1642 : together with a catalogue of the names of the lords that subscribed to levie horse to assist his majestie in defence of his royall person, the two houses of parliament, and the protestant religion. charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a31819 of text r26423 in the english short title catalog (wing c2137a). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 27 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a31819 wing c2137a estc r26423 09456648 ocm 09456648 43171 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a31819) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 43171) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1304:36) his majesties answer to the petition of the lords and commons in parliament assembled presented to his majestie at york, june 17, 1642 : together with a catalogue of the names of the lords that subscribed to levie horse to assist his majestie in defence of his royall person, the two houses of parliament, and the protestant religion. charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. england and wales. parliament. humble petition of the lords and commons assembled in parliament, presented to his majestie at york, the 17 of june, 1642. [6] p. printed by b.a. for robert wood, london : 1642. in reply to "the humble petition of the lords and commons assembled in parliament, presented to his majestie at york, the seventeenth of june, 1642" the text of which appears on p. [2-3] reproduction of original in the harvard university library. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -sources. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649. a31819 r26423 (wing c2137a). civilwar no his majesties ansvver to the petition of the lords and commons in parliament assembled. presented to his majestie at york, june 17. 1642. to england and wales. sovereign 1642 4638 28 0 0 0 0 0 60 d the rate of 60 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2005-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-11 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-08 taryn hakala sampled and proofread 2006-08 taryn hakala text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion his majesties answer to the petition of the lords and commons in parliament assembled . presented to his majestie at york , june 17. 1642. together , with a catalogue of the names of the lords that subscribed to levie horse to assist his majestie , in defence of his royall person , the two houses of parliament , and the protestant religion . london , printed by b. a. for robert wood . 1642. to the kings most excellent majestie . the humble petition of the lords and commons in parliament assembled . yo 〈…〉 most 〈…〉 faithfull subjects , the lords and commons assem 〈…〉 great number of the gentry , free-holders , 〈…〉 sembled there by your majesties command the 〈…〉 are unto us , that having taken a resolution to addresse themselves 〈…〉 tie in the humble way of a petition , for the redresse of those grievances which they now lie under , they were violently interrupted and affronted therein by the earle of linsey , the lord savill , and others , and notwithstanding all the means they could use to present their just desires to your majestie , yet they could not prevail with your majeste to accept of their petition ; the copie whereof they have sent to us , with an humble desire , that we would take such course therein as may tend to the preservation of their liberties , and the peace of the kingdome ; and that we would addresse our selves to your majestie in their behalf that by our means their desires may finde better acceptation with your majestie ; whereupon , having seriously weighed , and considered the particulars of those their complaints and desires , as they are laid down in their petition , and finding that the grievances they complain of are the increase of the miseries formerly sustained by that county , ( which hath well-nigh for three yeers last past been the tragicall stage for armies and war ) by reason of your majesties distance in residence , and difference in counsels from your great councell the parliament , begetting great distempers and distractions thorowout the kingdom , and especially in that county ; the drawing to those parts great numbers of discontented persons that may too justly be feared do affect the publike ruine for their own private advantage ; the drawing together of many companies of the trained bands and others both of horse and foot of that county , and retaining multitudes of commanders and cavaliers from other parts ; the daily resort of recusants to your majesties court at york . the great preparations of arms and other warlike provisions , to the great terrour and amazement of your majesties peaceable subjects , and causing a great decay of trade and commerce amongst them . all and every of which particulars are against the law , which your majestie hath made so many and so frequent professions to uphold and maintain . and the lords and commons finding on the other side their humble desires to be , that your majestie would hearken to your parliament , and declining all other counsels wharsoever , unite your confidence to your parliament , and that your majestie would not divide your subjects joint dutie to your majestie , the parliament and kingdom , not destroy the essence of your great councell and highest court , by subjecting the determinations and counsels thereof to the counsels and opinions of any private persons whatsoever ; that your majestie having passed an act , that this parliament shall not be dissolved , but by act of parliament , your majesty would not do any thing tending thereunto , by commanding away the lords and great officers , whose attendance is necessary therunto ; that your majestie having expressed your confidence in the affections of that county , you would please to dismisse your extraordinary guards , and the cavaliers and others of that quality , who seem to have little interest or affection to the publike good , their language and behaviour speaking nothing but division and war , and their advantage consisting in that which is most destructive to others . and lastly , that in such consultations and propositions as your majestie maketh to that countie , such may not be thrust upon them as men of that countie , that neither by their fortune or residence are any part of it . all which their humble and most just desires being according to law , which your majestie hath so often declared should be the measure and rule of your government and actions ; and we your majesties most faithfull subjects the lords and commons fully concurring with the gentlemen and others of the county of york , in their assurance that those desires of theirs will abundantly redound to the glory of god , the honour and safety of your majestie , the good of your posteritie , and the peace and prosperitie of this kingdom ; we humbly bescech your majestie graciously to hearken unto them , and to grant them ; and that you would joyn with your parliament in a speedy and effectuall course for the preservation of their liberties , and the peace of the kingdom , which duty as we are now called upon by that countie to discharge , so do we stand engaged to god and man for the petformance thereof by the trust reposed in us , and by our solemn vow and protestation ; and your majestie , together with us , stands engaged by the like obligation of trust , and of oath , besides the many and earnest professions and protestations , which your majestie hath made to this purpose to your whole kingdom in generall , and to that countie in particular ; the peace and quiet of the kingdom ( as is well observed by the gentlemen and free-holders of yorkshire in their petition ) being the onely visible means under god , wherein consists the preservation of the protestant religion , the redemption of our brethren in ireland , and the happinesse and prosperitie of your majestie and all your dominions . his majesties answer to the petition of the lords and and commons in parliament assembled , presented to his majestie at york the 17. of iune . 1642. his majesty having carefully weighed the matter of this petition presented to him at york on friday the 17. of june , by the lord howard , sir hugh cholmley , sir philip stapleton ; though he might refer the petitioners to his two last declarations , wherein most of the particulars in this petition are fully answered , or might refuse to give any answer at all , till he had received satisfaction in those high indignities he hath so often complained of , and demanded justice for , yet that all the world may see how desirous his majestie is to leave no act which seems to carry the reputation of both his houses of parliament , and in the least degree to reflect upon his majesties justice and honour , unanswered ; is graciously pleased to return this answer : 〈…〉 mentioned to be presented to both houses of parliament had bill annexed is this now delivered to him , his majesty might have discerned the 〈◊〉 and quality of the petitioners , which his majesty hath great reason to beléeve , was not in truth so considerable as is pretended : for his majesty assures you , that he hath never refused any petition so attested as that would be thought to be ; but his majesty well remembers , that on the third of june , wh●n there was upon his majesties summons the greatest , and most chéerefull concourse of people that over was beheld of one county , appearing before him at york , a gentleman ( one sir thomas fayrfax . ) offered in that great confluence a petition to his majesty , which his majesty séeing to be avowed by no man but himselfe , and the generall and universall acclamations of the people séeming to disclaime it , did not receive ; conceiving it not to be of so publike a nature , as to be fit to be presented or received in that place : and h●s majesty is most confident , ( and in that must appeale to those were then present ) that what ever the substance of that petition was , it was not consented to b● any considerable number of gentry , or fréeholders of this county ; by a few , meane , inconsiderable persons , and disliked , and visibly discountenanced by the great body of the knowne gentry , clergy , and inhabitants of this whole county : and if the matter of that petition was such as is suggested in this , his majesty hath great reason to beléeve it was framed and contrived ( as many others of such nature have béene ) in london , not in yorkshire : for sure no gentleman of quality and understanding of this county would talke of his great preparations of armes , and other warlike provisions , to the great terrour and amazement of his peaceable subjects , when they are witnesses of the violent taking his arms from him , and stopping all wayes for bringing more to him : and if there were no greater terror and amazement of his majesties peaceable subjects in other places by such preparations and provisions , there would be no more cause to complaine of a great decay of trade and commerce there , then is in this place : but his majesty hath so great an assurance of the fidelity and generall affections of his good subjects of this county , which he hopes will prove exemplar over his whole kingdome ) that he hath great cause to beleeve ; that they doe rather complaine of his majesties confidence , and of his slownesse , that whilst there is such endeavour abroad to raise horse , and to provide armes against his majesty , and that endeavour put in execution , his majesty trusts so much to the justice of his cause , and the affections of his people , and neglects to provide strength to assist that justice , and to protect those affections . for any affronts offered by the earle of lindsey , or the lord savill , to those who intended to petition his majesty : his majesty wishes that both his houses of parliament would have examined that information , and the credit of the informers , with that gravity and deliberation , as in cases which concerne the innocence and honour of persons of such quality hath béene accustomed , before they had proscribed two péeres of the realme , and exposed them ( as much as in them lay ) to the rage and fury of the people , under the character of being enemies to the common-wealth , a brand newly found out ( and of no legall signification ) to incense the people by , and with which the simplicity of formed 〈…〉 mes 〈…〉 and then his majestie hath some reason to beléeve they would have found themselves as much abused in the report concerning those lords , as he is sure they are in those which tell them of the resort of great numhers and discontented persons to him , and of the other particulars mentioned to to be in that petition : whereas they who observe what resort is here to his majesty , well know it to bee of the prime gentlemen of all the counties in england , whom nothing but the love of religion , the care of the lawes , and liberties of the kingdome , besides their affection to his person , could engage into great journeys , trouble and expence , men of as precious reputation , and as exemplary lives , as this nation hath any , whose assistance his majesty knowes he must not expect , if he should have the least designe against honour and justice : and such witnesses his majesty desires to have all his actions . for the declining other counsells and the uniting his confidence to his parliament , his majesty desires both his houses of parliament seriously and sadly to consider , that it is not the name of a great or little councel that makes the results of that counsell just or unjust : neither can the imputation upon his majesty of not being advised by his parliament ( especially sines all their actions and all their orders are exposed to the publike view ) long mislead his good subjects , except in truth they sée some particular sound advice necessary to the peace and hapinesse of the common-wealth dis-ostéemed by his majesty , and such an influence he is most assured neither can nor shall be given , and that they will thinke it merit in his majesty from the common-wealth to rejoin such a counsell as would perswade him to make himselfe none of the three estates by giving up his negative voyce to allow them a power superiour to that which the law hath given him , whensoever it pleaseth the major part present of both houses to say that he doth not discharge his trust as he ought , and to subject his and his subjects unquestionable right and propriety to their uotes , without and against law , upon the méer pretence of necessity . and his majesty must appeale to all the world , who it is that endeavours to divide the joynt duty of his subjects , his majesty who requires nothing but what their owne duty , guided by the infallible rule of the law , leads them to doe , or they who by orders and uotes ( opposite and contradictory to law , custome , president and reason ) so confound the affections and understandings of his good subjects , that they know not how to behave themselves with honesty and safety , whilest their conscience will not suffer them to submit to the one , nor their security to apply themselves to the other . it is not the bare saying that his majesties actions are against the law ( with which he is reproached in this petition , as if hée departed from his often protestations to that purpose ) must conclude him , there being no one such particular in that petition alleadged , of which his majesty is in the least degrée guilty : whether the same reverence and estéeme be paid by you to the law ( except your owne uotes be judge ) néeds no other evidence , then those many , very many orders published in print , both concerning the church and state , those long imprisonment of severall persons without hearing them upon generall information , and the great and unlimited fees to your office 〈…〉 , worse then the imprisonment , and the arbitrary consure upon them when they are admitted to be heard : let the law be judge by whom it is violater . for that part of the petition which séems to accuse his majesty of a purpose to dissolve this parliament ( contrary to the act for the continuance 〈…〉 … ing away the lords and greāt officers , whose attendance is necessary , which his majesty well knowe to be a new calumny , by which the grand confrivers of ruine for the state hope to seduce the minds of the people from their affection to , or into jealousie of his majesty , as if he meant this way to bring this parliament ( which may be the case of all parliaments ) to nothing ; it is not possible for his majesty more to exeresse his affection to , and his resolution for the fréedom , liberty , and frequency of parliaments , then he hath done ; and whosoover considers how visible it must be to his majesty , that it is impossible for him to subsist without the affections of his people , and that those affections cannot possibly be preserved or made use of but by parliaments , cannot give the least credit , or have the least suspition , that his majesty would chuse any other way to the happinesse he desires for himself and his posterity , but by parliaments : but for his calling the lords hither , or any others absenting themselves , who have not bin called , who ever considers the tumults , which no votes or declaration can make to be no tumults , by which his majesty was driven away , and many members of either house in danger of their lives , the demanding the names of those lords who would not consent to their propositions by message from the house of commons delivered at the bar by m. hollis , with that most tumultuous petition in the name of many thousands , among many other of the same kind , directed to the house of commons , and sent up by them to the house of lords , taking notice of the prevalence of a malignant faction , which made abortive all their good motions , which tended to the peace and tranquility of the kingdom , desiring that those nobleworthies of the house of peers ; who concurred with them in their happy uotes , might be earnestly desired to ioyn with that honourable house , and to sit and vote as one entire body , professing that some spéedy remedy were taken for the removal of all such obstructions as hindred the happy progresse of their great endeavours , their petitioners should not rest in quietnesse , but should bee enforced to lay hold on the next remedy which was at hand to remove the disturbers of their peace , and want and necessity breaking the bounds of modesty , not to leave any meanes unassayed for their relief adding that the 〈◊〉 of the poor and needy was , that such persons who were the obstacles of their peace , and hinderers of the happy procéedings of parliament might be forthwith publikely declared , whose removall they conceived would put a period to these distractions : upon which a great number of lords departing , the uote in order to the ordinance concerning the militia was immediatly past , though it had bin twice before put to the question , and rejected by the uotes of much the major part of that house . and whosoever considers the strange orders , uotes , and declarations , which have since passed , to which whosoever would not consent , that is , with freedom and liberty of language , and reason professe against , was in danger of censure and imprisonment , will not blame our care in sending for them , or theirs in comming , or absenting themselves from being involved in such conclusions . neither will it be any objection , that they stayed there long after any fumults were , and therfore that the tumults drave them not away ; if every day produced orders and resolutions as illegall as , and indéed but the effects of the tumults , there was no cause to doubt the same power would be ready to prevent any opposition to those orders after they were made ▪ which had made way and preparation for the propositions of them , and so whosoever conceived himself in danger of future tumults , against which there is not the least provision , was driven away by those which were past and his majesty hath more reason to wonder at those who stay behind , after all big legall power is ●oted from him , and all the people told , that he might bée with modesty and duty enough deposed , then any man hath at those who have bin willing to withdraw themselves from the place where such desperate and dangerous positions are avowed : which his majesty doth not mention with the least thought of lessening the power or validity of an act , to which he hath given his assent this parliament : all and every of which he shall as inviolably observe , as he looks to have his own rights preserved , but to shew by what means so many strange orders have of late bin made : and to shew how earnestly his majesty desires to be present at , and to receive advice from both houses of parliament , against whom it shall be never in the power of a malignant party to incense his majesty , his majesty again offers his consent , that both houses may be adjorned to 〈…〉 place , which may be thought convenient , where his majesty will bée 〈…〉 the members of either house will make a full appea 〈…〉 mission which must attend such an adjournment may not be the 〈…〉 of recovering that temper , which is necessary for such de 〈…〉 and this his majesty conceives to be so very necessary , that if the minds and inclinations of every member of either house were equally composed , the licence is so great , that the mean people about london and the suburbs have taken , that both for the liberty and dignity of parliament that convention for a time should be in another place . and 〈…〉 e how much soever the safety and security of this kingdome depends on parliaments , it will never be thought that those parliaments must of necessity be at westminster . his majesties confidence is no lesse then he hath expressed ( and hath great cause to expresse ) in the affections of this county , an instance of which affections all men know his guard ( which is not extraordinary ) to be , and wonders that such a legall guard at his own charge for his person ( within 20. miles of a rebellion , and of an army in pay against him should be objected by those , who for so many months , and in a place of known and confessed security , have without and against law kept a guard for themselves at the charge of the common-wealth , and upon that stock of money which was given for the relief of the miserable and bleeding condition of ireland , or the payment of the great debt due to our kingdom of scotland . for the resort of papists to the court , his majesties great care for the prevention therof is notoriously known , that when he was informed 2. or 3. of his intended guard were of that religion he gave especiall direction , with expressions of his displeasure , that they should be immediatly discharged , and provided that no person should attend on him under that relation , but such as took the oaths of allegeance , and supremacie ; that he commanded the sheriffe to proceed with all severity according to the law against all papists that should come within five miles of the court , and if notwithstanding this , there be any papists neer the court , ( which his majesty assures you he knows not , nor hath heard but by this petition ) he doth hereby command them to depart , and declares to all officers and ministers of justice , that they shall proceed strictly against them according to the law , and as they will answer the contrary at their perils . for the language and behaviour of the cavaléers ( a word by what mistake soever it seems much in disfavour ) there hath not bin the least complaint here and therfore it is probable the fault was not found in this county . neither can his majesty imagine what is meant by the mention of any men thrust ●pon them in such consultations and propositions as his majesty makes to this county , who are neither by their fortune or re 〈…〉 dence any part of it , and therfore can make no answer to it . to conclude , his maiesty assures you he hath never cefused to receive any petition , whether you have or no , your selues best know , and will consider what reputation it will be to you of justice or ingenuity to receive all petitions how senslesse and scandalous soever of one kind ▪ under pretence of understanding the good peoples minds and affections , and not only refuse the petition , but punish the petitioners of another kind , under colour that it is not a crime that they are not satisfied with your sense , as if you were only trusted by the people of one opinion : to take all pains to publish and print petitions which agrée with your wishes , though they were never presented , and to use the same industry and authorlty to keep those that indéed were presented and avowed from being published ( though by our own authority ) because the argument is not pleasant to you , to pretend impartiality and infallibility , and to expresse the greatest passion and affection in the order of your procéeding , and no lesse error and mis-understanding in your judgments and resolutions , he doth remember well the obligation of his trust , and of his oath ▪ and desires that you will do so too , and your own solemn now and protestation , and then you will not only think it convenient , but necessary to give his majesty a full reparation for all the scandals laid upon him , and all the scandalous positions made against him , and that it is lesse dishonour to retract errors , then by avowing to confesse the malice of them , and will sée this to be the surest way for the preservation of the protestant religion , the redemption of our brethren in ireland , the happinesse and prosperity of your selves and of all our dominions , and of the dignity and fréedome of parliament . a catalogue of the names of the lords that subscribed to levie horse , to assist his majesty in the defence of , &c. the prince 200 the duke of york 120 lord keeper 40 duke of richmond . 100 l marquesse hartford 60 l. great chamberlaine 30 e. of cumberland 50 e. of huntington 20 e. of bath 50 e. of southampton 60 e. of dorset 60 e. of northampton 40 e. of devonshire 60 e. of dover 25 e. of cambridge 60 e. of bristol 60 e , of westmerland 20 e. of barkshire and l. andover . 30 e. of monmouth 30 e. rivers 30 e. of carnarvan 20 e. of newport 50 l. mowbray 50 l. willoughby 30 l. gray of ruthin 10 l. lovelace 40 l. paget 30 l. faulconbridge to come . l. rich 30 l. paulet 40 l. newarks 30 l. montague 30 l. coventry 100 l. savill 50 l. mohun 20 l. dunsmore 40 l. seymor 20 l. capell 100 l. faulkland 20 mr. comptroller 20 m. secret. nicholas 20 l. ch. iustice banks 20 the l. thanet is not here , but one hath undertaken for 100. for him . sum. totall , 1659 ▪ his majesties letter ianuary the 24th. in ansvver to the petition of both houses of parliament, as it was presented by the earle of newport, and the lord seymer. ian. 21 1641. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a78853 of text r209744 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.3[36]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a78853 wing c2390 thomason 669.f.3[36] estc r209744 99868610 99868610 160594 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a78853) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160594) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f3[36]) his majesties letter ianuary the 24th. in ansvver to the petition of both houses of parliament, as it was presented by the earle of newport, and the lord seymer. ian. 21 1641. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. england and wales. parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed for henry twyford, london : [1642] publication date from wing. annotation on thomason copy: "1641". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng england and wales. -parliament -early works to 1800. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a78853 r209744 (thomason 669.f.3[36]). civilwar no his majesties letter ianvary the 24th. in ansvver to the petition of both hovses of parliament, as it was presented by the earle of newport, england and wales. sovereign 1642 279 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-07 paul schaffner sampled and proofread 2008-07 paul schaffner text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion his majesties letter ianvary the 24th . in ansvver to the petition of both hovses of parliament , as it was presented by the earle of newport , and the lord seymer . ian. 21. 1641. his majesty having seene and considered the petition presented unto him , the one and twentieth of this instant , by the earle of newport , and the lord seymer , in the names of both houses of parliament . is pleased to return this answer . that hee doth well approve of the desire of both houses , for the speedy proceeding against the persons mentioned in the petition ; wherein his majesty finding the great inconveniences by the first mistake in the way , hath endured some delayes , that he might be informed in what order to put the same ; but before that that be agreed upon , his majesty thinkes it unusuall , or unfit to discover what proofe is against them , and therefore holds it necessary , lest a new mistake should breed more delayes ; ( which his majesty to his power will avoid . ) that it be resolved whether his majesty be bound in respect of priviledges to proceed against them by impeachment in parliament ; or whether he be at liberty to prefer an inditement at the common law , in the usuall way , or have his choice of either : vvhereupon his majesty will give such speedy directions for the prosecution , as shall shew his majesties desire to satisfie both houses , and to put a determination to the businesse . london printed for henry twyford . 1641 his maiesties answer to the declaration of both hovses of parliament concerning the commission of array of the 1 of july 1642. charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a31803 of text r26443 in the english short title catalog (wing c2115). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 136 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 51 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a31803 wing c2115 estc r26443 09464165 ocm 09464165 43196 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a31803) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 43196) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1304:32) his maiesties answer to the declaration of both hovses of parliament concerning the commission of array of the 1 of july 1642. charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 99 p. printed and reprinted by his majesties speciall command, yorke ; oxford : 1642. reproduction of original in the harvard university library. eng great britain -politics and government -1642-1649. great britain -militia. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. a31803 r26443 (wing c2115). civilwar no his maiesties ansvver to the declaration of both hovses [sic] of parliament, concerning the commission of array. of the 1. of july. 1642. england and wales. sovereign 1642 24568 6 0 0 0 0 0 2 b the rate of 2 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2005-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-10 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-06 ali jakobson sampled and proofread 2006-06 ali jakobson text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion his maiesties answer to the declaration of both hovses of parliament . concerning the commission of array . of the 1. of july . 1642. printed at yorke , and reprinted at oxford by his maiesties speciall command . anno dom. 1642. his maiesties answer , to the declaration of both houses of parliament , concerning the commission of array . having first received , by the published votes and declarations of both our houses of parliament severall informations of evident and imminent danger unto our kingdome , from enemies abroad , and at home , and finding that our commissions of lieutenancie ( although wee did since the beginning of this parliament grant the like for the county of yorke , to the now earle of essex , with the privitie of both our houses of parliament , and without exception from either ; and that the same was the meanes for defence of this kingdome used in the happy times of that good queene elizabeth , and our blessed father , and confirmed as well by the opinions of iudges and lawyers , as the universall obedience of the subjects ) were all of them , without hearing any of our councell learned , voted illegall , and by our house of peers called in to be cancelled ; and that thereupon our kingdome lay open and exposed to all dangerous attempts without other provision then of a late pretended ordinance of both our said houses ; which ( being made without vs , and contrary to our expresse will declared , and after it had beene twice refused in our house of peeres , and after the departure of a major part of the peeres ) was so farre from being a meanes to prevent danger , that if it should have beene admitted , it would in all probabilitie , have beene the ready way to confusion , and ruine , as being made in an unparliamentary , unpresidented , and unjustifiable way , and therefore of a most dangerous consequence , both to vs and our people , as well in that particular , as in the example . wee did therefore for the avoyding of the perill of delayes , and expence of time in disputes , issue forth such our severall commissions of array into our severall counties , as upon great advice , wee conceive were not only secured for , but also might well be most satisfactory unto both our houses , as being beyond all just exception in the point of legality , danger , or inconvenience , the same having beene heretofore most deliberately agreed upon , and settled ( as wee shall herein shew ) in , and by the care and wisedome of the parliament , held in the fifth yeare of king henry the fourth . and wee expected for this our so princely care of our people , and observance of our lawes , rather the dutifull thanks of both our houses , then the returne of such an answer or declaration as causelesly imputes to this our so well intended and justifiable an act , not onely ( upon mis-construction and mis-application of severall acts and declarations in parliament ) the taxe of illegality , but also marketh it ( upon the mis-representation of divers powers , and omission of divers limitations in our commission ) with the brand of extream danger , and inconvenience thereby to our people , and of an heavier yoke of bondage then either that of the late ship money , or any other charge taken away this parliament . in all which , for the better and further satisfaction of our well-affected people , and to save them ( if possible ) from incurring any danger either by obeying that ordinance , or disobeying our commissions , ( in both which we are resolved to require a strict examination and account ) we have taken the pains to examine the said declaration , and the objections therein against our commissions . and for the better understanding of the severall particular doubts which are now raised thereupon , we hold it necessary in the first place , to set forth the true end of these commissions , with the severall powers and limitations thereof , which by this declaration are drawne into question , together with the severall mis-representations thereof in this declaration . the subjects being of three sorts ; some having good estates , and able bodies ; others , being of good estates , but impotent ; others , able of body , but not in estate : and the service required , being for the necessary defence of our kingdome in generall , in the time of danger . the commissioners are to cause those of the first sort , to arme themselves according to their degree and estate , ( and serving in person , they are not bound by this commission to find arms for any others . ) those who ( having estates ) are not able to serve in person , are to be assessed , and may be distrained to finde arms for others , according to the quantity of their lands and goods ; but with this limitation , prout rationabiliter portare poterunt , & salvo statu suo ; that is , that they be charged but moderately , and so as they may live still , according to their former condition . as for those of the third sort , who are not able to arm themselves , by this commission , as it was altered by common consent in 5. h. 4. ( for it was otherwise before that time ) they are not ( as to this matter of arming ) medled withall . and therefore this part of the commission is mis-represented in the declaration . which supposeth a power given by this commission , to charge all men without distinction , with arms , at the discretion of the commissioners , without limitation ; and those that are able , to finde arms ; and such as are impotent , to finde men at arms , according to the quantity of their lands and goods ; and also wholly omits the manner of the charging them , which is to be moderately , and so as they may still live , according to their former condition the commission having thus , with equality , and indifferency , charged our subjects with provision of arms , it further provides for their calling together , training , and exercising , not ( as it is in the declaration ) generally at the pleasure of the commissioners , without restraint either of time or place : ) but that they shall be called together , ad certos dies & loca quos videritis magis competentes & expedientes , & pro populo nostro minùs damnosos ; at such times and places as the commissioners shall thinke to be most fitting and expedient , and least hurtfull unto the people . and having thus provided , for the arming and preparing our subjects for defence of the kingdome ; in the new place , the commission gives power to the commissioners , to leade them to the sea-coast , or else-where ; but not at the pleasure of the commissioners , ( as may be inferred out of the declaration ) nor without limitation , ( though omitted also in the declaration ) but the commission provides , that they are to be led to the sea-coast , or else-where , ubi ac quoties necesse fuerit ad inimicos nostros expellend . debelland . & destruend . cum periculum immineat ; at such times and places as it shall be necessary for the expulsion , vanquishing , and destruction of our enemies , when there shall be imminent danger . and it further provides , in another part of the commission , that they shall be conducted ; cum periculum imminuerit in defensione regni & patriae tam ad costerum maris , quàm alia loca ubi magis necesse fuerit , in case of imminent danger , for defence of the kingdome and countrey from time to time , as well to the sea-coast , as other places where it shall be most necessary . and although notwithstanding all these limitations and cautions , it be true , that in this charging of arms , as also for the times and places of calling together our subjects , and of conducting or leading them , and the dangers upon which they are to be so conducted and led , much is left to the discretion of the commissioners ( as it must of necessity in all commissions , where the places , times , and occasions of execution of them depend upon future accidents and circumstances , and cannot be certainly knowne , or described at the time of the issuing of the commissions . ) yet neverthelesse it cannot be inferred thereupon , that therefore our commissioners have a meere absolute arbitrary liberty of will to doe what they please . but that if they shall wilfully and unjustly grieve any of our good subjects , in exceeding or not observing our limitations or directions , they are , by law , clearely punishable by indictment for the same : nor are , or shall any of our subjects so grieved , be without remedy or reliefe . and to the end that every county , so farre as in vs lyeth , should have cause to rest the more assured against any evill usage and abuse ; by this commission wee have appointed for commissioners , such as have estates in the severall counties , and are persons of honour and reputation , who are not onely engaged to all fairnesse out of their owne interest , but also in the concernment of their posterity , kindred , alliance , friends , and tenants , and the good affection of their countrey , which to persons of such condition as they are , is of a consideration beyond their fortunes ; so that wee hope their forwardnesse in undertaking this trouble for the publike defence , will occasion in our good subjects , rather a willing obedience unto vs , then the least distrust or jealousie of any of them . having thus stated the substance of our commission , and prevented that mis-understanding , which this declaration might have else begotten thereupon ; wee ( in the necessary justification thereof , and vindication of our owne honour , against those expressions in that declaration , which so nearely doe concerne vs ( under the common name of evill councellors ) as if wee had violated our lawes , even those so lately made ; broken our often protestations of governing according to law , and done that which would bring our people into a slavery ) shall now joyne issue with our two houses , in every materiall part of their declaration , both in the consideration of the pretended danger , inconveniency , and illegality . and herein , first , for the pretended danger , and inconveniency so much urged ; wee do deny . that this commission is full of danger , or inconveniency to our subjects , or will bring an heavier yoke of bondage then the ship-money , or any other illegall charge , taken away this parliament ; or indeed , any danger or inconvenience at all . and therein wee appeale to each good mans conscience and reasonable understanding : in a kingdome ( as this is ) which in its fundamentall policy ( as well for its owne assurance , against the danger of forraigne aids , as the bad use that might bee made of great constant forces ( whether forraigne or native ) must necessarily be defended by it selfe : what other way of defence can be imagined but by the subject ? what more reasonable proportion of charging them can bee found ? wherein can the limitation of the ( otherwise arbitrary ) discretion be bettered ? or how , in any one particular , can a more equall & fitting way be taken for the avoyding the grieving our good subjects in their own particulars ? yet withall providing for the defence of our kingdome in the generall , then is by this commission ? and wee cannot but professe our wonder , that since ( as wee shall shew ) this very commission was with so much care , both in respect of the commissioners , and the powers of execution thereof , over the persons to be commanded , allowed , and setled in all points , to the very desires of the people ( and that in parliament ) in the fifth yeare of king h. 4 how such danger , inconvenience , and bondage , can be by our two houses imagined in this act of ours , without violating that rule , so often urged by them ( though not so properly applyed to them without vs ) that a dishonourable thing ought not to bee imagined of the parliament . and it is as strange to vs , that all this should happen by this commission , and yet that our subjects should , for so many yeares past , have enjoyed so many happy dayes in the reigne of queene elizabeth , and our father , both of blessed memory , under the provision of lieutenancy , which is agreed by this declaration to be little differing from those of the commissions of array in the powers . and lastly , wee demand , whether the persons appointed over the militia by our houses of parliament , have not , by their pretended ordinance or orders , most of those powers ; nay , some greater over the subject , in this matter of the militia , then are in this commission ? and how they themselves can imagine these powers to be of a better nature by their authority , then they are by ours ? and as to this taxe of danger and inconvenience , as in the generall it did require no answer at all , ( though for the satisfaction of our people , wee have therein thus enlarged our selves ) so for that particular of the yoke of bondage thereby , in making it heavier then that of ship-money , since they have not shewed in what particulars , wee shall say no more but this : that by this commission no money at all comes to vs , or to our dispose ; nor is any money appointed to be raised , but onely arms provided : and the arms which our subjects are charged to beare or finde , are to bee their owne proper goods ( which sir richard hutton , in his argument in print against the ship-money , well observed , and thereby differenced the providing of arms , and payment of ship-mony ) and are provided once for all , and not yearly to be renewed , as taxes for money might bee , and remaine in their owne custody , and for their owne defence as well as ours . wee shall now proceed unto the next generall issue , touching the pretended illegality of our commission of array , and shall justifie the legality thereof by common law , and by the practise of former ages conforme to it ; and by statutes in the very point against all the severall pretences mentioned in the declaration , whereunto wee shall give particular answers . and wee shall first begin with the common law , whereunto the declaration saith , this commission is contrary ; and therein affirme , that this our commission is warranted by the very fundamentals of our government , and ( as vvee said in our late proclamation ) the right of issuing thereof is inherent in our crowne . for since ( as wee hope none will deny ) the kingdome must of necessity be ever in readinesse ( in time of danger at least ) by power of arms to prevent or suppresse rebellion at home , and invasion from abroad ; and to that end the subject must be armed and prepared before hand , and conducted after , as there shall be occasion : and that this cannot be done without a command or government , wee desire much to know in vvhom , out of parliament , ( for parliaments are not alwayes , nor can bee called at all times , or meet on the suddaine ) this power can be but in vs as the supreame governour ; ( as it is in all other states , be the persons of the governours one or more , according to the forme of each state ) and can the supreame governour , according to his duty , and our selfe more particularly , according to our oath , otherwise afford our people that protection which is due unto them , in maintaining to them the lawes in the matter of property and liberty against private injury or oppression , as well as our selfe , and them , and whatsoever is deare unto any of vs , against enemies or rebels , especially the just rights and prerogatives of our crowne , wherewith god hath trusted vs , ( according to the fundamentall and well-established policy of our state ) as well for the peoples good as our owne honour , both which must bee preserved ; and will any man say , that by calling of our parliament , ( which is but a meeting of vs and our subjects , ( and such they continue as well collectively in the two houses , as they were before singly ) and a meeting in its owne nature dissolvable at our pleasure ; and though now enlarged by vs in time , yet not in power ) wee are growne lesse , or departed with any thing to them either by way of abdication , or communication of our royall power ? this upon the common principles of reason and government is so obvious to every man , that wee shall for the present proceed no further therein , either by quotations of acts of parliament , or other legall authorities , ( some whereof wee have recited in our late proclamations ) till our two houses shall give vs some justifiable instance of some good time to the contrary . wee come next to the continuall practice by vs alleadged ( being alone sufficient to declare an originall fundamentall law of our kingdome , or at least by a tacite consent to introduce a law ) and to this purpose wee shall shew that the power of granting commissions for the defence of the kingdome in the generall , whereunto onely wee applyed and doe apply the opinions of sir richard hutton and sir george crook ( not meaning therein , as neither in our proclamation ( as is clearely mistaken ) the present forme setled by 5. h. 4. ( which wee our selves declared , was made upon alteration ) though for the substance thereof wee might have said so much , and made it good , as it appeares by the marginall quotations ) is warranted by the presidents in former ages . and this practice , the penner of this declaration doth indeed not deny ; for having before confessed the often issuing of commissions of array , after 5. h. 4 in the times of h. 4. h. 5. and h. 6. ( and hee might have brought it to later times , if hee had so pleased ) he doth afterwards confesse , that divers commissions of array issued in divers kings reignes before 5. h. 4. but as to this point of practice before 5. h. 4. hee saith by way of answer , that for the most part they were warranted by particular acts of parliament . and yet amongst so many presidents of severall commissions , he gives instances onely of two yeares in 13. & 14. e. 3. of commissions of array then issued , warranted by act of parliament . which , if true , doth no more disprove the legality of other commissions of array , constantly issued without a parliament , then it doth of commissions of oyer and terminer ( which at the same time in 14. e. 3. together with the commissions of array , were appointed to issue to the same persons ) or of any other act , which the king doth by the advice of his parliament , though he may do it without them : rather it implyeth the legality , and the former usage of such commissions of array , in that it appoints such commissions to issue , but limits not at all the particular clauses or powers to be inserted therein , as a thing known and usuall to be done . but the truth is , both the presidents do concerne the drawing of men out of the kingdome to a forraign warre ; and so are nothing to the purpose wee have in hand . and that of 13. e. 3. is not at all a commission of array , but of another nature , giving power to the lord vvake , and others to provide moneyes , and to cause certaine persons there named , who had particularly undertaken the service of the scottish warres , leur arraier & appareiller d'aller vers , newcastle : to array and prepare themselves to goe to newcastle : ( whither they were to be brought at the charge of the counties ) and to be there at a time appointed . having thus set forth the continuall practice of issuing forth commissions of array in former ages ( whereunto wee never found , till now , any exception , as for home-defence ) and the absolute necessity thereof , wee doubt not but every indifferent iudgement will easily conceive , that this power is a right vs by by the common law . and the rather , when they shall consider , that a commission of array having beene issued by the king in 5. h. 4. the commons in parliament , that yeare did not except to any part thereof as illegally , no , not to the clauses , which seemed heavy over the commissioners ; nor did except at all to any the powers of execution thereof over the persons to be commanded , but did acknowledge the royall assent , for the amendment , and alteration of that commission into the now present forme , to be an act of great grace . and herein wee cannot but admire , that the penner of this declaration should urge it as a reason why the commons in that parliament of 5. h. 4. complained not for reliefe against the commission in the powers of execution over the persons to be commanded , because ( as hee supposeth ) they knew that they were so clearly against the late statute of 4. h. 4. whereas ( if it had beene so ) they should the rather have complained , because they issued against so late a statute , so cleare in the point , ( unlesse the policy and temper of the times be since much altered ) for in a matter of so high a nature as the powers of this commission , which ( as this declaration confesseth ) did surely most concerne them and the kingdome , they were bound , as well in duty as discretion , to have sought remedy against so great a violation of the law and liberty ; and the rather at this time , when they thought fit to petition against part of the commission , since an exception but to a part , especially by him , who ought to complaine against the whole , is a violent presumption of his allowance of the residue . wee come now more particularly , to the examination of this our commission , as it stands by statute-law , and herein ( as in the matter principally insisted upon in the declaration to be disproved ) wee do affirme , as formerly in our proclamation : that this our commission is warranted by parliament , in 5. h. 4. and to this purpose , wee do observe ; that this declaration doth confesse , that the record in the parliament of 5. h. 4. concerning the commission of array , is an act of parliament ; and that the question is now onely about the meaning thereof , whether the parliament meant thereby , onely to take away some penall clauses touching the commissioners ; ( as the declaration affirmes , to which purpose onely it alloweth it for an act ) or else to settle also the powers of execution thereof , over the persons to be commanded , as wee affirme . and therein ( as wee do agree ) that at the first , the complaint of the commons , was onely in respect of some clauses & wordes therein , which were greivous , and dangerous to the commissioners : so it cannot be denyed , but that afterwards the copie of the commission so complained of , was delivered by the king to the commons , with an expresse generall liberty ( without any restraint ) to correct it according to their owne mindes , and thereupon the commons did make use of that further liberty , and corrected the copy , in divers materiall clauses , and words which concerned the powers of execution , as well as those , which concerned the commissioners ( though the contrary be strangely affirmed by the penner of this declaration ) as may appeare more particularly by the clauses following , wholly omitted by him . 1. first , the copie gives power , ad armari faciend . omnes illos qui de corpore sunt potentes & habiles ad armand . tam illos qui de suo proprio habent unde seipsos armare poterunt , quàm illos qui non habent unde seipsos armare poterunt ; to cause to be armed , all those who have of their own thereby to arme themselves , as well as those , who have not wherewith of their owne to arme themselves . which last clause , concerning the arming of those , who are able of body , but not in estate ( being such as are by vs before reckoned amongst the third sort of our subjects ) is wholly omitted in this commission , as it now stands corrected in 5. h. 4. 2. the copie , as concerning the assessing , and distraining of all those who are able in their estates , but not in their bodies , goes therein thus ; ad inveniend . juxta quantitatem terrarum & bonorum suorum , & prout rationabiliter portare poterunt , salvo statu suo , armaturas hominibus ad arma , & hominibus armatis , & arous , & sagittas sagittariis sic arraiatis & triatis , qui non habent armaturas arcus & sagittas de suo proprio , nec unde armaturas , arcus , & sagittas emere & providere poterunt , & ad contribuend. expensis omnium illorum qui sic laborabunt pro defensione dicti regni nostri , tam infra dictum com. nostrum quàm extra , quandocunque indiguerit ; ita quòd illi qui morabuntur , &c. for the finding of armes , according to the quantity of their lands and goods , and as they may reasonably beare , saving their degree , for men at armes , and men armed ; and bowes and arrowes for archers so arrayed , and trained , which have not arms , bows and arrows of their owne , nor have wherewith they can buy and provide arms , bowes , and arrowes ; and to contribute to the expences of all those which shall so labour for the defence of our said kingdome , as well within that our county as without , whensoever there shall be need . all which , as may appeare upon the comparing , is much beyond that commission of 5. h. 4. as it was entred after the correction . vpon these proceedings in 5. h. 4. the corrected copie being presented to the king , with a prayer by the commons ; that from thenceforth forward , no commission of array should issue otherwise , nor in other vvords , then was contained in the copie so corrected , &c. an act was thereupon made by the kings royall assent thereunto , by the advice of the lords . and thus upon the whole record it is cleare , that in the litterall sence the commission is fully enacted in the whole ; and we do not observe that to be denyed in the declaration . and the art of the penner seems to be spent onely concerning the intent of the parliament , in labouring to prove , that the commons meant nothing in the act , but the taking away the penall clauses and words concerning the commissioners . and the argument is drawne onely from the end of the statute , which the declaration saith was onely for the security of the commissioners : and this the penner goes about to prove : first , from the complaint , as being no more . secondly , from their amendment of the copie , as being onely concerning the commissioners . thirdly , from the prayer , being to the same purpose . fourthly , out of the occasion , as supposing the act necessary on the part of the commissioners , not on the , part of the persons to be commanded . lastly , out of the subsequent practice of issuing commissions , that there never went out one agreeable with the copie so corrected . and herein , to justifie this our sence on this act of parliament of 5. h. 4. and withall , to shew the errours and mistakes of the declaration in frame of the argument to the contrary ; the state of the case stands thus briefly . the commons complained but against the penall clauses upon the commissioners ( which wee agree ) at first ; but afterwards , the king left them at liberty to correct the whole , as they pleased . and now they alter their minde , and doe not rest in correction of those penall clauses upon the commissioners , according to their first desire , but ( as it is plaine upon the compare of the copie , as it was corrected , with the commission formerly issued , the not observing whereof was the great mistake , that doutblesse now mis-led our two houses ) the commons likewise ( as wise men ) who would not wave the advantage of a proffered favour from the king , did correct the commission also in the powers of execution over the persons to be commanded : and thereupon the corrected copie being presented , and the commons expecting , that even presently ( for there was then occasion ) and often afterwards commissions of array would ( as they did in truth ) issue forth , did pray not only for the indemnity of the commissioners , which had bin indeed but answerable to the first complaint ; but in the first place , they made their prayer in these words ; that from thenceforth forward , no commission of array should issue otherwise , nor in other words then is contained in the said copie ( so corrected ) this now being apparently the true state of the whole case ( cleared from all mistakes ) we think it so plaine , that it requireth no further argument to manifest , that the intention of the parliament , was both to settle the clauses concerning the powers of execution , and the clauses concerning the commissioners . thus then wee passe over to the answer of the objections . first then , for the first pretence , that the complaint was solely on the behalfe of the commissioners , wee agree it to be true , and perhaps the commons had no further thought at the begining , nor till after an occasion given by the offer of the liberty for a totall reformation : but then they might desire an alteration accordingly . for the second pretence , ( which destroyed , makes an end of the question ) that the commons made no amendment in the powers of execution over the persons to be commanded ; it is apparently mistaken , as appeares by the particular instances before mentioned . for the third pretence of the prayer , ( which came not till after the commission was in all points so as before corrected ) that the commons did not desire any amendment or declaration concerning the powers of execution , that is also mistaken ; for having made those severall amendments , in the very first place ( before any particular desired on the behalfe of the commisisioners ) their prayer is as generall , as their amendments , that from thenceforth forward , no commission should issue otherwise , nor in other words , then is contained in the said copie . for the fourth pretence , that it was unnecessary to take care of the persons to be commanded , because that the powers of execution over them were against 1. e. 3. cap. 5. 25. e. 3. cap. 8. and 4. h. 4. cap. 13. and that the commissions of that kind were then so lately damned in 4. h. 4. wee answer , that if it were so , there was the more necessity for them to complaine , as we have shewed before . but in this also , though it be needlesse , we shall herein further cleare our commission from those statutes . as for the occasion of reliefe for the commissioners more then for the persons to be commanded , we say , the commons could not but know that there was no more occasion for the one , then for the other : for the same law of 4. h. 4. if it had ( as is pretended by the declaration , ) expresly damned the commission as unlawfull in the powers , that ( without more ) had apparently , to every common iudgement , sufficiently secured the commissioners against all refusalls ; and in truth , the persons to be commanded , being most of them of the lower sort , had more reason to feare the commissioners , then the , commissioners , being men of power , had to feare any trouble by fine or imprisonment , or otherwise , from any of the courts above , especially in a time when parliaments were so frequent . for the last pretence of contrary practice , our answer is : first , we deny this ( which the declaration affirmes ) that though many commissions of array did issue out after 5. h. 4. yet none of them did agree with it in words and matter : for we say , that divers commissions were the very same , saving in those things which were necessarily , and as of course , to be changed , as ( amongst others ) may be seene in the after times of king henry the fourth . and as unto the pretended contrary practice , wee agree that it is true , divers commissions of array did issue out , which do vary from this statute of 5. h. 4. yet wee deny that they must be therefore contrary to it ; for ( however upon the commission of 5 h. 4 as it was corrected in the severall clauses in such manner as before ) it is enacted that from thenceforth forward no commission should issue out otherwise then is contained in that copie ; yet it is most evident notwithstanding , that the meaning of the law could never be to tye the king to the very words of that copie ; for then at all times the commissions must have begun with rex , &c. and not carolus , or regina , and ended with the same teste for time and place , and just the same preamble of danger , be it true or false ( whatsoever other occasion had been ) must have been meant to be expressed ; all which are absurd . and in this , as in all acts of parliament , as well as in wills , the intent clearly and necessarily appearing out of the act it selfe , is the law , which in this case was not so much to tye to the very identicall words , as , that the king should not issue out any commissions of array which should exceed this which was so settled by any further penalty on the commissioners ; nor in the powers of execution upon the persons to be commanded ; which sence appeares in this , that in such a case it could never have been meant , that the powers of execution of the commission , being severall , as to array , assesse , arme , traine , muster , and conduct , and all these not necessary on all occasions , nor all alwayes equally fit to be entrusted to the same persons , that the king should be bound at all times unnecessarily to command the execution of them all , and equally to entrust the same persons with them all , as he must have done in case the act had beene litterally to be expounded in each title . the truth is , many commissions did vary , yet still were warranted , as not exceeding that of 5. h. 4. in the powers . as sometimes granting but part of them , when there was no cause to use all ; as also , some varyed on the occasion , as sometimes providing against an invasion , in this or that part onely , sometimes more generall throughout the kingdome : and lastly , it is true that some were upon occasion of rebellion , for which there is as much cause as against a forraign enemy , for those commissions are not against 5. h. 4. which was a president , onely for the power of execution of commissions of array ( whatsoever might be the necessary occasion to issue them ) and as this particular commission sent forth in 5. h. 4. and thus after corrected , was on the occasion of the feare of the french , and therefore was upon that accident made onely as against an enemy ; so if according to former practice the like had then issued in case of rebellion ( in which case perhaps rebellion had beene mentioned as the cause ) then the suppression of rebellion might have beene inserted in this president , and then the argument might have beene at this day used as well against the warrantablenesse of this commission in case of invasion . and as to the president of the commission of array in 6. h. 4. cited in the declaration as not agreeing with that of 5. h. 4. neither in words or matter , we conceive it is in substance warranted by it : for there the king ( upon occasion of the french being in piccardy , ready to besiege some of his forts there , and hearing that they intended to come to aide the vvelch , being then in rebellion ) sends out his commissions into kent , somerset , and other counties , to array , train , and arme the inhabitants there , to the end they may be ready , as well at the sea-coast , as else where ; where , and as often as there shall be necessity for the expelling , vanquishing , and destroying of those enemies when there shall be imminent danger , as in such case had beene accustomed . but he thinks not fit to give to them the power of conducting them ( which is the commission of 5. h. 4. ) but shortly after , upon information of an intention of the vvelch to enter into england , a commission issues to sir thomas barkley touching some of these counties and others , not , to array and arm the inhabitants , for that was done before , but ad supervidendum , to see that they were sufficiently arrayed , according to their estates ; and to lead them as often as it should be needfull for resistance of the rebels . so that as wee conceive , the powers which were put together in 5. h. 4. are here severed ; but there is nothing in either commission which exceeds or crosses the powers settled by the commission of 5. h. 4. though if it did , it might prove the illegalitie of those ; but nothing against the legality of our commissions . and if other particular commissions had been produced , and the differences particularly observed , wee should have beene the better able to have applyed our answer thereunto ; and in the meane time , wee looke upon all such commissions , as regulated , and warranted by this act of 5. h. 4. and in pursuance thereof . notwithstanding , if some commissions can be produced , which are not warranted by 5. h. 4. yet that will be no sufficient argument to prove , that this of 5. h. 4 never meant to settle the powers of execution , for there is no doubt , but in so long a processe of time , as since 5. h. 4 there may have beene some deviation contrary unto the act , the same having not at all times beene remembred , as perhaps also may be in the clauses concerning the commissioners , which yet we are sure our two houses will not allow as an argument against the force of 5. h. 4. as allowing it to be an act concerning them . we might further adde the opinion of sir edward cook , ( whose great learning and affection to the rights and liberty of the subject are not unknown ) who in his treatise of the jurisdiction of courts ( being one of those books since this parliament desired , or directed by the house of commons to be published ) expresly declares , that this act , touching a commission for arraying and mustering of men , is at this day of force . but if any man be yet unsatisfied with so cleare reasons on our part , and in our answers , we shall conclude upon him with the authority of the whole parliament of 7. h. 4. rot. parl. n. 36. within two yeares after this our commission was settled , when probably many of the same persons were members of both the parliaments , whereby it appeares that this act of 5 h. 4. is so binding as unto all the powers of execution over the persons to be commanded , that the clergy ( who in former times had used to be arrayed amongst themselves by writ or commission to the bishop or arch-bishop ) were bound , as within the body of that commission so settled by parliament . and they thereupon , in that very parliament of 7. h. 4. are excepted out of this very commission of 5. h. 4. which is therein mentioned ; and it was then enacted , that from thenceforth the clergy be not any wayes charged amongst the laity for the making of any such array , nor for any contribution amongst the laity for the same . having thus clearly settled this record of 5. h. 4. as a full act of parliaments , well concerning the powers of execution over the persons to be commanded , as the taking away of the penall clauses over the commissioners , there is no further necessity , as to the matter in question , to consider whether or no that this commission in all or any part thereof be contrary to any of the former acts of 13. e. 1. 1. e. 3. cap. 5. 25. e. 3. cap. 8. & 4. h. 4. cap. 13. so much insisted upon in the declaration . for that in such case , the act of 5. h. 4. being the latter had beene a repeale of them for so much . neverthelesse , for the further satisfaction of our people ( as being desirous to omit nothing which may be done on our part for the clearing of the justice of our actions ) wee shall also examine those statutes so farre as they are made use of in this declaration . and therein we professe the difficulty hath been more to finde out , then to answer the inference made upon these statutes . for the declaration reciteth the statute of 13. e. 1. to bee a particular assize ( or assessement ) of arms , both in respect of the kinde of armes to be found , and the proportion of the estate of every man , after which they are to be found , downwards from 15 pounds in lands , and 40 marks in goods : and reciteth the statute of 1. e. 3. that no man from thenceforth shall be charged to arme himselfe otherwise then he was wont in the time of the kings progenitors ; and that no man be compelled to goe out of his shire , but where necessity requireth , and sudden comming of strange enemies into the realme . ( whereupon it is taken for granted , that the statute of 13. e. 1. was a provision of armes for defence extraordinary , and that this statute of 1. e. 3. was meant with reference thereunto ) and also reciteth the statute of the 25 yeare of e. 3. ( as to be to the same effect with the former ) against the constraining men to finde men of armes , hoblers , or archers , without consent and grant made in parliament . and lastly , reciteth the statute of 4. h. 4. ( which confirmes those two statutes of 1. e. 3. and 25. e. 3. ) and immediately thereupon makes this conclusion which followes ; that by these acts ( not distinctly applying the severall matters to the severall statutes ) it clearly appeares , that the king could not , by the law , give power to impose armes upon the subject , ( which the declaration calleth sometimes finding of armes , sometimes finding men at armes , all of different sences ) or to compell them to be drawne out of their counties : which afterwards , in stating the case , is expressed thus , that the subject was not compellable to finde any other arms then was declared by those statutes , or to go out of their county , but in case of actuall invasion by forraigne enemies . against which this commission is said to be . but for our clearer passage in this businesse , we shall single out the severall statutes , with the objections ( as wee conceive ) intended upon each of them . for the better understanding whereof we shall distinguish of the principall termes in this question used in the commission , and severall acts of parliament . first then , as for the words of arming a mans selfe used in the commission ( as also in the act of 1. e. 3. ) they are litterally to be taken for the providing of armes for a mans owne person , wherewith hee is to serve as a souldier , either horse-man or foot-man , of what kinde soever ; and the finding of armes for others in the commission , is but the finding the bare armes , without providing the men , and are so to be taken here , ( in whatsoever sence they may be taken else-where , ) as may clearly appeare upon the very reading . and as for the words ( finding of men of armes , &c. ) which are the words used in the statute of 25. e. 3. they are usually and properly enough taken for the setting forth of souldiers , the paying of their wages , or contributing towards either of them this then being the sence of the words , wee now proceed to the statutes , and apply them to the two objections ; the one against imposing of arms , the other against carrying out of the county : and first concerning the statute of 13. e. 1. thereupon the objection against the power of imposing of armes is this . this statute appoints a particular assize for the kindes of armes and proportions , as before . but our commission doth give power to assesse for the kindes ( any armes ) and for the proportions , according to each mans ability ; ( which the declaration termes to be without limitation and at pleasure ) and so is contrary to this statute . to this wee answer ; that that statute of 13. e. 1. ( besides that it is but an affirmative statute , ) was made onely for the ordinary defence of the kingdome , for the preservation of the peace at ordinary times ; and was not intended as a provision of armes for defence extraordinary : but that for the publique defence in time of danger , the king might , and must charge other armes , and other proportions , according to the exigency of the occasion . both which appeare together , if wee consider that the provision in that statute mentioned ( which might be of use for the peace ) is very insufficient for the service of war : for we cannot but observe the pettinesse of the armes , even according to the use of that time ; for he that was rated highest by that act , was to finde but a hawberge , ( which in that place signifies a gorget ) a breast-plate of iron , a sword , a knife , and a horse : and others but gisarms ( which were pike-staves ) knives , and other lesse weapons . and yet at that time there were men at armes , which were horse-men of compleat armour , hoblers , which were light-horse , and there were pikes , lances , pole-axes , and other weapons commonly used for warre . and no lesse considerable is it to this purpose , that for the charge of this defence no man of what estate soever , is by this act charged above the rate of 15 pounds in lands , or 40 marks in goods , and he that hath 15 pounds in land , or 40 marks in goods , is charged as high as the greatest : which is not to be imagined in case of provision for defence extraordinary . and to cleare this further out of this , and other acts ; it is plain , that this very act expresseth it selfe in these words , that every man have in his house harnesse to keepe the peace : and appoints those who are thereby assessed , to pursue hues and cries after theeves and robbers , ( which went in those times with great strength , and in multitudes ) with their horses and armour . and the old articles of inquiry upon that statute , being made in the same kings raigne ( and to be seen in the statute-books ) tend onely to inquiry touching the keeping the peace : as whether all men betwixt the age of fifteen and sixty be sworn to keepe the peace , and whether they have weapons in their houses according to the quantity of their lands and goods , for conservation of the peace , according to the statute . and the statute of 2. e. 3. cap. 6. renewes this statute of 13. e. 1. in these words : item , as to the keeping of the peace in time to come , it is ordained and enacted , that the statutes made in time past , with the statute of winchester , shall be observed and kept in every point . and strange it were to imagine , that the wisdome of a parliament , in the matter of arming of the subject , made no greater or better provision against an enemy , then against a theefe , or a rogue . and it is not so proper to charge the subject at all times in the same manner and proportions as in times of danger . and lastly , for further clearing this our exposition of that statute of 13. e 1. wee say , that although ( as wee have already shewed ) the commissions of arrayes did , from the time of making the statute of 13. e. 1. frequently issue both before and since the statute of 5. h. 4. yet none of those commissions were regulated by the statute of 13. e. 1. but either they were ( as commonly ) for arming them according to mens degrees & abilities , without mentioning the statute of 13. e. 1. or , where any did expresse the quality and proportion of armes to be found , they varyed from the statute of 13. e. 1. and appointed other kinde of arms , and differenced and proportioned the estates of those who were to finde armes , otherwise then is mentioned in that statute : and sometimes with an expresse declaration , that the statute of 13. e. 1. was made for the conservation of the peace in a time of peace , when there was no danger of a forraigne enemie . and though some use might be made of those armes appointed by that statute in time of danger , as well as any other weapon : yet the same was not that kind of armour , which was principally intended as fitting for such defence ; as may appeare by the presidents above cited . and the constant practice in all after ages for defence extraordinary hath ever been with other armes , and after other proportions , as wee beleeve will not be denyed by any man . wee come now to the statute of 1. e. 3. whereupon the objection stands thus : that the statute of 13. e. 1. having made such particular assize of arms ( as before ) for the kinds and proportions , this statute doth ordaine , that no man from thenceforth shall be charged to arme himselfe otherwise then hee was wont in the time of the kings progenitors : meaning ( as the declaration takes it for granted ) according to that former statute of 13. e. 1. to this wee shall give this answer : that ( as wee have proved before ) 13. e. 1. was never meant as of a provision for defence extraordinary : and much lesse that the statute of 1. e. 3. could intend any such thing . and as the penner of that declaration cannot therein shew any expresse reference to that statute of 13. e. 1. and can , at the most , but barely conjecture it ; so on the other side , wee shall out of the penning and otherwise upon surer grounds conclude the contrary . for first , in this case , regularly , if not necessarily , ( where a later statute in the substance and meaning thereof wholly depends upon a former , and must have reference thereunto ) the parliament of 1. e. 3. would have made mention of this statute of 13. e. 1. ( as they did thereof ) the next yeare following , when it was renued , but for keeping of the peace . next , in wisedome it was fitting ( if so be that they had intended a further re-establishment of the particularities of the kinds and proportions of armes mentioned in 13. e. 1. ) that when they had a former statute so punctuall therein , they should not have thus left us for a true understanding of their meaning , to a generall enquirie of the particular assize used for armes in former times . but on the contrary , the statute referring to the former usage , in the times of the kings progenitors ( which being indefinitely spoken , wee conceive , must be understood of all kings times , as well before as after 13. e. 1. ) the usage therein meant is but consuetudo angliae , the common law : and the parliament could not , in all probability , in the mention of so ancient an usage , intend so late a statute as this of 13. e. 1. which was but new in the particularity of the assize , though antient in the rule of charging , according to the quantities of every mans lands & goods , the former assizes having been also different : nor ( considering that of necessity , the severall kindes and proportions of armes ever did , and must vary with the times ) could they intend , that there ever was , for the times past , or could be for time to come , any such constant rule of any such particular assize concerning armes , whereunto they could refer , as constantly used for the times past , or that might constantly endure for time to come : neither ever was , or can there be any other constant rule , then that generall rule of the common law ( which can never faile ) for the assessing armes from time to rime , for the kindes , according to the present use ; and for proportions , according to mens abilities . and it were very strange , that the parliament of 1. e. 3 . could conceive , that ( for the defence extraordinary ) the particular kindes of arms in 13. e. 1. especially such petty provisions , could be proper and sufficient at this time in 1. e. 3. and would so continue afterwards . and now that we have cleared this first part of the statute of 1. e. 3. ( as concerning the arming a mans selfe ) that it is not thereby intended , that the subject should not be charged with armes , otherwise then according to the statute of 13. e. 1. we shall deliver what our selves conceive of the meaning thereof ; and it is thus . towards the end of the reigne of e. 2. severall commissions of array , issued into severall counties ; in execution whereof the commissioners had much grieved and oppressed the subjects : insomuch , that upon complaint , speciall commissions of oyer and terminer ( usuall in those times ) were sent forth for the enquiry after those grievances and oppressions . and although it doe not appeare what those were , yet since the complaint was not against the commissions themselves , as illegall , wee cannot conceive otherwise , but that it was against the wilfull excesse of the commissioners , in their surcharging the subjects with armes beyond their abilities of estate to beare , ( as charging a man as a horse-man , where it had beene sufficient for for his estate to have borne armes as a foot man , and the like ) contrary to the tenor of the commission . but this course producing indeed little effect , in the time of king e. 2. partly out of the favour , which it is likely the commissioners did finde , and partly by reason of the short remainder of his reign , there was just occasion , both for complaint and reliefe in this next parliament of 1. e. 3. and though the particulars of the petition in 1. e. 3. and the answer out of which ( according to the manner of those times ) the printed act was made , doe not appeare , for the want of the roll of that parliament , yet wee may well judge thereof upon this occasion , happening within the compasse of about one yeare before , and thereupon conclude , ( as for the true meaning of that act ) that the provision intended to be made , was onely against the excesse of the commissioners ; which rather justifies , then any way disproves the lawfulnesse of such commission . and so the sence of the act , applyable to the complaint , will be , that whereas the commissioners had over-highly taxed the subjects , the act provided , that they should not be otherwise charged , then as they had been in the times of former kings ; and ( according to our commission ) moderately , and so as they might live still according to their former condition : as in like case of other statutes against outragious distresses and amerciaments . and although wee take this to be the sence of that statute , yet if any man shall thinke this part of the statute of 1. e. 3. concerning arming a mans selfe , to be the same with the words of the statute of 25. e. 3. against constraining any man to finde men of armes , &c. ( which is the sence of this declaration , which makes both statutes to be to the same effect , and makes the inference against our power of imposing armes upon them both ) we shall not contradict him therein , being confident to make it evident , that this commission is no way contrary to the words or meaning of that statute of 25. e. 3. but before wee come to that statute , wee shall make one observation upon those statutes of 13. e. 1. & 1. e. 3. both together : and thereupon shew , that in the judgement of the whole parliament of 4. h. 4. ( whose authority is chiefly insisted upon in this declaration ) our commission is no way opposed by either of those statutes : and it is this : it appeareth , that the late issuing of the commissioners , complained of in 4. h. 4. ( which the declaration supposeth were of the same nature with our commission , but wee deny it ) was the occasion of the petition of the commons in that parliament . in which petition , they intending to shew the illegality of those commissions , and to obtaine ( as they thereupon did ) a confirmation of former acts to the contrary , do recite the statute of 25. e. 3. 18. e. 3 c. 8. and that part of the statute of 1. e. 3. which is against carrying of men out of their counties ; and yet neverthelesse they wholly omit this statute of 13. e. 1. and this first part of the statute of 1. e. 3. concerning the arming . whereas it is to be presumed , they would have also recited this statute of 13. e. 1. if they had conceived the same to be ( as this declaration sets it forth ) the certaine assize for armes , and such a statute whereto all the rest had reference , or any way materiall against part of these commissions . but howsoever making use of the later part of the act of 1. e. 3. against carrying of the subject out of the county , they would have made use also of this part of 1. e. 3. concerning the arming , and desired a confirmation thereof , as well as of the residue ; and not thus purposely rejected it , if so be they had not , upon consideration , first resolved , that that part of 1. e. 3. was no wayes against the commission . and now wee come to the statute of 25. e. 3. whereupon the objection stands thus : by the statute of 25. e. 3. the subject is not to be constrained to finde men at armes , &c. if it be not by common consent and grant made in parliament . but by this commission the commissioners have power , without consent or grant in parliament , to command those who are able of body and estate to arme themselves : and those who are impotent , but able in estate , to find armes for others : ( which the declaration in some places calls finding armes , and in some places finding men at armes ) and is therefore against that statute . for this objection wee need do no more then referre our selves to our former observation of the different sense of the severall words of arming a mans selfe , and finding armes for some other , which are the onely words used in the commands of this commission , & the words , finding of a man of armes , or other compleat souldier , used in this statute , and intended to be thereby prohibited : whereby it will be apparent , that arming a mans selfe , or finding bare armes for others , is not within the letter of this statute . neverthelesse for a more particular answer ; 1. as to the first of these powers in our commission concerning arming a mans selfe , wee say , that this act being against finding of men at armes , or other souldiers , doth not any wayes intend to prohibit the compelling of men to arme themselves , ( that is , their owne persons . ) for that had beene not onely against the common law , whereof that act is but declarative , but also against those statutes of 13. e. 1. ( admitting it provided , as the declaration supposeth , for defence extraordinary ) and against 1. e. 3. by both which statutes it doth clearly appeare , that the subject is in some manner compellable to arme himselfe : and the act of 25. e. 3. is in generall against all finding of men armed at any time . so that in that sense whatsoever the occasion is ( though it be upon an actuall invasion of an enemie ) he cannot be compelled to find armes . and that exposition of the statute would wholly take away all compulsory means of defence . nor will it be sufficient to answer this , that the arming according to those statutes is assented unto in parliament , and so is within the exception of the statute of 25. e. 3. for the consent in parliament ( intended by this exception ) must be understood of future consent in parliament , as well as the constraining men to finde souldiers prohibited by the act is meant of a future finding souldiers . and in the exception of the statute of 25. e. 3. there is not onely to be a consent , but also a grant in parliament , for so the words are ( if it be not by common consent and grant in parliament ) but in those acts of 13. e. 1. & 1. e. 3. there is no colour of a grant made at all . and this statute being declaratory of the common law , as appeares by the reason of the act delivered in the petition of the commons in these words , car cet est encountre le droit del realme . for it is against the right of the realme , ( which is as much as against the fundamentall liberty of the subject ) this statute of 25. e. 3. must bee construed as of the common law ; and before any statute and secondly , as for the other part of our commission , which is concerning the charging those who are impotent in body , but able in estate , to finde armes for others : if such finding of bare armes had beene within the letter of that statute , or the finding of a compleat souldier by such a man , had beene within our commission ; yet it would have beene a harsh construction , ( and doubtlesse contrary to the intention of the makers ) by generall words , which were meant onely for provision in the generall case , thus to have spared him in this speciall and particular case of impotency , from contributing to the defence of the kingdome , dome , by finding another , as in his place ; whilest he is as much , or more concerned then others , who must undergoe as much charge , and must also adventure their owne persons . and by the common law , whereof ( as wee have said ) this statute is but declarative , those who were not fit to beare armes , were notwithstanding chargeable otherwise towards home-defence , as appeares by the presidents already cited , and many more . and now wee shall give the true sence of this statute of 25. e. 3. and this will best appeare upon the end and occasion of the making ; which were these . king e. 3. having had his treasure exhausted by the french warres , was upon that occasion inforced to many hard pressures upon his subjects ; so that they had severall times bin charged , with providing and setting forth of souldiers ; and sometimes with maintaining or paying of them : and this in so excessive a manner , as that it cost a county sometimes at once a thousand pound ; and all this was done with relation onely to a forraigne war , wherein the title of the king to france was onely in question : and nothing which directly concerned the kingdom of england : against these there was just cause , to make provision by some law ; especially now when the wars were renewing : and accordingly this statute was made against imposing such charges upon the subjects . and what resemblance there is betweene those cases , and our case , of charging the subjects onely to finde armes for themselves , or ( in case of impotency ) for another ( as in their stead ) and all but for home defence , wee refer to every mans iudgement . and thus wee leave these three statutes of 13. e. 1. 1. e. 3. and 25. e. 3. with this observation , that if it be true , ( which the declaration takes for granted ) that they are all to the same effect , that then our answer to any of these three , is an answer to the rest . wee are now come to 4. h. 4. being the last of these statutes , which ( in the matter of arming ) are objected against our commission , as it stood at common law , before 5. h. 4. and herein wee agree , that the parliament roll , whereupon the statute is framed , is truly set forth in the declaration : yet wee conceive that , in substance , there is no more upon the roll , then in the print ; though some passages may give some light for the exposition of these other statutes of 1. e. 3. and 25. e. 3. therein confirmed . so as this statute of 4. h. 4. being , in truth , but an act of bare confirmation , without any additionall explanation , is already answered . but because the declaration doth import , that the commissions ( which issued lately before 4. h. 4. and were the occasion of that statute , and are damned thereby , as contrary to the acts of 1. e 3. 18. e. 3. and 25. e. 3. ) were of the nature of our commission , ( which yet is not indeavoured to be proved ) wee shall also give a particular answer touching those commissions . and herein we say , that first it doth not appeare , nor is there any reason to presume that any of those commissions were of the tenor of ours ; and in case those commissions did , amongst other powers , containe also the powers of our commission , touching the imposing armes upon the subject , it doth not appeare that those commissions were particularly in those very powers held unlawfull . both which must ( but neither will ) be proved , otherwise there can be no application . but the truth is apparently to be inferred out of the roll , that upon those commissions the subjects were inforced to go , or to finde others to goe at their owne charges , not onely out of their proper counties , but also ( upon occasion of some insurrections ) into vvales , which at that time , and ( untill the act of vnion 27. h. 8. ) was to some purposes , at least commonly reputed a distinct dominion ; as appeares even by this parliament roll , in these words , that none of the said commons be distrained to goe into vvales , or else-where out of the realme , and otherwise : ( the usuall phrase in severall acts of parliament , being also to this day , the kingdome of england , and dominion of vvales . ) and such a commission wee may well admit to be against all those three statutes , without impeachment of ours . wee shall say no more as to this statute single , but that ( as we have observed before ) both in the parliament roll , and printed act , the first clause of 1. e. 3. concerning arming , being purposely omitted , it shewes that the meere matter of causing the subject to be armed , was not the grievance then complained of , or meant to be redressed . having thus farre proceeded in our particular answers unto the severall statutes of 13. e. 1. 1. e. 3. 25. e. 3. and 4. h. 4. as they were appliable to the first objection made upon them , against our imposing of armes upon the subject . wee shall , in the next place , proceed to the answer of the other objection made against our commission , upon the statute of 1. e. 3. and 4. h. 4. of confirmation : ( for as to the other statutes of 13. e. 1. and 25. e. 3. we doe not conceive , that they are , or can be meant unto this purpose . ) hereupon the objection is this : that by the statute of 1. e. 3 and 4. h. 4. the subject is not compellable to go out of his county ; but in case of the sudden coming of an enemy , which the declaration interprets of an actuall invasion : but this commission gives power , not onely to compell the subject to goe out of his county before an actuall invasion ( as the case is put in the stating of it ) but ( as it is expressed in other parts of the declaration ) without limitation , and at pleasure . to this objection our answer is , that both the sence of the statutes , and of the powers of our commission are mistaken . for first , ( as wee have before stated it ) our commission gives that power of conducting out of the county , onely against an enemy , and for defence of the countrey , in case of imminent danger , and but when and where it shall be most needfull ; ( and so not without limitation , and at pleasure . ) and secondly , as to the sence of the statutes , we do deny , that the subject is not compellable to goe out of his county , unlesse in case of an actuall invasion , by a forraigne enemy . and herein , though wee have not upon this commission necessary occasion to dispute it ; yet wee cannot but observe , that the declaration allowes of no necessity of compelling the subject out of the proper county , in case of actuall rebellion , and onely against a forraigne enemy ; the ground whereof is a mistake ( in recitall of the statute of 1. e. 3. by the act of confirmation of 4. h. 4. of the word , and betweene the two words , necessity and suddaine comming ; the act of 1. e. 3. going thus , that no man be distrained to goe out of his county but where necessity requireth , and sudden comming of strange enemies into the realme . and the act of 4. h. 4. ( which as we have before observed , reciteth not the whole statute of 1. e. 3. but so much thereof , as upon occasion of the late forraigne service did then concerne the present complaint ) being in these words , that none shall be distrained to goe out of their county , but onely for the cause of necessity ( of ) sudden comming of strange enemies into the realme . whereas , if in this recitall the word ( and ) had been put in place of the word , of , or before it , both had agreed , and so the sence of the statute , as to this matter of going out of the county , had been upon 4. h. 4. as it is upon 1. e. 3. that no man be compelled to go out of the county , but in case of necesity or coming of enemies : the word ( and ) in exposition of statutes being most frequently taken for ( or ) according to the subject matter , and so the statute had excepted two cases necessity arising from within ( by actuall rebellion ) and necessity arising from abroad ( by sudden coming of strange enemies : ) this exception in both being absolutely necessary for defence of the realm and according to the common law ( of which the statute is but declarative ) and the practice both before and since . and indeed it could be no otherwise in property of speech , for there cannot be a cause of necessity of the sudden coming of enemies , but there is a necessity of defence against their coming . and in this case we are to be guided by the statute 1. ed. 3. as it was originally , as it is also truly set forth in the declaration , and agrees with all printed statutes both in english and french , & ancient manuscripts , all of them derived from the originall statute roll which was lost before 4. h. 4. ( that which now remains being but a transcript of a transcript . ) thus then , without more , we shall apply our selves to the objection as it is made upon the words of 1. e. 3. both in the originall and the recitall . and we say that the subject is compellable to go out of his county for defence of the kingdom , as necessity shall require , before the landing or other entry of the enemy , to prevent his landing or entry . and for this we shall but recite the words againe ; and they are these , that no man be compelled to go out of his county , but where necessity requireth and sudden coming of strange enemies into the realm . wherein it seemes to us most plaine , that these words require no such actuall landing , or entry of an enemy into the kingdom , before the subject is compellable out of his county . for the words of the act are not ( as to this point ) when the enemy is come , but upon the coming , not within the realm , but into the realm . and all men know , that in ordinary speech , a man may be said to be coming into a place when he is upon a remove to a place ; but most properly , when he is on his way , especially when he approacheth , with an intention to enter thereinto , and in such sence these words of coming into the realm must be taken in this statute . but in case the words ( of the enemies coming into the realm ) might bear a doubtfull interpretation , that sence must be taken , which agrees with the common law before practised , whereof this act is but declarative , & the constant practice of all ages since that is , that the subjects have ever been commanded , and gone out of the county against the enemy before any landing or entry . and to give this statute of 1. e. 3. any other sence were against all common reason , and the rules of government and defence ; which is , not to let the enemy first come in , if it be possible to keepe him out : and it may be much more ease to prevent the coming into the land , ( especially by sea in opposing the landing ) then afterwards to expell him : and it cannot be expected , that the forces of one county alone , should be able to resist the entry of a powerfull enemy . and lastly , as for those commissions , which were damned in 4. h. 4. those had no resemblance to our case , nor are warrented by the exception of 1. e. 3. for that ( as appeares before ) the subject was then carried out of the county not for defence of the kingdom , as the exception of this statute requires , but for suppression of an insurrection in wales , which was not then taken as part of the realm : and the prayer of the commons in 4. h. 4. made upon that occasion , and therein grounded upon 1. e. 3. was not meerly because they were carried out of the counties , but because they were carried out of the realm in a service , which was not for the necessary defence thereof . we have thus far , upon this last head of our discourse , only answered the objections made upon these statutes of 13. e. 1. 1. e. 3. 25. e. 3. and 4 ▪ h. 4. we shall now conclude this part of our answer ▪ with a return of all those statutes against the declaration , and in justification of our commission . first , as concerning 13. e. 1. since that ( as we have before observed ) the statute was made only with relation to the keeping of the peace , it implies , that there is another rule in the matter of imposing of armes for defence extraordinary . secondly , as for 1. e. 3. ( besides our former observation , that in all probability , the act was made but upon complaint against the excesse of charging by the commissioners , and not against the powers of that commission , which had lately before issued , which rather justifies the commission then otherwise . ) we further say , that if we should admit , that the statute of 1. e. 3. that no man should be charged to arm himselfe , otherwise then he was wont in the time of the kings progenitors , hath any relation unto 13. e. 1. and that so the sence thereof were , that none should be compelled to finde arms , otherwise then according to that statute of 13. e. 1. yet then that statute of 1. e. 3. ( as 't is plain ) must be meant only as concerning ordinary defence ; and that as the subject is in cafe of necessity to be carried out of the county , so in that case he may be compelled to be armed otherwise then at ordinary times . to this purpose we note , that in the statute there are two distinct propositions joyned together , one against the arming of the subject , the other against going out of the county ; and the clause which is next subjoyned is an exception sinon pour cause de necessite , &c. unlesse it be for necessity , and the sudden coming of strange enemies . which exception , upon such admittance , is not only appliable to that last clause before , concerning the going out of the county , but as to the arming : the sence thereupon also being thus ; that though in case of ordinary defence , the subject be not compellable to bear other arms then according to 13. e. 1. as neither to go out of the proper county ; yet for the extraordinary defence of the kingdom , in case of necessity ( wherein more must be done then ordinarily ) both , arms are to be imposed by other rules then in 13. e. 1. and also the subjects are to go out of the county ; for so it followeth in the next words of the act ; which are these , and then it shall be done , as bath been used in times past , for the defence of the realm . and this sense , upon this admittance , cleerly appeareth out of the course of former times in such cases , to which the statute doth refer . as for 25. e. 3. ( besides that the declaration faith it is to the same effect with 1. e. 3. and was made with relation to a forraign war , as we have observed , ) if ( as the declaration must admit ) that the exception of finding men at arms &c. by common consent , and grant in parliament , be intended as well of acts of parliament past as to come , then our commission , in the power of imposing arms , being warranted by 1. e. 3. is also warranted by that act of 25. e. 3. and for 4. h. 4. ( besides what we have before observed , upon the omission therein of the first part of 1. e. 3. concerning imposing of arms , and that it applies 25. e. 3. but to a forraign war ) the generall sence , and judgement of that parliament , excepting then only against other commissions , seems to allow of this ; for that otherwise , it is not to be imagined , that immediately in the same yeer , there should issue out a commission of array , and in the next yeer , there should issue out that other which was corrected in 5. h. 4. both of the same form , and the latter bearing teste the day of the summons of the parliament of 5. h. 4. and that at that parliament , though some amendments were made in it , yet no exception should be taken to the legality of the powers : whilest ( as the declaration observes ) it is probable , that many of the house of commons , and it is certain that most of the house of lords , were members of the parliament of 4. h. 4. and knew the meaning thereof . and thus we have answered to the full satisfaction ( as we hope ) of all indifferent judgements , the severall objections made against the legality of our commission of array as it stood before , and at the making of the act of 5. h. 4. and thereby proved , that our commission was warranted by the common law ▪ that the powers thereof remain untouched by the statutes of 1. e. 3. 25. e. 3. or 4. h. 4. and that it was afterwards allowed and setled ( as a rule or pattern , whereby commissions should issue in after ages ) by the act of parliament of 5. h. 4. we have yet some other objections in our way , which admitting the legality of our commission as it stood in 5. h. 4. are made against it upon some latter acts . the first in time is upon the statute of 4. and 5. p. & m.c. 4. which settles an assize and proportion of men , horses , and arms , which every man was to finde ; which the declaration saith was without question , a repeale of this statute of 5. h. 4. and accordingly , we shall take that first into consideration , for though upon the repeal of that statute by i. jac. c. 25. the declaration agrees , that our commission , if once setled by 5. h. 4. is now again in force , yet an inference is made from thence , that the parliament of 1. iac. would never have repealed that statute of 4. & 5. p. & m. if they had thought that any such power of imposing arms , as is in the commission , would have been thereupon revived . the words of the statute of 4. & 5. p. & m. cap. 2. are these . be it enacted , &c. that as much of all and every act and statute concerning onely the keeping or finding of horse , horses , or armour , or any of them heretofore made and provided , and all and every forfeiture or penalty concerning onely the same , shall be from henceforth utterly void , repealed , and of none effect . to this we say , first , that 4. & 5. phil. & mar. doth not repeal 5. h. 4. either by the words or meaning . as to the words , they extend onely to a repeal of such acts which do appoint particular assizes ( or assessements ) of arms : all which upon that statute of 4. & 5. ph. & m. ( which appoints a new assize for kinde of arms and proportions ) would be either contrary or altogether uselesse . and to that purpose the statute speaks of repealing of acts concerning keeping or finding of horse , horses , or armour , which , as it must be meant of acts concerning keeping or finding of horses in particular for kind or number ; so as concerning ( armour ) in generall , it must , by the constant rules of construction of statutes , be meant of acts of the like nature as the former , that is , acts concerning the appointment of some particular armours , as a gorget , a brest-plate , and the like , such as were the statute of 13. e. 1. and 33. h. 8. but this statute of 5. h. 4. is nothing concerning the appointment of any particulars , either for the kind of arms or proportions : but doth onely enact a commission issuable , without commanding that it shall issue , which is referred to the kings pleasure ( upon a lawfull occasion ) nor doth the commission it self mention ( as is apparent ) any particularity of arms or proportions . and if the statute of 4. and 5. ph. & m. were meant of such statutes , as speake of finding arms in generall , it had as well repealed the statutes of 1. e. 3. 25. e. 3. and 4. h. 4. as this act of 5. h. 4. which no man will say was ever intended . but in truth , this commission being in generall , doth no wayes contrary this statute of ph. & m. but that the particulars of the assessement by that act , both for the severall kinds of arms and proportions , might have been very well put in execution by this commission . for the commission gives power to assesse every man juxta statum & facultates , according to his degree and ability . and this parliament of 4. and 5. ph. & ma. appointing arms sitting for defence of the kingdom in those times , and proportions fitting ( in their iudgements ) for the severall degrees and abilities of every man ; that act did not thereby take away the power of the commissioners wholly , but did only give particular rules for the kind of arms and proportions , which the commissioners were to observe in the execution of their power , thereby only regulating , but not destroying their powers . and if this statute of 4. & 5. p. & m. had taken away the first powers of the commissioners concerning arming , yet had it not taken away the other severall and independent powers of arraying , training , mustring , or conducting those men so furnished according to that statute , but that they had remained to have been executed ( at least by a distinct commission which might have been issued at pleasure for that purpose . ) and this also appears by the statute of the same parliament of 4. & 5. p. & m. cap. 3. ( which is in force at this day ) which being concerning mustering , hath occasion to mention , and doth expresse the old power still remaining to issue commissions of that nature ; in these words , that if any person that shall be commanded at any time hereafter generally or especially to muster afore any such who shall have authority or commandment for the same , by , or from the king or queens majesty , or the heirs or successors of the queens majesty , or by any lievtenant , &c. do absent himselfe , or at his appearance do not bring his best furniture of array and arms as he shall then have for his person in readinesse , shall be imprisoned , &c. but neither by that nor the other statute of p. & m. cap. 2. is there any new authority given to the king to grant commissions for musters , but the same is admitted to continue as not repealed . and as to that point of appearing at musters , we made use of that statute of 4. & 5. p. & m. cap. 3 in our proclamation : and doe wonder how the penner of that declaration could imagine , we meant any such further use therein upon that statute , as the declaration sets forth . and here by the way we observe a mention in this statute , of 4. & 5. p. & m. cap. 3. of a power of mustering in lievtenants , to whom other powers contained in our commission were also granted , and might have been also mentioned in this statute , if there had been occasion . and secondly , as to this statute of 4. & 5. p. & m.c. 2. we say , that in case that act of 5. h. 4. had been repealed by 4. & 5. p. & m. yet this commission had still continued in force notwithstanding any bare repeal ; for that ( as we have proved ) this commission was ( before that statute ) warranted by the common law , which did still remain in force so far as it was not expresly contrary to the further particulars of that act . and how we come to the objection principally ▪ intended against this commission upon the alteration of the law at this day since 5. h. 4. wherein the case is this . the statute of 13. e. 1 made an assize of arms for the severall kindes and proportions according to mens severall estates . then 5. h. 4. enacts this commission with power to assesse men according to their abilities . afterwards 13. e. 1. is repealed by 21. iac. the argument hereupon in the declaration is made thus : that the commission , as to the finding of arms iuxta statum & facultates , is so grounded upon that statute of 13 e. 1. ( which was then in force , and did enact the finding of arms juxta statum & facultates , in manner as is therein expressed ) that that statute of 13. e. 1. being since repealed , that commission is likewise repealed , and become unwarrantable at this day . for answer whereunto , in the first place , we do deny that this commission is any waies grounded upon 13. e. 1. first , for that ( as we have proved ) 13. e. 1. originally was not meant , as a provision of arms for defence extraordinary , much lesse so intended here . secondly , if it were for defence extraordinary , yet neither this act of 5. h. 4. nor the commission thereby setled , have any relation thereunto in words , much lesse in meaning . for the words , there is no mention of 13. e. 1. either in the act or commission , but the words of the commission are generall , for imposing arms secundùm statum & facultates ; according to every mans degree and ability , without limitation , of the kinde of arms , or particular severall proportions of estates . and for the meaning , we cannot conceive it to be lesse , then according to the full extent of the words , for there is lesse reason to imagine that the parliament of 5. h. 4. did any waies intend the assize of arms established by 13. e. 1. then there was to imagine the like upon the act of 1. e. 3. for that between 1. e. 3. and 5. h. 4. all kinde of arms were more altered then betwixt 13. e. 1. and 1. e. 3. and in this space of time , guns were come into use in england , which were both necessary to be commanded and provided against by other arms . and to avoid repetitions , we further referre our self , in these two particulars , to what we before observed upon the statute of 1. e. 3. and as for any restraint of those generall words of our commission , by any construction of law to the particular assize of 13. e. 1. we say , that though a subsequent particular act may restrain the generall words of a commission ( as we have said before ; upon the statute of 4. & 5. ph. & m. ) because the subsequent act , as it may take away , so it may limit any power given either by common law or statute , yet a precedent particular act ( upon the same reason , because it hath no such power ) doth not regularly restrain the generall words of a subsequent statute , which hath power to controll the former ; and ( as in our case ) where the meaning appears to be as large as the words cannot possibly restrain them . but in this we need not labour , for though the declaration in making way for this objection , admits the commission , to have some colour to be legall , as grounded upon 13. e. 1. as to that part of finding arms juxta statum & facultates : yet it is the main and throughout ground of the declaration , that this commission , because it is generall , is against the statute of 13. e. 1. and the other statutes , and so void ; whereas , if the commission had been restrained to 13. e. 1. then it could not have been void as contrary thereunto . but , admitting that this commission was , by construction of law , necessarily to be regulated according to 13. e. 1. whilest that statute was in force , our answer is , that neverthelesse this commission did not fall by the repeal of that statute . wherein we shall admit ( which the declaration supposeth , though by us it is disproved ) that this commission was not warranted at the common law before the statute of 5. h. 4. and then the case is but this . the statute of 13. e. 1. doth appoint a particular assize of arms for kinds and proportions , according to this necessary rule , the arms for the kinde shall be fit for defence ; and for the proportion , shall be according to mens abilities ( for such is the act. ) afterwards 5. hen. 4. doth establish this commission , wherein there is no particular reference unto this statute of 13. e. 1. but the rule is generall to charge arms , for the kinds , according to the use of the time ( for that is necessarily implied ) and for the proportions , according to mens degrees and abilities : which are equall rules fit ever to continue , though the kinds and proportions , may and must alter . in this case we doe agree , that if the commission had expressely referred to charge according to that statute of 13. e. 1. then that commission could have been no longer of force then the statute had continued . for then it had been no more in substance , then if the powers had been but particular , to charge certain arms , and in certain proportions according to that statute . and in this sence we must agree with the declaration , that a commission being so grounded upon a statute , upon the repeal of the statute , both fall together . but in this case , ( thus admitted ) where the commission is generall , and if 13. e. 1. had never been , must have had its full operation , according to the words , both for the kind of arms and proportions , and was regulated but by a bare construction of law , both for arms and proportions by 13. e. 1. which the parliament might think fit to be a rule for that time ; it seems strongly to follow , that when 13. e. 1. ( which was the only impediment why it did not work according to the extent of the words ) is repealed , the operation of the law upon this commission , by force of that statute , must likewise cease : and the commission must be construed according to the words , the rather for avoiding of this mischief , that otherwise the kingdom should be without all necessary means to put it into a posture of defence , which that act did intend principally 〈◊〉 , perpetually to provide for . but more fully to take off this objection , we must here remember ( what we have proved before ) that the powers of this commission in the latitude of the words thereof for imposing arms , secundùm statum & facultates , according to mens degrees and abilities , was warranted at the common law before any statute , and was to be executed without the direction of any particular assize for kinds and proportions : as at this day severall like powers for assessing men both by statute and common law according to their abilities , as for high ways , poor of the parish , and the like are to be executed . these then being the powers at common law , as it is cleer they are not taken away by any affirmative statute , ( such as 13. e. 1. seems to be : ) so if we shall admit ( as strongest against our self ) that there were any negative words in this statute or any other statute grounded thereupon , that the subject should not be compellable to be armed otherwise , ( which other statutes ( according to the ground rightly taken in the declaration ) must necessarily fall by the repeal of 13. 〈◊〉 1. then that statute being repealed , the commission thus freed of those statutes , remains in full force as it was at the common law . and now that wee have passed over the acts of our predecessors as well before as after the act of 5. h. 4. we are encountred with our own acts , the petition of right , and a recitall in an act this present parliament , as being both against our commission . whereunto we need to say but this . that it appears out of themselves , that neither of them were ever meant to introduce a new law : so as if ( as we have proved ) our commission be not against the law , as it stood formerly , they were not intended nor justly ought to be extended against it . but to give yet more particular and full answers thereunto ; we say , first , for the petition of right , it no waies extends to our commissions of array . the objection made upon it stands thus . the petition of right sets forth , that by the lawes and statutes of this realm , the subjects have inherited this freedom , that they should not be compelled to contribute to any tax , tallage , aid , or other like charge , not set by common consent in parliament . and after complains , that divers charges have been laid and levied upon the people by lords lievtenants , deputy lievtenants , commissioners for musters , justices of peace , and others , by command or direction from us , or our privy councell , against the laws and free customs of the realm , which the declaration alleadgeth to be the breach of those laws . then the words of the petition are thus applyed , that here is a taxe or charge imposed upon the people , by compelling them to find arms by command and direction from us , under our great seal , without consent in parliament . and the meaning of the petition is thus inforced , that it is very well known , and doth sufficiently appear , that the charges there mentioned to be laid by lords lievtenants , and deputy lievtenants , were the charging of the subjects with arms against law , by colour of their commission from us , and consequently this commission is against the petition of right . for our cleerer answer , we shall set down the summe of the petition , for so much as concerns the unlawfull charging of the subject . and it is this . first , the petition recites severall statutes , as made against the compelling the subject to the making or yeelding any gift , loan , benevolence , taxes , aids , or such like charges without common consent in parliament ; and next setteth forth a violation of those statutes , by the commissions of loans , and execution of them ; and that divers other charges had been laid and levied by lords lievtenants , and others ( as is aforesaid ) and lastly the prayer is substantively of it self , without any relative words , yet extends to all that was before complained of , and contains the substance of all those former statutes in these words , that no man be compelled , to make or yeeld any gift , loan , benevolence , tax , or such like charge without common consent by act of parliament . and our answer to that part of the prayer , amongst the rest , is , let right be done as it desired . and our answer to the objection stands thus . first , that whatsoever sence any words of the preamble may seem to import , yet without question , there is no more in this preamble then is after contained in the prayer : so if our commission be not against the prayer , there can be no argument against it drawn out of the preamble , or if in truth there were more in the preamble then in the prayer , ( whereunto only the royall assent extends , ) yet nothing could bindingly be concluded thereupon ( as we shall further shew upon occasion . ) this then onely rests to be considered upon this objection ; whether the powers , in our commission , to compell the subjects , able of body and estate to arm themselves , and in case of impotency to find arms for others , for the necessary defence of the kingdom , can be said to be a compelling of the subject , to make or yeeld any gift , loan , benevolence , tax , or other like charge , contrary to the prayer of the petition . upon the case thus truly stated , it is cleere , that here is no yeelding or making of gift , benevolence , or loan ; and as for making or yeelding any tax or other like charge , though it be true , that this arming a mans self , or finding arms for another , cannot be done without charge : yet we appeal to every mans understanding , whether our subjects can , upon this commission , be said to make or yeeld ( for so are the words ) any tax or other charge against the petition , any more , then if we command a city to repair their walls , or a levell ( putting the case before any statute , to take away all colour of evasion ) to repair the sea-banks , when they were in decay , being no particular advantage to us , but for the common good of themselves . the truth is , that albeit the imposing of divers charges , & commanding divers acts drawing charges upon the subject , though possibly for their advantage , are void in law : notwithstanding it doth not follow that they are void as against this petition . for the petition of right , as against the charges therein mentioned , is onely to be intended of money , or other thing valuable , and to be parted with to or for us , or our advantage : such as are all the charges more specially mentioned in the preamble and prayer , as that of gift , loan , and benevolences , and such as were those charges intended in the preamble under the generall expression of divers other charges imposed by lord lievtenants , &c. which we think is very well known to most counties , to have been meer pecuniary payments , and which we ought to have born . and for the other charges , that is , of taxes , tallages , aydes likewise mentioned , which as to this purpose are but synonoma , and of one signification , they are meant of money or other things valuable , and for the king ; and so used in the old statutes , and had been in former times imposed upon the people , without act of parliament ; and accordingly all of them are so to be expounded in the preamble . and the prayer of the petition saith nothing expressely against the commanding the subject to do a thing which may be necessarily of expence or charge , ( wherein the act is onely intended , and the charge but a necessary incident ) but the prayer is onely against the compelling of the subject to yeeld , or make those kinds of charges : so as the cleer sence of the petition , both according to the occasion of complaint therein mentioned , and the laws whereupon it is framed , as well as the propriety of the words , is only against drawing from the subject , either money or money-worth , by any of those particular charges therein mentioned , or any other charge of like nature ( under what specious title soever ) for the kings advantage , which the more plainly appears , for that the charge must be yeelded or made , as upon gift , loan , &c. which must necessarily be intended unto some person , and no other person can be here colourably intended but the king . and if the petition , by any construction , may extend against the commanding of any acts , which in the execution may induce charges , yet such charges must ( according to the very words of the petition ) be such like charges , that is for us or our advantage , as the particular charges therein mentioned , of gift , loan , &c. but this charging of the subject with arms for the necessary defence of the kingdom cannot be said for our particular advantage , all our subjects having therein a common interest . as for the meaning of the petition inforced in the objection from the charges by lord lievtenants , and others complained against in the preamble , sure we are that those must be such in the particular , as are after contained in the generall words of the prayer , to which we have answered before ; and though it be to this purpose said in the declaration , that those charges by lord lievtenants and others , were meant of charging of the subject with arms , certainly no such thing can appear in the petition , which speaks but only of divers charges , but names none in particular ; nor can there be any other assurance that the houses did intend any such thing , but by votes , wherein they onely speak : and if any such votes had been , we doubt not but we should have found them inserted in this declaration : and a particular complaint of so great a grievance ( as our commission is made to be ) would have been expressed in the preamble of the petition , with the quotations of statutes to the contrary , as was done concerning other grievances . but in truth it is well known , that about that time , upon occasion of our wars , there were divers other charges imposed by our lievtenants , and others , of a far differing nature , most of which were by direction from us or our privie councell , according to the exigency of the time and some former practice . and we do beleeve , that there was at that time neither complaint or occasion of complaint against the imposing of arms for home defence of the kingdom . howsoever we are sure that no such complaint was particularly represented unto us , or our answer intended thereunto . and now to cleer this sence of the petition 〈◊〉 of the judgement of both our houses this 〈◊〉 parliament , we demand this question : if so be the imposing arms for defence be a charge upon the subject within the meaning of this petition , how the two houses will justifie their ordinance , which we are sure they will not call an act of parliament ; for without an act of parliament , no charge thereby provided against , can be imposed upon the subject , the words being plain , that no man shall be compelled to make or yeeld any gift , loan , benevolence , tax , or other such like charge , without common consent by act of parliament . and now , since this declaration hath given us such occasion to examine our commission upon the petition of right , we shall conclude , out of that petition , that that parliament did conceive the powers of this commission warrantable in every point . for it is plainly to be observed , that the commons did then take into consideration the generall grievances of the kingdom , more particularly , concerning military affaires , and therein the actions of lord lievtenants , and deputy-lievtenants with their commissions and powers , and their exceeding of their power , as expressely the billeting of souldiers , and the payment of billet-money , muster-masters fees , and others of that nature , were then in dispute . and although the two houses could not but take notice of the imposing of arms upon the subject by our commission , of lievtenancy , & their powers to levy , call together , arm , array , train , and muster our subjects inhabiting in our severall counties , and to conduct and lead them against all our enemies , and all rebels and traytors , from time to time , as need should require , ( in which particulars they contained the powers of our commission of array : ) yet the complaint was not made against them , for what they did by vertue of their commission ( no more then against the justices of peace , though complained of , together with the lievtenants ) but for matters wherein they did exceed their commission , upon the command , or direction from us , or our councell ; the petition throughout distinguishing betwixt such commands , or directions , and our commissions . so that we conclude , here was not only an admission , but an approbation of those powers , by that parliament . we come now to the recitall in the preamble of the late statute made this parliament . the words are these . for as much as great commotions , and rebellions have been lately raised and stirred up in his majesties kingdom of ireland , by the wicked plots and conspiracies , of divers of his majesties subjects there ( being traiterously affected ) to the great endangering , not only of the said kingdom , but also of this kingdom of england , unlesse a speedy course be taken for the proventing hereof and for the raising and pressing of men for those services . and whereas , by the laws of this realm , none of his majesties subjects ought to be impressed , or compelled to go out of his county , to serve as a souldier in the wars , except in case of necessity of the sudden coming in of strange enemies into the kingdom , or except they be otherwise bound by the tenure of their lands or possessions &c. ( upon which preamble , there is , in that statute , some provision made for a time for raising and impressing men for those services . ) and upon this preamble , the conclusion is made in these words , that this , commission is directly contrary to this declaration is so evident , that it requireth no application . to this objection , we say , we might make our answer as short as the inference is , by affirming , that it is evident , that this commission is not contrary to this recitall ; and surely we think that what we have already opened , being applyed to this objection , would warrant that answer . but that we may leave nothing undone , that may tend towards the full satisfaction of our good people , we shall also give this a particular answer . first , we say , that if this recitall had been an act , yet there were nothing in our commission contrary to the letter of it , for that by this commision , no man is compellable by any speciall words to go out of his county . and the generall words , ( giving power to the commissioners , for leading them to the sea-coast or elsewhere ( as we have often repeated ) are with these limitations : they are to lead them , but when there is imminent danger of enemies , for defence of the kingdom ; and then only they are to be led to such places , as shall be necessary for the expulsion , vanquishing , and destruction of the said enemies , and this is a case of necessity both within the words of this recitall , and according to the sense of the same words , in the statute of 1. e. 3. and 4. h. 4. ( therein meant ) as we have before shewed . and thus we might leave this objection , but that it implies a matter of a greater consequence then plainly appears . that recitalls of the law , in preambles of statutes are binding ; for in this objection , this recitall is called a declaration of the law and our commission sard to be contrary to that statute , and it further implies , that even in the greatest and most horrid rebellion , the subject cannot be compelled out of the county , for the suppression thereof . but to this we answor , that the difference is apparent , between an act of parliament declarative , and a recitall in a preamble : for such an act ( in any matter though mistaken ) being assented unto by us , and our two houses , is equally binding ( as having equall authority ) with an act introductive of a new law , but the recitall in a preamble , is no part of the act ( the royall assent being only to that , which is expressely or tacitely prayed to be enacted : ) nor can it any wayes so much as imply our opinion : for otherwise , kings must be inforced oftentimes to deny a good law , for an ill preamble ; the consequence whereof is great in such an act as requires expedition , where a bill once denyed , is not regularly to be offered again in that session of parliament . and if it were needfull , divers mistakes , of the law in preambles might be produced by which we would be loath to bind our subjects . neverthelesse , though preambles be not in themselves sufficient to declare laws , yet we deny not they are of good use , though not convincing arguments to expound them . and for our power in the matter of rebellion , besides what hath been said , we might also adde ( if it were materiall to this commission , ) preambles , recitals , and other necessary inferences out of other statutes ( made since those intended in this recitall ) which would prove , that in case of rebellion all our subjects ought to assist us , and to attend our person , upon our command , for the defence thereof , whensoever we should require it . and the truth is , the occasion of this act , now urged against us , appears to be for the service of ireland , and the intention of it ( for so much as is the enacting part ) was to take away all question concerning the pressing of the subjects of england for the suppression of the rebellion in ireland . and so concerned forraign service , and not home defence , either against invasion of enemies or rebels . and thus far the work of the declaration hath been to overthrow our commission by statutes alleadged to be directly against it . there remains yet some other objections drawn from the opinion of former parliaments , and the practice of our selves and our predecessors , and those not directly , but by inferences . but these , as we shall shew , are so farre from concluding against our commission , that they rather prove the contrary . the first of these objections is upon the statutes of 1. jac. c. 25. and 21. iac. c. 28. of repeals : and is thus , that the statute of 4 & 5. ph. & m. cap. 2. having repealed this commission ( for so the declaration supposeth ) they had shewed little care of their own and the subjects liberty , in the parliament of ● . iac. to repeal that statute thereby to revive the power of this commission , which would have subjected the people to far greater bondage : and from thence inferreth , that it is not probable that the parliament of 1. jac. would have repealed , . 4 & 5 ph. & m. as lik●wise from the statute of 21. iac. ( which repealed the statutes of 13. e. 1. and 33. h. 8. ) that it is not probable , that the parliament of 21. jac. would have repealed those statutes ( which in a moderate manner proportioned the arms every man was to find in certainty : ) and suffer an act ( meaning this of 5. h. 4. ) to continue , which established a power in the king without limitation , not only to impose arms , but to command the persons of the subjects at pleasure . to this we say , that both the grounds of this objection are mistaken . for ( as we have already shewed ) neither is this commission repealed by the act of 4 & 5 p. & m. nor is there any such unlimited power given , or bondage by it , as is pretended . and therefore our answer is , that it is no wonder that those parliaments might repeal 4 & 5 p. & m. as too hard ; and 13. e. 1. & 33 h. 8. as of no use : and put the militia of this kingdom again wholly under the powers of this commission , ( being so indifferent between both the other : ) and indeed the militia did after continue under lievtenants , who had in effect the powers given by this commission . and now we shall return this objection thus : that those parliaments of 1. jac. and 21. iac. would have shewed little care of the safety and defence of the kingdom to have repealed those statutes which made provision for arms , if they had thought there were no law or power left in the king to charge men with arms for defence of the kingdom , ( as the declaration affirmes the law now to be . ) but whosoever considers that at that time , and long before , the power of imposing arms , was put in execution by lievtenants , and deputy-lievtenants , by authority of their commissions ( which to this purpose are the same with our commissions of array ) and that this power was not complained of in those parliaments , must conclude it more then probable , that those parliaments did then conceive there was a sufficient power remaining in the king to impose arms . the next objection , is from the opinion of the parliament of 4. and 5. philip & mary , c. 3 that if our commission had been authorized by act of parliament , that statute of ph. & mar. had been to little purpose , whereby the penalty of imprisonment for ten dayes , or forty shillings is imposed upon such , as do not appear at musters , being summoned thereunto by the kings commissioners authorized for that purpose : intimating , as that the act of phil & mar. would never have been made , if they had then conceived , that we had power to grant such commissions . to this we answer , that the particular arms and proportions of arms , were then before appointed by the statute of 4. and 5. ph. & mar. cap. 2. under certain penalties upon those who should be defective , and so a great part of the care of the commissioners of array was supplyed by the provision of that statute ; and the commissions of array being not so proper , but in time of danger , and of a larger extent , then the power of mustering , a commission of muster ( which is part of the power of a commission of array ) would then serve the ordinary turn : and for every ordinary default , but at a muster , in a time of no danger , the punishment by 4. and 5. ph. & mar. cap. 3. was great enough . and for return of this objection , we say , ( as we observed before ) that this statute gives no new power , to grant commissions for musters , but admits the power to grant such commissions to have been in the king before that time . and whereas the statute of 13. e. 1. appoints no other officers but the constables for view of arms , it appears by these statutes of phil. and mar. that the king might appoint his commissioners : which he could not , if this power of arms had been wholly grounded upon that statute . the last objection of this nature , is grounded upon the common opinion or practice ; and is this . that the commissions of lievtenancy , so grievous to the people , and declared illegall in parliament , had not been so often issued , and so much pressed upon them , if the commission of array , not much differing from it in power , and not at all lesse grievous to the subject , might , by the warrant and authority of the laws of this realm , have supplied their room . to this our answer is , that it stands upon two grounds : first , that the commissions of lievtenancy were grievous . secondly , that they were illegall : both which so far forth at least as to the powers wherein they did not exceed the power of this commission ( for the other powers are not now in question ) are cleerly mistaken . for , as for the grievousnesse , we say these commissions were such as had been long used in the happiest times of our predecessors , and continued to our time : and such grievances , as did , or might arise in the execution of these commissions , not warranted by them , are no cause to quarrell at the commissions themselves , more then at the commissions of peace , because some justices of peace have exceeded or abused their authority . and howsoever , those powers wherein they exceeded not our commission of array could not be grievous , as we have already shewed . and as for the illegality of those powers , we shall not , nor will our people be satisfied by bare votes , that they are illegall , the same being done without hearing of our councell , and without advising with the iudges and demanding their opinions , ( a course which was formerly used in parliaments , as appears even by this record of 5. h. 4. amongst many others , but in matters of law which have of late risen in our houses of parliament , hath ( for what cause we know not ) been laid aside . ) but we again say , these powers in our commissions of lievtenancies are legall , and if there be any clauses in such comissiōs which are illegall , those clauses could not at all make the commissions void for so much as was legall , much lesse take away our power of granting new commissions , omitting such clauses . but if we should , for this time , admit the grounds of this objection , that our commissions of lievtenancy had been such as this declaration would have them , yet it is but a very inconsequent argument , that those commissions would not have issued , so often , and been so much pressed , if the commissions of array had been legall . for the commissions of lievtenancy conteyned not only most of the powers of the commission of array , but in many things exceeded them , and were issuable in times of peace , whereas commissions of array commonly issued in times of danger only ; and so there was occasion for the one commission , when there was none for the other . but on the contrary , ( that we may retort this objection also , ) since that the commissions of lievtenancy , not much differing from the commissions of array in power , ( as the declaration saith ) and in many things exceeding them , have so often issued in the reignes of severall of our predecessors , & were allowed by the judges of those times , obeyed without dispute , and not questioned in the parliament of 1. iac. or 21. iac. nor were these powers wherein they agreed with the commission of array complained of by the petition of right , but rather admitted and allowed , as we have already shewed . it may very well be inferred that both the commissions of lievtenancy and of array , ( as to those powers at least wherein they agreed ) were legall and far from being any grievance to the subject . thus far we have proceeded in the examination , and clearing of the objections made against our commissions of array . upon all which objections , we shall further observe that although the declaration denies our power at this day of commanding to train or exercise ; yet none of those objections touch any thing upon those powers . so that if all were true which is objected , yet we should still have power ( at least by a distinct commission ) to command our subjects to be disciplined , mustered , trained and exercised , with such arms as they had in a readinesse ; for that ( as we have shewed before ) these are distinct from the power of imposing of arms , and may be severally granted or executed . and now upon the whole matter , the state of our case is this . it is voted by our houses of parliament , that our kingdom is in imminent danger of destruction from enemies abroad , and a discontented party at home ; and that there is a necessity to put our people into a posture of defence . in this case , for defence of our selves and our kingdom , we have awarded our commissions of array , thereby giving power to the commissioners ( persons , we hope , beyond exception ) to cause our subjects to arm themselves , or , if impotent in body , to find arms for others , according to their abilities , in a reasonable and moderate proportion , and to muster and train them at convenient times and places , and afterwards , upon occasion to lead them , where there is a necessity for the defence of the kingdom , and the expulsion , vanquishing , and destruction of enemies . and we have shewed , that the powers of these commissions , are grounded upon the very principles of government , and that without them , we could not defend and protect our subjects , ( as we are bound by our oath at our coronation ) that they are warranted by the antient common law , allowed by the constant practice of former ages established by the parliament of 5. h. 4. ( which caused a copy of these commissions to be entred upon the roll , as a rule or president for after times ) and are not repealed , or altered by any statutes now in force . and yet , though this danger , and the necessity of putting the kingdome into a posture of defence , is thus agreed by both houses ; neverthelesse , this commission , and all others of like nature , are by their declaration said to be illegall ; and it is thereby denied , that we have , at any time , power to charge our subjects with any manner of arms ( though for the absolute necessary defence of the kingdom ) or that we can command them to be trained or exercised , much lesse to be led out of the county , though an enemy be ready to enter , or though rebels be actually up in arms . how farre this opinion is consistent with law , reason , or regall power , the safety of our selves and our subjects , ( upon all this which we have said ) we leave to all our good people to consider . and since our two houses ( denying us this power ) without us , and against our consent , have made orders ( which they call ordinances ) for compelling our subjects to be armed , trained , exercised , mustered , and conducted , and send for our subjects as delinquents , and imprison them , for refusing to obey such orders ; it is apparent , that what this declaration saith against our commission , without just ground , is true indeed of those orders , that is , that they are contrary to the law and customs of the realm , destructive to the liberty , and property of the subjects , and contrary to the petition of right ( as it is expounded in this declaration , ) as also against other statutes . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a31803e-130 see the printed arguments , fol. 25. 64 , &c. see 14. h. 3. in the printed argument of sir george crook : a commission to the bishop of rochester and others , and to the sheriffe of kent , to cause all men at arms in that county to be sworne , and to assesse them what arms they shall finde . and divers other presidents there of arrays in the times of severall kings . and see cl. 14. h. 3. m. 15. dors. the like to other counties . and 36 h. 3. ( as appeares in the history of matth. paris , who lived at that time , fol. 864. ) rex constituit & generaliter per angliam voce praeconiâ fecit acclamari missis super hoc brevibus ad singulos comitatus , ut secundum pristinam consuetudinem , arma civibus competenter assignarentur , & monstrarentur , & censerentur , ut essent sufficiontia & competentia secundum cujuslibet facultates . the king caused proclamations to be made ( for in such cases proclamations declaratory were not conceived in those times to be illegall ) and sent writs into all counties of england , that ( according to ancient custome ) armes should be competently assessed ( or appointed ) for the people : and that they should be ( mustred ) or shewed , and inrolled , that they might be sufficient and competent , according to every mans estate . and see pat. 48. h. 3. m. 3. dors. & m. 7. dors. cl. 23. e. 1. m. 5. cl. 25. e. 1. m. 17. dors. in scedul . pendent . pat. 31. e. 1. m. 20. cl. 16. e. 2. part . 1. m. 13. dors. pat. 18. e. 2. m. 32. and rot. vascon. 18. e. 2. m. 4. 10. 27. cl. 7. e. 3 . part . 1. m. 25. rot. scot , 10. e. 3. m. 8. franc. 26. e. 3. m. 5. cl. 44. e. 3. m. 22. scot . 7. r. 2. m. 9. franc. 10. r. 2. m. 24. pat. 4. h. 4. part . 2. m. 10. dors. and after the parl. of 5. h. 4. see pat. 7. h. 4. part . 2. m. 31. dors. 11. h. 4. part . 2 m. 24. dors. pat. 5. h. 5. part . 2. m. 37. dors. pat. 8 . h. 5. m. 17. dors. pat. 34. h. 6. m. 8. dorse . pat. 9. e. 4. part . 1. m. 1. dors. pat. 12. e. 4. part . 1. m. 13. dors. and very many more commissions of array in the severall reignes of these princes . see lamb . fol. 135. a law of king edward the confessor . debent enim universi liberi homines , &c. secundum feodum suum , & secundum tenementa sua arma habere , & illa semper prompta conservare ad tuitionem regni , & servitium dominorum suorum juxta praeceptum domini regis explendum & per agendum . and libr. rubr. scaccarii , fol 162. the conquerous law in these words , statuimus & firmiter praecipimus , quòd omnes comites , & barones , & milites , & servientes , & universi liberi homines totius regni nostri pred. habeant , & teneant se semper in armis & equis , ut decet & oportet , &c. upon both which it appeares , that every man , as well as the kings tenants , ought to have armes according to his lands , for defence of the kingdome , at the kings command . and hoveden , pag. 614. in anno 27. h. 2. deinde henricus rex angliae focit hanc assisam de habendis armis in angl. &c. king henry the second made an assise of armes for defence of the kingdome , according to the difference of mens abilities , farre differing from that in 13. e. 1. and see matth. paris , fol. 224. a writ of king john to summon omnes liberos homines & servientes , vel quicunque sint , & de quocunque teneant , qui arma habere debeant , vel arma habere possint ; quod sicut , &c. sint apud doveram , ad defendendum caput nostrum , &c. sub poena culvertagii . rot. par. 13. e. 3. p. 2. n. 39. rot. parl. 14. e. 3. p. 1. n. 53. see pat. 7. h. 4. part . 2. m. 31. dors. pat. 11. h. 4. part . 2. m. 24. dors. cl. 19. e. 2. n. 17. dors. v. 18. e. 3. rot. parl. n. 11. 20. e. 3. rot. parl. n. 12. and others of that time . 9. h. 4. r. parl. n. 17. 6. h. 4. r. parl. n. 9. 1. h. 5. r. parl. n. 17. 2. h. 4. c. 10. stat. 2. h. 4. cap. 20. 4. h. 4. rot . parl. part . 2. m. 10. see 11. h. 7 in the preamble , that the subjects , by the duty of their allegiance , are bound to serve their prince in his wars , for the defence of him and the land , against every rebellion , power , and might , reared against him . and 11. h. 7. c. 18. whereas every subject , by the duty of his allegiance , is bound to assist the king at all seasons when need shall require ; and most especially such as have by him promotion or advancement , as grants , and gifts of offices , fees , and annuities , which are , and verily be bound by reason to give their attendance upon his royall person , to defend the same , when he shall fortune to goe in his person in wars for defence of the realm , or against his rebels and enemies . and 5. el. cap. 5. be it enacted infavour of fishermen , and mariners , that none of them shall hereafter at any time be compelled against his or their will , to serve as a souldier upon the land or sea , otherwise then as a mariner , except it shall be to serve under any captain of some ship or vessell for landing , to doe some especiall exploit , which mariners have used to do , or under any other person , having authority to withstand any invasion of enemies , or to subdue any rebellion within the realm . and see 19. h. 7. cap. 1 , 2 , & 3. e. 6. c. 2. and 4 & 5 ph. & mar. c. 3. his majesties farevvel speech unto the lords commissioners at newport in the isle of wight. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a78782 of text in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.13[51]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a78782 wing c2305 thomason 669.f.13[51] 99869822 99869822 162947 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a78782) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 162947) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 246:669f13[51]) his majesties farevvel speech unto the lords commissioners at newport in the isle of wight. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1648] with engraving of royal seal at head of document. imprint from wing. annotation on thomason copy: "dec 5 1648". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng charles -i, -king of england, 1600-1649 -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a78782 (thomason 669.f.13[51]). civilwar no his majesties farevvel speech unto the lords commissioners at newport in the isle of wight.: england and wales. sovereign 1648 243 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c r diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms his maiesties farevvel speech vnto the lords commissioners at newport in the isle of wight . my lords , you are come to take your leave of me , and i beleeve we shall scarce ever see each other againe : but gods will be done , i thanke god , i have made my peace with him , and shall without feare , undergoe what he shall be pleased to suffer men to doe unto me . my lords , you cannot but know , that in my fall and ruine , you see your owne , and that also neere to you ; i pray god send you better friends then i have found . i am fully informed of the whole cariage of the plot against me and mine ; and nothing so much afflicts me , as the sence and feeling i have of the sufferings of my subjects , and the miseries that hang over my three kingdomes , drawne upon them by those who ( upon pretences of good ) violently pursue their owne interests and ends . these words his majesty delivered with much alacrity , and cheerfulnesse , with a serene countenance , and a cariage free from all disturbance . thus parting with the lords , leaving many tender impressions , ( if not in them ) in the other hearers . the kings majesties speech to the sixe heads, concerning the queens going into holland england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a32136 of text r39155 in the english short title catalog (wing c2817). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a32136 wing c2817 estc r39155 18240567 ocm 18240567 107223 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a32136) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 107223) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1629:65) the kings majesties speech to the sixe heads, concerning the queens going into holland england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. henrietta maria, queen, consort of charles i, king of england, 1609-1669. queens majesties speech to a committee of both houses at whitehall, touching her going into holland. 1 broadside. [s.n.], [london] printed : 1641. place of publication suggested by wing. includes: the queens majesties speech to a committee of both houses at whitehall, touching her going into holland. reproduction of original in the harvard university library. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649. a32136 r39155 (wing c2817). civilwar no the kings majesties speech to the sixe heads, concerning the queens going into holland. england and wales. sovereign 1641 282 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-05 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-06 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-06 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion ❧ the kings majesties speech to the sixe heads , concerning the queens going into holland . my lords , and gentlemen ; nothing but exstream necessity shall make me willing at this time for to give consent unto the queens going out of the land ; and i shall be very sorry if the case stand so , that she should be forc't to go to preserve her health , and i give unto both houses many thanks , for the care they have of my wives health and contentment : therefore i desire there may be a committee of both houses here to morrow , at three a clock , to attend my wife , with these reasons which have now been read to me . ❧ the queens majesties speech to a committee of both houses at whitehall , touching her going into holland . my lords , and gentlemen of the house of commons , i am thankefull to both houses of parliament , for the great care they have of my health ; and for their affections to me , hoping that i shall see the effect of it : truely nothing but my life could move me to this consideration , and if i thought i could serve the king , and kingdome with the hazard of my life , i would do it willingly , and i hope you do beleeve , i am so much interested in the good and welfare of this kingdome , that i shall never in my life wish or desire any thing that may prove to the prejudice of it . july 20. printed anno dom. 1641. by the king. a proclamation forbidding all the tenants or debtors of such who are in actuall and open rebellion, or who adhere to, or assist the rebels, to pay any rents or debts to such persons or any of them. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a79019 of text r39148 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.7[43]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a79019 wing c2655 thomason 669.f.7[43] estc r39148 99872531 99872531 161024 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a79019) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 161024) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f7[43]) by the king. a proclamation forbidding all the tenants or debtors of such who are in actuall and open rebellion, or who adhere to, or assist the rebels, to pay any rents or debts to such persons or any of them. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by leonard lychfield, printer to the vniversity, printed at oxford [i.e. london] : 1653. actual place of publication from wing. dated at end: given at our court at oxford, the twenty fifth day of september, in the nineteenth year of our reigne. with engraving of royal seal at head of document. annotation on thomason copy: "september 5: octob. 5th". reproductions of the originals in the harvard university library (early english books), and the british library (thomason tracts). eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a79019 r39148 (thomason 669.f.7[43]). civilwar no by the king. a proclamation forbidding all the tenants or debtors of such who are in actuall and open rebellion, or who adhere to, or assist england and wales. sovereign 1653 618 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-02 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-03 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-03 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion cr honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the king . ❧ a proclamation forbidding all the tenants or debtors of such who are in actuall and open rebellion , or who adhere to , or assist the rebels , to pay any rents or debts to such persons or any of them . whereas vve have , by our severall proclamations , bearing date the eight day of march last , and the seventh day of aprill last , published our resolution to grant our commissions for the seizing of the goods , and sequestring the estates of all such persons who are in rebellion , or doe assist those who are , to the intent that such their goods , and rents , may be safely deposited , untill such time as the offenders can be brought to legall triall , which shall speedily proceed against them as soon as they can be apprehended , and delivered into the hands of iustice . and vve did therefore command all persons who were any wayes indebted unto , and all the severall tenants of all such persons , to forbeare to pay any rents or debts due to the said severall persons , but to detaine the same in their hands towards the maintenance of the peace of the severall counties , and the reparation of such men vvho have suffered by the violence of the rebells . since which time it hath pleased god so far , and so eminently to blesse our armies , that we have againe reduced severall counties to our obedience , which were for the greatest part , if not totally , possessed by the rebells : and considering therefore that it is very probable our said proclamations were kept from the knowledge of our good subjects of those counties , vve have once more thought fit to publish the same , and do hereby declare to all our loving subjects whatsoever , that as vve have already issued out such our commissious into severall counties , in which we give authority to the persons trusted by vs to distinguish betweene those who have been active and malitious contrivers of this rebellion , and those who have been through weaknesse or feare seduced by them : so vve will dayly issue out other commissions to the same purpose . and vvee doe straitly charge and command all our loving subjects of what condition soever , as they will answer their disobedience at their utmost perills , that they pay no rents or debts which now are , or hereafter shall grow due to any persons who either are , or lately have been in rebellion , ( and have not since submitted themselves to vs ) or to any such who adhere to , or assist those who are in rebellion , and that they presume not to receive any goods , money or stocke in trust for any such persons , but that they faithfully account , and pay the same to such persons as either are , or shall be intrusted by vs for that purpose , and we shall proceed against all such persons who shall wilfully , and peremptorily disobey vs herein , as against persons notoriously disaffected to vs and our service . and our pleasure is , that this our proclamation be read in all churches and chappells through this our kingdome . given at our court at oxford , the twenty fifth day of september , in the nineteenth year of our reigne . god save the king . printed at oxford , by leonard lychfield , printer to the vniversity , 1643. to the kings most excellent majesty: the humble petition of the lords and commons now assembled in parliament delivered at colebrook, 10 nov. 1642. by the earls of pembrooke and nothumberland, lord wainman, m. perpoint, and sir jo. hippesley. england and wales. parliament. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a83521 of text r211419 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.5[103]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a83521 wing e2375 thomason 669.f.5[103] estc r211419 99870146 99870146 160816 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a83521) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160816) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f5[103]) to the kings most excellent majesty: the humble petition of the lords and commons now assembled in parliament delivered at colebrook, 10 nov. 1642. by the earls of pembrooke and nothumberland, lord wainman, m. perpoint, and sir jo. hippesley. england and wales. parliament. charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i). 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1642] place and date of publication from wing. includes: his majesties answer to the foresaid petition, given to the committee at colebrooke, nov. 11. 1642. date of proceedings from steele. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng charles -i, -king of england, 1600-1649 -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a83521 r211419 (thomason 669.f.5[103]). civilwar no to the kings most excellent majesty: the humble petition of the lords and commons now assembled in parliament delivered at colebrook, 10 nov england and wales. parliament. 1642 684 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-12 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2007-12 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion to the kings most excellent majesty : the humble petition of the lords and commons now assembled in . parliament delivered at colebrook , 10 nov. 1642. by the earls of pembrooke and northumberland , lord wainman , m. perpoint , and sir jo. hippesley . we your majesties most loyall subjects , the lords and commons in parliament assembled , being affected with a deep and piercing sense of the miseries of this kingdom , and of the dangers to your majesties person , as the present affairs now stand , and much quickned therein with the sad consideration of the great effusion of blood at the late battell , and of the losse of so many eminent persons ; and farther weighing the addition of losse , misery , and danger to your majesty and your kingdom which must ensue , if both armies should again joyn in another battell , as without gods speciall blessing , and your majesties concurrence with your houses of parliament , will not probably be avoided . we cannot but believe that a sutable impression of tendernesse and compassion is wrought in your majesties royall heart , being your self an eye-witnesse of the bloody and sorrowfull destruction of so many of your subjects ; and that your majesty doth apprehend what diminution of your own power and greatnesse will follow ; and that all your kingdoms will thereby be so weakned , as to become subject to the attempts of any ill affected to this state . in all which respects we assure our selves , that your majesty will be inclined graciously to accept this our humble petition , that the misery and desolation of this kingdom may be speedily removed and prevented : for the effecting whereof , we most humbly beseech your majesty to appoint some convenient place , not far from the city of london , where your majesty will be pleased to reside , untill committees of both houses of parliament may attend your majesty with some propositions for the removall of these bloody distempers and distractions , and setling the state of the kingdom , in such a manner as may conduce to the preservation of gods true religion , your majesties honour , safety , and prosperity , and to the peace , comfort , and security of all your people . his majesties answer to the foresaid petition , given to the committee at colebrooke , nov. 11. 1642. we take god to witnesse how deeply we are affected with the miseries of this kingdom , which heretofore we have stroven ( as much as in vs lay ) to prevent ; it being sufficiently known to all the world , that as we were not the first that took up arms , so we professed our readinesse of composing all things in a fairway , by our severall offers of treaty ; and shall be glad ( now at length ) to finde any such inclinations in others . the same tendernesse to avoyd destruction of our subjects ( whom we know to be our greatest strength ) which would alwayes make our greatest victories bitter to vs , shall make us willingly hearken to such propositions , whereby these bloody distempers may be stopped , and the great distractions of this kingdom setled , to gods glory , our honour , and the well-fare and flourishing of our people . and to that end shall reside at our own castle at windsor ( if the forces shall be removed ) till committees may have time to attend vs with the same ( which , to prevent the inconveniences that may intervene , we wish may be hastened ) and shall be ready there , or ( if that be refused us ) at any place where we shall be , to receive such propositions as aforesaid , from both our houses of parliament . do you your duty , vve will not be wanting to ours . god of his mercy give a blessing . a proclamation of his majesties grace, favour, and pardon to the inhabitants of his county of lancaster england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a32067 of text r40799 in the english short title catalog (wing c2672). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a32067 wing c2672 estc r40799 19320204 ocm 19320204 108610 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a32067) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 108610) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1683:21) a proclamation of his majesties grace, favour, and pardon to the inhabitants of his county of lancaster england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. by l. lichfield ..., [oxford : 1642] at head of title: by the king. "given at our court at oxford, the ninth day december, in the eighteenth yeare of our reigne." imprint suggested by wing. reproduction of original in the bodleian library. eng proclamations -great britain. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649. a32067 r40799 (wing c2672). civilwar no a proclamation of his majesties grace, favour, and pardon to the inhabitants of his county of lancaster england and wales. sovereign 1642 617 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-07 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-07 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c r honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the king . ¶ a proclamation of his majesties grace , favour , and pardon to the inhabitants of his county of lancaster . whereas we have taken notice , that by the malice , industry , and importunity of severall ill-affected and seditious persons in our county of lancaster , very many of our weake and seduced subjects of that our county have not only beene drawne to exercise the militia , under colour of a pretended ordinance , without and against our consent , ( a crime of a very high nature , if we would strictly enquire thereinto ) but have made contributions of plate , money , and horses , towards the maintenance of the army now in rebellion against vs ; we doe hereby publish and declare , that we are gratiously pleased to attribute the crimes and offences of our said subjects of that county , to the power and faction of their seducers ; who , we beleeve , by threates , menaces , and false informations compelled and led them into these actions of undutifullnesse and disloyalty towards vs ; and we doe therefore hereby offer our free and gracious pardon to all the inhabitants of our said county of lancaster , for all offences concerning the premisses committed against vs , before the publishing of this our proclamation , except george booth , and richard holland esquires , against whom wee shall proceed according to the rules of the law as against traytours and stirrers of sedition against vs , and whom wee doe hereby require all our officers and ministers of iustice , and all our loving subjects whatsoever , to apprehend , and cause to be kept in safe custody till our pleasure be further knowne . provided , that this our grace shall not extend to any person , who after the publishing this our proclamation shall presume by loane or contribution , to assist the said army of rebells , to assemble and muster themselves in armes without authority derived from vs under our hand , to enter into any oath of association for opposing vs and our army , or to succour , or entertaine any of the persons excepted in this our proclamation or in our declaration of the 12th of august . but we must and doe declare , that whosoever shall henceforward be guilty of the premisses , or of either of them , shall be esteemed by vs , as an enemy to the publike peace , a person disaffected to vs , and to the religion and lawes of the kingdome , and shall accordingly receive condigne punishment , of which we give them timely notice , that they may proceed accordingly at their perills . and wee doe hereby will and require our high sheriffe , commissioners of array , iustices of the peace , and all other our officers , and loving subjects to resist , oppose , and apprehend all such persons as shall presume to make any leavies in that our county , upon what pretence soever , without authority derived from vs under our hand . and we likewise will and require them , and every of them to be assistant to all such as shall either command the traine bands of that our county , or make any leavies in the same , by vertue of commission under our great seale , or signe manuall . ¶ given at our court at oxford , the ninth day of december , in the eighteenth yeare of our reigne . god save the king . by the king. a proclamation for the further restraint of prophane swearing and cursing, and the better observing of prayer and preaching in his majesties armies, and the city of oxford, and in all other parts of the kingdome. proclamations. 1644-04-08. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a32049 of text r213850 in the english short title catalog (wing c2616). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a32049 wing c2616 estc r213850 99826116 99826116 30508 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a32049) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 30508) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1774:27) by the king. a proclamation for the further restraint of prophane swearing and cursing, and the better observing of prayer and preaching in his majesties armies, and the city of oxford, and in all other parts of the kingdome. proclamations. 1644-04-08. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by leonard lichfield, printer to the university, printed at oxford : 1644. dated at end: given at our court at oxford, the eight of april. 1644. reproduction of the original in the bodleian library. eng swearing -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a32049 r213850 (wing c2616). civilwar no by the king. a proclamation for the further restraint of prophane swearing and cursing, and the better observing of prayer and preaching in england and wales. sovereign 1644 788 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-07 paul schaffner sampled and proofread 2008-07 paul schaffner text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion royal blazon or coat of arms c r honi soit qvi mal y pense by the king . ¶ a proclamation for the further restraint of prophane swearing and cursing , and the better observing of prayer and preaching in his majesties armies , and the city of oxford , and in all other part of the kingdome . whereas , by our proclamation dated the 13th day of iune last past , we did strictly charge and command all the respective officers of our army , to cause all our military orders against blasphemy , oathes and other scandalous actions against the honour and service of god , to be duly and severely put in execution ; which our command , if it had been well observed , and the lawes of our realm touching those offences duly executed , ( as in duty to god and us they ought to have been ) there had not been that liberty taken by those of our army , and other persons in the kingdome , of dishonouring the sacred majesty of god , by horrible oathes and execrations to the high provocation of god's wrath against themselves and this whole nation ; we therefore out of our tender care of the honour of god ( to whose glory we shall ever devote our crown ) and in token of our hatred and detestation of this monstrous impiety , do by this our proclamation strictly charge all commanders and officers of our armies , and of all our garrison townes , to see that all our military orders for the repressing of prophane swearing and cursing by souldiers , be duly and severely executed for the time to come , and exemplary punishment done upon offenders therein , to the terror of others , which that they may know is by us expected at their hands , we do hereby require all commanders and officers in our armies , and garrison townes and all who do or shall attend us in our court , to be vertuous examples in their own persons to all souldiers and others , by abstaining from all such prophanations , as they desire the blessing of god upon us , upon themselves , and the whole land ; which if they shall neglect to perform , we do hereby declares , that all such persons in our court , armies , or garrison towns as shall appear to us to be notorious offenders in this kind , we will in some publique way set a character of disgrace upon them , that they may appear to the whole world to be offensive both to god and us . and we do further hereby strictly charge and command all justices of peace in the severall counties of this kingdome , and all majors , justices of peace , bayliffs , and head-officers in all cities and townes corporate within the same , that they cause the statute made in the 21. yeare of the raign of our late father of blessed memory , for the prevention and reformation of prophane swearing and cursing to be put in due execution , and that the forfeiture of twelve-pence for every offence belevied according to that statute , and particularly in our city of oxford , where our court now is , wherein we strictly charge and require the major , and justices of peace of our said city ( of whom we will require a strict account ) to take especiall care of the punishment of all offenders in that kind , and that children and others , of whom the penalty of twelve-pence cannot be levied or had , be whipped or set three houres in the stocks , according to the form of that statute . and for the future prevention of these and the like offences so opposite to the glory of god by planting his true fear in the hearts of all men , we do lastly charge and command , that divine service and sermons ( according to the doctrine and liturgie of the church of england established by law ) be duly and constantly used in all our armies and garrison townes , and in all churches and chappells throughout this realm . all these our commands we require forthwith to be printed , and published at the head of every regiment of our army , and in all garrison townes , and in all parish churches within this our realm . given at our court at oxford , the eighth of april . 1644. god save the king . ¶ printed at oxford , by leonard lichfield , printer to the university , 1644. by the king a proclamation concerning the trade of ginney, and binney, in the parts of africa. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) 1631 approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2006-06 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a22547 stc 8983 estc s3592 33150538 ocm 33150538 28651 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a22547) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 28651) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1876:140) by the king a proclamation concerning the trade of ginney, and binney, in the parts of africa. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. [2] leaves. by robert barker, printer to the kings most excellent maiestie: and by the assignes of iohn bill, imprinted at london : m.dc.xxxi [1631] announcing 31-year patent to sir r. young, and others, for sole trade to africa. caption title. imprint from colophon. "giuen at our court at saint iames, the two and twentieth day of nouember, in the seuenth yeere of our reigne." reproduction of original in: society of antiquaries. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng digby, kenelm, -sir, 1603-1665. young, richard, -sir. kirke, george, d. 1675? slany, humfry. crisp, nicholas, -sir, 1599?-1666. cloberie, william. great britain -commerce -africa -early works to 1800. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. 2005-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-01 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2006-01 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion diev · et · mon · droit honi ❀ soit ❀ qvi ❀ mal ❀ y ❀ pense ❀ royal blazon or coat of arms ¶ by the king. ¶ a proclamation concerning the trade of ginney , and binney , in the parts of africa . whereas our late deare and royall father , king james ( of euer blessed and happy memorie ) for the due establishing of an orderly traffique and trade of merchandize vnto ginney , binney , and angola in the parts of africa , did by his letters patents vnder the great seale of england , incorporate diuers of his louing subiects both merchants and others , and did thereby grant vnto them diuers powers , licences , priuiledges and authorities in the said letters patents mentioned ; which letters patents wee haue for diuers consideratious and causes us moouing , caused in a legall manner and way by iudgement , to be called in , and made voyd , and which are since by us resumed , determined , repeated and made voyd . and to the end the sayd trade and traffique much importing the good of our seruice , and the inriching of this our kingdome of england , should not bee let fall , and left off , wee haue by our letters patents vnder our great seale of england , bearing date the 25. day of iune last past , given and granted vnto our welbeloued seruants and subiects sir richard young knight and baronet , sir kenelme digby knight , george kirke esquire , humfry slany , nicholas crispe , and william cloberie of london merchants , their executors , admnistrators and assignes , the sole trade and traffique to ginney , binney , and angola , and all ports , hauens , and creekes thereunto belonging , in the parts of africa , for the terme of one and thirty yeeres , from the date of our sayd letters patents next ensuing , as in and by the sayd letters patents amongst diuers powers , prohibitions , and authorities therein contained , more at large it doth and may appeare . now to the end , none of our louing subiects may pretend ignorance of our royall pleasure in that behalfe , but that what wee haue prohibited , commanded , and forbidden by our sayd letters patents , may bee fully knowen and published , and accordingly obserued and obeyed . wee doe therefore hereby straightly charge , inhibite , aud forbid all and euery our subiects , of what degree , or qualitie soeuer they bee , that none of them directly , or indirectly , during the sayd terme of one and thirtie yeeres , presume to visite , frequent , trade , or aduenture to traffique into , or from the lands , dominions , and places aforesaid , or any of them . and wee doe also hereby , further straightly charge , inhibite , prohibite , and forbid aswell all and euery our subiects as aforesaid , as all and euery the subiects of any forreigne prince , state , or potentate whatsoeuer , to import or bring in , any red-wood , elephants-teeth , hides , waxe , gummes , or graines of those countreys , or any part thereof , or any other of the commodities of those countreys , from any place , or places whatsoeuer , into any of our kingdomes , or dominions ( other then the sayd sir richard young , sir kenelme digby , george kirke , humfry slany , nicholas crispe , and william clobery , their executors , administrators , assignes , deputies , factors , and seruants ) vpon paine of our high displeasure , and the forfeiture and losse , both of those goods , and of the ships which shall import the same , wheresoeuer they shall be found . and wee doe also hereby charge , prohibite , inhibite , and forbid all and euery the factors , masters of ships , mariners & agents of them the said sir richard young , sir kenelme digby , george kirke , humfry slany , nicholas crispe , and william clobery , and of euery of them , and of the executors , aministrators and assignes of them and euery of them , that none of them directly or indirectly during the terme aforesaid , presume to trade , aduenture , or traffique for themselues , or any of them , or for any other person or persons whatsoeuer , ( other then the said last patentees , into , or from the lands , dominions and places aforesayd , or in any of them , vpon paine of our high indignation displeasure , and forfeiture of all such goods , and vpon such other punishments , as can or may by law bee inflicted vpon the offendors , for contempt of our royall pleasure and command in this behalfe . and to the end our commands herein may bee the better performed , obserued and kept , wee doe hereby straitly charge and command , all our admirals , viceadmirals , and all other our officers and ministers of the admiraltie , and such as haue admirall iurisdiction ; and all maiors , portreeues , iustices of peace , sheriffes , bailiffes , constables , customers , comptrollers , collectors , wayters , searchers , surueyors , and all other our officers , and ministers whatsoeuer to bee from time to time in all things helping , aiding and assisting , and as much as in them or any of them whom it shall or may concerne lieth , to see our pleasure herein to bee kept , obserued and performed , as they tender our pleasure , and will answere the contrarie at their perils , and vpon paine of our heauie displeasure , and the losse of their and euery of their places . giuen at our court at saint iames , the two and twentieth day of nouember , in the seuenth yeere of our reigne . god saue the king. ¶ imprinted at london by robert barker , printer to the kings most excellent maiestie : and by the assignes of iohn bill . m.dc.xxxi . by the king. a proclamation for the security and protection of the possessors of delinquents lands, in the county of wilts who have, or shall become his majesties tenants. proclamations. 1644-03-05 england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a79009 of text r225679 in the english short title catalog (wing c2629). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a79009 wing c2629 estc r225679 99900186 99900186 171053 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a79009) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 171053) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2552:8) by the king. a proclamation for the security and protection of the possessors of delinquents lands, in the county of wilts who have, or shall become his majesties tenants. proclamations. 1644-03-05 england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by leonard lichfield, printer to the university, printed at oxford : 1643. [i.e. 1644] dates are given according to lady day dating. dated at end: ... oxford, the fifth of march, in the nineteenth yeare of our reigne, 1643. arms 37; steele notation: being and our. reproduction of original in the victoria and albert museum, forster collection, london, england. eng great britain -history -confiscations and contributions -early works to 1800. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649 -early works to 1800. a79009 r225679 (wing c2629). civilwar no by the king. a proclamation for the security and protection of the possessors of delinquents lands, in the county of wilts, who have, or sha england and wales. sovereign 1644 538 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-07 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-07 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion by the king . cr honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms ¶ a proclamation for the security and protection of the possessors of delinquents lands , in the county of wilts , who have , or shall become his majesties tenants . whereas diverse seditious and rebelliously affected persons of our county of wilts , being conscious to have justly deserved our high displeasure and the punishment of the lawes , have withdrawn themselves from their estates and dwellings in that county , unto other parts , and places of this kingdome , in the power and possession of the rebells ; where they remaine and ( either personally , or by supplies of money , and other provisions , ) are in rebellion against us . and whereas by vertue of our commission , lately issued under our great seal of england , the lands of many such delinquents have been seized , and by our commissioners disposed and let at reasonable and moderate rates , to severall tenants , who have agreed to pay their rents to us , and for our use , untill the said rebellious persons shall submit themselves to legall tryalls ; for the better inabling therefore , and incouragement of such tenants to performe their undertakings for our service , and that henceforth they may be freed from that violence which the souldiers of our armies too frequently , without command , have exercised upon possessors of delinquents lands ; we doe hereby declare , that all persons whatsoever , as well such as formerly held lands of such delinquents , and now are , or hereafter by agreements , as aforesaid , or otherwise , shall become our tenants ; as others , who have , or shall take such estates of our commissioners in that county , shall be held , reputed , and esteemed , to be in our immediat protection and regard ; wherefore we will , require , and command , all officers and souldiers of our armies , that they at any time presume not to doe wrong or dammage to their persons , houses , cattell , lands , or goods ; and that as much as may be possible , and the service will permit , they forbeare at any time to billet or quarter themselves or horses on them ; but that in all things such respect be had of them , and their welldoing , as is justly due to persons in our speciall service and protection . and we doe hereby farther order and declare , that if any such officers or souldiers , shall ( after notice that they are our tenants ) in contempt of this our proclamation , doe any act whereby such persons or any of them shall be damnified or oppressed , upon due information thereof given , they shall receive such severe and exemplary punishment as their offences shall deserve . given at our court at oxford , the fifth of march , in the ninteenth yeare of our reigne , 1643. god save the king . ¶ printed at oxford , by leonard lichfield , printer to the vniversity , 1643. by the king. his majesties declaration whereby to repeale and make voyd, all licenses, by himselfe granted for bringing any goods or commodities, from the cities of london and westminster and other places, in rebellion against his majesty, contrary to his late proclamation, prohibiting trade and commerce with the said citties and places. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a78765 of text r212008 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.7[59]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a78765 wing c2289 thomason 669.f.7[59] estc r212008 99870666 99870666 161040 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a78765) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 161040) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f7[59]) by the king. his majesties declaration whereby to repeale and make voyd, all licenses, by himselfe granted for bringing any goods or commodities, from the cities of london and westminster and other places, in rebellion against his majesty, contrary to his late proclamation, prohibiting trade and commerce with the said citties and places. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by leonard lichfield, printer to the vniversity, printed at oxford : 1643. dated at end: given at oxford under his maiesties signe manuall, the tenth day of december, in the nineteenth yeare of his reigne. 1643. with engraving of royal seal at head of document. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. great britain -commercial policy -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. westminster (london, england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. a78765 r212008 (thomason 669.f.7[59]). civilwar no by the king. his majesties declaration whereby to repeale and make voyd, all licenses, by himselfe granted for bringing any goods or commodi england and wales. sovereign 1643 470 9 0 0 0 0 0 191 f the rate of 191 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the f category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion by the king . his majesties declaration whereby to repeale and make voyd , all licenses , by himselfe granted f●● bringing any goods or commodities , from the cities of london and westminster , and other pl●ces , in rebellion against his majesty , contrary to his late proclamation , prohibiting trade and commerce , with the said citties and places . whereas since his majesties late proclamation , prohibiting trade with the c●ties of london and westminster , at the earnest and humble suit of certaine h●● majesties faithfull subjects of this city of oxford , and other places , and fo●● reasons by them proposed , which appeared to be very pressing , some few licenses and dispensations have bin granted , under his royall signature , for bringin● some certaine quantities of sundry sorts of goods and commodities from the said cities of london and westminster . and whereas his majesty hath since found , that by colour of such licenses , there is a great trade of almost all commodities still continued with those cities , to the enerving and frustrating the scope and intent of his said proclamation , which in his royall wisedome he hath judged most necessary to prevent : his majesty hath therefore thought fit hereby to declare , that from henceforth , and from the date hereof , all such licenses by him granted as aforesaid , shall be void , and no more put in use , even although the same , or any of them may have bin obtained with intent onely to provide supplyes of such things , as might be needfull for his own royal person , or his dear consort the queens majesty or for the persons of the prince or duke of york , their highnesses , straightly charging & commanding all persons whosoever have obtained , or are possessed of any such licenses as aforesaid , and all other persons whatsoever , that they presume not to bring , or cause to be brought any goods or commodities , from the said cities of london and westminster , or any othe● towne or place in rebellion against his majesty , directly or indirectly , mediately or immediately , unto this his city of oxford , or any other place in obedience unto his majesty , upo● such paines as are expressed in his majesties said proclamation , and such farther punishment a● may justly be inflicted on them for contemning and infringing this his royall pleasure and command . given at oxford under his maiesties signe manuall , the tenth day of december , in the nineteenth yeare of his reigne . 1643. god save the king . printed at oxford by leonard lichfield , printer to the vniversity . 1643. trusty and well belo[ved] england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a32146 of text r40808 in the english short title catalog (wing c2842). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a32146 wing c2842 estc r40808 19327828 ocm 19327828 108626 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a32146) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 108626) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1683:30) trusty and well belo[ved] england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. by robe[rt bark]er ... : and th[e assign]es of john bill, imprinted at york : 1642. at head of title: by the king. title from first line of text. bracketed information in title and imprint suggested by wing. imperfect: creased and torn with loss of print, best copy available for photographing. reproduction of original in the harvard university library. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649. a32146 r40808 (wing c2842). civilwar no trusty and well belo[ved] england and wales. sovereign 1642 753 56 0 0 0 0 0 744 f the rate of 744 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the f category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-12 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-12 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion ❧ by the king . trusty and well belo●●●… we greet you well : vvhereas vve understand , that sir j … … am takes vpon him ( without any legall authority or powe … 〈…〉 issue vvarrants to constables , and other our officers , t … … vers of our trained bands of this our county , and requ … 〈◊〉 to march with their arms , and to come into our town of 〈◊〉 where he hath disarmed divers of them , keeps their arms , a … … arges the men : and whereas vve are credibly informed , that 〈◊〉 persons , who were lately colonels , lieutenant-colonels , captains and officers 〈◊〉 ●rayned bands of this our county , intend shortly to summon , and indeavour to mus●●● 〈◊〉 ●●rces of this our county : for as much as by the law of the land , none of 〈…〉 bands are to be raised or mustered , upon any pretence or authority whatsoever 〈…〉 … all vvarrant under our own hand , or by a legall vvrit directed to the sherif 〈…〉 ●ounty , or by vvarrant from the lord lieutenant , or deputy lieutenants of 〈…〉 , appointed and authorized by commission under our great seal . and wh … 〈…〉 … sent there is no lord lieutenant or deputy lieutenant legally authorized to co … the forces and trained bands of this our county of york , and the commissions , … and , and power of all colonels , lieutenant-colonels , captains and officers of our ●●ained bands , ( which were derived from the commission and power of the lord lieutenant onely ) are now actually void , and of no force and authority . our vvill and comand therefore is , that you forthwith issue vvarrants under our hand , to all the late c●lonels , lieutenant-colonels , captains and officers who ( whiles the lord lieutenants commission was in force ) had the command the trained bands of this our county : a●d also to all high and petty constables , and other our officers , in this our county , wh● it may concern charging and commanding them , and every of them , in our name , ●nd upon their allgiance , and as they tender the peace of this our kingdom , not to must●● , leavie , or raise , or to summon or vvarn ( upon any pretence or directions whatsoever any of our trained bands to rise , muster , or march without expresse vvarrant under our hand , or vvarrant from you our sheriff grounded upon a particular vvrit to that pu●pose ; which vve also command you , not to put in execution without our privity and ●●●owance , whiles vve shall reside in this our county . and in case any of our traine● … ds shall rise , or gather together , contrary to this our command , then vve will a 〈…〉 and you to charge and require them , to dissolve and retire to their dwellings . a … 〈…〉 due summons from you , they shall not lay down their arms , and depart to t … 〈…〉 . vve will and command you , upon your allegiance , and as you tender th … 〈…〉 d quiet of this our kingdom , to raise the power of the county , and suppresse 〈…〉 e , as the law hath directed and given you power to do . and to the end that th … esse command may be notified to all our good subjects in this our county , so 〈…〉 may pretend hereafter to have been misled through ignorance ; vve require you 〈…〉 … hese our letters to be forthwith read , and published openly in all churches an● 〈…〉 s in this our countie . herein you may not fail , as you tender the safety and h … 〈◊〉 our person , the good and peace of this our kingdom and will answer the contra●● 〈…〉 perill . for which this shall be your sufficient vvarrant . given at our co●●● 〈◊〉 ●●●k the fifth day of may , in the eighteenth yeer of our r●●●●●●●●… to our trusty and welbeloved high sheriffe of our county of york . ❧ imprinted at york by robe●●●●●●er , printer to the kings most excellent majestie : and by the span●●●●●●es of john bill . 1642. by the king a proclamation against imbezelling of armour, munition, and victuall, and other military prouisions. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) 1625 approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a22394 stc 8811 estc s122685 38160554 ocm 38160554 29244 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a22394) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 29244) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1923:9) by the king a proclamation against imbezelling of armour, munition, and victuall, and other military prouisions. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 2 leaves. by bonham norton and iohn bill, printers to the kings most excellent maiestie, imprinted at london : m.dc.xxv [1625] imprint from colophon. "dated at our manour of hampton, the 25. of december. 1625." reproduction of original in: henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng england and wales. -army -supplies and stores. great britain -history, military -1603-1714. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. broadsides -london (england) -17th century. 2003-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-06 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-07 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2003-07 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-08 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion ¶ by the king. ❧ a proclamation against imbezelling of armour , munition , and victuall , and other military prouisions . diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms whereas by an act of parliament , made in the one and thirtieth yeere of the reigne of our deare sister , the late queene elizabeth , of famous memorie , it was enacted , that if any person or persons , hauing at any time , after the said parliament , the charge or custodie of any armour , ordnance , munition , shot , powder , or habiliments of warre , of the queenes maiesties , her heires or successors , or of any uictuals prouided for the uictualling of any souldiers , gunners , mariners , or pioners , shall for any lucre or gaine , wittingly , aduisedly , or of purpose to hinder , or impeach her maiesties seruice , imbezell , purloine , or carry away any the said armour , ordnance , munition , shot , powder , habiliments of warre or uictuals , to the value of twenty shillings , at one or seuerall times ; that then euery such offence shall be iudged felony , and the offendor or offendors therein , to be tryed , proceeded in , and suffer , as in case of felony . forasmuch as it hath beene found by late experience , that , notwithstanding the penaltie prouided for such offences , diuers persons , to whose trust and charge , armour , munition , shot , powder , habiliments of warre , prouisions of uictuals , and incidents thereunto , were committed , haue , both before the ships going foorth , in the time of our seruice , and in their returne homewards , ( out of a greedy desire of gaine and lucre to themselues ) imbezelled , purloyned , conueyed away , and sold , a good part of the prouisions and remaines , of such armour , munition , powder , &c. uictuals , bisket , bagges , caske , and other prouisions to them intrusted , to the great hinderance and impeachment of so important a seruice in hand , and such other our seruice , as hereafter may fall out . wee doe therefore signifie our royall will and pleasure ; and doe hereby straitly charge and command all officers , ministers , and others now imployed , or hereafter to be imployed in our seruice , by land or at sea , that they presume not to imbezell , purloine , or carrie a shore , at their arriuall at any of our ports , or sell any armour , munition , powder , &c. or uictuals , iron hoopes , caske , bisket , bags , or other prouisions , which , either are , or hereafter shall be in their charge and custody , as they will auoide the penaltie of the law prouided against such offenders , which they are to expect shall be seuerely inflicted vpon them , and such further punishments as the case shall require . and wee doe further charge and command all , and euery person and persons , to take notice , that if any of them shall buy , receiue , or take into his or their possession , any armour , munition , uictuals , or other prouisions , which haue beene , or heereafter shall bee committed to the custodie and charge of any the pursers , stewards , gunners , or other officers or ministers , now imployed , or heereafter to be imployed in our seruice , either by land or sea , he , or they shall seuerely suffer such condigne punishment , as by the lawes of this our realme is ordayned , and otherwise , as shall be iust and fit . and wee doe heereby signifie our further will and pleasure , that , what person soeuer of our well affected subiects , or others , can find out , or iustly informe of any purloynings , or imbezelments , in kind , as before , and giue notice thereof to the principall officers of our nauie , ordnance , and munition , shall bee well rewarded for his , or their paines so taken therein . dated at our manour of hampton , the 25. of december . 1625. god saue the king. ¶ imprinted at london by bonham norton and iohn bill , printers to the kings most excellent maiestie . m. dc . xxv . by the king a proclamation restraining the abusive venting of tobacco. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) 1634 approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a22571 stc 9011 estc s123766 33149911 ocm 33149911 28501 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a22571) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 28501) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1877:6) by the king a proclamation restraining the abusive venting of tobacco. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.). by robert barker, printer to the kings most excellent maiestie: and by the assignes of iohn bill, imprinted at london : 1633 [i.e. 1634] arms without "c r" at top. those selected to sell must also have license to do so. "giuen at our court at newmarket, the thirteenth day of march, in the ninth yeere of our reigne." reproduction of original in: society of antiquaries. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng tobacco industry and trade -law and legislation -great britain -early works to 1800. tobacco industry and trade -bermuda islands -early works to 1800. monopolies -great britain -early works to 1800. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. 2003-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-11 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-12 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2003-12 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion by the king. ¶ a proclamation restraining the abusiue venting of tobacco . whereas the kings most excellent maiestie being informed of the abuses dayly arising of the vngouerned selling and retailing of tobacco , by his proclamation lately published , did prohibit all his people , that after the feast of candlemas , which is now last past , none of them out of certaine cities and townes therein specified to haue beene appointed , and within those cities and townes no other but certaine persons named , as in the said proclamation is expressed , and such as from time to time as should be permitted , should sell or deliuer any tobacco by retaile , herein requiring due obedience vntill his maiestie should make other declaration , as by the same proclamation appeareth . sithence which , a great number of his maiesties louing subiects haue repaired to some lords , and others of his maiesties priuie councell , being his maiesties commissioners appointed to treat with them , and haue humbly desired letters patents of licence to sell tobacco by retaile , whereunto his maiesties said commissioners haue consented : but because it is both conuenient and necessary that the number of those that be licensed to sell tobacco by retaile , and also their names be knowne , that in time conuenient notice may be taken from them how much tobacco in each yeere they retaile and uent : that vpon knowledge thereof , his maiesty for preuenting of the issuing out of the realme too great a proportion of the stocke of this kingdome , may giue order for the quantity of tobacco that shall be yeerely brought in : and being resolued that any who from henceforth shall presume to vtter or sell tobacco , not being licensed , shall seuerely be proceeded against : for these and for other causes , the king our soueraigne lord straightly defendeth and commandeth , that neither such as by pretext of being formerly nominated as meet men to retaile tobacco , nor any other from henceforth presume to sell or vtter tobacco by retaile , vntill they shall haue obtained his maiesties licence in that behalfe , any permission or tolleration that may be pretended by the said proclamation , or any other signification notwithstanding , vpon such paines of censure in the court of star-chamber and elsewhere , as may be inflicted vpon contemners of his maiesties commands publiquely proclaimed . wherein his maiestie is pleased , that a part of the fines set vpon the contemners of this command , be conferred vpon those that giue notice of the offenders , so as they may be brought to iudgement . giuen at our court at newmarket , the thirteenth day of march , in the ninth yeere of our reigne . god saue the king. imprinted at london by robert barker , printer to the kings most excellent maiestie : and by the assignes of iohn bill . 1633. by the king. a proclamation by his majestie, requiring the aid and assistance of all his subjects on the northside trent, and within twenty miles southward thereof, for the suppressing of the rebels, now marching against him. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a78973 of text r210978 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.5[67]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a78973 wing c2550a thomason 669.f.5[67] estc r210978 99869722 99869722 160780 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a78973) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160780) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f5[67]) by the king. a proclamation by his majestie, requiring the aid and assistance of all his subjects on the northside trent, and within twenty miles southward thereof, for the suppressing of the rebels, now marching against him. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by robert barker printer to the kings most excellent majestie: and by the assignes of john bill, imprinted at york : mdcxlii. [1642] reproduction of the original in the british library. with engraving of royal arms at head of document. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. great britain -militia -early works to 1800. a78973 r210978 (thomason 669.f.5[67]). civilwar no by the king. a proclamation by his majestie, requiring the aid and assistance of all his subjects on the northside trent, and within twenty england and wales. sovereign 1642 868 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion royal blazon or coat of arms ¶ by the king . ¶ a proclamation by his majestie , requiring the aid and assistance of all his subjects on the northside trent , and within twenty miles southward thereof , for the suppressing of the rebels , now marching against him . whereas divers persons , bearing an inward hatred and malice against our person and government , and ambitious of rule and places of preferment and command , have raised an army , and are now traiterously and rebelliously , ( though under the specious pretence of our royall name and authoritie , and of the defence of our person and parliament ) marching in battell array against vs their liege lord and soveraign , contrary to their dutie and allegiance , whereby the common peace is like to be wholly destroyed , and this flourishing kingdom in danger to perish under the miseries of a civill war , if the malice and rage of these persons be not instantly resisted : and as we do , and must relie on almightie god ( the protector and defender of his anointed ) to defend vs , and our good people against the malice and pernicious designes of these men , tending to the utter ruine of our person , the true protestant religion , the laws established , the propertie and libertie of the subject , and the very being of parliaments ; so we doubt not but our good people will in this necessitie contribute unto vs , with all alacritie and cheerfulnesse , their assistance in their persons , servants and money , for the suppression of the same rebellion : and therein we cannot but with much contentment of heart acknowledge the love and affection of our subjects of our countie of york , and divers other counties , in their free and ready assistance of vs ; which we shall never forget , and our posteritie will , as we hope , ever remember for their good . neverthelesse , in this our extream necessitie , though we have been most unwilling , we are now inforced for our most just and necessary defence , again to call and invite them , and all other our subjects , of the true protestant religion , residing on the north side of trent , or within twentie miles southward thereof , whose hearts god almightie shall touch with a true sense and apprehension of our sufferings , and of the ill use which the contrivers and fomenters of this rebellion have made of our clemency , and desire of peace , that according to their allegiance , and as they tender the safetie of our person , the propertie of their estates , their just liberties , the true protestant religion , and priviledges of parliament , and indeed the very being of parliaments , they attend our person upon munday , the two and twentieth day of this instant august , at our town of nottingham , where , and when we intend to erect our standard royall , in our just and necessary defence , and whence we resolve to advance forward for the suppression of the said rebellion , and the protection of our good subjects amongst them , from the burthen of the slavery and insolence , under which they cannot but groan , till they be relieved by vs . and we likewise call , and invite all our subjects , of the true protestant religion , in the remoter parts of this our kingdom , to whom notice of this our proclamation cannot so soon arrive , that with all speed possible , as they tender the forenamed considerations , they attend our person in such place , as we shall then happen to encamp ; and such of our said subjects , as shall come unto vs ( either to our said town of nottingham , or to any other place , where we shall happen to encamp ) armed , and arrayed with horse , pistolls , muskets , pikes , corslets , horses for dragoons , or other fitting arms and furniture , we shall take them into our pay , ( such of them excepted , who shall be willing , as voluntiers , to serve vs in this our necessity without pay . ) and whosoever shall , in this our danger and necessity , supply vs either by gift , or loan of money , or plate , for this our necessary defence ( wherein they also are so neerly concerned ) we shall , as soon as god shall enable vs , repay whatsoever is so lent , and upon all occasions remember , and reward those our good subjects , according to the measure of their love and affections ot vs and their countrey . given at our court at york the twelfth day of august , in the eighteenth yeer of our reign . 1642. ¶ god save the king . ❧ imprinted at york by robert barker printer to the kings most excellent majestie : and by the assignes of john bill . mdcxlii . his majesties two speeches one to the knights, gentlemen, and freeholders of the county of nottingham at newark ; the other to the knights gentlemen and freeholders of the county of lincoln at lincoln. charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a32155 of text r29205 in the english short title catalog (wing c2866). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 4 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a32155 wing c2866 estc r29205 10861144 ocm 10861144 46127 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a32155) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 46127) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1419:25) his majesties two speeches one to the knights, gentlemen, and freeholders of the county of nottingham at newark ; the other to the knights gentlemen and freeholders of the county of lincoln at lincoln. charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 3 p. printed by robert barker and by the assignes of john bill, london : 1642. reproduction of original in the harvard university library. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -sources. a32155 r29205 (wing c2866). civilwar no his majesties two speeches: one to the knights, gentlemen, and freeholders of the county of nottingham at newark. the other to the knights, england and wales. sovereign 1642 1132 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2005-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-11 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-01 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2006-01 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion his maiesties two speeches : one to the knights , gentlemen , and freeholders of the county of nottingham at newark . the other to the knights , gentlemen , and freeholders of the county of lincoln at lincoln . london : printed by robert barker , printer to the kings most excellent majestie : and by the assignes of iohn bill . mdcxlii . diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense cr his majesties speech to the knights , gentlemen , and freeholders of the county of nottingham , at newark . gentlemen , your honest resolutions and affections to me and your countrey , for the defence of my person , and the laws of the land , have been , and are so notable , that they have drawn me hither onely to thank you : i go to other places to confirm and undeceive my subjects , but am come hither onely to thank and encourage you : you have made the best judgement of happinesse , by relying on that foundation , which the experience of so many hundred yeers hath given such proofe of , the assurance and security of the law : and assure your selves when laws shall be altered by any other authority , then that by which they were made , your foundations are destroyed ; and though it seems at first but to take away my power , it will quickly swallow all your interest . i ask nothing of you ( though your demeanour gives me good evidence that you are not willing to deny ) but to preserve your own affections to the religion , and laws established ; i will justifie and protect those affections , and will live and die with you in that quarrell . his majesties speech to the knights , gentlemen , and freeholders of the county of lincoln , at lincoln . gentlemen , if i could have suspected your affections , or have censured the duety of this county by some late actions in it , i should not have taken this pains to have given you a testimony of my affection to you , and to remove those objections , which being raised by a malignant party , may , by their cunning and industry , get credit even with honest mindes . the truth is , i come to you to assure you of my purposes and resolutions for the defence of what ever is or should be dear unto you , your religion , your liberty , your common interest , and the law of the land : and to undeceive you of that opinion , which i hear hath mis led many of you , that the pretended ordinance of the militia is warranted by my consent and authority . as i have already informed you , by my severall declarations and messages , that the same is against the known law , and an invasion of my unquestionable right , and of your libertie and property , so i do now declare unto you , that the same is imposed upon you against my expresse consent , and in contempt of my regall authoritie ; and therefore whosoever shall henceforth presume to execute or obey the same , i shall proceed against them , as against such who promote rebellion , and actually leavie war against me : and i doubt not , but you will sadly consider , that if any authoritie without and against my consent may lawfully impose such burthens upon you , it may likewise take away all that you have from you , and subject you to their lawlesse arbitrarie power and government : and how far they are like to exercise that jurisdiction towards you , you may ghesse by the insolence of sir john hotham at hull , who ( being a subject ) not only presumes to keep his soveraign , by force of arms , out of his town , but murthers his fellow-subjects , imprisons them , burns their houses , drowns their land , takes them captives , and commits such outrages , and acts of hostilitie , as the most equall and outragious enemies practise in any countrey ; that you may see how impossible it is for your liberties and properties to be preserved , when your king is oppressed , and his just rights taken from him . who hath brought these calamities upon your neighbours at hull , every man sees ; and they onely can bring the same upon you . i will not beleeve you to be so insensible of the benefits you have received from me , that i need put you in minde of the gracious acts passed by me this parliament on your behalfs ; and if there be any thing wanting , to the making you the happiest subjects in the world , i am sure it is not my fault that you have not that too : be not deceived with words , and generall expressions ; it is not in your power to name one particular , which might make you happy , that i have refused to grant : be not frighted with apprehensions , that this countrey is like to be the seat of a war ; the seat of a war will be onely where persons rise in rebellion against me ; that will not , i hope , be here , and then you shall be sure of my protection . i will live and die in your defence ; and that you may be in a readinesse , and a posture to defend your selves and me , against any invasion or rebellion , i have armed severall persons of honour , quality and reputation amongst you , and of your own countrey , with a commission of array to that purpose : there is no honest end declared in that ordinance , which is not provided for by this commission , which being according to the old known law , is fit for your obedience , and i doubt not will finde it . in a word , i assure you , upon the faith and honour of a christian king , i will be alwayes as tender of any thing which may advance the true protestant religion , protect and preserve the lawes of the land , and defend the just priviledge and freedom of parliament , as of my life , or my crown : and when i fail in either of these , i will not look for your assistance ; till then you are concerned not to see me suffer . finis . charles by the grace of god, king of great britaine ... forsomuch as in our parliament holden at edinburgh upon the twentie eighth day of june, 1633 ... have made a free and willing offer of one yearly extraordinarie taxation of the sixteenth pennie of all annuall rents ... scotland. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) 1633 approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a11702 stc 21991 estc s2322 23273161 ocm 23273161 26485 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a11702) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 26485) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1803:24) charles by the grace of god, king of great britaine ... forsomuch as in our parliament holden at edinburgh upon the twentie eighth day of june, 1633 ... have made a free and willing offer of one yearly extraordinarie taxation of the sixteenth pennie of all annuall rents ... scotland. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. r. young, [edinburgh : 1633] second pt. of title from text. imprint suggested by stc (2nd ed.). "given under our signet at edinburgh the twentie eighth day of june, and of our reigne the ninth year, 1633." reproduction of original in the town house (aberdeen, scotland). charter room. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng taxation -scotland. scotland -history -charles i, 1625-1649. scotland -proclamations. 2007-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-09 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2007-09 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion charles by the grace of god , king of great britaine , france , and ireland , defender of the faith , &c. to 〈…〉 messengers , our sheriffs , in that part conjunctly and severally specially constitute greeting . forsomuch as in our parliament holden at edinburgh upon the twentie eighth day of june , 1633. the three estates of our kingdome of scotland being assembled , having taken to their consideration the many blessings which this nation doth enjoy under our most wise , happie , and peaceable government , whereof each estate is most sensible , our royall zeale for propagating the gospel of jesus christ , our care for providing sufficient maintenance for the clergie , our extraordinarie pains taken for uniting the dis-jointed members of this common-wealth , and extirping of all roots of discords , relieving the oppressed , and with so even and fatherly a hand curing the wounds of this common-wealth , as the wisest eye can finde no blemish in the temper of all our royall actions ; and lastly , the great comfort they have by enjoying of our presence , pains taken , and expences disburst by us in this our journey , have made a free and willing offer of one yearly extraordinarie taxation of the sixteenth pennie of all annuall rents which any person or persons within this our said kingdome have freely due and payable to them yearly or termly ( their owne annuall rents wherein they are adebted to others being first deduced ) the first termes payment whereof is to be and begin at the feast and terme of martinmasse in the year of god , 1634. and so forth yearly and termly at martinmasse and whitsunday for the space of six years , untill the said six years and twelve termes payment thereof be full and completely out-run . and whereas we and our estates have by act of the said parliament authorised all and sundrie heretable sheriffs , stewards , bayliffs , and bayliffs of regalities , and their deputes , and the provests and bayliffs of free burrows within the bounds of their jurisdictions , as likewise the clerks within the jurisdictions where these offices are not heretable ( which clerks have their offices ad vitam ) to collect the said extraordinarie taxation , and to make payment thereof to the collector generall to be appointed by us for receiving of the same . therefore , and for inbringing of the 〈…〉 termes payment of the said extraordinarie taxation , our other letters are direct , charging all and sundrie heretable sheriffs , stewards , bayliffs , and bayliffs of regalities , their deputes and clerks , and the provests and bayliffs of free burrows and their clerkes , as likewise the clerkes within the jurisdictions where these offices are not heretable , that they and everie one of them dwelling by north the river of dee within the space of fifteene daies after the said terme of 〈…〉 in the year of god 163● years , and that they and everie one of them dwelling be south the river of dee within the space of ten daies after the said terme , deliver to 〈…〉 our collector generall appointed by us for receiving the said extraordinarie taxation , a true and justaccompt and inventar of the whole sowmes of money due to be payed by any person within the bound of their jurisdictions for his part of the said extraordinarie taxation , and that they give up the same compt and inventar upon their oathes solemnely sworne that the same are just and true , and that they make payment to our said collector generall , or to his deputes in his name , having his power to receive the same of the whole moneys due to be payed to us , conforme to the said accompt and inventar for the said 〈…〉 termes payment of the said extraordinarie taxation , within twentie daies after the terme of 〈…〉 in the year of god , one thousand six hundred thirtie 〈…〉 years , under the pain of rebellion and putting of them to our horne . for whose reliefe 〈◊〉 our will is , and we charge you straitly and command , that incontinent these our letters seene , ye passe , and in our name and authoritie command and charge all and sundrie the said annuall-rentars dwelling within that our 〈…〉 to make payment to you our said 〈…〉 and your deputes of the said sixteenth pennie of all annuall rents freely due and payable to them as for the said 〈…〉 termes payment of the said extraordinarie taxation , within twentie daies next after they be charged by you thereto , under the paine of rebellion and putting of them to our horne . and if they failyie the said twentie daies being by-past , that ye incontinent thereafter denounce the disobeyers our rebels , and put them to our horne , and escheat and inbring all their moveable goods to our use for their contemption . and if need be , that ye our said 〈…〉 poynd and distrenyie therefore , as ye shall thinke most expedient . according to justice , as ye will answer to us thereupon . the which to doe we commit to you conjunctly and severally our full power , by these our letters delivering them by you duely execute and indorsed againe to the bearer . given under our signet at edinburgh the twentie eight day of june , and of our reigne the ninth year , 1633. per actum parliamenti ▪ his majesties reasons against the pretended iurisdiction of the high court of iustice which he intended to deliver in vvrititing [sic] on munday ianuary 22. 1648. faithfully transcribed out of the originall copie under the kings own hand. charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a79058 of text r211203 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.13[81]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 7 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a79058 wing c2740 thomason 669.f.13[81] estc r211203 99869934 99869934 162977 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a79058) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 162977) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 246:669f13[81]) his majesties reasons against the pretended iurisdiction of the high court of iustice which he intended to deliver in vvrititing [sic] on munday ianuary 22. 1648. faithfully transcribed out of the originall copie under the kings own hand. charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n.], [london : printed in the yeer 1648 [i.e. 1649] place of publication suggested by wing. his protest against the legality of the court has not been answered. no impeachment lies against the king in law. the people have not been consulted. the majority of the commons has been excluded. to try him for anything before the treaty of newport is a breach of public faith -cf. steele. annotation on thomason copy: "feb 5". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng charles -i, -king of england, 1600-1649 -trials, litigation, etc. -early works to 1800. great britain -history -commonwealth and protectorate, 1649-1660 -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a79058 r211203 (thomason 669.f.13[81]). civilwar no his majesties reasons against the pretended iurisdiction of the high court of iustice, which he intended to deliver in vvrititing [sic] on m charles i, king of england 1649 1261 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-07 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-07 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion his majesties reasons against the pretended iurisdiction of the high court of iustice , which he intended to deliver in vvrititing on munday ianuary 22. 1648. faithfully transcribed out of the originall copie under the kings own hand . having already made my protestations not onely against the illegality of this pretended court , but also that no earthly power can justly call me ( who am your king ) in question as a delinquent , i would not any more open my mouth upon this occasion , more then to referre my selfe to what i have spoken , were i alone in this case concerned . but the duty i owe to god in the preservation of the true liberty of my people , will not suffer mee at this time to be silent : for , how can any free-born subject of england call life or any thing he possesseth his owne , if power without right daily make new , and abrogate the old fundamentall law of the land , which i now take to be the present case . wherefore when i came hither , i expected that you would have indeavoured to have satisfied me concerning these grounds , which hinder me to answer to your pretended impeachment ; but since i see that nothing i can say will move you to it ( though negatives are not so naturally proved as affirmatives ) yet i will shew you the reason why i am confident you cannot judge me , nor indeed the meanest man in england ; for i will not ( like you ) without shewing a reason , seek to impose a beliefe upon my subjects . there is no proceeding just against any man , but what is warranted either by gods lawes , or the municipall lawes of the country where he lives . now i am most confident , that this daies proceeding cannot be warranted by gods law , for on the contrary the authority of obedience unto kings is clearly warranted and strictly commanded both in the old and new testament ; which if denied , i am ready instantly to prove : and for the question now in hand , there it is said , that where the word of a king is , there is power , and who may say unto him , what doest thou : eccles. 8.4 . then for the lawes of this land , i am no lesse confident , that no learned lawyer will affirme that an impeachment can lie against the king , they all going in his name ; and one of their maximes is , that the king can do no wrong . besides the law upon which you ground your proceedings , must either be old or new ; if old , shew it ; if new , tell , what authority warranted by the fundamentall lawes of the land hath made it , and when . but how the house of commons can erect a court of judicature , which was never one it selfe ( as is well known to all lawyers ) i leave to god and the world to judge ; and it were fall as strange that they should pretend to make lawes without king or lords-house , to any that have heard speak of the lawes of england . and admitting , but not granting , that the people of englands commission could grant your pretended power , i see nothing you can shew for that ; for certainly you never asked the question of the tenth man of the kingdome , and in this way you manifestly wrong even the poorest plough-man , if you demand not his free consent ; nor can you pretend any colour for this your pretended , commission without the consent at least of the major part of every man in england , of whatsoever quality or condition , which i am sure , you never went about to seek ; so farlare you from having it . thus you see that i speak not for my own right alone , as i am your king , but also for the true liberty of all my subjects , which consists not in sharing the power of government , but in living under such lawes , such a government as may give themselves the best assurance of their lives and propriety of their goods . nor in this must or do i forget the priviledges of both houses of parliament , which this daies proceedings doth not only violate , but likewise occasion the greatest breach of their publike faith that ( i beleeve ) ever was heard of , with which i am far from charging the two houses : for all the pretended crimes laid against me , bear date long before this late treaty at newport , in which i having concluded as much as in me lay , and hopefully expecting the two houses agreement there unto , i was suddenly surprized , and hurried from thence as a prisoner , upon which accompt i am against my will brought hither , where since i am come , i , cannot but to my power defend the ancient lawes and liberties of this kingdome , together with my own just right ; then for any thing i can see the higher house is totally excluded . and for the house of commons , it is too well known that the major part of them are detained or deter'd from sitting , so as if i had no other , this were sufficient for me to protest against the lawfulnesse of your pretended court . besides all this , the peace of the kingdome is not the least in my thoughts , and what hopes of settlement is there so long as power reigns without rule of law , changing the whole frame of that government under which this kingdom hath flourished for many hundred yeares , ( nor will i say what will fall out in case this lawlesse unjust proceeding against me do go on ) and beleeve it the commons of england will not thanke you for this change , for they will remember how happy they have been of late years under the reign q. elizabeth , the king my father , and my selfe , untill the beginning of these unhappy troubles , and will have cause to doubt that they shall never be so happy under anie new . and by this time it will be too sensibly evident , that the armes i tooke up were onely to defend the fundamentall lawes of this kingdom , against those who have supposed my power hath totally changed the ancient government . thus having shewed you briefly the reasons , why i cannot submit to your pretended authority without violating the trust which i have from god , for the welfare and liberty of my people ; i expect from you either clear reasons to convince my judgement , shewing me that i am in an error ( and then truely i will readily answer ) or that you will withdraw your proceedings . this i intended to speak in westminster-hall on monday 22. january , but against reason was hindered to shew my reasons . printed in the yeer 1648. notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a79058e-30 hereabout i was stopt , and not suffered to speak any more concerning reasons by the king a proclamation for better furnishing the nauy, and shipping of the realme, with able and skilfull mariners. england and wales. sovereign (1603-1625 : james i) 1625 approx. 7 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-07 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a22350 stc 8762 estc s122658 33149971 ocm 33149971 28509 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a22350) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 28509) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1876:25) by the king a proclamation for better furnishing the nauy, and shipping of the realme, with able and skilfull mariners. england and wales. sovereign (1603-1625 : james i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 2 leaves. by bonham norton and iohn bill, printers to the kings most excellent maiestie, imprinted at london : m.dc.xxv [1625] caption title. imprint from colophon. sheet 1 line 1 of text ends "iames"; sheet 2, line 7 ends "entertaine". "giuen at our court at saint iames, the one and thirtieth day of march, in the first yeere our reigne of great britain, france, and ireland." reproduction of original in: henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng england and wales. -royal navy. great britain -politics and government -1603-1625. great britain -history -james i, 1603-1625. 2003-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-04 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-05 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2003-05 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-06 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms ❧ by the king. ¶ a proclamation for better furnishing the nauy , and shipping of the realme , with able and skilfull mariners . whereas the most excellent , high and mighty prince , king iames , of most noble and blessed memorie , our most deare and royall father , out of his princely and prouident care of the safety and honour of his kingdomes and people , and for the continuance and maintaining of the nauigation of this realme , and to the intent that skilfull mariners , and sea-faring men might be alwaies in readinesse , to furnish , as well his owne royall nauie , as the shipping of his louing subiects , did by proclamation , dated the sixth day of august , in the twentieth yeere of his raigne , straitly inhibite and forbid , that no mariner , or sea faring man , ship-wright , or ship-carpenter whatsoeuer , beeing his subiect , should , without expresse licence of himselfe , or his admirall of england , enter or attempt , or goe about to enter into the seruice of any forraine prince , or state , or be employed out of this realme , in any seruice whatsoeuer , vnlesse it were in the seruice of the said late king , our most deare father , or of some of his liege subiects : and did afterwards by a later proclamation , dated the seuen and twentieth day of february then following , further straitly charge and command . that no mariner , or sea faring man should absent , hide , or withdraw himselfe from his late maiesties seruice or prests , and that all such persons hauing prest-money giuen , or tendered vnto them , should duetifully , and reuerently receiue the same , and repaire aboard the ships appointed , and continue in that seruice , as to the duty of good subiects appertained , and not withdraw themselues , or depart there-from , without speciall licence : and did lately by another proclamation , bearing date the twentieth day of this instant moneth of march , likewise straitly inhibite and forbid . that no owner or master of any ship or vessell , nor any other , setting foorth any vessels of trade , fishing , or otherwise , should hire , or entertaine any mariner , or sea-faring man , knowing him to haue offended against either of the said proclamations : and if such owner , or other person not knowing of the said offences , should hire or entertaine any such offender or offenders , did will and command , that foorthwith , vpon notice of any the sayd offences , they should deliuer such offenders ouer vnto the next iustice of peace , maior , bailiffe , constable , or other officer , to be imprisoned , vntill the sayd offenders should giue sufficient bond and caution , for their foorth-comming and appearance , in such court , or place of iustice , vnto which it might appertaine , to haue them proceeded against and punished , according to their demerits , and withall , that the sayd masters , owners , and other persons , should forbeare to pay to the sayd offenders any wages . and did further thereby straitly charge and command all lieutenants , deputy-lieutenants , iustices of peace , maiors , bayliffes , constables , customers , comptrollers , searchers , and officers , aswell of the admiralty , as of the ports , and also all and euery person and persons , to whom any commission , deputation , or letters of assistance should be directed , for the presting of mariners , and seafaring men for publique seruice , that they should from time to time vse all possible diligence , and indeauour , to apprehend , and cause to bee apprehended , aswell all such mariners and sea-faring men , offending , as aforesaid , as also all such owners , masters , and others , as should entertaine or hire them , or pay them any wages , or otherwise helpe them to escape the hands of iustice ; and such as they should apprehend , they should , with certificate of their names and offences , binde ouer to appeare before the commissioners of his maiesties nauie , in london , to be by them committed , and deliuered ouer to the ordinary course of iustice , either in the court of starre-chamber , or of the admiralty , or otherwise , as the quality of the offence should require , with speciall charge and commandement to all prest masters , and their assistants , that they should publish the names of all such , as should bee prested by them in the ports where they should be taken , as also deliuer a note of their names to the officers of the ports , and others who were fittest to discouer them , if they should faile in the performance of their duties , as in and by the said seuerall proclamations more at large appeareth . now we , hauing taken the premisses into our princely consideration , and aduised seriously thereof with our priuy councell , finding how necessary it is , both for the safety and honour of this our kingdome and state , that all the seuerall proclamations before mentioned should bee put in due execution , for preuenting and suppressing the manifold abuses , contempts , and neglects heretofore committed in seruices of so weighty consequence ▪ doe hereby straitly charge and command , that all the said proclamations , and euery branch and article therein conteined , bee continued at all times hereafter , and be from time to time hereafter carefully obserued , and put in exact execution , as fully , and effectually , as the same should , or might haue bene in the life time of our said deare father , vpon the paines and penalties specified in the said proclamations , and such further punishments , as by our lawes or prerogatiue royall may be inflicted vpon the offenders : letting all our louing subiects hereby know , that , as our said most deare and royal father , in the publishing of the last of the said proclamations , had a gracious eye vnto the special seruice then intended , and to be now shortly performed ; so we rest assured , that none of our said subiects in the aduancement thereof ( so much concerning the safety of our kingdomes and our imperiall crowne and dignity ) wil be wanting to doe their vttermost in making us such a supply , as may giue testimony of their extraordinary care , faithfulnes , and dutifull affection towards us , who had much rather haue cause to expresse our gracious acceptance thereof at their hands , then be enforced to any other course , which the necessity and importance of our seruice will otherwise require . giuen at our court at saint iames , the one and thirtieth day of march , in the first yeere of our reigne of great britaine , france , and ireland . god saue the king. ¶ imprinted at london by bonham norton and iohn bill , printers to the kings most excellent maiestie . m.dc.xxv . amyntor, or, a defence of milton's life containing i. a general apology for all writings of that kind, ii. a catalogue of books attributed in the primitive times to jesus christ, his apostles and other eminent persons ..., iii. a complete history of the book entitul'd icon basilike, proving dr. gauden and not king charles the first to be the author of it, with an answer to all the facts alledg'd by mr. wagstaf to the contrary, and to the exceptions made against my lord anglesey's memorandum, dr. walker's book or mrs. gauden's narrative, which last piece is now the first time publish'd at large. toland, john, 1670-1722. 1699 approx. 155 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 89 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a62841 wing t1760 estc r22638 12490337 ocm 12490337 62348 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a62841) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 62348) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 299:4) amyntor, or, a defence of milton's life containing i. a general apology for all writings of that kind, ii. a catalogue of books attributed in the primitive times to jesus christ, his apostles and other eminent persons ..., iii. a complete history of the book entitul'd icon basilike, proving dr. gauden and not king charles the first to be the author of it, with an answer to all the facts alledg'd by mr. wagstaf to the contrary, and to the exceptions made against my lord anglesey's memorandum, dr. walker's book or mrs. gauden's narrative, which last piece is now the first time publish'd at large. toland, john, 1670-1722. charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. wagstaffe, thomas, 1645-1712. vindication of king charles the martyr. gauden, john, 1605-1662. eikon basilike, the pourtraicture of his sacred maiestie in his solitude and sufferings. walker, anthony, d. 1692. true account of the author of a book entituled eikon basilike. [4], 172 p. printed and are to be sold by the booksellers of london and westminster, london : 1699. first ed. cf. nuc pre-1956. for more complete information on authorship of eikon basilike see almack, e. bibliography of the king's book or eikon basilike, 1896. errata on p. [3]. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng milton, john, 1608-1674. jesus christ -bibliography. eikon basilike. 2003-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-05 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-10 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2003-10 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-12 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion amyntor : or , a defence of milton's life . containing i. a general apology for all writings of that kind . ii. a catalogue of books attributed in the primitive times to jesus christ , his apostles and other eminent persons : with several important remarks and observations relating to the canon of scripture . iii. a complete history of the book , entitul'd , icon basilike , proving dr. gauden , and not king charles the first , to be the author of it : with an answer to all the facts alledg'd by mr. wagstaf to the contrary ; and to the exceptions made against my lord anglesey's memorandum , dr. walker's book , or mrs. gauden's narrative , which last piece is now the first time publish'd at large . di quibus imperium est animarum , umbraeque silentes , et chaos , & phlegethon , loca n●cle tacentia late , sit mihi fas audit a loqui ; sit numine vestro , pandere res alta terra & caligine mersa● . virg. aen. 6. london , printed , and are to be sold by the booksellers of london and westminster . m. dc.xc.ix .     errors . amendments . page 5. line 1● . hose those 20. 5. christ his christ , his 21. 4. ceretum ceretium 37. 19. cophtic coptic ●8 . 3. of of the 53. 15. mat●hies matthias 57. 15. ex mple ●xample 65. 15. may be be any 66. 17. ●ittgius ●●itigius 101. 23. hop'd o hop'd to 105. 5. consciences conscience 113. 20. somtime som time 131. 16. this his 137. 8. mediations meditations * in the margin of pag. 57 , after eus●bius , 〈◊〉 lib. 3. and 〈◊〉 of first read fifth . the author to a friend . the public is so seldom interested in the debates of privat men , and i am so little concern'd at the malice or mistakes of my adversaries , that , without som better motive , i would never presume to trouble the world with any thing merely personal . but if the subject in question be of extraordinary weight and consequence , and that on the certain decision of it should depend the tranquillity of a considerable number of people , then i think a man is indispensably oblig'd to appear for the truth ; and so , while he 's endeavoring to serve others , no body will say he ought to neglect his own defence . whether the treatise i now send you be of this nature , is submitted to your equal iudgment : and unless i really design'd a nobler end by it than the iustification of one person , neither you nor any body else should lose your time in reading , no more than i my self would be at the pains of writing it , which yet i 'll count the highest pleasure if i understand it has never so little contributed to the satisfaction of a gentleman of such undisputed learning and merit . march 30. 1699. j. t. amyntor : or , a defence of milton's life . when i undertook to write the life of the most celebrated milton , i was far from imagining that i should ever ( much less so soon ) be oblig'd to make an apology in justification of such a work , both harmless in it self , and greatly desir'd by the world. there was no positive law or custom against publishing the particular history of this extraordinary person , consider'd in any respect whatsoever : for the lives of good princes and tyrants , of orthodox and heretical divines , of virtuous and wicked , of public and privat men , are indifferently perus'd by every body ; of which it would be superfluous to alledg examples , the thing being so commonly known by all that have learnt to read . nor without such a liberty could we possibly form a true taste , or have any certain knowledg of affairs , since the excellence or imperfection of all matters best appears by opposing 'em to one another . and i was sure ( which i find was no mistake ) that the learning and sentiments of john milton were too considerable not to deserve the highest commendation or dislike , according to the judgment or affection of the readers . since therefore it was equally lawful for me to write whose life i pleas'd ( when my hand was in ) the first charge against me , one would think , should have bin , that i had not fairly represented my hero. but , very far from that , the great crime whereof i am arraign'd , consists in telling more than som people would have me ; or discovering truths not fit to be known ; and the manner of my relation is to them altogether as offensive and displeasing as the matter of it . 't is strange that men should be found of a judgment weak enough to make a crime of such proceedings in a writer , who labors to keep himself wholly independent from the fears or eng●●●ments of any party ; and who ●●ofess'd in the very beginning of his book , that being neither provok'd by malice , nor brib'd by favor , he would as well dare to say all that was true , as scorn to write any falshood . but the rude opposition with which i have met , notwithstanding such plain declarations , convinces me more than ever how much i was in the right by following the peculiar method i propos'd to my self in compiling milton's life , and which i partly declar'd in these terms : in the characters of sects and parties , books or opinions , i shall produce his own words as i find 'em in his works ; that those who approve his reasons , may owe all the obligation to himself ; and that i may escape the blame of such as may dislike what he says . now , what could be more impartial than this ? or more likely to secure me from all imputations , whatever should be the reception of milton from the public ? yet if by adhering religiously to this rule so loud a clamor was raised against me , it is apparent how much worse i might expect to be treated , had i trod in the common road. for if , like most historians , i had in my own words ( tho' with never so much candor ) related the actions or sentiments of my author , my adversaries would presently have told the world that this was not the true milton , but one of my own creation , whom i promted to speak what i durst not own ; and by whose mouth i had publish'd all hose opinions which i would recommend to other people . well knowing therefore the ordinary temper and artifices of these men , i did partly on that account produce his own words to obviat their sophistry and calumnies , their two principal offensive weapons ; and also to spare my self the pains of quotations afterwards , to prove i had neither injur'd him nor abus'd my readers . besides this particular regard to them , i am also of opinion that this is the best and only good way of writing the history of such a man. and had the ancients always follow'd it , our modern critics would have been less exercis'd to discern their real sentiments ; nor wou'd they be so often oblig'd to examin whether they understood or mis-represented their authors . but instead of any objections like these , i am expresly told that i ought not to meddle with milton's books , nor to revive his sentiments , or the memory of those quarrel 's wherein he was engag'd ; which is only , in other words , that i ought not to write his life at all . for what , i pray , is the principal part of a learned man's life , but the exact history of his books and opinions , to inform the world about the occasion of his writing , what it contain'd , how he perform'd it , and with what consequences or success ? i have no reason from my own second thoughts , the opinion of better judges , or the fortune of the ●●ok , to be dissatisfi'd with my conduct on this occasion . and had this method , as i said before , been strictly observ'd , we might have more knowledg and fewer critics . ay but , say these gentlemen , you have made an inroad on our persuasion , and directly attack'd the sacred majesty of kings , the venerable order of bishops , the best constituted church in the world , our holy liturgy , and decent ceremonies , the authority of councils , the testimony of the fathers , and a hundred other things which we profoundly respect and admire : nor are we the only sufferers ; for almost all other sects and parties have equal reasons of complaint against you . well , be it so then ; but , good sirs , betake your selves for reparation to john milton ; or , if he is not to be brought to easie terms , defend your castles and territories against him with all the vigor you can . for , i assure you i am no further concern'd in the quarrel than to shew you the enemy , and to give a true account of his forces . and all this , if you were of a peaceable disposition , you might learn from these plain words in the conclusion of the life : 't is probable that you ( as well as i , or any other ) may disapprove of milton's sentiments in several cases ; but i 'm sure , you are far from being displeas'd to find 'em particulariz'd in the history of his life : for we should have no true account of things , if authors related nothing but what they lik'd themselves : one party would never suffer the lives of tarquin , or phalaris , or sylla , or caesar to appear , while another would be as ready to suppress those of cicero , of cato , of trajan , or brutus . but a historian ought to conceal or disguise nothing ; and the reader is to be left to judg of the v●tues he should imitat , or the vices he ought to detest and avoid . this might serve for a sufficient answer to all that has bin yet objected to milton's life , if any reply were thought necessary : for the trivial and scurrilous libels of mercenary fellows i shall never regard , they being already sufficiently neglected by the world , and making themselves as little by this practice , as any of a more vindictive temper could desire : besides , that to answer 'em in their own dialect , i must first learn to speak it ; which is absolutely contrary to my genius , and below the dignity of human nature , since no body openly approves it even at billingsgate . i shall as little consider the censorious tongues of certain more zealous than religious people , who judge of others by their own narrow schemes , and despise all knowledge in comparison of their privat imaginations , wherein they exceedingly please themselves ; a happiness no body envies them . nor should i , if that were all , think my self concern'd in making any return to the obliging complements of those gentlemen who ( as father paul formerly said of himself ) remember me oftner in their sermons than in their prayers ; tho' som of them are apt to say , that when they mention turks , iews , in●idels , and heretics , they do not forget me . but when i am openly accus'd before the greatest assembly in the world , the representative body of the people of england , let the charge be never so frivolous in it self , or to be slighted on any other occasion , yet such a respect is due to the dignity of those to whom it was exhibited , that i hold my self oblig'd to convince 'em of my innocence ; and to remove all suspicion far from me , of what in its own nature is acknowledg'd to be criminal , or by them might be reputed indecent . the matter of fact is this ▪ on the thirtieth of ianuary , mr. ofspring blackhall , who stiles himself chaplain in ordinanary to his majesty , preacht a sermon before the honorable house of commons ; wherein , after exclaiming against the author of milton's life , for denying icon basilike to be the production of king charles the first , he pursues his accusation in these terms . we may cease to wonder , says he , that he should have the boldness , without proof , and against proof , to deny the authority of this book , who is such an infidel as to doubt , and is shameless and impudent enough , even in print , and in a christian country , publicly to affront our holy religion , by declaring his doubt , that several pieces under the name of christ and his apostles ( he must mean those now receiv'd by the whole christian church , for i know of no other ) are supposititious ; tho' thro' the remoteness of those ages , the death of the persons concern'd , and the decay of other monuments which might give us true information , the spuriousness thereof is yet undiscover'd . here is indeed a charge of a very high nature , i will not say in his own mean language , an impudent and a shameless one ; tho' if it be not better prov'd , i cannot hinder others from calling it what they please , or the thing deserves . but before i proceed to make observations on it , i shall insert the intire passage of my book , which he has taken the liberty of abridging , and so joining the words of two widely different assertions , as if they were but one . about this little artifice however i shall make no difference with him ; for i can easily determin our controversie , without using all the advantages i might otherwise take . after stating the proofs therefore that dr. gauden , and not king charles , was the true author of icon basilike , i added a very natural observation in the following words . when i seriously consider how all this happen'd among our selves within the compass of forty years , in a time of great learning and politeness , when both parties so narrowly watch'd over one anothers actions , and what a great revolution in civil and religious affairs was partly occasion'd by the credit of that book , i cease to wonder any longer how so many supposititious pieces under the name of christ , his apostles , and other great persons , should be publish'd and approv'd in those primitive times , when it was of so much importance to have 'em believ'd ; when the cheats were too many on all sides for them to reproach one another , which yet they often did ; when commerce was not near so general as now , and the whole earth entirely over-spread with the darkness of superstition . i doubt rather the spuriousness of several more such books is yet undiscover'd , thro the remoteness of those ages , the death of the persons concern'd , and the decay of other monuments , which might give us true information . here then in the first place it is plain , that , i say , a great many spurious books were early father'd on christ , his apostles , and other great names , part whereof are still acknowledg'd to be genuin , and the rest to be forg'd , in neither of which assertions i could be justly suppos'd to mean any books of the n. testament , as i shall presently evince . but mr. blackhall affirms . that i must intend those now receiv'd by the whole christian church , for he knows of no other . a cogent argument truly ! and clearly proves his logic to be just of a piece with his reading . i admire what this gentleman has bin doing so long at the university , that he should be such a great stranger to these things . but now i find a man may be a very good divine without knowing any thing of the fathers , tho' a layman is always referr'd to 'em when he starts any difficulties , which makes him sooner acquiesce and swallow what he cannot chew than get information at so dear a rate . but had mr. blackhall been dispos'd to deal ingenuously 〈◊〉 me , he might see , without the help of the fathers , that i did not mean the books of the new testament , when i mention'd supposititious pi●ces under the name of christ , since there is none ascrib'd to him in the whole bible ; nor do we read there that ever he wrote any thing , except once with his finger on the ground , when he acquitted the woman taken in adultery : and , for ought appears to the contrary , mr. blackhall may deny that to be any writing , because he knows not what it was ; yet som german divines , as well read as himself , have presum'd to tell us the contents of it , and came almost to excommunicating one another in their solemn disputes about this weighty affair . to this negative argument from the silence of the new testament , we may add the positive testimony of st. augustin and st. jerom , whereof the former affirms , that the lord himself wrote * nothing , which makes it necessary we should believe those who have written of him : and the latter says , that † our saviour left no volum of his own doctrin behind him , as is extravagantly feign'd in most of the apochryphal pieces . now to convince all the world that i did not intend by those pieces the books of the new testament , as well as to shew the rashness and uncharitableness of mr. blackhall's assertion , i shall here insert a large catalogue of books anciently ascrib'd to jesus christ , his apostles , their acquaintance , companions , and contemporaries . of these som remain still entirely extant , which i shall mark in their places . we have several fragments of others preserv'd by the fathers ; and all that is left us of the rest are only their bare titles . i constantly refer to the books wherein they are quoted , that every body may inform himself of the fact. and after the catalogue is ended , i shall distinguish the books which the ancicients alledg'd as the genuin works of the apostles or apostolic men , from those that they rejected as the forgeries of heretics ; which is a good argument however , that they were receiv'd by som party of christians to countenance their opinions . next i design to name those pieces of whose spuriousness i doubted , tho' their authority is still receiv'd ; and so conclude this point with som material observations . a catalogue of books mentioned by the fathers and other ancient writers , as truly or falsely ascrib'd to jesus christ his apostles , and other eminent persons . i. of books reported to be written by christ himself , or that particularly concern him . 1. his letter in answer to that of abgarus king of edessa . euseb. hist. eccles. l. 1. c. 13. you may also consult cedrenus , nicephorus , constantinus porphyrogennetus in the manipulus of combesisius , p. 79 , &c. extant . 2. the epistle of christ to peter and paul. augustin . contra faustum , l. 28. c. 13. 3. the parables and sermons of christ. euseb. hist. eccl. l. 3. c. 39. 4. a hymn which christ secretly taught his apostles and disciples , augustin . epist. 253. ad ceretum episcopum . 5. a book of the magic of christ , augustin . de consensu evangelico , l. 1. c. 9 , 10. if it be not the same with the epistle to peter and paul. 6. a book of the nativity of our savior , of the holy virgin his mother , and her midwife . gelasius apud gratianum , decret . 1. part . dist. 15. c. 3. but i believe this is the same with the gospel of iames ; whereof in its due order . ii. mary . 1. an epistle to ignatius : which is now extant among his works . 2. another epistle to the inhabitants of messina : to be read among the same ignatius's works . 3. a book of the nativity of the virgin mary , usually publish●d with st. ierome's works . 4. another book about the death of mary , is said by lambecius to ly unpublish'd in the emperor's library , t. 4. p. 131. 5. we shall not insist on the book of mary concerning the miracles of christ , and the ring of king solomon . iii. peter . 1. the gospel of peter . origen . t. 11. comment . in mat. hieron . in catalog . scriptor . eccles. c. 1. euseb. hist. eccl●s . l. 3. c. 3 , 25. idem , l. 6. c. 12. 2. the acts of peter . euscb. hist. eccles. l. 3. c. 3. hieronym . in catalogo . origen . tom. 21. comment . in joan. isidorus pelusiota , l. 2. epist. 99. 3. the revelation of peter . clem. alex. in epitom . theodot . euseb . hist. eccles. l. 3. c. 25. l. 6. c. 14. idem , l. 3. c. 3. hieron . in catalago , c. 1. zozomen . hist. eccles. l. 7. c. 19. 4. the epistle of peter to clemens , is still shewn in the aethiopic language by the eastern christians . tilmont , hist. eccles. tom. 1. part . 2. pag. 497. and he has it from cotelerius . the epistle of clemens to james , is publish'd in the clementines . 5. the doctrine of peter . origen , in praefat . ad libros principiorum gregor . nazian . epist. 16. elias levita in notis ad nazianzeni orationem ad cives trepidantes . 6. the preaching of peter ( if it be not the same with his doctrin ) origen . tom. 14. in joan. idem , in praefat . ad libros principiorum . clem. alex. stromat . l. 1. & l. 6 , &c. lactant. l. 4. c. 21. autor libri de baptismo haereticorum inter opera cypriani . joan. damascen . l. 2. parallel . c. 16. 7. the liturgy of peter , publish'd by lindanus at antwerp in the year 1588 , and at paris , anno 1595. 8. the itinerary , or iournys of peter ( mention'd by epiphanius , haeres . 30. n. 15. and by athanasius in his synopsis of the scriptures ; ) i believe to be the same with the recognitions of st. clement still extant , wherein we have a very particular account of peter's voyages and performances . 9. the iudgment of peter . hieronym . in catalogo , c. 1. iv. andrew . 1. the gospel of st. andrew . gelasius in decreto , &c. 2. the acts of st. andrew . euscb. hist. eccles. l. 3. c. 25. epiphan . haeres . 47. n. 1. item , 61 , 63 , 47. philastrius in haeres . 8. gelasius in decreto ; & turribius asturicensis apud paschasium quesnerum inter epistolas leonis magni , p. 459. v. iames . 1. the gospel of st. james , or his protoevangelion . origen , tom. 11. comment . in mat. epiphan . haeres . 30. n. 23. eustathius antiochen . comment . in hexaemer . epiphanius monachus in notis allatii ad eustathium . multa ex hoc evangelio mutuasse gregorium nyssenum , tacito jacobi nomine , monet allatius ibid. this book is now in manuscript in the library of vienna , as is said by lambecius , l. 5. p. 130. father simon says , he has seen two manuscript copies of it in the kings of france's library . nouvelles observations , &c. p. 4. it was printed by neander and also by grynaeus in the first volum of his orthodoxographs . 2. the liturgy of st. james is printed in the second tome of the bibliotheca patrum , at paris , anno 1624. 3. we mention'd before the book of st. james concerning the death of the virgin mary ; but there want not reasons to believe iohn , and not iames , to be the author of it . vi. iohn . 1. the acts of st. john. euseb. hist. eccles. l. 3. c. 25. epiphan . haeres . 47. n. 1. augustin . l. 1. contra adversarios legis & prophetarum . turribii scriptum inter epistolas leonis magni ; & phot. in codice 229. 2. another gospel of iohn . epiph. haeres . 30. n. 23. 3. the itinerary , or voyages of st. john. gelasius in decreto . 4. the liturgy of st. john. it was together with several others printed in syriac at rome . see father simon in his supplement to leo of modena . 5. we spoke twice before of st. iohn or st. iames's book about the death of the virgin mary . 6. the traditions of st. iohn . euseb. hist. eccles. l. 3. c. ult . vii . philip . 1. the gospel of st. philip. epiphan . haeres . 26. n. 13. timotheus presbyter a combefisio editus in tomo secundo auctuarii . 2. the acts of st. philip. gelasius in deceto . viii . bartholomew . 2. the gospel of st. bartholomew , hieronym . in prolegom . com. in mat. dionysius areopagita de mystica theologia , cap. 1. ix . thomas . 1. the gospel of st. thomas . origen . in homil. ad luc. euseb. hist. eccles. l. 3. c. 25. nicephor . in stichometria . ambros. in comment . ad luc. augustin . contra faustum , l. 22. c. 79. cyril . hierosolym . catech. 4. 6. gelasius in decreto . 2. the acts of st. thomas . epiphan . haeres . 47. n. 1. idem , haeres . 61. n. 1. augustin . contra adimant . idem , l. 1. de sermone dei. idem , contra faustum , l. 22. c. 79. 3. the revelations of s. thomas . gelasius in decreto . 4. the itinerary of st. thomas . gelasius in decreto . nicephor . in stichometria . 5. the book of the infancy of christ by st. thomas . epiphan . haeres . 34. n. 18. nicephor . in stichometria . gelas. in decreto . lambecius says , that this book lies in manuscript in the library of vienna , tom. 7. p. 20. father simon writes that there is a manuscript copy of it in the french king's library ; nouvelles observations , &c. it was printed two years since in latin , and arabic with learned notes by mr. syke at vtrecht . x. matthew . 1. the liturgy of st. matthew . tom. 27. bibliothecae patrum lugdunensis . natalis alex. in saeculo 1. part 1. c. 11. art . 1. gerardus , tom . 1. conf. cathol . there is also a liturgy attributed to st. mark. xi . thaddaevs . 1. the gospel of st. thaddaeus . gelasius in decreto . xii . matthias . 1. the gospel of st. matthias . origen . homil 1. in luc. euseb. hist. eccles. l. 3. c. 25. hieronym . in prolegom . ad comment . in mat. ambros. in comment . ad luc. gelas. in decreto . 2. the traditions of st. matthias . clem. alex. stromat . l. 7. xiii . pavl . 1. the acts of st. paul. origen . l. 1. c. 2. de principiis idem , tom . 21. in joan. euseb. l. 3. c. 3. hist. eccles. c. 25. philastrius , haeres . 88. 2. the acts of paul and thecla . tertullian . de baptismo . c. 17. hieronym . de script . eccles. in paulo & luca. augustin . l. 30. contra faustum , c. 4. gelasius in decreto . nuper editus est hic liber oxonii . epiphan . haeres . 78. n. 16. extant . 3. the epistle of paul to the laodiceans . tertullian adversus marcion . l. 5. c. 17. hieronym . in catalogo , c. 5. philastr . in haeres . 88 ; theodoret. tom . 8. haeres . 47. n. 9. & alibi . legatur etiam theophylactus . extant . 4. a third epistle of paul to the thessalonians . 2 thes. 2. 2. 5. a third epistle to the corinthians , and a second to the ephesians . 1 cor. 5. 9. ephes. 3. 3. 6. the epistles of paul to seneca , with those of seneca to paul. hieronym . in catalogo , c. 12. augustin . de civitate dei , l. 6. c. 10. idem , in epist. 54. ad macedonium . extant . 7. the revelation of st. paul. epiphan . haeres . 38. n. 2. zozomen hist. eccles. l. 7. c. 19. augustin tract . 98. in joan. theophylact. in schol. ad 2. ad corinth . mic. glycas . annal . part 2. gelas. in decreto . zozomen . hist. eccles. l. 7. c. 19. 8. the preaching of st. paul. clem. alex. stromat . l. 6. lactant. l. 4● c. 21. autor etiam anonymus de non iterando baptismo , à rigaltio in observationibus ad cyprianum insertus . 9. saint paul's narrative concerning the charming of vipers , reveal'd to him by st. michael in a dream . lambecius says , that there is now a manuscript of this book in the library of vienna , tom. 5. p. 103. 10. the anabaticon of saint paul , wherein he relates what he saw when he was snatch'd up into the third heavens . epiphan . haeres . 38. n. 2. 11. som would infer from his own words , that he wrote a gospel ; in the day , says he , when god shall judge the secrets of men by christ iesus according to my gospel . rom. 2. 16. xiv . of the gospels of judas iscariot , of eve , and abraham , &c. 1. that none of the apostles might be thought unable to write a gospel we find one alledg'd by the caianites , a sect of the gnostics , under the name of iudas iscariot . epiphan . haeres . 38. theodoret . l. 1. de haeret. fabul . c. 15. 2. nor should we wonder at iudas's being an author , when we read of the prophetical gospel of eve , whom the gnostics reckoned a patroness of their opinions , and to have receiv'd extraordinary knowledg and light in her conference with the serpent . epiphan . haeres . 26. n. 2. 3. the sethians , another sort of gnostics , shew'd an apocalypse under the name of the patriarch abraham ; not to mention his learned pieces of astrology , nor the books of adam believ'd by the iews . epiphan . haeres . 30. n. 16. isidor . pelusiot . l. 2. epist. 99. 4. the prophecy of enoch , which st. iude quotes , is for the most part still extant , and was believ'd to be genuin by several fathers , who alledg it in defence of the christian religion . origen . contra cels. l. 5. idem de principiis . tertullian . de habitu muliebri , c. 3 , &c. 5. the testament of the twelve patriarchs , the assumption of moses , the book of eldad and medad , the psalms of king solomon , the revelation of zachary , and the vision of isaiah ; but i forget that i am reciting the spurious books of the christians , and not of the jews , who , when there 's occasion , will afford as large a catalogue . xv. of the gospels of the hebrews and the egyptians , with som general pieces . 1. the gospel of the twelve apostles . origen homil. 1. in luc. ambros . in prooem . commentar . in luc. theophylact. comment . in cap. 1. v. 1. secundum lucam , &c. but this piece was , i believe , originally the same with 2. the gospel of the hebrews . ignat. in epist. ad smyrnaeos . clem. alex l. 1. stromat . origen . tract . 8. in matt. idem , homil. 14. in jerem . & in comment . ad joan. epiphan . haeros . 30. n. 13 , 22 , &c. hieronym . in catalogo script . eccles. c. 4. & alibi passim . this gospel several have maintain'd to be the original of st. matthew . 3. the gospel of the egyptians , clem. rom. epist. 2. ad corinth . c. 12. clem. alex. l. 3. stromat . ld . ibid. origen . homil. in luc. epiphan . haeres . 62. n. 2. 4. the apostles creed , tho' of late years it begins to be call'd in question . 5. the doctrine and constitution of the apostles . euseb. hist. eccles. l. 3. c. 25. athanas. in synopsi . epiphan . haeres . 80. n. 7. 45. n. 5. 70. n. 10. 75. n. 6. idem in compendiaria fidei expositione , n. 22. incertus de aleatoribus inter scripta cypriani . there are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or doctrines , both attributed to every one of the apostles singly , and also to their companions and immediat successors , too long to insert particularly . these doctrins were bound with the other books of the new testament , as appears by the stichometry of n●ephorus and anastasius ; tho' it was not always pretended , that they were original pieces , but rather collections of what the companions and successors of the apostles either heard , or pretended to hear from their own mouths . 6. we need not produce our authorities for the canons and constitutions of the apostles , since so many learned members of the church of england have written large volums to prove 'em genuin . 7. the precepts of peter and paul. this book lies in manuscript in the great duke's library in florence , if we believe ludovicus iacobus a sancto carolo in his bibliotheca pontificia , l. 1. pag. 177. 8. the present cophtic christians have a book of doctrins , which they believe was compos'd by the twelve apostles , with the assistance of st. paul , &c. 9. the gospel of perfection . epiphan . haeres . 26. n. 2 10. the acts of all the apostles , written by themselves . epiphan . haeres . 30. n. 16. isidor . pelus . l. 2. epist. 99. varadatus in epist. ad leonem imp. tom. 4. concil . labbaei . col . 978. io. malala , chronograph . l. x. 11. the itinerary of all the apostles , as well as of every one of ●em singly , was formerly extant . xvi . of the writings of the disciciples and companions of the apostles . of the books ascrib'd to the disciples and companions of the apostles , and which are still extant , som are thought genuin and of great authority at this time : every one were approv'd at som time , or by som party : and yet i am of opinion , that it is the easiest task in the world ( next to that of shewing the ignorance and superstition of the writers ) to prove them all spurious , and fraudulently impos'd on the credulous . those i mean , are the epistles of clemens romanus to the corinthians , his recognitions , decretals , and other pieces bearing his name : all the epistles of ignatius ; the epistle of pol●carpus to the philippians , with his other writings ; the acts of the martyrdom of ignatius and polycarpus ; the pastor of hermas ; the epistle of barnabas ; the works of dionysius the areopagite ; the epistle of marcellus , peter's disciple , to nereus and achilleus , and his treatise of the conflict of peter and simon magus ; the life of saint iohn , by prochorus ; the petition of veronica to herod on the behalf of christ ; the passion of timothy by polycrates ; the passions of peter and paul in two books by linus ; the two epistles of martial of limousin , and the life of the same by aurelianus ; the gospel of nicodemus ; the history of the apostolical conflict by abdias , who is said to be appointed first bishop of babylon by the apostles ; the passion of saint andrew written by the presbyters of achaia ; the epistle of evodius , entitul'd the light ; the altercation of iason and papiscus ; the acts of titus compos'd by zena , st. paul's companion , with a multitude of other acts and passions . the gospel of barnabas , the revelation of stephen , the passion of barnabas , and the epistles of ioseph the arimathean to the britons are quite lost ; and were they extant , would probably appear to be as foolish and fabulous as the rest . xvii . of pieces alledg'd in favor of christianity , which were forg'd under the name of heathens . 1. the works of trismegistus and asclepius , extant . 2. the books of zoroaster and hystaspes . 3. the sibyllin oracles cited so frequently , and with such authority by the primitive fathers , that * celsus takes occasion from thence to nick-name the christians sibyllists . extant . 4. the letter of pontius pilat to tiberius , with the speech of tiberius to the senat. extant . 5. the epistle of lentulus , giving a description of the person of christ . extant . 6. the epistles or orders of adrian , antoninus pius , and marcus aurelius , in favor of the christians . extant in iustin martyr , &c. &c. &c. here' 's a long list for mr. blackhall , who , 't is probable , will not think the more meanly of himself for being unacquainted with these pieces ; nor , if that were all , shoul'd● i be forward to think the worse of him on this account : but i think he is to blame for denying that there were any such , because he knew nothing of 'em ; much less should he infer from thence , that i deny'd the scriptures ; which scandal however , because manifestly proceeding from ignorance , i heartily forgive him , as every good christian ought to do . to explain now therefore the several members of the passage in milton's life ; in the first place , by the spurious pieces i meant , tho' not all , yet a good parcel of those books in the catalogue , which i am persuaded were partly forg'd by som more zealous than discreet christians , to supply the brevity of the apostolic memoirs ; partly by designing men to support their privat opinions , which they hop'd to effect by virtue of such respected authorities : and som of 'em , i doubt , were invented by heathens and jews to impose on the credulity of many wel-dipos'd persons , who greedily swallow'd any book for divine revelation that contain'd a great many miracles , mixt with a few good morals , while their adversaries laught in their sleeves all the while , to see their tricks succeed , and were rivetted in their ancient prejudices by the greater superstition of such enthusiasts . in the second place , by the books of whose spuriousness i said the world was not yet convinc'd , tho' in my privat opinion i could not think 'em genuin , i meant those of the other great persons , or the suppos'd writings of certain apostolic men ( as they call 'em ) which are at this present , as well as in ancient times , read with extraordinary veneration . and they are the epistle of barnabas , the pastor of hermas , the epistle of polycarpus to the philippians , the first epistle of clemens romanus to the corinthians , and the seven epistles of ignatius . these are generally receiv'd in the church of rome , and also by most protestants ; but those of the church of england have particularly signaliz'd themselves in their defence , and by publishing the correctest impressions of them . the ancients paid them the highest respect , and reckon'd the first four of 'em especially , as good as any part of the new testament . the epistle of barnabas is by * clemens alexandrinus , and origen , not only reckon'd genuin , but cited as scripture ; tho' he says in express terms , that the apostles , before their conversion , were the greatest sinners in nature ; which , if believ'd , would rob us of an argument we draw from their integrity and simplicity against infidels , to say nothing now of the many other ridiculous passages in barnabas . the pastor , or visions , precepts , and similitudes of hermas ( who is suppos'd to be the person mention'd by paul in his epistle to the romans ) is cited as canonical scripture by * irenaeus , clemens alexandrinus , origen , and others , and was for such receiv'd by several churches , tho' i think it the sillyest book in the world. the epistle of polycarpus ( the suppos'd disciple of st. john ) was read in the churches of asia , and is quoted by † irenaeus , eusebius and others . the epistle of clemens romanus ( whom they would have to be the same that 's mention'd by paul in his epistle to the philippians ) is cited by * irenaeus , clemens alexanrinus , origen , eusebius , and others . the epistles of ignatius are quoted by † irenaeus , eusebius , with several more ; but particularly by * origen , who says , that in one of 'em he found it very elegantly written , that the virginity of mary was a secret to the devil ; which † virginity , with her delivery , and the death of our lord , ignatius says , were three famous mysteries wrought in the silence of god. these words may be now read in the epistle of ignatius to the ephesians . now these are the books of whose genuinness and authority i took the liberty to doubt , notwithstanding the better opinion which is entertain'd of 'em by others . my present business is not to insist on this subject , but to clear my self of an imputation , which i thought no body could infer from my words . yet since many were less knowing than i imagin'd , tho' mr. blackhall alone has the candor of publishing his weakness to the world , i assure 'em all that i alluded to these books ; and i hope they will be just enough in allowing me best to explain my own meaning , and prove so tender of their own reputation , as to consider well of it , before they censure me another time . but tho' i will not , as i said , enter now into a particular discussion of these writings , yet i shall offer one thing to the consideration of their defenders . either they really believe the epistles of barnabas and clemens ( for example ) to be theirs , or to be supposititious . if not theirs , there 's a speedy end of the dispute , and i have attain'd my end without more argumentation . but if they think 'em genuin , why do they not receive 'em into the canon of scriptures , since they were the companions and fellow laborers of the apostles , as well as st. mark or st. luke ? if this quality was sufficient to entitle the two last to inspiration , why should it not do as much for the two first ? and if this be not all the reason , pray let us know the true one , having never heard of any other . to say , that tho' the books are authentic , yet they ought not to be receiv'd now into the canon , because the ancients did not think fit to approve 'em , is but a mere evasion : for 't is well known , that till after eusebius's time , neither the second epistle of peter , nor that of james , or jude , with som others , were approv'd as canonical ; and yet they were afterwards receiv'd by the whole church . wherefore then may not we as well at this time establish the epistles of clemens and barnabas , if they be undoubtedly theirs , which i shall be persuaded their patrons believe , when they quote 'em as scripture , and then i know where to have them , and how to deal with ' em . but of this enough . i said above , that by the spurious pieces i meant only a great part of the books which are recited in the catalogue ; for others of 'em do not seem to deserve so mean a rank : and i am so far from rejecting all those books of the new testament which we now receive , that i am rather solicitous lest , as in the dark ages of popery , those we commonly call apochryphal books , were added to the bible , so at the same time , and in as ignorant ages before , several others might be taken away , for not suiting all the opinions of the strongest party . nor is it unworthy observation , that most of these books are condemn'd by the decree of pope gelasius . how many true and spurious gospels or histories of c●rist were extant in st. luke's time , god knows ; but that there were s●veral may be evidently infer'd from . his own words , who tells th●oph●lus , that many had undertaken the same work before him , and , as if he alluded to som spurious relations , assures him , that he 'll write nothing but what he receiv'd from such as had a perfect knowledg of th●se matters from the beginning . that there should be first and last , but just the number of four , i never heard of any that w●nt about to demonstrat , except 〈◊〉 the sam'd successor of the apostles ; and he positively * affirms , that there cannot be more , nor fewer than four gospels : fo ▪ says he , there be four regions o● this world wherein we live , with four principal winds , and the church is spread over all the earth : but the support and foundation of the church is the gospel , and the spirit of life : therefore it must follow , that it has four pillars , blowing incorruptibility on all sides , and giving life to men. then he corroborats his argument from the four cherubims , and the four faces in eze●i●l's vision , to wit , of a lyon , an ox , a man , and an eagle ; which is the reason , by the way , why the four evangelists are painted with these emblems in the mass-book and in our common pray●r-book . so he concludes at last , that they are all vain , unlearn'd , and impudent , who after this would assert , that there were more or sewer than 4 gospels . where we may observe , that mr. blackhall has the warrant of an ancient father for giving hard names to such as contemn precarious reasoning : and indeed it is but too manifest to be d●ny'd , that no order of men have more violated the rules of d●cency and civility in their writings , than those whose business it is to teach others moderation , patience , and forgiveness ; nor was there ever any cause more defended by the dint of calumny than that of religion , which least needed it of any other . several of these books whereof i now treat , are quoted to prove important points of the christian religion by the most celebrated fathers , as of equal authority with those we now receive ; and the testimony of these fathers was the principal reason of establishing these in our present cannon , and is still alledg'd to that purpose by all that write in defence of the scriptures . of so much weight is this testimony , that eusebius * rejects the acts , gospel , preaching , and revelation of peter from being authentic , for no other reason , but because no ancient or modern writer ( says he ) has quoted proofs out of them . but herein euseb●us was mistaken ; for the contrary appears by the testimonies ma●kt in the catalogue , and which any body may compare with the originals . in another place he † says , that the gospels of peter , thomas , matthi●s , and such like , with the acts of andrew , john , and the other apostles are spurious , because no ecclesiastic writer from the time of the apostles down to his own , has vouchsaf'd to quote them , which is absolutely false of som , as we have already shewn . so that mr. blackhall is not the only man , i find , who makes his own reading the measure of all 〈◊〉 ▪ and a thousand to one but now 〈◊〉 justifies this practice , since he can prove it from antiquity , 〈◊〉 he 〈◊〉 got the authority of 〈…〉 . had 〈…〉 piec●s 〈◊〉 by 〈…〉 orthodox writ●●s , he would have own'd them as the genuin productions of the 〈◊〉 , and admitted them ( as we say ) into the canon ; but having m●t no s●ch citations , he presently 〈◊〉 there were none , which made him reject those books : and , i say , what i have already 〈◊〉 , that proofs 〈◊〉 quoted out of som of 'em long before , so th●● they might still 〈…〉 to the canon for all 〈◊〉 . to these considerations two objections may perhaps be made . first , it is unlikely , they●ll say , that eusebius should not have read the ancients ; nay , that the contrary appears by his many citations out of them ; and that consequently those works of the fathers , which we have now in our hands , are not the same which were read in his time , or that at least they are strangely adulterated , and full of interpolations . with all my heart : but then let us not be urg'd by their authority in other points no more than in this , since in one thing they may as well be alt●r'd and corrupted as in another ; and indeed , by a common rul● of equity ( being found charg'd in som places ) they ought to be so reputed in all the r●st , till the contr●ry be evidently prov'd . the 〈◊〉 , objection 〈◊〉 that altho' 〈…〉 have bin 〈…〉 the writings of those apostles whose names they bear , at certain times , and in som churches , yet they were expresly rejected by others . to this i answer , that there is not one single book in the new testament which was not refus'd by som of the ancients as unjustly father'd upon the apostles , and really forg'd by their adversaries ; which as no body thinks it now a good reason to disapprove them , so i see not how it should any more conclude against my opinion . but because the various sects of those early days did , like us , condemn one another for damnable heretics ; and the admitting or refusing , the framing or corrupting of certain books , were som of the crimes which were mutually imputed , i shall n●w insist only on the epistle to the hebrews , that of james , the second of peter , the second and third of john , the epistle of jude , and the revelation . these seven pieces were a long time plainly doubted by the * ancients , particularly by those whom we esteem the soundest part ; and yet they are receiv'd , ( not without convincing arguments ) by the moderns . now , i say , by more than a parity of reason , that the preaching and revelation of peter ( for ex●mple ) were receiv'd by the ancients , and ought not therefore to be rejected by the moderns , if the approbation of the fathers be a proper recommendation of any books . the council of laodicea , which was held about three hundred and sixty years after christ , and is the first assembly wherein the canon of scripture was establisht , could not among so great a variety of books as were then abroad in the world , certainly determin which were the true monuments of the apostles , but either by a particular revelation from heaven , or by crediting the testimony of their ancestors , which was always better preserv'd and convey'd by writing than by oral tradition , the most uncertain rule in nature , witness the monstrous fables of papists , rabbins , turks , and the eastern nations both christians and idolaters . but of any extraordinary revelation made to this council we hear not a word ; and for the books i defend , i have the same testimony which is usually alledg'd in the behalf of others . however , i shall not be too hasty to make a final decision of this 〈◊〉 with my self , least i incur the 〈◊〉 curse which the auth●r of the revelation pronounces 〈◊〉 such as shall add or take away from that book . let mr. blackhall be assur'd , that if he must needs have me to be a heretic i am not unteachable , tho' i would not have it reputed obstinacy if i should not surrrender without satisfactory reasons . instead therefore of censuring and calumniating ( which ought not to be reckon'd virtues in any order of men , and least of all in the ministers of the gospel ) let such as are better enlighten'd endeavor to extricat the erroneous out of these or the like difficulties , that they may be able to distinguish truly , and that in such an extraordinary number of books , all pretending equally to a divine origin , they may have som infallible marks of discerning the proper 〈…〉 they unhappily mis●●ke the false one for the true . how necessary it is to have the canon of scripture s●t in its due light , we may 〈◊〉 from the ancient as well as our modern unbelievers . celsus * exclaims against the too great liberty which the christians ( as if they were drunk , says he ) took of changing the first writing of the gospel three , or four , or more times , that so they might deny whatever was urg'd against 'em as retracted before . nay , as low down as st. augustin's time , was there not a very considerable sect of the christians themselves , i mean the manichaeans , who shewed other scriptures , and deny'd the genuinness of the whole new testament . one of these call'd faustus , after shewing that his adversaries disapprov'd of several things in the old testament , thus pursues his † argument : you think , says he , that of all books in the world , the testament of the son only could not be corrupted , that it alone contains nothing which ought to be disallow'd ; especially when it appears , that it was neither written by himself nor his apostles , but a long time after by certain obscure persons , who , lest no credit should be given to the stories they told of what they could not know , did prefix to their writings partly the names of the apostles , and partly of those who succeeded the apostles ; affirming that what they wrote themselves was written by these : wherein they seem to me ( continues he ) to have bin the more hainously injurious to the disciples of christ , by attributing to them what they wrote themselves so dissonant and repugnant ; and that they pretended to write those gospels under their names , which are so full of mistakes , of contradictory relations and opinions , that they are neither coherent with themselves , nor consistent with one another . what is this therefore but to throw a calumny on good men , and to fix the accusation of discord on the unanimous society of christ's disciples ? the same faustus a little after accuses his adversaries , who had power enough to be counted orthodox , in these express words : * many things were foisted by your ancestors into the scriptures of our lord , which , tho' mark'd with his name , agree not with his faith. and no wonder , since , as those of our party have already frequently prov'd , these things were neither written by himself nor his apostles : but several matters after their decease were pick'd up from stories and flying reports by i know not what set of half iews ; and these not agreeing among themselves , who nevertheless publishing all these particulars under the names of the apostles of the lord , or of those that succeeded them , have ●eign'd their own lyes and errors to be written according to them . since therefore the manichaeans rejected the whole new testament , since the ebionites or nazarens , ( who were the oldest christians ) had a different copy of st. matthew's gospel , and the marcionites , had a very different one of st. luke's ; since st. john's was attributed to cfrinthus , all the epistles of st. paul were deny'd by som , a different copy of 'em shewn by others ; and that the seven pieces we mention'd before , were rejected a long time by all christians , almost with universal consent , it had much more become mr. black●all's profession to appear better acquainted with these things , and commendably to spend his time in preventing the mischievous inferences which heretics may draw from hence , or to remove the scruples of doubting but sincere christians , than so publicly to vent his malice against a man that never injur'd him , and who appears so little to deserve the imputation of incredulity , that his fault ( if it may be ) does rather consist in believing more scripture than his adversaries . what need had mr● blackhall to inform that august assembly how little he kn●w of the history of the canon ? a history of the greatest importance , as well as containing the most curious enquiries ; and without an exact knowledge whereof it is not conceivable that any man can be sit to convince gainsayers , or to demonstrat the truth of the christian religion , which , i suppose he will not think fit to deny is one of the principal duties of a minister . how little soever he knew before , he cannot be ignorant any longer that there were a multitude of other pieces attributed to christ and his apostles , besides those now receiv'd by the whole christian church . he might at his leisure have learnt so much from the fathers , or at least from others that had study'd 'em ; such as riv●t , father simon , du●pin , ●ittgius , dr. cavf , ern●stus grabius who has lately publish'd som of those fragments at oxford , and several others ; tho' he has occasion●d me to pr●sent him now with a much larger catalogue than was publish'd by any of these . i could add more not there mentioned , and other authorities for those which are there : but i have already don more than enough to prove a thing , whereof , till the last thirtieth of ianuary , i thought few lay-men wholly ignorant , much less any one of the clergy . indeed i never thought the history of our canon so impartially handled , or so fully clear'd as a matter of such great importance deserves ; and i despair of mr. blackhall's giving the world any satisfaction in their doubts concerning it . but i hope som abler person of his order may particularly write on this subject ; which , if i see neglected also by them , i shall think it no intrusion on their office to undertake it my self : and if i ever write it , i promise it shall be the fairest history , and the only one of that kind that ever appear'd ; for i shall lay all the matters of fact together in their natural order , without making the least remark of my own , or giving it a color in favor of any sect or opinion , leaving all the word to judge for themselves , and to build what they please with those materials i shall furnish ' em . i conclude this point with one observation , to shew with what malice i am treated by some people , while others pass with them for the most orthodox men in the world , who have said infinitly more in plain and direct words , than they could infer with all their art from a few expressions of mine , and which the most ignorant of my adversaries could make no more than insinuation at the worst . i talkt of spurious pieces , and have now as well shewn what those pieces were , as put a distinction between 'em , and such as i thought genuin . but let us hear what a person says , who , were he as much given to the world as many of his friends , would make a more considerable figure , considering his great services to the national church , and the respect he reciprocally receives from it ; i mean the famous dodwell , who alone , tho' a lay-man , understands as much of ecclesiastic history as the divines of all churches put together . his words are these : * the canonical writings lay conceal'd in the coffers of privat churches or persons , till the later times of trajan ; or rather perhaps of adrian ; so that they could not com to the knowledg of the whole church . for if they had bin publish'd , they wou'd have bin overwhelm'd under such a multitude as were then of apocryphal and supposititious books , that a new examination and a new testimony would be necessary to distinguish 'em from these false ones . and it is from this new testimony ( whereby the genuin writings of the apostles were distinguish'd from the spurious pieces which went under their names ) that depends all the authority which the truly apostolic writings have formerly obtain'd , or which they have at present in the catholic church . but this fresh attestation of the canon is subject to the same inconveniencies with those traditions of the ancient persons that i defend , and whom irenaeus both heard and saw : for it is equally distant from the original , and could not be made , except by such only as had reacht those remote times . but 't is very certain , that before the period i mention'd of trajan's time , the canon of the sacred books was not yet fixt , nor any certain number of books receiv'd in the catholic church , whose authority must ever after serve to determin matters of faith ; neither were the spurious pieces of heretics yet rejected , nor were the faithful admonisht to beware of them for the future . likewise the true writings of the apostles us'd to be so bound up in one volum with the apocryphal , that it was not manifest by any mark or public censure of the church , which of 'em should be prefer'd to the other . we have at this day certain most authentic ecclesiastic writers of those times , as clemens romanus , barnabas , hermas , ignatius , and polycarpus , who wrote in this same order wherein i have nam'd 'em , and after all the other writers of the new testament , except iu●● and the two johns . but in h●rm●s you shall not meet with one passage , or any mention of the new testament : nor in all the rest is any one of the evangelists call'd by his own name . and if somtimes they cite any passages like those we read in our gospels , yet you 'll find 'em so much chang'd , and for the most part so interpolated , that it cannot be known whether they produc'd them out of ours , or som apocryphal gospels : nay , they somtimes cite passages , which it is most certain are not in the present gospels . from hence therefore it is evident , that no difference was yet put by the church between the apochryphal and canonical books of the new testament ; especially if it be consider'd , that they pass no censure on the apochryphal , nor leave any mark whereby the reader might discern that they attributed less authority to the spurious than to the genuin gospels : from whence it may reasonably be suspected , that if they cite somtimes any passages conformable to ours , it was not don thro' any certain design , as if dubious things were to be confirm'd only by the canonical books ; so as it is very possible that both those and the like passages may have bin borrow'd from other gospels besides these we now have . but what need i mention books that were not canonical ? when indeed it does not appear from those of our canonical books which were last written , that the church knew any thing of the gospels , or that clergy-men themselves made a common use of ' em . the writers of those times do not chequer their works with texts of the new testament , which yet is the custom of the moderns , and was also theirs in such books as they acknowledg'd for scripture ; for they most frequently cite the books of the old testament , and would doubtle●● have don so by those of the new , if they had then bin receiv'd as canonical . st. paul cites a saying of our lord in the acts of the apostles ; which , if he had it out of any writing , was not certainly out of these we now have . the gospels continu'd so conceal'd in those corners of the world where they were written , that the latter evangelists knew nothing of what the precedent wrote : otherwise there had not bin so many apparent contradictions , which , almost since the first constitution of the canon , have exercis'd the wits of learned men. surely if st. luke had seen that genealogy of our lord which is in st. matthew , he would not himself have produc'd one wholly different from the other , without giving the least reason for this diversity . and when in the preface to his gospel he tells the occasion of his writing ; which is , that he undertook it , being furnisht with the relations of such as were eye-witnesses of what he writes , he plainly intimats , that the authors of the gospels which he had seen , were destitute of this help : so that neither having seen themselves what they relate , nor with any care or diligence consulted such as had seen them , their credit was therefore dubious and suspected ; whence it must necessarily follow , that the writers of those gospels , which luke had seen , were not at all the same with our present evangelists . so far mr. dodwell ; and ( excepting the genuinness of the epistles of clemens , barnabas , and the rest ; for they are incontestably ancient ) i agree with him that the matters of fact are all true ; tho' i am far from drawing the same inference from 'em as he has don , that there is an equal proof for episcopacy as for the canon of scripture , which is the testimony of the fathers of the second and third centuries ; and that the disciplin was better known , and preserv'd than the doctrin of the apostles . whoever has an inclination to write on this subject is furnisht from this passage with a great many curious disquisitions , wherein to shew his penetration and judgment , as how the immediat successors and disciples of the apostles could so grossly confound the genuin writings of their masters , with such as were falsly attributed to them ; or since they were in the dark about these matters so early , how came such as follow'd 'em by a better light ; why all those books which are cited by clemens and the rest should not be counted equally authentic ; and what stress should be laid on the testimony of those fathers , who not only contradict one another , but are often inconsistent with themselves in their relations of the very same facts ; with a great many other difficulties , which deserve a clear resolution from any capable person , tho' none may safely propose 'em but mr. dodwell , who i heartily wish were always as free and unprejudic'd as he is really learned . thus have i defended and explain'd my self against mr. blachall's accusation : nor do i question but i have given entire satisfaction to all impartial men , and lovers of truth . but there 's another sort of people whom i despair of ever contenting . these never fail of finding in the writings of their adversary , not what is there , but what they have a mind should be so , to represent him odious or dangerous . all the protestations in the world can signifie nothing with them ; nor is it more safe than otherwise to prove the contrary of what is laid to one's charge ; for they are sagacious enough to discover the hidden poyson of every word , and will be sure to give loud warning of the danger , to shew where the snake lies in the grass , and to tell what 's in the belly of the trojan horse . but i shall not be in great pain how such people apprehend me , if i have the happiness to please the moderat and discerning part of mankind . the complete history of icon basilike . mr. blackhall , who , by a public provocation , would needs engage me in a controversie about spurious books , has not confin'd me to expose the impostures of antiquity alone , tho' it be pretty plain , that this is employment enough for one body ; but he likewise accuses me of not being more favorable to a modern saint , as he is pleas'd to stile king charles the first . that excellent book , which , he says , was compos'd by himself in the time of his distresses , will , he supposes , be an everlasting evidence of his profiting under his sufferings to after ages , notwithstanding the endeavours that have bin formerly us'd to prove it spurious , and the confidence of a late writer ( the author of milton's life ) asserting it to be so , without either producing any new evidence for the proof of his assertion ; or offering one word in answer to those just and rational exceptions that had bin made before to those only testimonies which he insists upon to prove it a forgery ; or making any exceptions to those later evidences that have bin produc'd to prove it authentic . whether this book was compos'd by himself is our business at present to enquire , and shall be quickly determin'd : for as to his improving by his sufferings i will not deny what i hope , and charity commands me to believe . the reason why i produc'd no new evidence to prove the spuriousness of icon basilike was , because i thought the old ones sufficient . i vouchsaf'd no answer to the exceptions made to those testimonies , because i neither thought 'em just nor reasonable . and i would not discuss the facts that have bin since alledg'd to prove the book authentic , because i intended not before to write a just dissertation on this subject , and so was not oblig'd to mention all the particulars relating to it . if mr. blackhall does not think this answer satisfactory , i shall make amends now for all former omissions ; and , being very desirous to content him , will follow that same method he was pleas'd to chalk me out in his sermon . in the first place therefore , to make this discourse complete , and that the evidence of the several parts whereof it consists , may the better appear by laying 'em all together , i shall here insert the abstract which i made of dr. walker's book in milton's life , with anglesey's memorandum , and the other testimonies ; i shall secondly give particular answers to the exceptions that have bin made to all these pieces : and lastly , shew the invalidity of the facts which are alledg'd to prove king charles the first was the true author of icon basilike . i have not undertaken this work out of affection or opposition to any party , nor to reflect on the memory of that unfortunat prince , whose officious friends are much more concern'd ; but to clear my self from a public charge , and to discover a pious fraud , which deserves not to be exemted from censure for being the contrivance of a modern bishop , no more than those of the ancient fathers of the church . the relation of the whole fact in milton's life is after this manner . in the year 1686 , mr. millington hap'ning to sell the late lord anglesey's library by auction , put up an ikon basilike ; and a few bidding very low for it , he had leisure to turn over the leaves , when to his great surprize he perceiv'd written with the same noble lord 's own hand , the following memorandum . king charles the second , and the duke of york , did both ( in the last sessions of parliament , 1675 ▪ when i shew'd them in the lords house the written copy of this book , wherein are som corrections and alterations written with the late king charles the first 's own hand ) assure me , that this was none of the said king 's compiling , but made by dr. gauden bishop of exeter ; which i here insert for the undeceiving of others in this point , by attesting so much under my own h●nd . anglesey . this occasion'd the world to talk ; and several knowing the relation which the late dr. anthony walker , an essex divine , had to bishop gauden , they inquir'd of him what he knew concerning this subject , which he then verbally communicated to them : but being afterwards highly provok'd by dr. hollingsworth's harsh and injurious reflections , he was oblig'd in his own defence to print an account of that book , wherein are sufficient answers to all the scruples or objections that can be made , and whereof i here insert an exact epitome . he tells us in the first place , that dr. gauden was pleas'd to acquaint him with the whole design , and shew'd him the heads of divers chapters , with som others that were quite finish'd : and that dr. gauden asking his opinion of the thing and he declaring his dissatisfaction that the world should be so impos'd upon , gauden bid him look on the title , which was the king's portraiture ; for that no man is suppos'd to draw his own picture . a very nice evasion ! he further acquaints us , that som time after this , being both in london , and having din'd together , dr. gauden took him along with him to dr. duppa the bishop of salisbury ( whom he made also privy to his design ) to fetch what papers he had left before for his perusal , or to shew him what he had since written : and that upon their return from th●● place , after gauden and duppa were a while in privat together , the former told him the bishop of salisbury wish'd he had thought upon two other heads , the ordinance against the common pray'r book , and the denying his majesty the attendance of his chaplains ; but that duppa desir'd him to finish the rest , and he would take upon him to write two chapters on those subjects , which accordingly he did . the reason , it seems , why dr. gauden himself would not perform this , was , first , that during the troubles he had forborn the use of the liturgy , which he did not extraordinarily admire ; and secondly , that he had never bin the king's chaplain , whereas dr. duppa was both his chaplain , his tutor , and a bishop , which made him more concern'd about these particulars . thirdly , dr. walker informs us that dr. gauden told him he had sent a copy of icon basilike by the marquiss of hartford to the king in the isle of wight ; where it was , we may be sure , that he made those corrections and alterations with his own pen , mention'd in my lord anglesey's memorandum : and which gave occasion to som then about him that had accidentally seen , or to whom he had shown the book , to believe the whole was his own . fourthly , dr. gauden , after the restoration , told dr. walker , that the duke of york knew of his being the real author , and had own'd it to be a great service ; in consideration of which , it may be , the bishoprick of winchester , tho' he was afterwards put off with that of worcester was promis'd him . and , notwithstanding it was then a secret , we now know that in expectation of this translation , the great house on clapham common was built indeed in the name of his brother sir denys , but really to be a mansion●house for the bishops of winchester . fifthly , dr. walker , says , that mr. gauden the doctor 's son , his wife , himself , and mr. gifford who transcrib'd it , did believe it as firmly as any fact don in the place where they were ; and that in that family they always spoke of it among themselves ( whether in dr. gauden's presence or absence ) as undoubtedly written by him , which he never contradicted . we learn , sixthly , that dr. gauden , after part of it was printed , gave to dr. walker with his own hand what was last sent to london ; and after shewing him what it was , seal'd it , giving him cautionary directions how to deliver it , which he did on saturday the 23d of december , 1648. for mr. royston the printer , to mr. peacock brother to dr. gauden's steward , who , after the impression was finish'd , gave him , for his trouble , six books , whereof he always kept one by him . to these particulars dr. walker adds , that the reason why the covenant is more favorably mention'd in ikon basilike , than the king or any other of his party would do , was because dr. gauden himself had taken it : that in the devotional part of this book there occur several expressions which were habitual to gauden in his prayers , which always in privat and public were conceiv'd or extemporary ; and that to his knowledge it was dr. gauden , being best acquainted with the beauty of his own sayings , who made that collection of sentences out of ikon basilike , intitul'd , apophthegmata caroliniana . these and som observations about the same individual persons variation of stile on different subjects , with the facility and frequency of personating others , may be futher consider'd in dr. walkers original account . in this condition stood the reputation of this book , till the last and finishing discovery of the imposture was made after this manner . mr. arthur north , a merchant now living on tower hill , london , a man of good credit , and a member of the church of england , marry'd the sister of her that was wife to the doctor 's son , charles gauden , who dying , left som papers with his widow , among which mr. north , being concern'd about his sister in law 's affairs , found a whole bundle relating to ikon basilike : these papers old mrs. gauden left to her darling son john , and he to his brother charles . there is first a letter from secretary nicholas to dr. gauden . 2. the copy of a letter from bishop gauden to chancellor hyde , where , among his other deserts , he pleads that what was don like a king , should have a kinglike retribution ; and that his design in it was to comfort and incourage the king's friends , to expose his enemies , and to convert , &c. there is , 3. the copy of a letter from the bishop to the duke of york , wherin he strongly urges his services . 4. a letter under chancellor hyde's own hand , dated the 13th of march , 1661. wherein he expresses his uneasiness under the bishop's importunity , and excuses his inability yet to serve him : but towards the conclusion it contains these remarkable words : the particular you mention has indeed bin imparted to me as a secret ; i am sorry i ever knew it : and when it ceases to be a secret , it will please none but mr. milton . there are other papers in this bundle , but particularly a long narrative of mrs. gauden's own writing , irrefragably shewing her husband to be author of ikon basilike . it intirely confirms dr. walker's account , and contains most of the facts we have hitherto related , with many other curious circumstances too long to be here inserted , yet too extraordinary not to be known ; wherfore i refer the reader to the original paper , or to the faithful extract made out of it before several learned and worthy persons , and which is printed in a paper intitul'd , truth brought to light thus came all the world to be convinc'd of this notorious imposture ; which as it was dexterously contriv'd , and most cunningly improv'd by a party whose interest oblig'd 'em to keep the secret , so it happen'd to be discover'd by very nice and unforeseen accidents . had not gauden bin disappointed of winchester , he had never pleaded his merit in this affair ; nor would his wife have written her narrative , had king charles the second bestow'd one half years rent on her after her husband's decease ; which , upon her petition , and considering her numerous family , none could imagin should be refus'd . it was a slighter accident that begot a a confession from two kings , and charles's own sons . and i doubt if any other than one of mr. millington's great curiosity , and no bigotry , had the disposal of my lord anglesey's books , we should never have heard of the memorandum . had not dr. hollingworth's indiscreet zeal provok'd the only man then alive who had any personal knowledg of this business , dr. walker had never publish'd his account ; nor would the whole discovery be so complete , without the least intricacy or question , without mr. north's papers . this is the complete history of ikon basilike , as it is suppos'd to be a forgery ; and we must next proceed to examin the exceptions made to it , as they are collected by mr. wagstaf in his vindicatiof king charles the martyr . to begin with my lord anglesey's memorandum , 't is urg'd , that it does not particularly express by the date whether it meant the last session of parliament before the writing of it , or the last session of the year 75. when it is plain that he meant the last or winter session ; and that it was therefore the immediat session preceding the writing of this memorandum . to say that there is no witness to it is a very singular sort of objection , when his lordships relations , and all that have seen this and his other writings , own it to be his hand . it is not likely that there were any witnesses of the royal brother's telling him their opinion of icon basilike : nor is there any thing more common than for learned or great men to leave such memorandums in a book concerning the author of it when it was a question , or about any other secret relating to it , which they thought they had discover'd ; and yet 't is a thing unheard till now , that they were deny'd to be theirs whose names they bear , because the day of the month was not mention'd , nor the names of any witnesses added , when the hand was confest to be the same with their other writings . many instances of this kind appear in the books of mr. hamden lately sold , and whereof i have som to shew , as in the book intitul'd , apollonii grallae , he writes , that lansbergius was the author of it , of whom he there gives a character . it is no just exception to this memorandum , that my lord anglesey did not communicat the contents of it to any of his friends or relations : for tho' the two royal brothers imparted the secret to him , it does by no means follow , that they intended he should publish it to the world. and supposing they did not oblige him to silence , yet 't is probable that his lordship was not very fond of being disturb'd by the clamors of som churchmen , who carry'd things so high at that time , that i do not believe they would pardon such a discovery to either of the brothers themselves . there was never any poor prince more notoriously abus'd by many of those he took for his best friends than charles the first . they put him on all those unhappy measures which prov'd his ruin in the end . and as they made use of his temper to serve their own purposes when he was alive , so they did of his name for the same reason after his death . they were not concern'd so much for his honor , as their own interest ; and having contriv'd this forgery to carry their cause , they thought themselves afterwards oblig'd to support it . mr. wagstaf affirms that there is no presumtion that the royal brothers communicated this affair to any other person besides my lord angelsey , which is a negative argument , and proves nothing . 't is possible enough that my lord anglesey himself told of this to others , tho' they may be since dead , or are not willing to tell it again . if the royal brothers had spoke of it to no body else , it follows not that a secret was never committed to one , because it was not to more ; as if it were necessary for a man to call witnesses that he imparted a secret to his friend . but we shall presently alledge more than a presumtion , that both king charles the second and the late king james declar'd thier opinion to other people besides my lord anglesey , that icon basilike was not their father's book . by such nice cavils against the memorandum we can easily judg of the exceptions we may expect to dr. walker's account . that gauden hop'd o make a fortune by this book , as well as to promote the cause of the church , ought by no means to be counted strange ; for who is it , pray , that serves the king any more than god , for nought ? have not most of the bishops and other clergymen of those times , that either liv'd depriv'd here in england , or that accompany'd charles the second in his exile , pleaded their loyalty , and magnify'd their services at the restoration , as many others would questionless do , if king james should ever return again ? were not great persons employ'd to solicit and make an interest for them ? and , in a word , are not divines observ'd to make the same steps , and take the same measures that all other sorts of men do to get preferment . i should rather doubt that dr. gauden was not the author of this forgery , if he had not expected a reward for it from charles the second ; for 't is certain , that the credit of icon basilike contributed more to his establishment than any other single motive whatsoever . but 't is well known that this prince was not the kindest in the world to his father's friends , who would too often forget his own ; and that it was not the interest of som people to have this business unravell'd , tho' their impolitic conduct has bin since the occasion of divulging what every body suspected before . the immorality of this forgery is urg'd as an argument against it ; and , if it could by any means hold water , is indeed an argument worth a million . then it would clearly follow that because it was a most immoral thing to ly for god , and to forge books , epistles , or the like , under the names of christ and his apostles , there were therefore never any such pieces ; and that because it was an ill thing to feign miracles , or to destroy mens lives for the advancement of religion , there never was therefore any priestcraft , nor any of these infamous practices known in the world. but if the contrary be as clear as the day , i believe men might be found that would make as bold with the name of king charles , as others have don with that of king jesus . mr. wagstaf knows , tho' mr. blackhall does not , that tertullian * tells us of a certain presbyter of asia , who when he was accus'd of having forg'd a book containing the travels of paul and thecla , confest the fact , and alledg'd that he did it for the love of paul , and i say , that dr. gauden wrote icon basilike for the church's sake , the king 's , and his own . as for the plausible accounts given in that book of the king 's secret intentions , his particular trobles , his remorses of consciences , and the like , it is very ridiculous to alledge 'em as an argument of the genuinness of it , when the book was written for that very end . for the design of the author was to give such a color to all the king's actions , and to tell such fine things of his gracious purposes , as would beget a better opinion of him in the readers mind , and move his indignation against the parliament , or compassion of his misfortunes . but that dr. gauden has frequently made the king's thoughts to contradict his actions , is evident to any man that has both read icon basilike , and the history of those times : and this subject is thro'ly handled by john milton in his iconoclastes , to which i refer those who want satisfaction . but there is an objection still behind , and as strong , be sure , as any of the rest , which is that dr. walker did not see dr. gauden write this book , nor tells us that it was in his own hand . but i believe mr. wagstaf is the only man living that questions whether dr. walker meant dr. gauden's own writing , when he says , that before the whole was finisht dr. gauden was pleas'd to acquaint him with his design , and shew him the heads of diverse chapters , with som of the discourses written of them , and that mr. gifford transcrib'd a copy of it . this is all that can be said of any author in the world : and if dr. walker had said more expresly , or rather superfluously , that it was likewise d. gauden's hand-writing , we should then have bin told , that it was a transcript from the king's copy in the hands of mr. symmonds , of which more hereafter . we proceed now to those pieces commonly call'd mr. north's papers , he being the discoverer . chancellor hyde in his letter to dr. gauden , tells him , as was said before , that the particular he mention'd had indeed bin imparted to him as a secret , which he was sorry he ever knew ; and that when it ceast to be a secret , it would please none but mr. milton . was there no other secret in the world but this , says mr. wagstaf , that the divulging of it would gratify mr. milton ? yes doubtless ; but i believe not one that would please none but mr. milton , as the chancellor expresses it : for he having particularly question'd the genuinness of this book , and offer'd a fair proof of the spuriousness thereof from intrinsic evidence only , without any further light ; would be extreamly pleas'd to find his reasonings and judgment confirm'd by undeniable matters of fact. nor does any indifferent person in the world understand this passage otherwise that weighs dr. gauden's pretences with mr. milton's concern , and considers that mrs. gauden put this and the other papers relating to icon basilike in one bundle , together with her own narrative , for the information of her son. besides that all those who ever saw other writings of the chancellor own this to be his hand , and particularly his eldest son , the present farl of clarendon , as mr. wagstaf himself acknowledges . but he says , that my lord clarendon , ( from whom he had it in a letter ) by leave of the king and queen preparing to attend his father in france in the beginning of the summer , 1674. his lordship went first to farnham to the late bishop of winton the 14th of may , and among several things he had in charge from the bishop to his father , he bad him tell him , that the king had very ill people about him , who turn'd all things into ridicule ; that they endeavor'd to bring him to have a mean opinion of the king his father , and to persuade him that he was not the author of the book which goes under his name . and ( when after his lordship's arrival in france , the 30th . of the same month , he had deliver'd his father these particulars among others ) to that concerning the book , his father reply'd , good god! i thought the marquiss of hartford had satisfy'd the king in that matter . from hence mr. wagstaf would infer , that my lord chancellor did not believe any other besides charles the first to be the author of icon basilike , and that he wondred any should go about to induce charles the second to question it . but for my part i think it very plain on the contrary , that he believ'd king charles the first not to be the author of that book , and wondred that king charles the second should not understand so much from the marquiss of hartford , who , as dr. walker , and mrs. gauden inform us , was the person that carry'd the manuscript to the king in the isle of wight , and so next to dr. gauden himself , was best able to convince his son of the truth . moreover , how could the bishop of winton imagin that the ill people about charles the second could bring him to doubt of his father's being the author of icon basilike , if he really knew it to be written by him ? when upon this supposition he was rather capable of satisfying all those who had any scruples in this affair . as for dr. gauden's great services , and his saying in a letter to the chancellor , that what was don like a king , should have a kinglike retribution , mr. wagstaf says that those are mystical expressions , and that by them he might probably mean a book he wrote against the covenant , and a protestation he publisht against the king's death , neither of which could be term'd such extraordinary services , when many others had don the same , and more : much less could it be said that either of these books was don like a king , or deserv'd a kinglike retribution ; whereas mr. wagstaf , and those who are of his opinion , maintain that the the stile and matter of icon basilike are so like a king 's , that no subject could possibly write it : but a multtiude of others agree with me , that the stile is infinitely liker that of a doctor than a king. lastly , it is objected that dr. walker's and mrs. gauden's testimonies contradict one another . but how ? dr. walker says , that dr. gauden told him he did not know if charles the first had seen the book : but mrs. gauden affirms , that the marquiss of hartford told her husband the king had seen and approv'd it , both which assertions are consistent enough together . for dr. gauden might be ignorant that the king had seen it , when dr. walker askt him that question , who perhaps never mention'd it to him again in their discourses about this matter , or might easily forget it , as he says he did several other particulars , little foreseeing he should ever be oblig'd to make this discovery : and besides we must upon all accounts allow his wife to know more circumstances of th●s business , as of most others , than his friend . the next suppos'd contradiction is , that dr. walker says dr. gauden once told him , after the restoration , that he did not positively and certainly know if king charles the second knew he wrote icon basilike , tho' he believ●d he might , because the duke of york did , who own'd it to have bin a seasonable and acceptable service . but mrs. gauden affirms , that her husband acquainted the king with it himself , which is very true . but pray let us examin at what time . after his discourse with dr. walker most certainly : for does she not in clear and direct terms say , that it was in his last sickness , which prov'd mortal to him ; and that the reason of it was , because he saw som persons who were privy to it desire nothing more than to have it conceal'd , which he was not willing it should be in consideration of his numerous family , to whom it might somtime or other do seasonable service ? now that no mistakes may be occasion'd hereafter by imperfect fragments of mrs. gauden's narrative , and that this affair may be set in the clearest light , i shall , before i proceed to the examination of the positive testimonies produc'd for the king , insert the narrative here at large , as it was exactly copy'd from the original , to which the curious are refer'd . mrs. gavden's narrative . my husband understanding the great value and esteem the people had of cromwell and of others in the army , occasion'd by the high opinion which they had of their parts , and piety ; he being also well assur'd , that one of the main designs of those wicked politicians , was to eclipse his majesty that then was , as much as might be , and to give a false misrepresentation of him to the world ; he , that he might do his majesty right , did pen that book which goes by the name of the king's●book . the title which he gave it then was suspiria regalia ; and the design was to have it put forth as by som person who had found the papers in his majesty's chambers at holmeby , being by chance left or scatter'd there . and to this purpose he had prefix'd an epistle , which might be suppos'd to be written by that person , who having found them by that accident , thought it not fit to conceal them . his design also in the book , was to give such a character of her majesty to the world , as her great worth , extream merits , and admirarable endowments deserv'd . when my husband had writ it , he shew'd it to my lord capel , who did very highly approve of it ; and though he thought it would do very well to have it printed , yet he said it was not fit to do so without his majesty's approbation ; and to come to speak to his majesty in private was then impossible , in regard of the strict guard which they kept about him . immediately after this there was a treaty with his majesty at the isle of wight , whereupon my husband went to my lord marquiss of hartf●rd that then was , and to him deliver'd the manuscript , and he deliver'd it to the king at the isle of wight , and likewise told him who the author was . when my lord marquiss return'd ; my husband went to him , to whom my lord said , that his majesty having had some of those essays read to him by bishop duppa , did exc●edingly approve of them , and asked whether they could not be put out in some other name . the bishop reply'd , that the design was , that the world should take them to be his majesty's . whereupon his majesty desir'd time to consider of it ; and this ( says my lord ) is all the account i can give of it : what is become of the manuscript i know not , and what will become of his majesty god knows . upon this my husband told my lord marquiss , that , in his opinion , there was no way so probable to save his majesty's life , as by endeavouring to move the hearts and affections of the people as much as might be towards him ; and that he also thought that that book would be very effectual for that purpose . then my lord bad my husband to do what he would , in regard the case was desperate . then immediately my husband resolv'd to print it with all speed that might be , he having a copy of that which he sent to the king , and that he printed was just the same , only he then added , the essay upon their denying his majesty the attendance of his chaplains , and the meditation of death , after the votes of the non-addresses , and his majesty's close imprisonment at carisbrook castle . now the instrument which my husband employ'd to get it printed , was one mr. simmonds , a divine , and a great sufferer for his majesty ; and he got one mr. royston to print it ; which royston never knew any thing but that it was of his majesty's own penning : my husband did then alter the title of it , and call'd it icon basilike . now when it was about half printed , they , who were in power , found the press where it was printing , and likewise a letter of my husbands , which he sent up to the press ; whereupon they destroy'd all that they then found printed , but could not find out from whence the letter came , in regard it had no name to it . notwithstanding all this , my husband attempted the printing of it again , but could by no means get it finish'd till som few days after his majesty was destroyed . when it was com out , they who were then in power were not only extremely displeas'd at it , but also infinitely solicitous to find out the author of it , thinking it very improbable that his majesty should write it , in regard of the great disturbances and troubles which for many years he had suffer'd : or at least impossible that he should have writ it all ; for after the attendance of his chaplains was deny'd him and he a close prisoner , they well understood that he could not write any thing without their discovery . they also took that very manuscript which my husband had sent his majesty , and saw that it was none of his majesty's hand-writing . upon this they appointed a committee to examin the business ; of which my husband having notice , he went privatly in the night away from his own house to sir john wentworth's , who liv'd near yarmouth , and him he acquainted with the business , and the great danger he was then in : when sir john did not only promise to conceal him , but also to convey him out of england , it being in his power to give passes to go beyond sea. about this time mr. symmonds was taken in a disguise ; but god in his providence so order'd it , that he sickned immediatly , and dy'd before h● came to his examination : nor could the committee find out any thing by any means whatever ; which alter'd my husband's resolutions of going out of england . now , besides these circumstances , to a●●ert the truth of what i say , i can produce som letters , which , i am sure , will put it out of all dispute . my husband contin●●d at bo●king till the return of his majesty king charles the second ; and upon his restoration , knowing his princely disposition , did not unjustly expect a suitable reward for his endeavors to serve his majesty's father and himself in that book . and meeting with dr. morley , he fell into discourse how sensible he was of the great service which he had don his present majesty and the royal family , in composing and setting forth that excellent piece , call'd the king's book ; and also assur'd him , that it had bin very effectual not only at home , but abroad , to move the hearts and affections of people towards his majesty , instancing in several persons who were most exceedingly affected with it ; and so advantageous he said it had bin to his majesty , that according to his great merit , he might have what preferment he desir'd . dr. morley also told him , that he had acquainted sir edward hyde with the business , and that he did very much commend and admire it : but we have not ( said he ) acquainted his majesty with it , but did assure him , that his majesty did set a high value upon the book , and had commanded dr. earl to translate into latin ; som having taken the pains to put it into other languages before . my husband being encouraged by this discourse of dr. morley's , and shortly after meeting with dr. sheldon ( who he knew was not ignorant that he was the only author of the foremention'd book ) he told dr. sheldon , that since he had bin inform'd that his majesty , out of his princely disposition , would ( without doubt ) when once acquainted with it , reward that service which he had endeavor'd to do his father and himself ; he thought it most convenient for himself , and also that he might be serviceable to his majesty in the diocess of london ( a place where he was well known ) if it would please his majesty to make him bishop of that see. dr. sheldon was pleas'd , with a great deal of gravity to tell him that was a great leap at first . whereupon my husband desisted , and was resolv'd to leave his preferment to god's dispose . soon after this , the king being still ignorant of what he had done , he was by the mediation of a person perfectly ignorant of his merit as to this matter , made bishop of exeter ; all the considerable bishopricks being otherwise dispos'd of . not long after this it pleas'd . god to visit my husband with an infirmity , which he had great cause to fear would ( as it did ) prove mortal to him . this made him resolve to acquaint the king with the whole matter , and the rather , because he saw som persons who were privy to it , desir'd nothing more than to have it conceal'd , and bury'd in oblivion : but my husband was not willing it should be so , in regard he had at that time four sons living ; and they ( he thought ) if he should die , might be capable of his majesty's favour . besides , the duke of somerset was dead , and the bishop of winchester ( the person who was best able to attest it ) was very ill . these considerations made him go to his majesty ; and having the opportunity of discoursing privatly with him , he told him the whole matter as i have related it , and for the truth of it , appeal'd to dr. duppa , then bishop of winchester , and formerly his majesty's tutor . the king then was pleas'd to entertain som discourse with my husband about it , and said that he did often wonder how his father should have gotten time and privacy enough in his troubles to compose so excellent a piece , and written with so much learning . by the extract that was publish'd of this narrative it would seem as if it were somwhat longer ; but this is all that came to my hands , two witnesses attesting . that as far as it goes , it is exactly conformable to the original . what accident hinder'd the rest ( if there be any ) from being copy'd , i cannot certainly tell ; tho' , when ever i com by a true information , i shall ( if occasion be ) publish my knowledg of that particular , in an appendix to this book . the substance of what remains in the abstract , is , that when king charles the second ( as we saw but now ) was made acquainted with this mystery , he gave a promise to dr. gauden of the bishoprick of winchester ; and that the duke of york had also assur'd him of his favor : that upon dr. duppa's death , tho' dr. gauden put the king in mind of his promise , he was only made bishop of worcester , dr. morley having obtain●d the see of winchester : that her husband dying soon after , mrs. gauden petition'd the king , shewing that she was left a widow , with four sons and a daughter ; that it cost her husband 200l . to remove from exeter to worcester ; and pray'd his majesty to bestow the half years rents upon her , which he deny'd , and gave then to another . we learn further from dr. walker , that immediatly upon dr. gauden's nomination to the bishoprick of worcester , he told him , that waiting upon the king the next morning after the bishop of winchester's death , he found a remarkable alteration in him , his majesty being pensive and out of humor ; in which temper he still found him for two mornings after : but having learnt the third day that my lord chancellor had by all his interest press'd the king to bestow winchester on dr. morley , he presum'd to tell his majesty how uneasie he perceiv'd him to be between the honor of his word that he shou'd succeed his friend dr. duppa , and the importunity of those who sollicited for dr. morl●y ; and that therfore he most willingly releas'd his majesty of his promise . here , continues dr. gauden , the king stopt me , and vouchsaf'd to embrace me in his arms , with these expressions ; my lord , i thank you ; and it may not be long ere i have opportunity to shew you how kindly i take it . and in the mean time you shall have worcester ; and , to make it to you as good as i can , all the dignities of that church ( i know not how it comes to pass ) being in my disposal , i give you the diposing of them all during your time , that you may prefer your friends , and have them near about you . it was an ordinary thing with king charles the second thus to forget his promises , which made him frequently uneasie , and occasion'd sir william temple ( whom he had serv'd after this manner ) to fay of him in his incomparable memoirs , that this temper made him apt to fall into the persuasions of whoever had his kindness and confidence for the time , how different soever from the opinions he was of before : and that he was very easie to change hands , when those he imploy'd seem'd to have engag'd him in any difficulties ; so as nothing lookt steddy in the conduct of his affairs , nor aim'd at any certain end . thus we have don with the narrative of mrs. gauden , who was often heard to relate the substance of it to her friends and relations , and who , when dr. n●cholson , then bishop of glocester , did , on her receiving of the sacrament , put the question to her , affirm'd , that her husband wrote that book , which several now living in that city do very well remember . we come at length to the last period of our labor , and that is to shew the invalidity of the facts which are alledg'd to prove charles the first was the true author of icon basilike . and the first evidence we shall hear is his own son and successor , charles ii. who granted his letters patents to mr. royston for printing all his father's works , and particularly this piece , which , says mr. wacstaf , contratradicts what he 's believ'd to have said to my lord angles●y . but with his good leave the conclusision does not follow : for these letters were issu'd out in the year 60 , before dr. gauden gave the king true information ; and it was in 75 , that he told his opinion to my lord anglesey long after he was convinc'd that his father had not written the book . but if king charles the second had dissembled his knowledge of this affair , it had not bin at all a thing inconsistent with this character , but a piece of his grandfather's boasted kingcraft , and which he practic'd on many less pardonable occasions . have not princes in all ages , as well as other men , bin allow'd to keep things secret which it was not their interest should be known , and which are commonly call'd by the name of state mysteries ? how many juggles are us'd by the eastern princes to beget an extraordinary opinion of their persons in the minds of their subjects , who , by the force of such fantastical stories , carry their respect even to adoration ? but what need i go out of england for examples ? when our own kings have for so many ages pretended to cure the king 's evil , by m●erly touching the affected part ; and this power of healing is said to be communicated to them by the blessing of king edward the confessor , one of the weakest and most priest ridden princes that ever wore a crown . all the monkish historians , and particula●ly the abbot of rievalle , who wrote his life , have given us a large catalogue of his miracles : but i wonder why our princes have not also pretended to restore sight to the blind ; for this is also affirm'd of king edward's wonder working touch. 't is strange , that a protestant bishop , should compose a form of divine service to be read on this occasion , when he might as warrantably believe all the other legends of those dark and ignorant times . if i did persuade my self that king charles the second ( who is said to have cur'd very many ) was a saint , it should be the greatest miracle i could believe . but king william , who came to 〈◊〉 us from superstition as well as from slavery , has now ab●lisht this remnant of popery : for it is not , as his enemies suggest , because he thinks his title , which is the best in the world , defective , that he abstains from touching ; but because he laughs at the folly , and scorns to take the advantage of the fraud . so much for the letters patents of charles ii. and we shall consider those of the late king james in their due order . the next witness shall be major huntington , who ( as sir william dugdale relates in his * short view of the troubles of england ) did , thro' the favor of general fairfax , restore to king charles the first , after he was brought to hampton-court , the manuscript of icon basilike written with the said king 's own hand , and found in his cabinet at naseby fight . by the way , they should have said , for the grace of the story , part of the manuscript ; for a good deal of the book was written afterwards , be the author who you please . and they should have told us likewise how general fairfax durst send one part of his papers to the king , when he sent the rest to the parliament ; or , since they would make us believe he was so kind to the king , why he did not restore him all the papers , when 't is very evident , that those which the parliament order'd to be publish'd were infinitely of greater consequence , and made him a world of enemies , which oblig'd the author of icon basilike to write a chapter on this very subject ; whereas the papers in question would probably mollify som of his opposers . but now when all is don , tho' general fairfax was afterwards against putting the king to death , yet he was not at that time dispos'd to grant him any favors , and acted with as hearty zeal against him as any in the nation , which appears by all the histories of those times , as well as by his own and the memoirs of the lord hollis . as for major huntington dr. walker assures us , that he told him , when he heard such a book was publish'd and confidently reported to be the kings , all he said was that he surely believ'd those were the papers he saw him so usually take out of his cabinet , and that he never read one line or word of them . this and sir william dugdaie's testimony are diverse from that of mr. richard duke , of otterton in devon , who writes the following letter to dr. goodal , famous for his zeal on the behalf of icon basilike . sir , i confess that i heard major huntington to say more than once , that whilst he guarded charles the first at holmby-house ( as i remember ) he saw several chapters or leaves of that great king's meditations lying on the table several mornings , with a pen and ink with which the king scratch'd out or blotted som lines or words of som of them . upon which i must also confess that i concluded they were originally from the king ; but others have drawn a contrary argument from the king 's correcting the papers . yet i put this under my hand , that the major told me , that he did suppose them originally from that learned prince , which is the totum that can be intimated from , sir , your humble servant richard duke . then one mr. cave beck writes to dr. hollingworth that major huntington at ipswich assur'd him that so much of the sa'd book as contain'd his majesty's mediations before naseby-●ight was taken in the king's cabinet ; and that sir thomas fairfax deliver'd the said papers to him , and order'd him to carry them to the king ; and also told him , that when he deliver'd them to the king , his majesty appear'd very joyful , and said he esteem'd 'em more than all the jewels he had lost in the cabinet . this major huntington was a strange man to vary so often in his story , and to tell so much more or less to every body that enq●●r'd of him ; but indeed 't is no great wonder that these gentlemen should so widely differ from one another , both as to time and place , as well as to matters of fact , when sir william dugdale has printed under major huntington's name quite another story from the written memorial out of which he had it . in his short view he positively says , as we read before , that the manuscript was written with the king 's own hand : but in his warrant for this , it is only said , as mr. wagstaf himself acknowledges , that all the chapters in it were written by the hand of sir edward walker , but much corrected with interlineations of the king's hand , and that the prayers were all so . now , to shew further how cautiously people should rely on sir william dugdale , and historians like him , we shall produce another remarkable instance . in the book before-quoted , he expresly writes , that mr. herbert did often see the icon basilike while he waited on the king in the isle of wight ; wheras all that sir thomas ( for he was knighted after the restoration ) has said in the manuscript which sir william perus'd , and wherof mr. wagstaf has printed an abstract , is , that he had there the charge of the king's books ; and that those he most read , after the sacred scriptures , were bishop andrews's sermons , hooker's ecclesiastical policy , villalpandus on ezekiel , sandy's paraphrase on the psalms , herbert's poems , the translation of godfrey of bulloign by mr. fairfax , of orlando furioso by sir john harrington , and spencer's fairy queen ( to which he might have added pembroke's arcadia . ) and at this time it was , as is presum'd , ( continues sir thomas ) that he compos'd his book , call'd suspiria regalia , publish'd soon after his death , and entitul'd , the king's portraiture in his solitudes and sufferings : which manuscript mr. herbert found among those books his majesty was pleas'd to give him , those excepted which he bequeath'd to his children hereafter mention'd . in regard mr. herbert , tho' he did not see the king write that book , his majesty being always privat when he writ ; and those his servants never coming into the bed chamber when the king was privat , til he call'd ; yet comparing it with his hand-writing in other things , he found it so very like as induces his belief that it was his own , having seen much of the king's writings before . here sir thomas only presumes the king might write the book in the isle of wight , and directly says he never saw the king write it , nor the book it self till after his death ; but sir william affirms from these very papers ( for they are said to be written at his request by sir thomas ) that he often saw it in the isle of wight when he waited on the king in his bed-chamber . 't is to be observ'd , that the title of suspiria regalia is as agreeable to mrs. gauden's narrative , as the rest of the particulars are different from sir william's relation . before we examin the force of sir thomas's testimony , we must first consider what is said by mr. levet , who attended the king at the same time and place . in short , he says , that of his own certain knowledg he can depose the book was truly the kings , having observ'd his majesty oftentimes writing his royal resentments of the bold and insolent behavior of his soldiers when they had him in their custody : that being nominated by his majesty to be one of his servants during the treaty in the isle of wight , he had the happiness to read the same oftentimes in manuscript under his majesty's own hand , being pleas'd to leave it in the window of his bed-chamber : and that when the king was remov'd to hurst-castle , he had the charge of this book , and a cabinet of other papers , which at the said castle he deliver'd again to his majesty ; where , by the way , he does not inform us if the book was distinctly given him from the cabinet , or that he only concluded it was in it . here are several very observable circumstances : as , first , that altho' mr. herbert who was of the king's bed chamber , never saw him write a syllable of this book , his ( majesty , he says , being always in privat , when he wrote , and his servants never coming into his bed-chamber till he call'd ; ) yet mr. levet , a page of the back stairs , often saw him write , knew what he wrote , and could read the book when he pleas'd . then that the king , who is said to value this book more than all his jewels , should so carelesly leave it in his bed-chamber when he was abroad , and where mr. herbert and others , nay the very soldiers might see it as well as mr. levet , is not very likely . and lastly , that the king should have so much leisure to mind this book during a treaty with his subjects , or would lose any time in writing of it , when the business in agitation concern'd no less than his re-establishment or abdication , is not credible ; besides , that there is nothing particularly written concerning the insolence of the soldiers in all icon basilike . and i have talk'd with persons of quality and good reputation now alive , who had much more of his majesty's company and confidence in the isle of wight than mr. levet either shar'd , or could reasonably expect ; but yet they neither dreamt of this business then , nor believ'd a jot of it afterwards , as well knowing how the king spent his time in that place . but now supposing mr. levet's relation to be all true , yet it is very from amounting to a proof , that king charles the first was was the real author of icon basilike , which is the point in question ; and not whether he interlin'd or transcrib'd it , which he ought to have don , if he had a mind it should pass for his own : besides that dr. gauden sent it to him for that very purpose , to be corrected , allow'd , or laid aside , as his majesty should think fit . but tho' the king in all reason might , and i really believe did , correct or interline a part , and perhaps transcribe the whole book ; yet i can by no means be persuaded that he could find leisure enough to write so many copies of it in his solitudes and sufferings , in the midst of treaties , in the hurry of removals , while he meditated his escape , and was strictly observ'd by his guards . but these gentlemen tell us of as many copies , as the papists shew heads of st. john baptist , or quarts of the virgin mary's milk. mr. herbert had one left him by the king for a legacy ; charles the second ( as dr. canarifs writes to mr. wagstaf ) shew'd another to mr. wood , a commishoner from the scotish kirk at breda ; and who knows which of these , or whether it was either of them , that mr. levet deliver'd to the king at hurst-castle ? but why , in the name of god , is none of these ever since produc'd ? how came this prince's autographs to be thus neglected , when his day is so strictly observ'd ? this is a piece of respect that 's usually paid to less considerable persons ; and i believe either of the universities , would readily give five hundred pounds to have such a copy plac'd in their library , tho' if they had the manuscript , it would make nothing at all for their purpose . now let us consider the the force of all those testimonies join'd together , which is , that one saw the king write he knew not what , but believ'd it might be this book ; another observ'd him writing his resentments against the rude behavior of the soldiers , and so was ready to depose of his certain knowledge , that icon basilike was his own ; a third presumes the king might write it , because he read a great many books ; and they unanimously conclude , that he was the genuin author , because the book was written with his own hand ; all which testimonies , considering the promises , prove no more nor less than that the king could write and read , which was never deny'd by any that i know . it is further urg'd by the admirers of this famous book , that mr. royston had it to print as from the king , in which all sides are agreed , and signifies nothing to the merits of the cause ; for , be sure , the bookseller was not made privy to the secret. and as for the anonymous authors of two books which are alledg'd by mr. wagstaf , we shall hear and examin them when they 'll please to tell us their names , tho' all they have to say is answer'd already . when dr. hollingworth tells us who are his sufficient witnesses , we shall likewise consider their evidence ; for such affirmations must go for nothing in proving a fact of this nature , and may well serve for a flourish , but not for an argument , no more than several more assertions of his concerning this ma●ter , which were exploded by other hands , and not defended by mr. wagstaf . mr. le pla minister of finchingfield writes to dr. goodal , that one william allen , who collected his tythes for two years , and was formerly a servant to dr. gauden , affirm'd to him , that the doctor told him he had borrow'd the book , and was oblig'd to return it by such a time ; that ( besides what other time he might imploy in it ) he sat up one whole night to transcribe it ; that he sat up in the chamber with him , to wait upon him , to make his fires , and snuff his candles : and mr. le pla thinks ( for he 's not positive ) it was from mr. symmonds of rayne that he said the doctor had borrow'd the book . dr. hollingworth has formerly affirm'd this story of symmonds's , who indeed assisted afterwards in printing the book at london ; but was so far at this time from living at rayne in the neighborhood of bocking where dr. gauden dwelt , that as dr. walker shews , mr. symmonds was long before sequestred for his loyalty , fled to the king's quarters , and one mr. atkins plac'd in his room by the parliament . nor is it credible that dr. gauden , whether he meant a a fraud or not , should give an account of his studies , much less discover the secret of this book for no reason in the world , to never so trusty a servant , especially to one that was to look after his fire and snuff his candles . now we com to the late king james's letters patents to mr. chiswel for liberty to print his father 's works ; for they are urg'd as an argument that he thought icon basilike genuin , tho' this book be not specially mention'd in these letters , which are general , and refer not to those of his brother in 60. but here i must beg leave to relate a story that will give som light to this matter . in the year 1677 , the house of commons having voted two months tax for the more dccent interment of charles i. and to raise a monument for him , mr. chiswel , being mr. roysion's son in law , thought of a project that would answer the end of the parliament , and not be unserviceable to his father , with whom he was concern'd in trade : and it was , that a part of that sum might be appropriated towards bearing the charge of an impression of the king's works , wherof every parish in england should be oblig'd to have a copy , and to chain it in the church ; which , in his opinion , would prove a more glorious and lasting monument than any could be fram'd of brass or marble . this thought was very well lik'd by several great men of the church and state , who shew'd themselves ready to promote it ; and he did not , we may imagin , spare any cost or labor to have it succeed , tho' 't is well known how little charles the second himself encourag'd it . but the distrusts arising afterwards between the king and people , the heats in parliament , and particularly the popish plot , broke this , and all such designs to pieces : so that there was no farther mention of any monument for his father . but when the duke of york mounted the throne , and had given assurances of his favor to the church of england , mr. chiswel thought again of rev●ving his project , and employ'd sir roger l estra●ge to procure him only king james's recommendatory letter ; for he did not expect any thing from parliament as before , only 〈◊〉 how agreeable this would seem to the king's design ( if it were real ) of bege●●ing a confidence of himself in the church . this request the king icon , giving for his reason , that 〈◊〉 basilik● was not his father's book , and he could not therefore in conscience recommend it as his . mr. chiswel being inform'd of this resolution by sir roger , answer'd , that he thought he could accommodat the matter : for since the publishing of the rest would signifie nothing without the addition of icon basilike , he would remove it from the front where it stood in the former edition , and place it in the rear after finis , as books of uncertain authority use to be printed . to this the king consented , on condition som expressions which he thought injurious to the monarchy should be left out : with which mr. chiswel said he could by no means comply , as being a disingenuous practice towards any author , and a great abuse on the public ; but propos'd , as another expedient , that those words should be put within crotchets . and thus icon basilike stands now printed after the end of the second part of the king's works of the edition of 86 , by mr. chiswel , who told me this story himself , not to gratifie or injure any side , but as a matter of fact , wherein he was personally concern'd ; and from whence he draws no manner of inference . the royal brothers said the same to several others besides my lord anglesey , and particularly to som eminent persons now living , who told me so much themselves , with a liberty of mentioning their names , which , after all that has bin offer'd , i see no necessity of doing . that nothing may be wanting i shall in the last place consider what is objected to the prayer us'd by the king as his own in the time of his captivity ; but is , with very small variation , the same that is said by pamela to a heathen deity in sir philip sydney's arcadia . this discovery , as we said before , was first made by milton in his iconoclastes . but dr. gill affirms , that his patient henry hill the printer said it was put in by a contrivance of milton , who catching his friend mr. du gard printing an edition of icon basilike , got his pardon by bradshaw's interest , on condition he would insert pamela's prayer to bring discredit on the book and the author of it . i wonder at the easiness of dr. gill and dr. bernard to believe so gross a fable , when it does not appear that du gard , who was printer to the parliament , ever printed this book , and that the prayer is in the second edition publish'd by mr. royston , whose evidence is alledg'd to prove the genuinness of the book . and if the king's friends thought it not his own , what made them print it in the first impression of his works in folio , by royston in 62 , when milton could not tamper with the press ? or why did they let it pass in the last impression in folio by mr. chiswel in the year 86 , when all the world knew that it was long before expos'd in iconoclastes ? after this i need not go about to shew that dr. gill had no reason for the great opinion he entertain'd of henry hill , and how little he consulted his own reputation by asserting that no man was better vers'd in the secret history of those times ; that he was intrusted with intrigues by the great ones of that government , who , as all the world knows , manag'd their affairs after another rate . nor will i insist upon his turning papist in king james's time to becom his printer , as he was oliver's before , or any other circumstance to lessen his credit , since it appears that what he averr'd is inconsistent with matter of fact , mr. royston , and not du gard , having publish'd the celebrated prayer which i add in this place laid parallel with the original . the prayer of king charles , stil'd a prayer in time of captivity , printed in pag. 94. of his works , 1686 ; and also in icon basilike . o powerful and eternal god , to whom nothing is so great that it may resist , or so small that it is contemn'd , look upon my misery with thine eye of mercy , and let thine infinite power vouchsafe to limit out som proportion of deliverance unto me , as to thee shall seem most convenient . let not injury , o lord , triumph over me , and let my fault by thy hand be corrected ; and make not my unjust enemies the ministers of thy iustice. but yet , my god , if in thy wisdom this be the aptest chastisement for my unexcusable transgressions , if this ungrateful bondage be sittest for my over-high desires , if the pride of my ( not-enough humble ) heart be thus to be broken , o lord , i yield unto thy will , and cheerfully embrace what sorrow thou wilt have me suffer ; only thus much let me crave of thee ( let my craving , o lord be accepted of , since it even proceeds from thee ) that by thy goodness , which is thy self , thou wilt suffer some beam of thy majesty so to shine in my mind , that i , who in my greatest afflictions acknowledg it my noblest title to be thy creature , may still depend considently on thee : let calamity be the exercise , but not the overthrow of my virtue . o let not their prevailing power be to my destruction ; and if it be thy will that they more and more vex me with punishment , yet , o lord , never let their wickedness have such a hand , but that i may still carry a pure mind and sledfast resolution ever to serve thee without fear or presumtion , yet with that hum-confidence which may best please thee ; so that at the last i may com to thy eternal kingdom , through the merits of thy son , our alone savior , jesus christ . amen . the prayer of pamela ( to a heathen deity ) in pembroke's arcadia , pag. 248 , 1674. o all-seeing light , and eternal life of all things , to whom nothing is either so great that it may resist , or so small that it is contemn'd , look upon my misery with thine ey of mercy , and let thine infinite power vouchsafe to limit out som proportion of deliverance unto me , as to thee shall seem most convenient . let not injury , o lord , triumph over me , and let my faults by thy hand be corrected , and make not mine unjust enemy the minister of thy justice . but yet , my god , if in thy wisdom this be the aptest chastisement for my unexcusable folly , if this low bondage be fittest for my over-high desires , if the pride of my not-enough humble heart be thus to be broken , o lord , i yield unto thy will , and joyfully embrace what sorrow thou wilt have me suffer ; only thus much let me crave of thee ( let my craving , o lord , be accepted of thee , since even that proceeds from thee ) let me crave even by the noblest title which in my greatest affliction i may give my self , that i am thy creature , and by thy goodness , which is thy self , that thou wilt suffer som beams of thy majesty to shine into my mind , that it may still depend confidently on thee . let calamity be the exercise , but not the overthrow of my virtue ; let their power prevail , but prevail not to destruction ; let my greatness be their prey : let my pain be the sweetness of their revenge ; let them ( if so it seem good unto thee ) vex me with more and more punishment ; but , o lord , let never their wickedness have such a hand , but that i may carry a pure mind in a pure body ; and pausing a while ; and o most gracious lord , said she , whatever becomes of me , preserve the virtuous musidorus . conclusion . i hope by this time i have satisfy'd mr. blackhall , since i have not only laid together the first testimonies concerning this matter , but also answer'd the exceptions that were made to those testimonies , and disprov'd the fresh evidence which was produc'd no the behalf of icon basilike . but if he 's offended at my performance he may thank himself ; seeing without his causeless provocation i had never written a word more on this subject , as i shall not do hereafter , unless for as justifiable a reason : for notwithstanding i may not answer every scribler , yet i 'll be misrepresented and abus'd by no body worth my notice . indeed mr. blackhall is not the first who has occasion'd controversies by a thirtieth of ianuary segmon . every body knows how much the observation of that day was abus'd in the two last reigns by servil flatterers , who , not content to run shameful parallels between the sufferings of our savior and the king ( wherein the latter was often made to exceed ) they taught the people the ridiculous doctrin of passive obedience , as they allow'd the prince an unlimited and despotic power . this render'd those persons justly odious to the nation , and made sober men frequently wish that such an opportunity of doing mischief might be taken away from those who fail'd not to improve it to the utmost . it was likewise observ'd how much these sermons contributed to raise animosities and feuds in the kingdom , and to continue the fatal distinctions of names and parties , which every good man should desire might be abolish'd , or bury'd in eternal oblivion . besides that for many weighty reasons such days ought not to be perpetuated , or otherwise in a little time ours will be as full as the roman calendar : wherfore i readily approve of the learned bishop of salisbury's opinion , that our deliverances should wear out the memory of such tragical accidents , which no body pretends to justify ; and indeed i think it very reasonable ( if our legislators be of the same opinion ) that the commemoration of his present majesty's landing to deliver us from slavery on the fifth of november , should hereafter take place of the thirtieth of ianuary . other holydays have bin recommended to a constant observation , tho' they are since grown into disuse , or are legally abolish'd , which the best friends of the clergy desire may be the fate of that day out of their respect to the church : for these sermons do constantly put the people in mind of that set of men who preach'd 'em out of their liberties in former times ; and the honest clergy themselves are still under an unhappy necessity of saying many things , that ( let 'em think what they will ) are not extremely pleasing to the body of the nation . the descendants of those concern'd in that act , and many of 'em far from approving it , conceive themselves unkindly us'd in most of those discourses ; nor are the posterity of the greatest royalists in a better condition , if that be a national guilt that 's never to be expiated , tho' neither they nor their ancestors consented to it ; to say nothing of the frequent intermarriages and other tyes between both the parties . if the extravagancies of those sermons had terminated with the late reign , few people , perhaps , would trouble themselves now about what 's past , unless constrain'd to it by som officious chaplain : but they cannot endure to hear the members of the parliament of 40 so infamously branded , considering how lately they were oblig'd themselves to assert their laws and liberties against the martyrs son , who violated and broke them at his pleasure : and in this sense many were of opinion that king charles's blood lay heavy on the nation , which made them for the ease of the same to shake off the burden of king james . som , who otherwise honor the memory of king charles the first , are angry to hear him , in mr. blackhall's language , call'd the best of kings , and the best of men ; when they consider especially , that the apostles were men , and that several persons among the greek and roman heathens , did infinitly excel him in all moral and heroic virtues . as for princes , if good manners could not make mr. blackhall except the present king , justice at least might well oblige him to do it . king william has never dispens'd with express laws in favor of popish recusants . he never protected any of his chaplains against the parliament for preaching up arbitrary power . he never requir'd soldiers to be try'd by martial law in time of peace ; nor levy'd loans or ship mony contrary to law , much less imprison'd , fin'd or banish'd such as refus'd to pay those illegal taxes . he does not countenance any sibthorps , manwarings , or mountagues to teach his subjects non-resistance , or to compliment himself with arbitrary power . he is so far from sending for foren troops to enslave the nation , that he readily sent those away which he kept here by law , as soon as he understood the kingdom had no further need of their service . he does not use to imprison members of the house of commons for using that freedom of debate which is essential to their constitution . he never threaten'd to betake himself to other councils than his parliament ( as charles the first did ) saying that parliaments were in his power , and that he might grow out of love with them . nor is it known that he went into the house of commons to demand any of their members ; no more than he has seiz'd the customs without any act to impower him . he never promis'd ( as king charles did in a letter to his queen ) that he would take away all the penal laws against roman catholicks as soon as he should be able , nor any thing else of this nature : for these are only a few instances , not to blacken that prince , but to shew how little som sort of people seem to value his present majesty for generously restoring the constitution , and for so willingly passing many excellent laws for enlarging or securing the liberty of his subjects ; as well as for always paying such a deference to parliaments , which he not only assembles willingly , but likewise , according to ancient custom , annually . in short , if king charles the first was the best of kings , the late king james is not half so bad as i think him : nor is there any doubt , if a second restoration ( which god and all freemen forbid ) should ever happen , but that the abdication-day would be appointed as a perpetual fast. what mr. blackhall thinks of dispensing with the laws and acting without , or contrary to them , we may guess , when he says , that king charles's greatest enemies could not charge him with any vice or immorality ; as if only whoring , drinking , or swearing were immoral practices . since this king ( who truly was not the worst ) must needs be counted the best of men , i do not much wonder that mr. long of exeter was for having som portions of his pretended book read in the church for the further enlightning of our understanding : nor that dr. perinchiff should tell us in his life how som purchas'd chips of the block on which he was beheaded , and parcels of the sands discolor'd with his blood , as also som of his hair , hoping , continues he , they would be a means of cure for that disease , which our english kings , through the indulgence of kind heaven , by their touch did usually heal : and it was reported that these reliques , experienc'd , fail'd not of the effect . now who can laugh at the popish legends , and be serious when he reads this passage ? wheras , if there was ●ver any power in england of curing the king 's evil , it was plainly lodg'd in the people . before i conclude , i must remark , that tho his pretended friends were so ready to father such books on charles the first wherein he had no hand , yet they industriously left out of his works a letter to pope gregory xv , whereof i can prove him as evidently to be the author as cicero or virgil may be entitul'd to the philippicks and the aeneids . there is an interpolated copy of it in the first volum of rushworth's collections : it is rightly inserted in the quarto edition of a book call'd cabala , or mysteries of state : it is also in the italian mercury of vittorio siri : in du chesne's french history of england , scotland and ireland : and in several spanish and italian authors . pope urban viii mentions it in the letter which he likewise sent this prince , with another to his father king james ; both which may be read in rushworth's collections . now was not the omitting of this letter a notorious fraud , since that it alone , with those letters which the parliament publish'd to disgrace him , and a few pieces besides , make up all his genuin writings ; for as to those messages , propositions , declarations , treaties , and other public papers , which fill that bulky folio they call his works , whoever takes them to be his , is likewise capable of believing he was the true author of icon basilike . this is all i had to write concerning this famous book , not to reflect on the memory of charles the first , but in my own vindication ; being a liberty not deny'd me by equity or law , and which , if i neglected to improve , i should be more unjust to my self than my adversaries , whose malice i shall readily forget , and heartily pray god to forgive . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a62841-e1110 joh. 8. 5. * dicit augustinus ( de consensu evangel . l. 1. c. 7. ) quod ipse dominus ni●il scripserit , ut aliis de illo scribentibus necesse sit credere . † salvator nullum volumen doctrinae s●ae proproprium dereliquit , quod in plerisque ; apochryphorum deliramenta confingunt . hieronym . in commentar . ad ezechielis , cap. 44. notes for div a62841-e1410 * origen . contr . cels. l. 5. * stromat . l. 2. & 5. contra cel● . l. 1. de princip . l. 3. * advers . haeres . l. 4. c. 3 ▪ stromat . l. 1. 2. 4. 6. princip . l. 1. c. 3. l. 2. c. 1. homil. 10. in hos. & 〈◊〉 pa●sim . † l. 1. contr . haeres . euseb. hist. eccles. l ▪ 4. c. 14. phot. 〈◊〉 126. * contra haeres . l ▪ 3. c. 3. stromat . l ▪ 1 , 4 ▪ 5 , 6. de princip . l. 2. hist. eccles. l. 3. c. 16 , 36. l. 4. c. 22 , 23. † contra haeres . l. 5. c. 28. hist. eccles. l. 2. c. 26. * hom●l . 6. in luc. † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ep. ad ephes. luc. 1. 1 , 2 , 3. * 〈…〉 personas evangel●i . 〈◊〉 haeres . l. 3. 11. ezek. 6 , 6 , 10. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . hist. eccles. l. 3. c. 3. † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 c. 25. * let the third and twenty first chapters of the ecclesiastical history of eusebius be consulted , with what st. ierome has written on the same subject . 〈…〉 * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 origen . l. 2 contra ce●● . † solius hilii p●tatis testamentum non potuisse corrumpi ; solum non habere aliqu●d quod in se debea● imp obari : p●aesertim q●o● n●c ab ipso scriptum constat , nec ab ejus apostolis : sed lonpo post tem●●●e à quib●idam ince●ti nominis viris , qui , ne 〈◊〉 non 〈…〉 scribent●bus qu●● 〈…〉 apos●olo●um nomina , partim eo●●m qu● 〈…〉 scriptorum suorum 〈…〉 , a●●eve●anies ●ecundum ●os se scripsisse quae sc ipserint . quo magis mihi videntur injuria gravi affe●●sse discipulos christi , quia quae dissona iidem & repugnantia sibi scriberen● . ea referrent ad ipsos , & secundum eos hae● scribere se promitterentur evangelia , quae tantis ●int reserta erro●ibus , tantis contrarietatibus narrationum simul a●●●ntentiarum , ut nec sibi pro●sas , necinter se conveniant . quid ergo aliud est quam calumnia●i bonos , & christi discipulorum conco●dem c●tum in crimen devocare discordi●● . augustin . contra faust. l. 32. c. 2. * multa à majoribus vestris eloquiis domini nostri in●erta verba sunt , quae 〈◊〉 signata ipsius cum ●jus f●de non congr●unt 〈◊〉 sertim quia , ut jam saepe pr●batum à nobis 〈◊〉 nec ab ipso haec sunt , 〈…〉 sed mu●●a post 〈…〉 quibus , & ipsis inter 〈…〉 judaeis , per sama● 〈…〉 qui tamen omnia eadem in apostolo●um domini conserentes nomina , vel ●orum qui secu●i apostolos viderentur , errores ac mendacia sua secundum eos ●escripsisse mentiti sunt . augustin . ibid. l. 33. c. 3. * latitabant usque ad recentiora illa , seu traj●ni , seu e●iam fortasse ●●driani tempora , in privata●um ecclesir●m , seu e●iam hominum s●r●niis scripta illa canonica , nè ad ecclesiae catholi●● notitiam perveni●ent . aut si in publicu●●ortasse p●odi●●sent , adhac tamen tanta scripto●●m apo●●yphorum , pseudepig●aphoru●●●e turba obru● bantu● , ut ab iis internosci non possent , quin novo opus esset examine , novoque tef●●monio . et ab illo novo testimonio , q●o ●actum est ut ab apocryphis falsoque apostolorum nomine insigni●is scripta eorum genuina dist●●guerentu● , pendet omnis iila quam deinceps ob●●ne●an● , & quam hodieque obtinent in eccl●sia catholica scripta vera apostolica , auto●i●as . atqui recen●●or ill● canonis attestatio iisde●● erat incommodis obnoxia quibus & nost●●e 〈◊〉 , quos vid●t lren●●●● audivi●que , traditiones ; erat enim illa tanto intervallo ab origine remota , nec plurium esse poterat quam eorum qui etiam remotiora illa tempora attigerant . atquì certè ante illam epocham , quam dixi trajani , nondum constitutus est libro●um sacrorum canon , nec receptus aliquis in ecclesia catholica lib●orum cutus numerus , quos deind● adhibere oportuerit in sacri● fidei causis dijudicandis , ne● rejecti haereticorum pseudepigraphi , monitive ●idel●s , ut ab eorum usu deinde caverent . si● autem vera apostolorum scripta cum apochryp●●● in iisdem volaminibus compingi solebant , ut nulla pro●sus no●a aut censura ●cclesiae publica constaret q●●a quibus essent antefetenda . habemus hodi●que horum tem●orum scriptores ecclesiasticos luculentissimos clementem roman●m , b●rnabum , hermam , ●gnatium , polycarpum , qui hoc nimirum scrip●●●t , quo illos nominavi ordine , omnes reliquis ●●●●i test 〈◊〉 . sc●iptis ( exceptis judae , & j●annis utriusque ) 〈◊〉 at novi testamenti in h●●ma ne qu●dem unum locum inveneris . apud reliquos nè unum quidem evangelistam nomine suo compellatum . et ●i quos loeos fo●●è proserant quibus similia i● nostris leguntur ●vangeliis ; ita tame● ill●s mutatos ut plurimum interpolatosque reperies , ut seiri nequeat an è nost●is illos , an ex aliis produxe●int apocryphis evangeliis . sed & apocrypha adhibent iidem aliquoties , quae 〈◊〉 est in ho●iernis non hab●i evange●●i . vt inde con●●et nullum adhue inter apocryp●●os canonicósque novi testamenti libros constitutum esse ab ecclesia discrimen , praesertim si & illa quoque accedat observatio quod censuram nullam apocryphis adjungant ; ●ed nec aliam aliquam notam unde possit lector colligere minus illos apocryphis tribuisse , quam veris tribuerint evangeliis . inde prona est suspicio siqua fortè lo●a produxerint cum nostris consentientia , nullo ●amen certo id factum esse consilio , quo cons●itutum fuerat res dubias è canonicis esse confirmandas ; fierique adeo posse ut & illa similia ex aliis tamen , quam quae habemus , deprom●a fuerint evangelii● ▪ sed quid ego libros memo em minin è canonicos ? nè quidem è cano●● is 〈…〉 constat ecclesiae inpotu●s●e evangeli● , atque ecclesiasticis in usu ●uisse vulgari . non ●olent ill●us aevi scriptores ●ovi test●menti locis scripta sua velut opere 〈…〉 , qui tamen recentiorum mos est , qui & suus erat in illis quas agnoscebant ipsi scriptu●is : veteris enim testamen●i libros proferunt saepissimè , pro●●● i procul●ubio & no●i testamenti scripta , si & illa 〈◊〉 in canonem recepta . essatum domini nostri profort sanctus paulus , act. 20. 35 〈◊〉 ▪ scripto al●quo produxit , non 〈…〉 evangelio . sic lat●●rant in 〈◊〉 ●●rrarum angulis . in quibus scripta fuera●● , evang●lio , ut ne quidem re●cive●int recentiores evangeli● quid scripsis sent de i●●dem rebu● antiqu●o●●s aliter foret ne tot essent 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quae ferè à prima usque canonis constitutione eruditorum h●minum ingenia exercuerint . ce●●è sanctus lucas si genealogiam illam domini in matthaeo vidisset , non alia● ipse , nihilque fe●è habentem communè , produxisset , nè quidem minima consilii tam diversi edita ratione . et cum novae scriptionis edit in praesatione causam , quod ipse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 narrationibus adjutus eam fue●it aggressus , id planè innuit desti●utos hoc subsidio suisse visorum à se evangeliorum auctores , ita nimirum non fuisse ipso 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ut nè quidem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cum cura aliqua & se sulitate consuluerínt , vacil●are proinde meritó ●ue dubiam eorum fuisse fidem ; ut planè alios fuisse necesse sit evang●licae h●storiae scritores a lu●● visos , à nostris , quos habemus , evangelistis . dissert . 1. in iren. 99. 38 , 39. act. 20. 35. notes for div a62841-e5410 * de baptismo , c. 17. etiam hiero●ym . in catalogo scriptor . eccles. * p. 380. his maiesties royall declaration and protestation to all his loving subjects in england being a full satisfaction to all the whole world against all aspersions which have lately been cast upon his majesty, that he is popishly affected, to the great dishonour of his majesty and the withdrawing his loving subjects from him : together with his gracious resolution for the maintenance of the true protestant religion the laws and liberties of the subject with the just priviledges of parliament. charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a32105 of text r26009 in the english short title catalog (wing c2763). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 14 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a32105 wing c2763 estc r26009 09316429 ocm 09316429 42716 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a32105) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 42716) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1305:8) his maiesties royall declaration and protestation to all his loving subjects in england being a full satisfaction to all the whole world against all aspersions which have lately been cast upon his majesty, that he is popishly affected, to the great dishonour of his majesty and the withdrawing his loving subjects from him : together with his gracious resolution for the maintenance of the true protestant religion the laws and liberties of the subject with the just priviledges of parliament. charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. [6] p. printed by leonard litchfield, oxford : [1642?] reproduction of original in the cambridge university library. eng great britain -politics and government -1642-1649. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. a32105 r26009 (wing c2763). civilwar no his maiesties royall declaration and protestation, to all his loving subjects in england. being a full satisfaction to all the whole world, england and wales. sovereign 1642 2533 6 0 0 0 0 0 24 c the rate of 24 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2005-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-03 john latta sampled and proofread 2006-03 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion his maiesties royall declaration and protest●tion , to all his loving subjects in england . being a full satisfaction to all the whole world , against all aspersions which have lately been cast upon his majesty , that he is popishly affected , to the great dishonour of his majesty , and the withdrawing his loving subjects from him . together , with his gracious resolution for the maintenance of the true protestant religion , the laws and liberties of the subject , with the just priviledges of parliament . published by his majesties speciall command . oxford , printed by leonard lichfield , printer to the famous university . his majestyes royall declaration , and protestation to all his loving subjects in england . it is a wonder that we so just , so pious , and mercicifull in our words and intentions should not be believed in all our declarations and protestations : certainly it is impiety to be so full of infidelity towards the words of a king , some whereof we have here drawne out of our own severall writings , that all the world may see our faire expressions , of our self and the just end of all our actions , and how unjustly both have been interpreted . first concerning our being affected to popery , we protest in the word of a king , and call the searcher of all hearts to record , that we intend not the alteration of the true professed and established protestant religion , the lawes of the kingdome , the know●e libertie of the subject , the right and just priviledges of parliament . of the lawes his majesty saith thus : a new power hath been assumed to interpret and declare lawes without us , by extemporary votes , tending to a pure arbitrary power : ordinances , and orders were pressed upon the people as lawes , and their obedience required to them . his majesty saith further , we doe beleeve , and accordingly professe to all the world , that the malignity of this designe ( as dangerous to the lawes of this kingdome , the power of the same , and the liberties of all our good subjects , as to our self , and our just prerogative ) hath proceeded from the subtill informations and evill counsells of ambitious turbulent spirits , disaffected to gods true religion , and the unity of the professours thereof , our honour and safety , and the publick peace and prosperity of our people . his majesty addeth further : but how fautly soever others are , we shall ( with gods assistance ) endeavour to discharge our duty in the uprightnesse of heart . the king goes on further in declaring his own candor and uprightnesse , together with affronts offered unto him , saying thus they endeavour to turn this government into a new eutopia of religion , and therefore we are resolved to change none of our trusty officers , till they appear to have behaved themselves otherwise then they ought to have done , and bee evicted by legall proceedings to have done so . we were ever willing that our parliament should debate , resolve , and transact such matters as are now proper for them , and we heartily wish that the course of law be no wayes diverted , much lesse disturbed . moreover we call god to witnesse that as for our subjects sakes all rights are vested in us , so for their sakes as well as for our own , we are resolved not to quit them , nor to subvert ( though in a parliamentary way ) the ancient , just constitution of the government of this kingdome , nor to make our self of a king of england , a duke of venice , and this of a kingdome , a republick . besides the kings majesty saith further , nolumus leges angliae mutari , we promise that we will be as carefull of preserving the lawes in what doth concern our subjects , as in what most concerns our self , for we professe to believe that the preservation of every law concerns us . we have by many of our messages to you by our voluntary promise to you , so solemnly made never to pardon any popish priest by our strict proclamation which lately published in this point , sufficiently expressed our zeal herein . we wil also with constancy maintain ( while we live ) the protestant religion in its purity and glory , not onely against all invasions of popery , but also from the irreverence of schismaticks , and separatists , wherewith this kingdome of late , and our city of london abounds , to the great dishonour and hazzard , both of church and state . to conclude , we conjure you , and all men to rest satisfied with the truth of our professions and the reality of our intentions . and then we shall receive much more in the hope of a full & constant happines of our people in the true religion , and under the protection of the same by a blessed union between us and our parliament , & so much desired by us , then in any increase of our own revenue , which beyond former grants of our subjects when most wealthy , could by our parliament be settled upon us . thus we in all our protestations and messages desire the good of the kingdome , before our own private interest . his majesty saith further , we professe before and declare to all the world , that we alwayes have and did abhorre all such designes , but that all our endeavous ( according to our many professions ) did and shall ever tend to the firm and constant settlement of the true protestant religion , the just priviledges of parliament , the liberty of the subject , the lawes , peace and prosperity of this kingdome . in a letter from his majesty to both houses of parliament , the conclusion you may reade thus . if all these present distractions ( which so apparently threaten the ruine of this kingdome ) do not ( by the blessing of almighty god ) end in a happy and blessed accommodation , his majesty will then be ready to call heaven and earth , god and man to witnesse , that it hath not failed on his part . i am confident that you expect not i should give a speedy answer to this strange and unexpected declaration , that in the distraction of this kingdome , you should think this way of addresse more convenient , then that proposed by my message the 20 of january last to both houses : as concerning the grounds of your feares and jealousies , i will take time to answer particularly , and doubt not but i shall do it to the satisfaction of the whole world . god in his good time will discover the secrets and bottomes of all plots and treasons ; and then i shall stand right in the eyes of my people . god so deale with me and mine , as all my thoughts and intentions are upright , for the maintenance of the true protestant profession , and for the observation , and preservation of the lawes of this land , and i hope god will blesse and assist those lawes for my preservation . when we duly weigh the dishonour which will perpetually lie upon this kingdome , if full and speedy relief be not dispatched , we could not , nor cannot think of a better way to discharge our duty to almighty god , for the defence of the true protestant profession , or to manifest our affection to our three kingdomes , then by ingaging our person in this expedition , as many of our royall progenitours have done even in forraigne parts , upon causes of lesse importance and piety , with great honour to themselves , and advantage to this kingdome . for the danger of our person , we conceive it necessary and worthy of a king , to adventure his life to preserve his kingdome , neither can it be imagined , that we will fit still , and suffer our kingdome to be lost , and our good protestant subjects to be massacred , without exposing our person to the utmost hazzard for their reliefe and preservation . god , in his good time , we hope , will so informe the hearts of all our good subjects , that we shall recover from the mischiefe and danger of this distemper , on whose good pleasure we will wait with patience and humility . for the bringing up of the army to london , as we have heretofore ( by no other direction then the testimony of a good conscience ) called god to witnesse we never had or knew of any such resolution ; so upon the view of the depositions now published with that declaration , it is not evident to us , there was ever such a designe , unlesse very loose discourse or argument be instance enough of such a designe . and if no better effects then losse of time , and hindrance of the publike affaires have beene found by our answers and replies , let all good men judge , by whose default , and whose want of duty such effects have beene . and we call almighty god to witnesse , all our complaints and jealousies , which have never been causelesse , nor of our houses of parliament , but of some few schismaticall , factious , and ambitious spirits : our deniall of the militia , our absenting our selfe from london , have beene the effects of an upright and faithfull affection to our english subjects , that we may be able , through all the inconveniences we are compelled to wrastle with , at last to restore their religion , lawes , and liberties unto them . wee desire our actions may no longer prosper , or have a blessing from god upon them and us , then they shall be directed to the glory of god in the maintenance of the true protestant profession , to the preservation of the property and liberty of the subjects in the observation of the lawes , and the maintenance of the rights and freedome of parliament , in the allowance and protection of all their just priviledges . we would have you to be assured , that we never intended the least neglect unto you in any former summons of the county , our love , as well as our protection , extending to all our subjects ; but as you are a great body , time and conveniency must be observed in your assembling . that you may know the generall reasons of our being here , you must understand , that when we found it neither safe nor honourabl● to expose our person to the tumultuous and licentious proceedings of many ( which to this day are unpunished ) who did disorderly approach neere our court at white-hall , wee trusted this part of our dominions chiefly to reside in , where , as most of the gentry already have , so wee assure our selfe , the rest of you will give us cleere testimony of your service and obedience , which we will never use otherwise then for the defence of our orthodox religion , professed and setled in queene elizabeths time , and confirmed by the authority of the statutes of this realme , the defence of the lawes and fundamentall constitutions of the kingdome ( as the justest measure and rule for our prerogative , your liberties and rights ) and lastly , for the preservation of the peace of this kingdome . as for our owne zeale to the protestant profession , we refer all the world to our daily exercise of , and our declarations concerning it , and execution of the laws against the papists , so likewise we cannot but declare our selfe most heartily sorry to finde such separatists and schismaticks , who presume against law , to foment new doctrines and disciplines , to the disturbance of church and state . for the law , it being the common inheritance of our people , we shall never inforce any prerogative of ours beyond it , but submit our selfe to it , and give you and all our subjects the fullest latitude of it , both for the liberty of your persons , and the propriety of your estates , and for an inviolable confidence and assurance hereof , as we take god ( the searcher of all hearts ) to witnesse our reall intention herein , so we shall no longer desire you to stand for the defence of our person , honour , and just prerogatives , then we shall maintaine the lawes of the land , the liberty of your persons , and propriety of your goods . for the resort of papists to the court , his majesties great care for the prevention thereof , is notoriously knowne , that when he was informed two or three of his guard were of that religion , he gave speciall direction , with expressions of his displeasure , that they should bee immediately discharged , and provided , that no person should attend on him under that relation , but such as tooke the oath of allegiance and supremacie . there having been many rumours spread , and informations given , which may have induced many to believe , that we intend to make war ●gainst our parliament . we professe before god , and declare to all the world , that we alwaies have and doe abhorre all such designes , and desire all our nob●●● and councell , who are 〈…〉 place , to declare whether they have not been witnesses of our frequent and earnest declarations and professions to this purpose , whether they see any colour of preparations or counsells that might reasonably beget a belief of any such designe ; and whether they be not fully perswaded , that we have no such intention , but that all our endeavours ( according to our many professions ) tend to the firm and constant settlement of the true protestant religion , the just priviledges of parliament , the liberty of the subject , peace and prosperity of this kingdome . the god of heaven direct you , and in mercy divert those judgements which hang over this nation , and so deale with us and our posterity , as we desire the preservation and advancement of the true protestant religion , the law , and the liberty of the subject , the just rights of parliament , and the peace of the kingdome . finis . his maiesties speech to both houses of parliament, july the 5th 1641 with mr. speakers speech, before the king, in the vpper house of parliament, july the 3, 1641, concerning the passing of three bills, 1. poll-money, 2. star-chamber, 3. high commission. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a32124 of text r13562 in the english short title catalog (wing c2797a). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 9 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a32124 wing c2797a estc r13562 12097695 ocm 12097695 54009 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a32124) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 54009) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 863:21) his maiesties speech to both houses of parliament, july the 5th 1641 with mr. speakers speech, before the king, in the vpper house of parliament, july the 3, 1641, concerning the passing of three bills, 1. poll-money, 2. star-chamber, 3. high commission. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. lenthall, william, 1591-1662. [2], 6 p. [s.n.], london : 1641. reproduction of original in the university of illinois (urbana-champaign campus). library. a review by the king of his recent concessions to parliament and a similar review by speaker lenthall of parliament's concessions to the king. eng england and wales. -parliament. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649. a32124 r13562 (wing c2797a). civilwar no his majesties speech. to both houses of parliament, july the 5th 1641. with mr speakers speech, before the king, in the vpper house of parli england and wales. sovereign 1641 1522 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2004-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-02 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-07 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2004-07 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion his maiesties speech , to both houses of parliament , july the 5th 1641. with mr speakers speech , before the king , in the vpper house of parliament , iuly the 3d , 1641. concerning the passing of three bils , viz. 1 poll-money . 2 star-chamber . 3 high commission . london printed 1641. thf kings speech to both houses of parliament , the fifth of iuly , 1641. i come to doe that office which i did on saturday last , to give determination to these two bills : but before i doe it , i must tell you that i cannot but be very sensible of those reports of discontent , that i heare some have taken , for not giving my assent on saturday last . me thinkes it seemes strange that any one should thinke i could passe two bills of that importance as these were , without taking some fit time to consider of them , for it is no lesse then to alter in a great measure , those fundamentall lawes ecclesiasticall and civill , which many of my predecessours have established , &c. if you consider what i have done this parliament , discontent will not sit in your hearts ; for i hope you remember that i have granted that the judges hereafter shall hold their places , quam diu bene se gesserint . i have bounded the forrest , not according to my right , but according to the late customes , i have established the property of the subject , as witnesse the free giving , not taking away the ship-money . i have establishing by act in parliament the property of the subject in tunnage and poundage , which never which never was done in any my predecessours times , i have granted a law for a trienniall parliament , and given way to an act for the securing of monies advanced for the disbanding of the armies , i have given free course of justice against delinquents , i have put the law in execution against papists . nay , i have given way to every thing that you have asked of me , and therefore me thinkes you should not wonder if in some thing i begin to refuse , but i hope it shall not hinder your progresse in your great affaires . and i will not sticke upon triviall matters to give you content , i hope you are sensible of these beneficiall favours bestowed upon you at this time . to conclude , you know ( by your consent ) there is a prefixed time set for my going into scotland , and there is an absolute necessity for it , i doe not know but that things may so fall out , that it may be shortned ; therefore i hope you will hasten the dispatch of those great businesses that now is necessary to be done , and leave triviall and superficiall matters to another meeting . for my part i shall omit nothing that may give you just contentment , and study nothing more then your happinesse , and therefore i hope you shall see a very good testimony of it by the passing these two bills . le roy le veult . this done , his majestie said as followeth : viz. i have one word more to speake unto you , and take now an occasion to present to both houses , that whereby i hope all the world shall see that there is a good understanding betweene me and my people . it is concerning my nephew , the prince elector palatine , who having me and the king of denmarke to give to a writing concerning the dyet at ratisbone with the emperour , i could not but send my ambassadour to assist him , though i am afraid i shall not have so good an answer as i expect , which my newphew fore-seeing , hath desired me , for the better countenancing of the same , to make a manefesto in my name , which is a thing of great consequence , and if i should doe it alone , without the advice of my parliament , it would rather be a scorne then otherwise ; therfore i doe propose it unto you , that if you should advise me to it , i doe thinke it were very fit to bee published in my name . mr. speakers speech . the government of a commonwealth rests in the rules of order , and hath so much affinity and consent with the rules of nature , in the government of the world , that the first copie and mutation of the one may seeme to bee taken from the originall and first modell of the other . this contemplation ( most excellent and gracious soveraigne ) casts our eyes upon your sacred majesty , as that celestiall orbe , which never resting without the office of perpetuall motion , to cherish the lower bodies , not enriching it selfe with any treasures drawne from below , exhales in vapours from the inferiour elements , what indue season it returnes in showres . the application makes us consider our selves , those sublunary creatures which having their essence and being from the influence of those beames ( as the flowers of the field ) open to receive the glory of the sun . in this relation both contribute to the common good , your sacred majestie as a nursing father designed to bestow on your people , the blessing of peace and unity , and we as the children of obedience returne our duties and affections in aids and tributes . and this compacted in one body by the ligaments of religion and lawes , hath been the object of admiration to the whole world . amidst the distraction of forreigne nations , wee onely have sate under the shadow of our vines , and dranke the wines of our owne vintage . but your crafty adversaries , perceiving that the fervent profession of your owne religion and firme observation of our lawes , have beene the pillars of our prosperity , by subtile insinuations , pretending a politike necessity to admit of moderation in our religion , to comply with forraine princes , and suggesting it a principall in the rule of soveraignty , to require and take into , aske & have , that it must be postulare by power , not petere by lawes , and keep this misery of warre and calamity , betweene nation and nation , and put us in the posture of gaze to the whole world . but when wee behold your sacred majesty discended from the royall loines of that glorious king , which by his wisdome and policie , first ingrafted the white rose and the red , upon the same stock , and sheithed the sword that had pierced the bowels of so much nobilitie , glutted with the blood of people , and then laid the first hopes of the happy union between the nations . when our thoughts refresh themselves with that happy memory of that religious king your gracious father , on whose sacred temples both diadems were placed , wrethed about with this motto , faciam eos ingentem unam , we cannot but believe that god and nature ( by a lineall succession from those fathers of peace ) hath ordained you that lapis angularis upon which the whole frame settles , and put into the hands of you sacred majestie , the possibility and power to firme and stablish this happy union betweene your kingdomes , and so raise your memory a statue of glory and wisdome from generation to generation . in all this length of time , the assurance of this union and peace hath been the chiefe object of our desires , our purses have beene as open as our hearts , both contributing to this great work , manifested by so many subsidies already presented , sufficient in our first hopes for the full perfection . but finding that faile , have againe adventured upon your peoples property , and in an old and absolute way , new burnisht by the hand of instant necessity , expressed to the world the heart of a loyall people , and howsoever guided with a new name of tranquility and peace to your kingdome , that with more case the people may disgest the bitternesse of this pill , yet still our hearts had the same aime and object . a gift sutable to the necessity of such vast extent that time cannot parallell it by any example . and by which , if your sacred majesty vouchsafe your royall assent , wee shall not doubt you may soone accomplish those happy effects that may present your wisdome the object of wonder , and your policy to bee admired amongst the nations . finis . by the king. a proclamation commanding the use of the book of common-prayer according to law notwithstanding the pretended ordinances for the new directory. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a78976 of text r212261 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.9[47]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 7 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a78976 wing c2557 thomason 669.f.9[47] estc r212261 99870900 99870900 161145 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a78976) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 161145) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f9[47]) by the king. a proclamation commanding the use of the book of common-prayer according to law notwithstanding the pretended ordinances for the new directory. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by leonard lichfield, printer to the vniversitie, printed at oxford : 1645. dated at end: given at our court at oxford, this thirteenth day of november, in the one and twentieth yeare of our reigne. 1645. with engraving of royal seal at head of document. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng church of england. -book of common prayer -early works to 1800. church of england. -directory for the publique worship of god throughout the three kingdoms of england, scotland, and ireland -early works to 1800. public worship -great britain -early works to 1800. great britain -church history -17th century -early works to 1800. a78976 r212261 (thomason 669.f.9[47]). civilwar no by the king. a proclamation commanding the use of the book of common-prayer according to law, notwithstanding the pretended ordinances for t england and wales. sovereign 1645 1264 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c r diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the king . ¶ a proclamation commanding the use of the book of common-prayer according to law , notwithstanding the pretended ordinances for the new directory . whereas by a printed paper , dated the third of ianuary last past , intituled , an ordinance of parliament for taking away the book of common-prayer , and for establishing and putting in execution of the directory for the publique worship of god ; it is said to be ordained amongst other things , that the book of common-prayer should not remaine , or be from thenceforth used in any church , chappell , or place of publique worship within the kingdome of england , or dominion of wales ; and that the directory for publique worship in that printed paper set forth , should be from thenceforth used , pursued , and observed in all exercises of publique worship of god in every congregation , church , chappell , and place of publique worship . and by another printed paper , dated the 23 day of august last past , intituled , an ordinance of the lords and commons assembled in parliament , for the more effectuall putting in execution the directory for publique worship , &c. particular directions are set downe for the dispersing , publishing , and use of the said directory , in all parishes , chappelries , and donatives , and for the calling in and suppressing of all books of common-prayer , under severall forfeitures and penalties to be levyed and imposed upon conviction before justices of assize , or of oyer and terminer , and of the peace , as by the said two printed papers may appeare . and taking into our consideration , that the book of common-prayer , which is endeavoured thus to be abolished , was compiled in the times of reformation by the most learned and pious men of that age , and defended and confirmed with the martyrdome of many ; and was first established by act of parliament in the time of king edward the sixth , and never repealed or laid aside , save only in that short time of queene maries reigne , upon the returne of popery and superstition ; and in the first yeare of queene elizabeth , it was againe revived and established by act of parliament , and the repeale of it then declared by the whole parliament , to have been to the great decay of the due honour of god , and discomfort to the professors of the truth of christs religion : and ever since it hath been used and observed for above fourescore yeares together , in the best times of peace and plenty that ever this kingdome enjoyed ; and that it conteines in it a excellent forme of worship and service of god , grounded upon the holy scriptures , and is a singular meanes and help to devotion in all congregations , and that , or some other of the like forme , simply necessary in those many congregations which cannot be otherwise supplyed by learned and able men ; and keeps up an uniformity in the church of england ; and that the directory , which is sought to be introduced , is a meanes to open the way , and give the liberty to all ignorant factious , or evill men , to broach their owne fancies and conceits , be they never so wicked or erroneous ; and to mislead people into sinne and rebellion , and to utter those things , even in that which they make for their prayer in their congregations as in gods presence , which no conscientious man can assent or say amen to . and be the minister never so pious and religious , yet it will break that uniformity which hitherto hath been held in gods service , and be a meanes to raise factions and divisions in the church . and those many congregations in this kingdom , where able and religious ministers cannot be maintained , must be left destitute of all help or meanes for their publique worship and service of god . and observing likewise , that no reason is given for this alteration , but only inconvenience alleadged in the generall ( and whether pride and avarice be not the ground , whether rebellion and destruction of monarchy be not the intention of some , and sacriledge and the churches possessions the aymes and hopes of others , and these new directories , the meanes to prepare and draw the people in for all , we leave to him who searches and knowes the hearts of men . ) and taking into our further consideration , that this alteration is introduced by colour of ordinances of parliament made without and against our consent , and against an expresse act of parliament still in force , and the same ordinances made as perpetuall binding lawes , inflicting penalties and punishments , which was never , before these times , so much as pretended to have been the use or power of ordinances of parliament , without an expresse act of parliament , to which we are to be parties . now least our silence should be interpreted by some , as a connivance or indifferency in us , in a matter so highly-concerning the worship and service of god , the peace and vnity of the church and state , and the establish'd lawes of the kingdome , we have therefore thought fit to publish this our proclamation ; and we doe hereby require and command all and singular ministers in all cathedrall and parish-churches , and other places of publique worship within our kingdome of england or dominion of wales ; and all other to whom it shall appertaine , that the said book of common-prayer be kept and used in all churches , chappells , and places of publique worship , according to the said statute made in that behalfe in the said first yeare of the said late queene elizabeth ; and that the said directory be in no sort admitted , received , or used , the said pretended ordinances , or any thing in them contained to the contrary , notwithstanding . and we doe hereby let them know , that whensoever it shall please god to restore vs to peace , and the lawes to their due course , ( wherein we doubt not of his assistance in his good time ) we shall require a strict account and prosecution against the breakers of the said law , according to the force thereof ; and in the meanetime , in such places where we shall come , and find the book of common-prayer supprest and laid aside , and the directory introduced . we shall account all those that shall be ayders , actors , or contrivers therein , to be persons disaffected to the religion and lawes establish'd ; and this they must expect , besides that greater losse which they shall sustaine by suffering themselves thus to be deprived of the use and comfort of the said book . given at our court at oxford , this thirteenth day of november , in the one and twentieth yeare of our reigne . 1645. god save the king . printed at oxford , by leonard lichfield , printer to the vniversitie . 1645. newes from scotland, his maiesties manifest touching the palatine cause and act of parliament concerning the same : read, voiced, and past in the parliament of scotland, the 6 day of september, 1641. his majesties manifest touching the palatine cause england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a32012 of text r10776 in the english short title catalog (wing c2525). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 16 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a32012 wing c2525 estc r10776 12827626 ocm 12827626 94296 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a32012) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 94296) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 255:e171, no 17) newes from scotland, his maiesties manifest touching the palatine cause and act of parliament concerning the same : read, voiced, and past in the parliament of scotland, the 6 day of september, 1641. his majesties manifest touching the palatine cause england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. scotland. parliament. [1], 7 p. by t. favvcet for t. bates ..., london : 1641. first published : edinburgh in scotland : by robert and iames brysons, 1641? royal arms on t.p. imperfect: portions of imprint poorly inked. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng maximilian -i, -elector of bavaria, 1573-1651. a32012 r10776 (wing c2525). civilwar no newes from scotland. his maiesties manifest touching the palatine cause. and act of parliament concerning the same: read, voiced and past in scotland. sovereign 1641 2721 13 0 0 0 0 0 48 d the rate of 48 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2002-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-05 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-06 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2002-06 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-07 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion newes from scotland . his maiesties manifest touching the palatine cause . and act of parliament concerning the same . read , voiced and past in the parliament of scotland , the 6. day of september . 1641. and published by his majesties speciall command . c r first printed at edinburgh in scotland by robert and iames brysons . and now printed at london by t. favvcet for t. bates , and are to be sold at his shop in the old bayly . 1641. his majesties manifest . charles by the grace of god , king of england , scotland , france and ireland , defender of the faith , &c. to all to whom this present manifest shall come greeting . to the end that the endeavours of our late deare father king james of blessed memory , and our proceedings since his death in the cause of our deare and onely sister , brother in law , nephewes , electors , and princes palatine of the rhyne may not be forgotten , or pretendedly unknowne , wherein we have studied , and laboured nothing more then the peace of christendome , and the avoyding the effusion of innocent blood , by seeking the restitution and reestablishment of the electorall house of palatine in their ancient rights , dignities , and possessions within the empire , out of which they have beene by violence and force of armes , and other undue proceedings expelled and banished , contrary to the ancient lawes and constitutions of the sacred empire wee have thought fit for the vindication of our owne honour , to call to mind and to publish to the world , both a summary relation of our actions and endeavours past , and our present resolutions in the same cause . it cannot be unknowne to all the princes and estates of europe and more particularly to those who have had any interest or relation to the publique affaires of germany , how both our self , and our father have , during these twenty yeares past , by many and severall embassages , treaties , and other negotiations , to our great expence & charges , both with the late emperor ferdinand , the k. of spaine , and other princes , and estates of the empire , endeavoured by all friendly and treatable meanes to procure the restitution and reestablishment of our said deare sister , brother in law , and nephewes , in their antient rights and possessions , as the onely and possible way to settle a good and firme peace in the empire , and consequently with all princes interested therein , without which it is impossible to expect or hope for a good , durable , and honest pacification of those troubles which have already almost rent and consumed , and involved all the princes of christendome in a most bloody and destructive warre . and for a cleare demonstration of our syncere intentions , not onely our owne pious inclination , and care of the publique peace , hath induced us to omit divers occasions whereby wee might by such power as god hath put into our hands , have prevented the violences and oppressions used to our said sister and nephewes ; but wee have been led on , and invited thereunto by divers promises , assurances , and reversall letters , both from the late emperour , and king of spaine ; and other usurpers of the inheritances of the electorall house palatine , that they would at last in contemplation of our meditations , hearken and incline to a just and honest peace by the restitution of the estates and dignities of our deare sister and nephewes , whereby we have beene drawne not onely to passe by our owne and the publique interest , and to forbeare to ingage our armes in so just a cause , but also have procured by our fathers and our authority , the withdrawing , and disbanding of the forces of count mans●elt out of the palatinate , and advanced divers truces and cessations of hostility or defence , onely to prepare the way of amiable composition , according to the hopes and promises to that end given us , and particularly have caused the surrender and deposition of some places of strength into the hands of the late infanta of spaine , upon reciprocall assurance of a finall pacification or restitution . but what effects all these our peaceable and christian endeavours have produced , and how all our pious negotiations have beene eyther delayed or deluded ; thereby and by processe of time to roote and establish the usurpations of the house palatine , and our patience and piety thereby abused , is so manifest by the continuall oppression of our said deare sister & nephews ; that we are forced to protest that there hath beene nothing succeeded to our desires or hopes , but a resolution of despaire of ever obtaining by the wayes of iustice , treaty or amity , that which hath beene so often promised to , and expected of the lovers of christian peace . notwithstanding we having lately received advice from our deare uncle the king of denmarck , that at last by his mediation and procurement the present emperor and duke of bavaria , have condiscended to a treaty to be held at the dyet at ratisbone , upon the 6. day of may last past , for the reviewing and resetling of the controversies of the house palatine , as a preparation and inducement to a generall peace and amnistia through the whole empire ; and that he with some of the electors of the empire is accepted as mediator of the said cause , and hath deceived strong and pregnant assurances of a better inclination and disposition towards the re-establishment of the electorall family in their rights and dignities ; and to that end hath procured convenient safe conduct from the emperour to our nephew and his brethren , freely to come in person , or to send their deputies to that dyet at the time and place appointed , with all other clauses requisite for their safeties , going , abiding , or comming from thence , and there to plead the iustice of their owne cause , and that in prosecution thereof , he hath instructed and dispatched his ambassadours to assist either in person , or by the deputies of our nephews , at the said treaty of pacification , and hath desired us herein to comply with him by sending our ambassadours qualified and instructed to the same purpose of procuring a good , and setled peace within the empire , according to the intimation of the princes electors signified to him by their letters , thereby desiring us to assist in the present assembly at ratisbone . to which end our nephew the prince electour palatine having resolved by our counsell and advice to send his deputies according to the invitation and hopes intimated of a good issue to be expected by the amiable way of treaty and composure . we also have thought fit not to be wa●ting to so good a design so concurrent to our own , & the desires of so many princes , and in some hope of better fruits then hitherto all our endeavors have produced ; have resolved to make this our last legall by the way of treaties , and to lend our ambassadours to the emperour , and other princes in the said dyet assembled : and to that purpose have given him full power and instructions to contribute all our authority to the procurement and settlement of a good and blessed peace , by the reestablishment and restuittion of the possessions and dignities of our said deare sstier , nephewes , and electorall family , without which no peace can either be honest or secure . hereby exhorting and desiring all other kings , princes & states , our friends allyes , ●nd co●federates , who shall either be present at the said dyet , or shall have their ambassadours , or deputies there , that they will be assisting to the iustice of so good a cause , and ●o great a blessing as the restoring of peace to the almost desolate estate of germany . but because we may have just cause to doubt by many experiences of our former endeavours tha● the issue and fruit of this meeting may not be answerable to our just expectation , but rather that it may produce contrary effects to the prejudice of the iusticers rights of our said nephewes and their familie ( which god forbid ) we are hereby forced to protest against all acts , sentences , conclusions , or determinations whatsoever , which shall or may be had , made , or declared either in confirmation of the oppressions , and all usurpation past , or any additions thereunto for the future , as invalid and of no power or effect . in which case ( being contrary to our desires and expectation ) we also further protest and ●●clare that we will not abandon neither our owne nor the publique interest , nor the cause , rights , and just preten●es of our deare sister , and nephewes , and other princes , and states involved within their oppressions : but that we will use and imploy all such force , and power wherewith god hath inabled us both by our owne armes , and the helpe and assistance of all our allyes and friends , to vindicate our owne honour , the publique peace and redresse of the injuries , usurpations , and oppressions of our said dearest sister and nephewes , and their now illustrious familie . and hereby as we doe professe to use all our endeavours and power to promove a happy and desired peace , for the consolation of the distressed empire ; so we doe appeale to almighty god , the inspector of the hearts of all princes , and to the world spectators of all our just actions , that we will be innocent before god and the world of all the evils that may ensue , if these our last hopes shall be delayed or abused . at edinburgh the 10.20 . of august , 1641. the kings majesty having seriously recommended this his manifest to the consideration of the estates of parliament of this his majesties ancient and native kingdome . they after mature deliberation , doe unanimously approve the same ; and his majesties pious and just resolutions therein exprest : and with most hearty affections answerable to the nearenesse of their interest in that princely family of the elector palatine , declare that in case his majesty doe not prevaile by this present treaty , they will joyne and concurre by their advice and assistance in a parliamentary way in the prosecution of his majesties designes for his house and the advantage of his royall sister , and nephewes , who are descended of that royall stemme , which by the succession of an hundred and eight kings , hath swayed the scepter over this kingdome . read , voiced , and past in parliament the twenty eight day of august , 1641. the humble remonstrance of the estates of parliament to his sacred majestie concerning the prince electour palatine . most gracious soveraigne , we the estates in parliament , representing the body of this your majesties ancient and native kingdome , doe in all humility presume to remonstrate to your sacred majesty , the true sence and feeling , the whole country have had , and doe more and more take to heart of the manifold sufferings , your majesties sister , and her princely children the prince electour palatine and his brethren and sisters , have endured these many yeares by-gone in the defrauding and debarring of them from their lawfull estate , and possession , wherein your majesties who●e dominions ( but more particularly this your majesties native kingdome ) are so farre concerned , that according to their power and abilities , they are obliged by bonds of duty , nature , and christianity , to use all lawfull and ord●nary meanes for obtaining them to be restored to their antient inheritance and dignities . the many by-gone ●ets and continuall delayes , notwithstanding of all the faire dealing used by your majesties late royall father , and your selfe , giveth us more and apprehensive grounds of feare , that the present treaty at ratisbone shall produce no better effects then the former have done . in consideration whereof , we are forced in name of the whole kingdome , humbly to represent how necessary and expedient it is , that your majesty will be graciously pleased with advice and consent of us the estates of parliament , to enact and ordaine , that no leavies , either of armies , regiments , companies , or recrewes of sou●diers , be licen●●at , or warranted to bee sent out of this kingdome , till a resolute answere returne from the said dyet at ratisbone concerning the said prince elector , at the least while the first day of aprill next ; to the effect his highnesse affaires and businesse may be the better furthered and advanced , during which space , all leavies and recrewes of souldiers , would be discharged to be uplifted , or sent out of the kingdome . the 4. of september . 1641. read in the presence of his majestie , and estates of parliament , and hereupon his majesty with the advice of the estates , ordaines an act to be drawne up , which was accordingly done . like as his majesty doth promise , that he will give order , that no scots souldier shall bee shipped or have passage at barwicke , workington , white-haven , newcastle , or any other sea-port in england , during the time aforesaid . whereas it hath beene humbly remonstrated to his majesty by the estates of parliament ; therefore it is statute and ordained by our soveraigne lord with advice of the said estates , that there be a restraint of all leavies and recrewes of souldiers to be sent out of this kingdome , till a resolute answer from the dyet at ratisbone , concerning the prince electour at least while the first day of aprill next . to the effect , the prince elector his affayres and businesse may be the better furthered and advanced , during the which time our soveraigne lord with advice aforesaid , discharges all leavies and recrewes of souldiers within this kingdome , to the effect aforesaid : and during that time inhibits and discharges all skippers , saylours , and masters of ships to transport any souldiers from this kingdome beyond seas to any forraigne kingdome or countrey , under the paine of 40. pounds for each souldier so transported toties quoties ; and ordaines these presents to be intimate to all his majesties lieges by publique proclamation at the market crosse of edinburgh peere and shore of leeth , and all sea-ports of this kingdome needfull , whereby none may pretend ignorance . and for the better observation of the promises , hereby gives warrant expresse command to all searchers at sea-ports to looke carefully and search all ships before they loose or make sayle and to stop , and impede all the said souldiers from going out of the country under the paine of an hundreth pounds to the searcher in case of negligence in the execution of the power hereby committed to them . it is alwaies declared that such officers who have served abroad , and have now beene employed for the countrey , and shall have the generall his passe are not comprehended in this present act , but expresse excepted forth thereof . read , voiced and past in parliament the sixt of september , 1641. finis , his majesties message to the house of commons from the court at york the 13 of august 1642. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a78909 of text r210979 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.5[68]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a78909 wing c2479b thomason 669.f.5[68] estc r210979 99869723 99869723 160781 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a78909) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160781) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f5[68]) his majesties message to the house of commons from the court at york the 13 of august 1642. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by robert barker, printer to the kings most excellent majestie: and by the assignes of john bill, imprinted at york : 1642. the king observing that the house of commons is diverting £100,000, part of the sum raised for reducing the rebels in ireland, contrary to the act, charges them to desist from this, as they will answer to god, the more so, as he does not wish any part of the £400,000 collected to be spent in making war on him. -steele. reproduction of the original in the british library. with engraving of royal seal at head of document. eng england and wales. -parliament -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -finance -early works to 1800. a78909 r210979 (thomason 669.f.5[68]). civilwar no his majesties message to the house of commons. from the court at york the 13 of august 1642. england and wales. sovereign 1642 389 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c r diev et mon droit honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms ❧ his majesties massage to the house of commons . from the court at york the 13 of august 1642. his majestie , taking notice of an order lately made by the house of commons , whereby that house hath unduly assumed to themselves authority to order , direct , and dispose of one hundred thousand pounds , part of those moneys which the adventurers for the reducing of the rebels of ireland have paid to that , and onely to that purpose , to other uses and intents , contrary to the expresse words of the act of parliament concerning the same ; wherein it is enacted , that no part of the money , which should be paid in according to that act , shall be employed to any other purpose , then the reducing of those rebels , untill they shall be declared to be subdued , out of his piety and princely care for the confirming and reestablishment of gods true religion in that his kingdom of ireland , for the relief of his distressed subjects there , for the suppression of that horrid and bloody rebellion , for the supply and payment of his armies there , now in great want and necessity , doth strictly require the house of commons , as they will answer the contrary to almighty god , his majestie , & those that have trusted them , that they immediately retract that mischievous , illegall , and unjust order ; wherein his majestie expecteth their speedy answer , and obedience ; and the rather , that he may thereby be secured , that such part of the four hundred thousand pounds as is or shall be collected from his good subjects of england , by vertue of the late act of parliament , whereby the same is granted , may not likewise ( under false pretences ) be diverted from its proper use , for which it was intended , and mis-imployed to the disturbance of the peace of this kingdom , in a war against his sacred majestie . ¶ imprinted at york by robert barker , printer to the kings most excellent majestie : and by the assignes of john bill . 1642. tvvo royall entertainments, lately giuen to the most illustrious prince charles, prince of great britaine, by the high and mighty philip the fourth king of spaine, &c. at the feasts of easter and pentecost. translated out of the spanish originals printed at madrid. a doña vitoria colona. english almansa y mendoza, andres, 17th cent. 1623 approx. 44 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 22 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a18907 stc 533 estc s104392 99840130 99840130 4602 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a18907) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 4602) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 819:01) tvvo royall entertainments, lately giuen to the most illustrious prince charles, prince of great britaine, by the high and mighty philip the fourth king of spaine, &c. at the feasts of easter and pentecost. translated out of the spanish originals printed at madrid. a doña vitoria colona. english almansa y mendoza, andres, 17th cent. charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. almansa y mendoza, andres, 17th cent. a la villa de madrid cabeza del mundo. english. aut [2], 26, 23-37, [1] p. printed [by john haviland] for nathaniel butter, and are to be sold at the pide bull neere saint austins gate, london : 1623. dedication signed: andres de mendoza. a translation of "a doña vitoria colona" and "a la villa de madrid cabeza del mundo". printer's name from stc. reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng bullfights -spain -madrid -early works to 1800. 2005-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-05 taryn hakala sampled and proofread 2006-05 taryn hakala text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion two royall entertainments , lately given to the most illvstriovs prince charles , prince of great britaine , by the high and mighty philip the fourth king of spaine , &c. at the feasts of easter and pentecost . translated out of the spanish originals printed at madrid . london , printed for nathaniel butter , and are to be sold at the pide bull neere saint austins gate , 1623. to the ladie victoria colonna , dvchesse of medina rioseco , my honourable lady , whom god preserue . the retired life which your excellency obserues , beseeming your widow-hood , the mirror and president of this court , permitted you not to view the maske of my lord admirall : the solemnity thereof will not suffer me to passe it ouer in obliuion , nor the many fauours i haue receiued from your excellency , allow mee , to forbeare the offering of it in writing vnto you by way of description . your seruant , andres de mendoza . intellect , or vnderstanding participating so neerely with the deitie , it cannot be shut vp vnder locke and key , especially in capacious mindes and iudgements , for as a fit obiect occurs , men beat against that iron with the flint , and then of necessitie it must needs sparkle , and yeeld fire . i haue alwaies beene of this opinion , that the reputation of a wise man , ties him to more demerit , than an other ordinary man of repute , for the better satisfaction herein of generall expectation . and so in like manner one that writeth of all actions in generall , hee hath neede of the greater sufficiency , to obtaine applause and liking ; because as men are different in their apprehensions , so are they in their humors and approbations , as also besides , it is somewhat too curious to present them euery day with new inuentions . there is now both a conueniency and necessity to present to publique the maske , with which the lord admirall of castile and leon honoured their maiesties , in celebrating the arriuall of the most renowned prince of england in these kingdomes , whom their maiesties , for as many principall causes , as most important reasons , doe honour and festiuate . a royall festiuity no doubt , both to them to whom it was dedicated , and to those who celebrated the same , hee being more deepely tied and bound vnto this , than if other lords should festiuate and entertaine their owne prince , because they are extracted of his bloud ( being the basis and foundation of all nobility ) in that both the same reason concurs with the admirall , besides the greatest confluence in this , of all the principall states and princes of europe , a reason that may some waies excuse my rude penne , in that the admirall hath made good in reall action , the meere fictions of turpine , and ariosto ; if it be vnderualued for the breuity , it may be exalted in the acceptance , because as the prince of philosophers affirmed , historie is the true touchstone of men , and forgetfulnesse of a benefit is the last and black censure of ingratefull men . the many benefits wherein ( besides my naturall affection ) i stand bound to this great prince , may excuse me , let all rare spirits admit of this so good a reason , raised from such an heroicall foundation . on sunday being easter day , a solemne day in all respects , which the admirall made very good choise of , because as much time must be allowed for sacred , as for prophane exercises : the queenes maiesty , clothed in white , a colour of exhilaration and gladnesse , which the church obserueth for the annuali remembrance of the resurrection of her deare spouse , set out with rare iewels , and precious stones , ( whereof she hath store , and the present occasion , gaue her cause to make shew of them ) dined in publike . the gallants of the court tooke their place with the ladies , and the dinner drew out somewhat late , because their maiesties went before to the chappell to solemnize the feast . for neither their festiuities , nor their yeeres apt to take delight in them , can draw them to omit their religious zeale ; it being the principall respect of this monarchy , as it also hath beene of all other ages ; for the zeale of numa wrought greater effects in the roman monarchy , than the valour of romulus . the prince in like manner dined in publique , attended with the assistance and care of the conde de puebla , as master of the feast , a valiant vnderstanding gentleman , and mayor domo , or lord steward of the court. the gentlemen tasters attended , and the earle of bristow ministred vnto him the towell . the king came out to euening prayer , and then there went for his highnesse , the resplendent and noble troupe of all the honourable of these kingdomes , and other strange nobility , which are now heere in great number : then followed the mayor domos , with their officiall staues , and all the grandes , the traine finishing in the duke of infantado : whose hoarie haires , when the sunne of his youth had passed the zenith of his more flourishing age , entred into the siluer spheare of cynthia , to illustrate the world with his countenance . the king was placed , and the prince on his right hand , his maiesty clothed in ashe colour : with a great golden fleece , and a chaine baudrick wise , which might haue bard in the colossian port of rhodes , ( i tooke this chaine to bee of many crownes linked , by foure in a knot , cemented together with greene and blacke emerald ) and if the french say true in this , that euery action of a king is royall , these foure crownes linked together , and hanging at his maiesties breast , shall be so many kingdomes . in his hat , his girdle , and for other iewels of diamonds , he diminished the glory of phoebus beames ; wearing in his hat a large wauing and aiery plume . the prince was in blacke , richly garded after the spanish fashion , with the george about his necke , hanging by a watchet riban . the enameld garter , exceeded that colour in brightnesse , and his maiesty might as clearely be discernd , as a sunne a midst the stars , this not being the meanest action and remonstrance of his prudence , that being a trauelling guest who came by post , not being able at the instant , to shine with equall lustre , he came to participate of the spanish sunne . immediatly after came the english admirall , and oliuares , both masters of the horse , the counsell of estate , the embassadors of princes , and the chamber of the citie , great in number , but greater in bloud and discent . being come to the queenes quarter , which was all hung with tapistrie of tunys , and petrarckes triumphs , set forth in embroyderie , well knowne both for riches , and varietie of inuention : the prince vrged by all meanes , that his maiestie would be pleased first to enter , but at last he yeelded to the kings pleasure . the queene accompanied with the infanta , who was then in her quarter , to wish her an happy easter , went out to receiue them , apparrelled in blacke , and gold , of wonderfull rich and stately , whether with naturall , or supernaturall beauty , for a modest passion , is a vertue supernaturall . after many complements past , they went to sit downe vnder a cloth of estate , which was of cloth of gold , three seuerall degrees in height , of mylan carnation , and chaires of the same . the prince tooke place on the right hand of the queene , and the king on the right hand of the infanta , they two remaining in the midst . the english ambassador in ordinary , dischargd the office of interpreter , by whose relation he saluted the queene with a good easter ; he was answered with the like ceremony : and hauing performed these courtesies and complements before the queene , hee came to discharge them to the infanta , who entertained him with that modesty and grauity , as might haue befitted greater yeares and more experience of time . their maiesties manifested their alacrity , by smiling twice , or thrice , and there arose such beautifull blushes in the sunne of the lady infantaes countenance , which beheld without naturall affection , could cause no lesse than admiration and wonder . they returnd to sit downe , and while the ladies , who were courting it among the gallants , spent the time in expressing their seuerall conceits ; their maiesties departed , and returned in the same manner and forme as they came , and then shewed themselues at the windowes of the south gallery cierzo , accompanied by the highnesses , of the illustrious infants , to view the tryall of armes , wherein the youth of this great court , shewed both dexterity , and valour . in the meane while apollo fearing two sunnes retired his light , and gaue way to a maske , which was in this manner : there were diuers races for careers made , rayld in with bord , and timber worke brest high , within the courtes of the pallace , that of descalzas , and the great court. the trembling and watrish beames of diana , would fame haue supplied the defect of apolloes rayes , and one might perceiue that no borrowed light ( though in the absence , and obscurity of the principall ) can be comparable to light naturall , though indeed those artificiall did much eclipse it , wherewith all the whole place , and the corners did shine , the progenie and effect , of the especiall care of iuan de castilia corrigidor , executed in the seruice and honour of his princes , except it proceeded from the beames of that spanish beauty , which expected to behold the festiuitie , who did imitate herein the celestial spheares , the queene and the infanta stood in the great gallery , and the prince , and the infant cardinall , on the left hand , accompanied with the english and spanish nobility , that had no part in the maske , and were appointed their places . there attended on the queene , and the infanta , besides the chiefe ladies of the chamber , the countesse of oliuares , who can giue a life to all actions of greatnesse , and courtship , as one who ( besides her own noble disposition and nature ) hath for her instructor the count , and the honourable ladie of the house of mendoza my good lady , and the lady of infantado , whose venerable gray haires gaue great respect , if the hereditary splendor of her glorious progenitors had failed , with many other ladies of these kingdomes . there stood hard by her maiesty , as her chiefe mayor domo , or lord steward , the glory of the illustrious family pimentell , the true heire of his fathers house , as also of his vertues and perfections . the rest of the out ietties , or galleries , were set with stars more relucent , ( though lesse erring , the glorious emulation of those in the firmament ) in the other ladies , and menimas , or noble youth of the court , whose rich ornaments darted forth beames , sent forth from their beauties , dissembling both frosts and flames , the iust reuenge of some haughty soules . the quantity of fire which was exhal'd , contending to reach to their proper spheare , dissolued the clouds of the middle region of the aire , which powred downe in showers vpon the earth , ( the admirals happy fortune ) as it seemed she commanded them at such a time , when she most desird to receiue them : which being sprinckled vpon the ground like deawes , as from the hand of a gardner , the show began from his house , by the royall hospitall of misericordia , the street of the streual , that of s. philip , and the great street , euen to the pallace , with fiftie drums , trumpets , and flutes , clothd in liueries of orange colour and white , the colours of the lady maria courtino , who deriues her glory and discent from the familie of marialua , the supreamest honour of the lusitanian spaine , after whom followed diego lopes de zuniga , generall of the coast of granada , as marshall of the field , with a staffe of siluer in his hand , and after him a good number of pages and lack queies with axes , in the liuery of the admirall , formerly seene and set downe in our relation of the prince his entry , and don carlos de zaualza page to his excellency , in a liuery of cloth of orange colour and siluer , laid with lace , and set with blacke glasses or bugles all armed , and don ieronimo de esquiuel page to the marquesse de alcanizas , apparelled in blacke , plated with siluer , and in like manner armed , mounted vpon excellent horses , armed sadles , and furniture embroidered with gold , with bucklers steele-plated , who brought along with them the cartels of chalenge , which were set vpon the gates of the pallace , by the defendants , admirall & the marquesse , the form or tenor wherof ensues . don iuan alfonso eurigues , admiral of castile , in the honour of the ladie maria curtinio , will within the court of this great palace maintaine , that loue hath no need of the nourishment of hopes , for by them it is rather defamed than encouraged , being the reward of it selfe , and to loue againe the only end of its glory . and for a demonstration , that the noblenes of her affection will auouch it , if any doubt thereof be made , he will maintaine a course at the ring , from this day forward for threescore daies , before or after as his maiesty shall appoint . and the conditions shall be these . with three launces according to the law of armes , of sufficient proofe and triall , any neglect wherein loseth prize . as also , he that shall loose a peece , or fasten it together againe with any binding , incurreth the same penalty . he that takes off the ring , it shall answer for two launces , that had not the like fortune . he that hits the ring shall enioy the same benefit . the same lawes shall take place at the combat , barriers , or tilt , for him that breakes vpon the visier , the gorget , or the target . whose prizes shall not be lower than thirty crowns , nor aboue an hundred . leauing the prize of greatest worth , and best valew to the election of the ladies . the best launce of the man of armes , the best inuention , and the best launce at tilt , to be referd to the censure of the iudges . who shall be , the duke of buckingham admirall of england . don gaspar de gusman , conde de oliuares , chiefe cupbearer to the kings maiesties person , great master of his horse , and one of his counsell of estate . don iuan hurtado de mendoza , duke of infantado , high steward of his maiesties house , and of his counsell of estate . don pedro de toledo osorio , marquesse of villa franca , of the counsell of estate vnto his maiesty . don augustine mexia , a gentleman of his maiesties chamber , and of his counsell of estate . don fernando giron , of the counsell of estate to his maiesty . another cartell . the knight of the forrests who is tied by the order of his knighthood , to trauell ouer mountaines , and trace wild beasts , seruing the great prince of both the spaines to make knowne , that in the rusticity of the country , there is found the courtly vrbanity of loue ; he affirmes , that they who make profession of his exercises and knighthood , are the gallants that attaine to highest perfection in louing , because not knowing what hopes or delayes are , they ratifie their fidelity by a silence taught them by the woods and mountaines : and this he will maintaine and defend being no wayes borne out by magicke spels , but out of true valour and courage of minde , which he meanes to approue and make good in the market place of mantua carpentana , at the day appointed by the caesar of both spaines , where they shall find him within the lists , from the stolne beames of dianaes light , while the sight of true resplendency , her brother the god of delos , combating any such as shall deny this verity : with three pushes at the pike , fiue fendants , or right downe blowes with the sword , the great prince of selua calidonia being present at this combat , of whom wise men spake by way of figure and shadow , in the famous actions of amadis de gaule , and lisuare of great britany : and referring their triall to the arbitrement of the iudges , which shall be the admirall of england , don pedro de toledo , marquesse of villafranca , and don ferdinando giron , presupposing alwayes the conditions ensuing : that hee who yeelds a foot backe shall lose his prize , fighting with the sword : that he who giues one blow more or lesse then ordained , shall lose prize : that whosoeuers sword doth break he shall returne no more to the tournament , but the prize shall be giuen him who thitherto hath best deserued it . whosoeuer breakes , or giues a push with his pike , or a blow with his sword beneath the girdle , hee shall lose prize : whosoeuer encounters with the sword , or the pike , at the halfe length , he shall lose prize : whosoeuer lets his sword fall out of his hand , or lifts vp the visier of his helme , or lets any piece of his armes fall , he shall lose prize . to the most forward and gallant , to the most skilfull , to the best effects with the sword , to the pike of shocke , to the sword pell mell , to the best inuention , and to the ladies pike , be the honor giuen . the whole maske made their round , accompanying the troupe while they stayed , whose liuery cost the admirall a great number of crownes , who cloathed them all in nippons , and hoods of orange tawny , and stryxt siluer cloath , set with flowers , and romane deuices of blacke cloath , edged about with siluer in purles , with talbants of marroco of the same , and white plumes ; onely monterrey and veragnas wore blacke . the marquesse of alcanizes wore one different from these two extreames . the beautie of horses , and the riches of borders and furniture , shewed euidently the affection of those that made this festiuity . they ran two careirs in the palace , besides their round , and so went out in maskes : and i willset them downe ioyntly to excuse more worthy and famous elegies then my shallow braines can inuent . the names of the maskers . the admirall . conde de monterrey . duke de tursi . conde de portalegre . conde de annouer . don juan claros de guzman . conde de villa franqueza . conde de villamor . conde del risco . conde de ricla . don fernando de la cerda . don francisco de eraso . marques de fromista . duke de hijar . duke de cea . coude de villalua . don manuel manrrique . don gaspar bonifaz . conde de la puebla del maestre . marques de castelrodrigo . don diego sarmiento . marques de velada . marques de xaualquinto . don luys de cordoua zuheros . conde de saluatierra . morques de almacan . don lorenzo de castro . marques de alcan̄icas . duke de veraguas . marques de camarasa . don rodrigo enrriquez . don fernando de guzman . conde de cantillana . conde de corun̄a . don luys de guzman . don antonio de toledo horcajada . don fernando de toledo higares . don pompeo de tarsis . don juan de vera. don iuan de eraso . conde de tendilla . don luys de haro . conde de pun̄oenrostro . marques de valle . don christoual de gauiria . conde de villafior . marques de belmonte . don gaspar de teues . marques de toral . conde de fuensalida . don bernardo de benauides . marques de orani . don antonio de moscoso . conde de mejorada . foure maskes , their lacqueyes apparelled after the turkish fashion in masking sutes , and if my presumption herein should not bee too arrogant , i would attempt to discouer the sunne , amidst the darknesse of the maske : the andaluz cals that same doubtfull light , by reason of the interposition of darknesse ; calinas , and the poet zelajes : the vulgar opinion will needs haue it to be the king ; for the radiant beames of his haire , and the statelinesse of his running , did make him knowne : let it vanish away in vulgar report , if his maiesty like not to be discouered , it was enough to make so great a guest as the prince to reioyce , to see him in this , honor so great a subiect , as the admirall . there accompanied him his brother , the illustrious infant , don carlos , who ranne with the marques of carpio , and with the king the conde de oliuares , by office chiefe master of his horse , his most trusty and confident , and his most eminent seruant . and although their running caused much ioy , yet feare , which euer accompanieth true loue , made vs in the night say in our hearts , god preserue the king ( who euer loues them that serue him ) as the firme and inuiolable foundation of his church , and whose attempts are the proper offspring of the heroycall vertue of his progenitors , out of the generall wishes and desires of his subiects . the marquesse of rentyn , captaine of the almaine guard ( a gallant and louely gentleman ) who conducted it , was himselfe guarded by fernand verdugo lieutenant of the spanish , one as discreet and circumspect , as honored and well beloued . from the palace they went to the descalzas , followed by more then foure hundred persons on horse backe , a triumphant and goodly company , because euen in these trials of meere solemnity , for martiall exercises , the nobility of this kingdome haue euer beene affected to chiualry , as may bee testified by multiplied experience . to festiuate his maiesty , there repaired to those sacred wals , for many speciall reasons , and as it was the house of the admiral , master of this festiuitie , where they were to participate of it , the greatest number of the ladies , of that same great court : and by the streets of the arenall , the carreras and the market place of atocha , which waies they made their returne , they did the like to the palace , whither they returned to accompany and dismide the maskes , the rest conducted the admirall home to his house : and now the sunne beginning to reflect vpon the mountaine tops , which being masked , did desire to see the end of this festiuity , and enuying the admirals glorie , hee prosecuted the same in causing it to raine the greatest part of it . this is such a narration as my ignorance could decypher in so rude a stile ; i hope your excellency will pardon it , seeing good will is a sufficient supply of any defect in this behalfe , for so many important reasons , i wholly remaine yours , april ●9 . stylo nouo , 1623. andres de mendoqa . delius had scarce shaken off the mantell of the night , nor had taurus of the 〈◊〉 fourth spheare , who feedes on lillies , scarce guilded his hayre with the moderate hea●e of the spanish hemispheare , with greater commodity to participate of the festiuity , his beames not hauing fully bea●en off the deaw of diana , which watered that place , eolus blowing vpon it , when , not on the scaffolds of the east , but in the golden concurrence of so many sunnes , which disperced their beames in the spanish beauties : the morning sprouted forth , and the nobilitie of the court in numerous assemblies being in the euening to come forth to the citie solemnities , for the enioying of the rurall delights of the morning , with long staues in their hands , cloathed after the pastorall manner , in armors of haughty minde and hot courage , more properly indeede her children then those swift horses which flowry betis feedes on her sweet bankes , who possessed the fields encompassing the buls , more fierce then that celestiall , being more capable of rare impressions , wherein passed noble attempts of valour and chivalry , being proper effects of the spanish courage , obserued and seene in so many reiterated experiences and tryals . the corrigidor very carefully preuented , that none besides the selected gentlemen might come forth to this enclosure , with long rods or staues in their hands , that they might not assaile the buls . they were enclosed , & the first bull was set vpon by the gentlemen : and the second by those of an inferior rancke , and so the morning was ioyful and triumphant , though don diego de ramirez , & don pedro de toledo fell , and the horses bare them downe , this man through incircumspection , and the other by vnmeasurable courage and forwardnesse . their fals were not of any dangerous consequence . the marques of velada succoured them , hewing the bull in peeces with their swords , and the place was disposed of in this manner and forme : the panaderia , or bullengerie , hath in the midst of the office of saddles , or furniture , within the twelue arches of vnpolisht stone , a guilded scaffold , more eminent then the rest , in that on the left hand of this , was another of equall proportion built , on which were spread on the lower part , clothes of gold and silver , in three degrees one higher then another , crimosin and gold , which were made for the comming of the duke de maine , to the affiance of the nuptials of the most christian queene . i observed out of this , that having hitherto beene put to no vse for the service of their maiesties , it might happily be hand selled to their honour , in the festivitie we expect , from the espowsalls of her sister . there were divided from it in the midst , with a partition of crimosin damaske , spotted all over with gold , two other partitions on the out-partes of the same , and that on the left hand , with a portaile or gate , to goe out at to the mayne scaffold , traversed with another partition , which seru'd for those vses , which shall herevnder appeare . on the two sides , were hung vp , those hangings of needle-worke , wrought with wyer of gold , so many times formerly seene , and on the top two canopyes of cloth of florence , of carnation colour , raysed in the weaving two severall higthes of gold , with a most rich cover over head , and curtaines on both sides , with the former part of plaine cloth of gold , of mylan , crimosin , spanne new , with chayres of cloth of gold , and tissue , stooles , and cushions of the same , with turkie peeces , hangings of most rich tapistrie ; and the places of the counsell appointed , in manner and forme , so often heretofore seene . the windowes were replenished with the nobilitie of this court : the standings and flore , with those of inferiour fortunes , and bloud . the most illustrious nuncio , to whom the first standing was allotted , and next to the royall seate , betweene his maiestie and the queene , had for his associates , the most excellent embassadors , of the emperour , of france , poland , and venice , starrs of great and rare magnitude , the rest were dispersed all over the breadth of the place , the queene was placed next vnto them , and of the right side in royall partitions , the ladyes , dames , and noble pages of the court : while you come to the counsell of royall excellencie ; for the corrigidor and his lieutenants being entred , with their vsuall trayne of officers ; he went out to enterteine them , that high senate entring with such a wonderfull maiestie , that it may onely be an example , and president to it selfe . the corrigidor gaue a glorious liverie to eight pages , and foure laqueyes , of plaine blacke velvet , furniture , and skirts embroydered with snayles , and gandurados , cloakes of cloth , with bases of feet , and doublets of blacke satten , garded with blacke lace , and feathers of a colour , which all the place admired , and wondered at . the other counsells and lordes being placed in their severall roomes , the maiesty of the queene , and of the infanta made entrie in their carroches , clothed in a dark kind of gray , wrought with embroydery , and lentills of gold , with iewells , and plumes , ( a thing very needlesse to relate ) seeing all rhetoricall colors of the tongue , cannot expresse the truth of their incomparable value , and estimation . their highnesses , don carlos , and ferdinando , one in purple , and the other in blacke , contended in beautie , and yet prevented one another in affection . the coches of the ladies , and minnies of the court , the very envie of phoebus rayes , were retraytes of the moneth , which then raygned for beautie , and varietie of collours , solemnized with the greatest concourse of nobilitie , that ever the empire of glory , and gallantrie beheld . and then first lighting on foot , the marquesse of reutine of almaine made entrie for their maiesties , betweene the gardes , conducted by their captaine ; excellently set forth himselfe , wearing a plume , preparations , and a braue liverie of a darke yellow , and yellow furniture , and don ferdinando verdugo , lieutenant of hispaniola , in white , and blacke , in a liverie of darke greene , white furniture , both contesting one with another , for greatest riches and pompe . the whole troope being conducted by the alcaldes on horsebacke , and by a great number of english , and spanish knights , officers , and grandes . the prince of wales was relucent , in white and blacke plumes , mounted on a mingle-colloured horse , and the king apparelled in a darke colour'd sute , with a plume of the same , mounted on a dapple gray ; in their legeritie , implying the effects of the stormie boreas , and in their faire and quiet managing , shewing themselues almost reasonable , as if they had knowne the burdens , that they bare : and in that their mouthes were curbed with no bitts , in this they signified , that in an high degree , they layd downe , all their naturall , and brutish fiercenesse . behinde came the admirall of england , and the conde de oliuares , the masters of the horse , embassadours , and english gentrie , with the counsells of estate , and chamber of spaine , enclosing within the guard of archers , the burgundian nobilitie , having procured admiration and loue , not with feare , or tyrannie , but with sweet , and affable government , which in mens hearts purchaseth loue , and good will. they light on foot , and having forsaken their stooles and chayres , the queene our ladie , and the ladie infanta remain'd in the scaffold on the right hand , the infant charles , and the prince being divided by one partition , and the king , and the infant ferdinando by the other , and in that which remayned ensuing , the conde de oliuares , the english embassadors , the counsells of estate , the chamber of spaine and england , the other knights and gentlemen of this nation , on scaffolds erected vp into the ayre , in a corner of the street of the amargura , and they made entrie for these lords . fiftie laqueyes in high dutch habite , of thynne cloth of silver , white , and tawney , with tawney-doubletts , caps of wrought silver , and swords silvered in every part , accompanied the duke of cea , who entred in , mounted on a large dapple gray , with blacke habite , edged round about with silver of goldsmiths-worke , with as great gallantry as wisedome , and as much wisedome , as reason to winne mens hearts after him , two valiant combatants at the bull , with cassockes and hose of tawney cloth , layd along with silver lace , and great tawney plumes , mingled turquye and white . he had scarcely gone his round about the place , presented himselfe to their maiesties , and beene received of the prince , with the honor of discovering himselfe to him , when there entred into the place ( being clearly voyded , so as their entries were more easie and apparent ) an hundred lacqueyes clothed in darke coloured serge , garded all over with lace , with belts shining like silver , doubletts and hose , lynings and caps of tawney colour , like furniture to their swords , and white garters : and after them came in don iuan de ozeta , don ieronimo de medinilla , don euan de menesses , don antonio guino , don iasepe de samano , don iuan ieldre , the conde de cantillana , don diego de zarate , don antonio de moscoso , don pedro de motezuma , the conde de tendilla , accompanyed with the duke of maqueda , whose entrie , both in respect of his qualitie , as also for the valour and aspect of his person , might well haue stirr'd vp envie in the romaine triumphes , for the duke lookt like one of the caesars , or rather in deed , he might more properly haue beene their patterne , and example . they went along their round , and the prince himselfe did him honour , when by different gates , these herevnder specified , made their entire : the marquesse of vela , in whom valour , dexteritie , and gallantrie contended for superioritie , accompanyed with foure and twentie lacqueyes , in white cloth , all laced downe , with blacke caps , plumes , and other furniture for their swords of white . he drew vpon himselfe the eyes of the whole multitude , for indeed he drew generally vnto him all their affections ; the prince did him honour , as he likewise did the other two lords grandes : when he had seene their maiesties , he went to offer himselfe vnto the ladies , from thence to the counsell royall , and so in his going about , to all the rest of the company , and all of them desired , and affected him . presently entred fiftie lacqueyes in white printed sattin , guarded with a brancht stuffe of azur'd silke , and gold , and breeches of the same , set out with tuffes of gold , and silver lace , with furniture and plumes of white , that accompanied the conde de villamor , mounted on a darke chestnut-colourd horse , with his mayne , and tayle , drawne out with silver twist , disgracing those horses of phoebus chariot , which seem'd to come out of them , as the some or sweat of their bodies , eiecting that which was not naturall in them , retayning naturally the valour of their master , communicated to them , and when i saw so many feathers in the place , and such a flittering and waving of them , i tooke them to be a moovible garden , or an armie of indians ; as also the conde his generous grandfather , who also manifested amongst them , the valour , and lustre , incident to his race and blood : and because the report is festivall , it is but like to that which was to be seene with the eye . you would haue said as much , if you had but seene them fight with those furious beasts , shewing themselues the more valiant , in that they were vndaunted , and resolved spanyards . there entred presently don cristoual de gauiria , and don gasper bonifaz , whom they tearme kill bulls , i know not which of them may envie the other , seeing they are the best combatants knowne in all spaine for this place , and fight ; and both of them so well beloued , that their attempts being high and great , yet they are alwayes wished to be greater , and we thinke them worthy of greater , and higher fortunes . bonifaz clad six lacqueyes in excellent cloth in grane , exceeding that of tyre , garded , with other furniture , and white feathers , what they were , might be seene all the place over : and gauiria had eyght , and two little lacqueyes in darke greene sutes , cutt , embroydered with snailes of silver , and lyned with tawney , and white furniture otherwise , it being a sightly and braue livery . there entred don ferrando de yuiciedo , otherwise , the cavallier de la morzilla , who during these tryalls , was that same master burquillos of the combates , of lope de vega , who came in to try his fortunes , with lawnce and target . though the marshalling of the place belong'd to the conde de oliuares , as to the grand master of the horse ; his maiestie yeelding precedencie to the prince , the admirall of england marshal'd it , standing behind the lord infant carlos , that he might be neare to the conde de oliuares , who was to him both an interpretor , and informer , for this great lord , and circumspect courtier , hath omitted no rightes of complement , wherein he might expresse , either vnto the prince , or admirall , the loue , proceeding from his owne noble disposition and nature , and conformable to the honour , done him by the king of great brittaine , in his letters full of wisedome and gravitie . the combat beganne with the bulls , when the lacqueyes by proclamation leauing their lords , they resembled harvest in iune , crowned with blew and redd flowers , which zephirus waues , and flitters vp and downe . the first encounter belong'd to the conde de villamor , as the envie of all the rest , which they revenged with such a number of darts , as the poore bulles remayn'd like quivers , or like the thorne-bushes , in the woods of helvetia . to speake more properly , seeing to the poore beasts wonderfull paine , they tooke them out with as great velocitie , as perill and danger . de maqueda made many braue a tempts : de tendilla , as many , but de cea made excellent assaults , and cantillana too , one of which might be the proper envie , of chivalrous attempts , and in the other he killed a bull. bonifaz , and cauiria layd on so thicke vpon the bull , that we could not number the assaults for their quantitie , and don christovall with a lawnce , overthrew one . de velada shewed how agile , and nymble he was in this art , for he overthrew two or three bulls , with dynt of sword , and gore of lawnce , and one he wounded on his foretopp , betweene the hornes , while he turned his head , he stroke his horne into a supporting bord at his backe , a wound that strooke more feare into the assembly , then it brought danger to the marquesse , for this backe bord , was splinted all to shivers in the place : and his maiestie would not suffer him to enter the second time within the lists : and don antonio de moscoso , gaue such a number , and so deepe cuchilladaes , that he might be rather sayd to revenge , then provoke or incite with his assaults , cea turnd one round with a cuchillada , and so most of the beasts were slaine , being hewen into mammockes by the hands of all men . motezuna shewed , what belongd to his royall blood , and to the valour of his arme , for he put a bull to flight , being afrayd of him , and reacht him such a cleauing blow with his sword , that he left him in the place for dead . guino , zarate , ozeta , and idchel , tooke revenge of the last bulls liuing , because the first had made them turne face . don gieronimo de medinilla had good fortune , both with his lawnce , and sword. this cavallier being herein so meritorious , as the most copious elegies would come short of his due commendation , and praise . the duke of maqueda , made such a thrust , that the beast being batterd , and sore goared with it , he reveng'd himselfe in such a strange fashion vpon his horse , that he ranne him quite through , from one side to the other , and the duke beheld the assault given on the one side of his horse , and the horne of the bull , as it came out at the other , and the poore brute beast gaue so many twitches and wrenches , enforced with paine , and griefe , that the duke was fayne to vse all valour , and dexteritie to prevent his owne falling , whereat we were all much afraid . don antonio guino , second to the duke of cea , made one of the bravest assaults , that ever the place beheld , vpon a most violent and furicus bull , whose liuely force , and that of his valiant arme , ranne him in quite through the shoulders , leauing halfe his lawnce within him , and his horse remaining with as much stilnes and lenitie , as his master with valour and magnanimitie : and so the bull fell downe hard by him . he received wonderfull applause , and generall grace , and so went out of the place , and though the bulls overthrew many , yet there fell out no great danger at all . when this festivitie was ended , the prince , the king , and their highnesses , returned to the court in carroches ; and it rayn'd very strangely . after that went the queene , the infanta , and the coaches of ladies , where amongst the clouds of water , there fell one of the pages of armes , these clouds by day light innudating the dominion and accesse of the shaddows of the night , and banishing them for a great while . thus a great part of the night being spent , they went to repose themselues , after the repast and pleasure of this festivitie , and so my penne shall doe no lesse , till further and fitter occasion be offered . &c. finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a18907-e200 a place so called because it belongs to the bare legd fryers . by the king a proclamation for setling the plantation of virginia. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) 1625 approx. 8 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a22363 stc 8774 estc s122663 33150299 ocm 33150299 28545 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a22363) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 28545) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1876:36) by the king a proclamation for setling the plantation of virginia. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 2 leaves. by bonham norton and iohn bill, printers to the kings most excellent maiestie, printed at london : m.dc.xxv [1625] caption title. imprint from colophon. arms with "c r" at top; imprint begins "printed". "giuen at our court at white-hall, the thirteenth day of may, in the first yeere of our reigne of great britaine, france and ireland." reproduction of original in: henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng tobacco industry -early works to 1800. monopolies -great britain -early works to 1800. virginia -history -colonial period, ca. 1600-1775. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. 2003-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-10 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-01 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2004-01 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion diev et mon droit . ❧ by the king. ❧ a proclamation for setling the plantation of virginia . whereas the colonie of virginia , planted by the hands of our most deare father of blessed memory , for the propagation of christian religion the increase of trade , and the enlarging of his royall empire , hath not hitherto prospered so happily , as was hoped and desired , a great occasion whereof his late maiesty conceiued to be , for that the gouernment of that colony was committed to the company of virginia , encorporated of a multitude of persons of seuerall dispositions , amongst whom the affaires of greatest moment were , and must be ruled by the greater number of uotes and uoyces ; and therefore his late maiestie , out of his great wisedome , and depth of iudgement , did desire to resume that popular gouernment , and accordingly the letters patents of that incorporation , were by his highnesse direction in a legall course questioned , and thereupon iudicially repealed , and adiudged to bee voyde ; wherein his maiesties ayme was onely , to reduce that gouernment into such a right course , as might best agree with that forme which was held in the rest of his royall monarchy , and was not intended by him , to take away , or impeach the particular interest of any priuate plantor , or aduenturer , nor to alter the same , otherwise then should be of necessity for the good of the publique : and wheras we continue the like care of those colonies and plantations , as our late deare father did , and vpon deliberate aduice and consideration , are of the same iudgement that our said father was of , for the gouernment of that colony of virginia ; now lest the apprehension of former personall differences , which haue heretofore happened ( the reuiuing and continuing whereof wee vtterly disallow , and strictly forbid ) might distract the mindes of the plantors and aduenturers , or the opinion , that we would neglect those plantations , might discourage men to goe or send thither , & so hinder the perfecting of that worke , wherin we hold the honor of our deare father deceased , and our owne honour to be deeply engaged ; we haue thought fit to declare , and by our royal proclamation to publish our owne iudgement , and resolution in these things , which by gods assistance wee purpose constantly to pursue . and therefore wee doe by these presents publish and declare to all our louing subiects , and to the whole world , that wee hold those territories of virginia and the sommer-ilands , as also that of new england , where our colonies are already planted , & within the limits & bounds wherof , our late deare father , by his letters patents , vnder his great seale of england , remaining of record , hath giuen leaue and liberty to his subiects to plant and inhabite , to be a part of our royall empire , descended , vpon us and vndoubtedly belonging and appertaining vnto us ; and that we hold our selfe , aswell bound by our regal office , to protect , maintaine , and support the same , and are so resolued to doe , as any other part of our dominions : and that our full resolution is , to the end that there may be one vniforme course of gouernment , in , and through all our whole monarchie , that the gouernment of the colonie of virginia shall immediatly depend vpon our selfe , and not be committed to any company or corporation , to whom it may be proper to trust matters of trade and commerce , but cannot bee fit or safe to communicate the ordering of state-affaires , be they of neuer so meane consequence : and that therefore wee haue determined , that our commissioners for those affaires , shall proceed according to the tenor of our commission directed vnto them , vntill wee shall declare our further pleasure therein . neuerthelesse we doe herby declare , that wee are resolued , with as much conuenient expedition , as our affaires of greater importance will giue leaue , to establish a councell , consisting of a few persons of vnderstanding and qualitie , to whom we will giue trust for the immediate care of the affaires of that colony , and who shall be answerable to us for their proceedings , and in matters of greater moment , shall be subordinate and attendant vnto our priuie councell heere ; and that we will also establish another councell to be resident in virginia , who shall be subordinate to our councell here for that colonie ; and that at our owne charge we will maintaine those publique officers and ministers , and that strength of men , munition , and fortification , as shall be fit and necessary for the defence of that plantation , and will by any course that shall be desired of us , settle and assure the particular rights and interests of euery planter and aduenturer , in any of those territories , which shall desire the same , to giue them full satisfaction for their quiet and assured enioying thereof . and lastly , whereas it is agreed on all sides , that the tobacco of those plantations of virginia and the sommer islands ( which is the onely present meanes for their subsisting ) cannot be managed for the good of the plantations , vnlesse it be brought into one hand , whereby the forreigne tobacco may be carefully kept out , and the tobacco of those plantations may yeeld a certaine and ready price to the owners thereof ; wee doe hereby declare , that to auoid all differences and contrariety of opinions , which will hardly be reconciled amongst the planters and aduenturers themselues , we are resolued to take the same into our owne hands , and by our seruants or agents for us , to giue such prices to the planters and aduenturers for the same , as may giue them reasonable satisfaction and encouragement ; but of the maner thereof , wee will determine hereafter at better leisure : and when we shall haue concluded the same , we shall expect , that all our louing subiects will readily conforme themselues thereunto . and in the meane time , because the importation and vse of forreigne tobacco , which is not of the growth of those plantations , or one of them , will visibly & assuredly vndermine and destroy those plantations , by taking away the meanes of their subsistence , we doe hereby strictly charge and command , that our late proclamation , bearing date the ninth day of april last , intituled , ( a proclamation touching tobacco ) shall in all points and parts thereof , be duely and strictly obserued , vpon paine of our high displeasure , and such further penalties and punishments , as by the sayd proclamation are to be inflicted vpon the offenders . and we doe hereby aduise all our louing subiects , and all others whom it may concerne , not to aduenture the breach of our royall commandement in any of the premisses , we being fully resolued , vpon no importunitie or intercession whatsoeuer , to release or remit the deserued punishment of such , as shall dare to offend against the same , seeing we holde not our selfe onely , but our people interessed therein . giuen at our court at white-hall , the thirteenth day of may , in the first yeere of our reigne of great britaine , france , and ireland . god saue the king. ¶ printed at london by bonham norton and iohn bill , printers to the kings most excellent maiestie . m.dc.xxv . a collection of svndry petitions presented to the kings most excellent majestie as also to the two most honourable houses, now assembled in parliament, and others, already signed, by most of the gentry, ministers, and free-holders of severall counties, in behalfe of episcopacie, liturgie, and supportation of church-revenues, and suppression of schismaticks / collected by a faithful lover of the church, for the comfort of the dejected clergy, and all moderately affected protestants. aston, thomas, sir, 1600-1645. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a26103 of text r208748 in the english short title catalog (wing a4073). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 109 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 25 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a26103 wing a4073 estc r208748 12325717 ocm 12325717 59547 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a26103) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 59547) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 932:12) a collection of svndry petitions presented to the kings most excellent majestie as also to the two most honourable houses, now assembled in parliament, and others, already signed, by most of the gentry, ministers, and free-holders of severall counties, in behalfe of episcopacie, liturgie, and supportation of church-revenues, and suppression of schismaticks / collected by a faithful lover of the church, for the comfort of the dejected clergy, and all moderately affected protestants. aston, thomas, sir, 1600-1645. charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. england and wales. parliament. [4], 43, [1] p. printed for william sheares, [london] : 1642. reproduction of original in bodleian library. attributed to sir thomas aston. cf. bm. index: p. [1] at end. eng church of england -history -17th century. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. a26103 r208748 (wing a4073). civilwar no a collection of sundry petitions presented to the kings most excellent majestie. as also to the two most honourable houses, now assembled in [no entry] 1642 17791 18 0 0 0 0 0 10 c the rate of 10 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2005-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-04 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2006-04 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a collection of svndry petitions presented to the kings most excellent majestie . as also to the two most honourable houses , now assembled in parliament . and others , already signed , by most of the gentry , ministers , and free-holders of severall counties , in behalfe of episcopacie , liturgie , and supportation of church-revenues , and suppression of schismaticks . collected by a faithfull lover of the church , for the comfort of the dejected clergy , and all moderatly affected protestants . published by his majesties speciall command . ezek. 34.18 , 20 , 21 , 22 , 23 , 24. seemeth it a small thing unto you to have eaten up the good pasture , but you must tread downe with your feet the residue also . therefore thus saith the lord god , because ye have thrust with side and with shoulder , and pusht all the diseased with your hornes , till you have scattered them abroad ; therefore will i save my flock , and they shall be no more a prey ; and i will judge betweene cattell and cattell . and i will set up one shepheard ouer them , and he shall feede them , even my servant david ; he shall feed them , and he shall be their shepheard . j the lord will be their god , and my servant david a prince among them . j the lord have spoken it . printed for william sheares , 1642. the collector to the reader . reader , let mee put thee in mind ( as these times doe mee ) of a speciall law in ( that singular patterne of a well composed state ) sparta . so sensible were they of the ill effects of innovations in government , that who ever proposed a new law , presented himselfe with a halter about his neck , his head paid the trespasse of a new invented prejudice . but oh ; quantum mutantur tempora , quantum nos , so rare a gift have the illuminated fancies of this all-knowing age , that old women without spectacles can discover popish plots , young men and prentizes assume to regulate the rebellion in jreland , sea-men and marriners reforme the house of peers , poore men , porters , and labourers spy out a malignant party , and discipline them ; the countrey clouted-shoe renew the decayed trade of the citie . the cobler patch up a religion , & all these petition for a translation , both of church and state , with so little feare of the halter , that they would thinke themselves neglected , if they had not thanks for their care of the re-publicke ; only he that desires the ratification of an old law , or of a long setled ecclesiastick government , lookes as if the halter were his share ; and though there be thirty thousand hands subscribed to it ; 't is ods , not one of all those dares preferre a petition to that purpose : oh! quis pudor quod non praestet fides quod praestitit infidelitas . oh! what a shame is it that an ignorant seperatist shall covertly draw subscribers out of blind zeale to loose papers , and those to be annext to some embryon yet unhatcht , and delivered in the name of a county , with confidence , when a knight of a shire shall perhaps smother the true child , and dares not owne it . that a few innovators shall be able to summon to black-heath , south-warke , and saint-george his fields , thousands of credulous people , with implicite faiths , to goe along with petitions shall be shewed them when they come there , for the alteration of lawes , and government : and the resolutions of an assizes or sessions of iustices , published in all parishes , signed by all the free-holders of a county for the supportation of lawes and government , shall not produce one patriot to present the unanimous desires of a county : yet it fals out often ▪ so when single hearted men are encounter'd by a faction , each man thinkes he stands alone unassured of a second ; when ten of the other confederated make more noyse then 10000. silent men . episcopacy and lyturgie are both legally planted at this time both violently assaulted : the question is , whether the battery , or the defence be the stronger : the one side charges furiously ; the other suffers silently , patiently , and a reserved strength oft masters a violent : but each orthodox sonne of the church thinkes himselfe in eliahs case , that hee alone is left of all the prophets , and alas , what can hee doe ? and perhaps thou my reader art one of those , courage man ; the same god that taught him to know , he had reserved seven thousand , that had never bowed their knees to baall , when he opens thy eyes , can shew thee not seven , but seventy times seven thousand true protestants , that will lend their hands and hearts to uphold that apostolicke order , this blessed forme of divine service . the busines is , 't is a hard time , every man's afraid to breake his shins by being foremost : but the ice is broke already . this collection of these many sleeping petitions wil shew every county that the way is open : and since noise and number are taken into consideration , the forwardnesse of the assaylants will , i beleeve , put shame upon the defendants to be so farre behind . the iudges being honourable , and impartially receiving the arguments on both sides , i presume none will discover a distrust of a faire acceptance , or betray a trust ( out of a personall respect ) by detayning such petitions , as the counties have committed into their hands . if all such as are already signed see the light , i am sure this volume will be a large one , and the number , and quality of the defendants , as much over-sway the opponents ; as their arguments drawne from the lawes of god and man , will out-weigh the motives of those , who only will , because they will . as if it were cause enough to overthrow established lawes , that they have desired it , though they shew no reason for it : but if all other counties , all true protestants with like liberty expresse their affections ; the distractions of the church will be quickly setled ; to that good worke i have lent my hand , by lending thee and the world this light . farewell . a petition delivered in to the lords spirituall and temporall . by sir thomas aston baronet , from the county palatine of chester , concerning episcopacy . to the high and honourable court of parliament . the nobility , knights , gentry , ministers , freeholders , and inhabitants of the county palatine of chester , whose names are subscribed in the severall schedules hereunto annexed . humbly shew ; that whereas divers petitions have lately beene carried about this county , against the present forme of church-governement , ( and the hands of many persons of ordinary quality solicited to the same , with pretence to bee presented to this honourable assembly ) which wee conceiving not so much to aime at reformation , as absolute innovation of government , and such as must give a great advantage to the adversaries of our religion , wee held it our duty to disavow them all . and humbly pray , that wee incurre no miscensure , if any such clamours have ( without our privity ) assum'd the name of the county . wee , as others , are sensible of the common grievances of the kingdome and have just cause to rejoyce at , and acknowledge with thankefulnesse , the pious care which is already taken for the suppressing of the growth of popery , the better supply of able ministers , and the removing of all innovation ; and wee doubt not , but in your great wisedomes you will regulate the rigour of ecclesiasticall courts , to suit with the temper of our lawes , and the nature of free-men . yet when wee consider , that bishops were instituted in the time of the apostles ; that they were the great lights of the church in all the first generall counsels ; that so many of them sowed the seeds of religion in their bloods , and rescued christianity from utter extirpation in the primitive heathen persecutions ; that to them wee owe the redemption of the purity of the gospell wee now professe from romish corruption ; that many of them for the propagation of the truth , became such glorious martyrs ; that divers of them ( lately and ) yet living with us , have beene so great assertours of our religion against its common enemy of rome ; and that their government hath beene so long approved , so oft established by the common and statute-lawes of this kingdome ; and as yet nothing in their doctrine ( generally taught ) dissonant from the word of god , or the articles ratified by law . in this case to call their government , a perpetuall vassalage , an intollerable bondage ; and ( prima facie & inaudita altera parte ) to pray the present removall of them , or ( as in some of their petitions ) to seeke the utter dissolution and ruine of their offices ( as antichristian ) we cannot conceive to relish o● justice or charity , nor can wee joyne with them . but on the contrary , when wee consider the tenour of such writings , as in the name of petitions , are spread amongst the common-people ; the tenents preached publiquely in pulpits , and the contents of many printed pamphlets , swarming amongst us ; all of them dangerously exciting a disobedience to the established forme of government , and their severall intimations of the desire of the power of the keyes , and that their congregations may execute ecclesiasticall censures within themselves , wee cannot but expresse our just feares that their desire is to introduce an absolute innovation of presbyterall government , whereby wee who are now governed by the canon and civill lawes , dispensed by twenty-six ordinaries ( easily responsall to parliaments for any deviation from the rule of law ) conceive wee should become exposed to the meere arbitrary government of a numerous presbitery , who together with their ruling elders , will arise to neere forty thousand church governours , and with their adherents , must needs beare so great a sway in the common-wealth , that if future inconvenience shall be found in that government , wee humbly offer to consideration , how these shall bee reducible by parliaments , how consistent with a monarchy , and how dangerously conducible to an anarchy , which wee have just cause to pray against , as fearing the consequences would prove the utter losse of learning and lawes , which must necessarily produce an extermination of nobility , gentry , and order , if not of religion . with what vehemency of spirit , these things are prosecuted , and how plausibly such popular infusions spread as incline to a parity , wee held it our duty to represent to this honourable assembly ; and humbly pray . that some such present course be taken , as in your wisdomes shall bee thought fit , to suppresse the future dispersing of such dangerous discontents amongst the common-people . wee having great cause to feare , that of all the distempers that at present threaten the well-fare of this state , there is none more worthy the mature and grave consideration of this honourable assembly , then to stop the torrent of such spirits before they swell beyond the bounds of government : then wee doubt not but his majesty persevering in his gracious inclination to heare the complaints , and relieve the grievances of his subjects in frequent parliaments , it will so unite the head and the body , so indissolubly cement the affections of his people to our royall soveraigne , that without any other change of government , hee can never want revenue , nor wee justice . wee have presumed to annex a coppy of a petition ( or libell ) dispersed , and certaine positions preacht in this county , which wee conceive , imply matter of dangerous consequence to the peace both of church and state . all which wee humbly submit to your great judgements , praying they may bee read . and shall ever pray . subscribed to this petition . foure noblemen . knight baronets , knights and esquires fourescore and odde . divines , threescore and tenne . gentlemen , three hundred and odde . free-holders , and other inhabitants , above six thousand . all of the same county . to the high and honourable court of parliament : the humble petition of the vniversity of oxford . sheweth , that whereas the vniversity hath beene informed of severall petitions concerning the present government of this church , and maintenance of the clergy , which have of late beene exhibited to this honourable assembly ; wee could not but thinke our selves bound in duty to god , and this whole nation , charity to our selves and successours , who have , and are like to have more then ordinary interest in any resolution that shall bee taken concerning church-affaires , in all humility , to desire the continuance of that forme of government , which is now established here , and hath beene preserved in some of the easterne and westnerne churches , in a continued succession of bishops , downe from the very apostles to this present time ; the like whereof cannot bee affirmed of any other forme of government in any church . vpon which consideration , and such other motives as have beene already represented to this honourable parliament from other persons and places ( with whom wee concurre ) in behalfe of episcopacy . wee earnestly desire , that you would protect that ancient and apostolicall order from ruine or diminution . and become farther suiters for the continuance of those pious foundations of cathedrall churches , with their lands and revenues , as dedicate to the service and honour of god , soone after the plantation of christianity in the english nation : as thought fit and usefull to bee preserved for that end , when the nurseries of superstition were demolished , and so continued in the last and best times , since the blessed reformation , under king edward 6. queen elizabeth , and king james , princes renowned through the world for their piety and wisdome : as approved and confirmed by the lawes of this land , ancient and moderne : as the principall outward motive and encouragement of all students , especially in divinity , and the fittest reward of some deepe and eminent schollars : as producing or nourishing in all ages , many godly and learned men , who have most strongly asserted the truth of that religion wee professe , against the many fierce oppositions of our adversaries of rome . as affording a competent portion in an ingenuous way to many younger brothers of good parentage , who devote themselves to the ministery of the gospell : as the onely meanes of subsistence to a multitude of officers and other ministers , who with their families depend upon them , and are wholly maintained by them : as the maine authours or upholders of diverse schooles , hospitals , high-wayes , bridges , and other publique and pious workes : as speciall causes of much profit and advantage to those cities where they are scituate , not onely by relieving their poore , and keeping convenient hospitality , but by occasioning a frequent resort of strangers from other parts , to the great benefit of all tradesmen , and inhabitants in those places : as the goodly monuments of our predecessours piety , and present honour of this kingdome in the eye of forraigne nations : as the chiefe support of many thousand familes of the laity who enjoy faire estates from them in a free way : as yeelding a constant and ample revenue to the crowne : and as by which many of the learned professours in our vniversity are maintained . the subversion or alienation whereof must ( as wee conceive ) not onely bee attended with such consequences as will redound to the scandall of many well affected to our religion , but open the mouthes of our adversaries , and of posterity against us , and is likely in time to draw after it harder conditions upon a considerable part of the laity , an universall cheapnesse and contempt upon the clergy , a lamentable drooping and defection of industry and knowledge in the vniversities ; which is easie to foresee , but will bee hard to remedy . may it therefore please this honourable assembly , upon these and such other considerations as your great wisdomes shall suggest , to take such pious care for the continuance of these religious houses , and their revenewes , according to the best intentions of their founders , as may be to the most furtherance of gods glory and service , the honour of this church and nation , the advancement of religion and learning , the encouragement of the modest hopes and honest endeavours of many hundred students in the vniversities who doe and shall ever pray , &c. dat. anno dom. millesimo sexcent ' quad ' primo è domo convocationis , in celebri conventu doctorum ac magistrorum , omnibus & singulis assentientibus . honoratissimis viris equitibus , civibus , & burgensibus supremae curiae parliamentariae senatoribus consultissimis . summa cum demissione . senatores honoratissimi , non veremur ne voluentibus tanta negotia molesti simus accademia cantabrigiensis , cum nihil sit aut ad religionem certius , aut ad splendorem nominis excelsius , quàm suscipere litterarum clientelam . in quo studio , cùm singu●aris animi vestri propensio semper eluxerit , tum nulla in re magis possit eminere , quàm si ecclesiae honestamenta ea , quae sub optimis regibus tam diu optinuerunt , indelibata tucamini . non enim agitur unius accademiae , non unius aetatis causa ; nam nec industria poterit non relanguescere , nec bona indoles ali , atque augeri nec vota parentum non in irritum cadere , nisi spe non vana suffulciantur . quàm praematurum putemus bonis artibus oc●asum imminere , si stipendium idem militi sit quòd imperatori ? sun● qui exp●diendis scholasticorum ambagibus , evoluendis antiquorum patrum monumentis , expurgandae feci romanae , velut augiae stabulo , se totus impenderunt ; nec aliam mercedem prensant , quam in ecclesia cathedrali tandem aliquando quasi in portu conquiescere ; it a fit , ut quod ignavis asylum incitiae est , id candidioribus ingeniis pro stimulo sit ad optima persequend● , nec aequitas juditiorum vestrorum ferret , improbitatem nonnullorum in publicam calamitatem redundare . impetigo romana quam amplam tum sibi nacta videbitur se diffundendi materiam , cùm non sit nisi imbelles adversarios habitura ? neque enim certamini , vacare possunt , qui id unicè agunt , ut in rostris concionibus sudent ; etiam ▪ num percentiscere nobis videmur undam atque inanem accademiam , & antiquam paupertatem quasi p●aeludio perhorrescimus : nec vestra progenies non aliquando ventura est in tantarum miseriarum partes . quin itaque senatores amplissimi , per spes parentum , per illecebras industriae , per subsidia simul & ornamenta pietatis , per vincula , nervos , & firmamenta literarum , velitis splendorem ecclesiae , qui longissimis ab usque temporibus , ad nostra tempora deductus est , authoritate vestra communire . sed quia lingua nativa dolores & desideria sua faelicius exprimit , annexam literis peti●ionem benevolis auribus excipietis . honori vestro deditissimi procancellarius , reliquusque caetus accademiae cantabrigiensis . datae è frequenti conventu nostro cantabr . tertio idus aprilis 1641. lecta 12. maii 1641. to the honourable the knights , citizens , and burgesses of the house of commons assembled in parliament . the humble petition of the vniversity of cambridge . sheweth , that your petitioners having heard of divers suggestions offered to this honourable court by way of remonstrance , tending to the subver●●on of cathea all churches , and alienation of those lands , by which they are supported , being the ancient inheritance of the church , founded and bestowed by the religious bounty of many famous and renowned kings and ●rinces of this land , and other benefactours , both of the clergy and laity , and established and confirmed unto them by the lawes of this kingdome , and so accordingly have beene employed to the advancement of learning , the encouragement of students , and preferrement of learned men , besides many other pious and charitable vses . may it please this honourable court , out of their great wisdome , and tender care for the cheerishing of learning , and furtherance of the studies , and paines of those who have , and doe devote themselves to the service of the church , gratiously to protect , and secure those religious foundations from ruine , and alienation ; and withall to take order that they may bee reduc'd to the due observation of their statutes , and that all innovations and abuses , which have by some mens miscarriages crept in , may bee reformed , that so the students of our vniversity , which by the present feares , both are , and will bee much sadded and dejected may bee the better invited to pursue their studies with alacrity , and the places themselves disposed to the most serviceable and deserving men ; according to their first institution . and your petitioners as in duty bound shall ever pray , &c. to the honourable house of commons now assembled in the high court of parliament . the most humble petition of the nobility , gentry , clergy , and commons within the county of nottingham . humbly shewing , that whereas wee are informed , that a petition , together with a remonstrance , hath in the name of this county , beene heretofore presented to this honourable house , for the alterations in church-government . wee doe humbly crave leave to certifie your honours , that the same was done without our knowledge , or consent , and that wee doe hereby dis-avow the same . and with the like humility , doe desire that the long established government of the church may still continue , and that the abuses and errours of some particular persons may not cause the alteration of the ancient government ; but rather , that such persons should suffer according to their demerits . and wee likewise humbly crave , the booke of common prayer , by law established , may continue in force , with such alteration ( if there bee cause ) as to your honours wisdomes shall seeme meet . and as in duty bound , wee shall dayly pray , &c. subscribed by one viscount , five knights , above a hundred gentlemen of quality , all the clergy of the county , and above six thousand commoners , being all of them communicants . the remonstrance and petition of the county of huntington , the knights , gentlemen , clergy , free-holders , and inhabitants . to the right honourable the lords , and commons assembled in parliament , for the continuance of the church-government , and divine service , or booke of common-prayer . presented to the house of peeres by the lord privy seale the 8. of december , 1641. we humbly shew , that whereas many attempts have beene practised , and divers petitions from severall counties , and other places within this kingdome , framed and penned in a close and subtle manner , to import more than is at first discernable by any ordinary eye , or that was imparted to those who signed the same , have beene carried about to most places against the present forme and frame of church-government , and divine-service , or common prayers , and the hands of many persons of ordinary quality sollicited to the same , with pretence to bee presented to this honourable assembly in parliament , and under colour of removing some innovations lately crept into the church , and worship of god , and reforming some abuses in the ecclesiasticall courts , which wee conceiving and fearing not so much to aime at the taking away of the said innovations , and reformation of abuses , as tending to an absolute innovation of church-government , and subversion of that order and forme of divine service which hath happily continued amongst us ever since the reformation of religion : out of a tender and zealous regard hereunto , wee have thought it our duty , not onely to disavow all such petitions , but also to manifest our publike affections , and desires to continue the forme of divine service , and common-prayers , and the present government of the church , as the same have beene continued since the first reformation , and stand so established by the lawes and statutes of this kingdome . for when wee consider that the forme of divine service expressed and contained in the booke of common prayer , was with great care , piety , and sincerity , revised and reduced from all former corruptions and romish superstitions , by those holy and selected instruments of the reformation of religion within this church , and was by them restored to its first purity , according as it was instituted and practised in the primitive times , standeth confirmed , established , and enjoyned by act of parliament , and royall injunctions , and hath ever since had the generall approbation of the godly , and a publike use and continuance within this church . and that bishops were instituted , and have had their being and continuance ever since the first planting of christian religion amongst us , and the rest of the christian world , that they were the lights and glorious lamps of gods church , that so many of them sowed the seeds of christian religion in their blouds , which they willingly powred out therefore , that by them christianity was rescued and preserved from utter extirpation in the fierce and most cruell persecutions of pagan emperous , that to them wee owe the redemption of the purity of the gospell , and the reformation of the religion wee now professe , from romish corruption , that many of them for the propagation of that truth became glorious martyrs , leaving unto us an holy example , and an honourable remembrance of their faith and christian fortitude , that divers of them lately , and yet living with us , have beene so great assertours and champions of our religion against the common enemy of rome , and that their government hath beene so ancient , so long approved , and so often established by the lawes and statutes of this kingdome , and as yet nothing in their doctrine ( generally taught ) dissonant from the word of god , or the articles established by law , and that most of them are of singular learning and piety . in this case to call the forme of divine service and common-prayers , erronious , popish , superstitious , idolatrous , and blasphemous , and to call the government by bishops , a perpetuall vassallage , and intollerable bondage : and at the first step , and before the parties concerned bee heard , to pray the present removall of them , or the utter dissolution and extirpation of them , their courts , and their officers , as antichristian and diabolicall , wee cannot conceive to savour or relish of piety , justice , or charity , nor can wee joyne with them herein , but rather humbly pray a reformation of the abuses , and punishment of the offenders , but not the ruine or abolition of the innocent . now on the contrary , when wee consider the tenour of such writings , as in the name of petitions are spread amongst the common people , the contents of many printed pamphlets swarming at london , and over all countries , the sermons preached publikely in pulpits , and other private places ; and the bitter invectives divulged , and commonly spoken by many disaffected persons , all of them shewing an extreme aversenesse and dislike of the present government of the church , and divine service or common prayers ; dangerously exciting a disobedience to the established forme of government and church service , their severall intimations of the desire of the power of the keyes , and that their congregations may bee independent , and may execute ecclesiasticall censures within themselves , whereby many sects , and severall and contrary opinions will soone grow and arise , whereby great divisions and horrible factions will soone ensue thereupon , to the breach of that union , which is the sacred band and preservation of the common peace of church and state : their peremptory desires and bold assuming to themselves the liberty of conscience to introduce into the church whatsoever they affect , and to refuse and oppose all things which themselves shall dislike , and what they dislike must not onely to themselves , but also to all others bee scandalous and burdensome , and must bee cried out upon , as great and unsupportable grievances , yea though the things in themselves bee never so indifferent , of never so long continuance in use and practise , and never so much desired and affected of others , so that where three or foure of them bee in a parish , though five hundred others desire the use and continuance of things long used , all must bee altered or taken away as scandals and grievances for these three or foure , though to the offence of many others , and whatsoever they will have introduced , must bee imposed upon all others , and must by all bee admitted without scandall or offence , whereby multitudes of godly and wel-affected people are in some things deprived or abridged of what they desire and take comfort in , and have had a long and lawfull use and practise of , and other things imposed upon them against their wils and liking , as if no accompt were to bee made of them , or no liberty of conscience were left unto them : which bold attempts of some few to arrogate to themselves , and to exercise over all others , what high presumption is it ? and how great a tyranny may it prove over the minds and consciences of men ? the great increase of late of schismaticks and sectaries , and of persons not onely separating and sequestring themselves from the publike assembly at common prayers and divine service , but also opposing , and tumultuously interrupting others in the performance thereof in the publike congregation , the frequent and many conventicles held amongst them , and their often meetings at all publike conventions of assizes , sessions , faires , markets , and other publike assemblies , their earnest labouring to sollicit and draw the people to them , and the generall correspondence held amongst them to advance their ends herein . of these things wee cannot but take notice , and must needs expresse our just feares , that their desires and endeavours are to worke some great change and mutation in the present state of the church government , and in the forme of the publique worship of god , and divine service , and common prayers . of the common grievances of the kingdome , wee as others , have beene and are sensible , and doe professe that wee have just cause with joy and comfort to remember , and with thankefulnesse to acknowledge , the pious care which is already taken for the suppressing of the grouth of popery , the better supply of able and painefull ministers , and the removing of all innovation , and wee doubt not but in your great wisdomes you will regulate the rigour and exorbitancy of the ecclesiasticall courts to suit with the temper of our common lawes , and the nature and condition of freemen : and wee hope and humbly pray , that the present forme of church government , and of church service , and common prayers , now established by the statutes of this kingdome shall bee setled , and that all such as shall oppose themselves against the same , or shall doe , or speake any thing in derogation or depraving of the said divine service , or booke of common prayer , may without any further tolleration or connivence undergoe the paines , punishment , and forfeitures due therefore ; and that such care shall bee taken for placing of orthodox and peaceable men , lecturers in all places , whose doctrine may tend rather to sound instruction and edification , then lead to schisme and faction ; all which wee humbly submit to your great judgements , and shall pray to god to assist and direct you from above with his heavenly wisdome , to guide and bring all your consultations to happy conclusions . to the high and honourable court of parliament now sitting . the humble petition and remonstrance , of the knights , gentry , clergy , freeholders , and inhabitants of the county of somerset . delivered to the house of peers , by the lord marquesse hartford , the 10. of december , 1641. wee humbly shew ; that having with griefe of mind heard of sundry petitions , which have beene exhibited to this right honourable assembly , by some of the clergy and laity about london , and some counties , tending to the subversion of the church-government established in this kingdome ; wee therefore , tendring the peace and welfare of both , doe in all humblenesse presume to make knowne our opinions and desires concerning the same : nothing doubting , of the like good acceptance of our humble petition and remonstrance in this behalfe ; being tendred with no lesse good affection to the peace and happinesse of the church , the prosperity of his sacred majesty , and this whole kingdome . for the present government of the church , we are most thankefull to god , believing it in our hearts , to be the most pious and the wisest , that any people or kingdome upon earth , hath beene blest withall , since the apostles dayes : though wee may not deny , but through the frailty of men , and corruption of times ; some things of ill consequence , and other needlesse , are stollen , or thrust into it ; which wee heartily wish may be reformed , and the church restored to its former purity . and to the end it may be the better preserved from present and future innovation ; we wish , the wittingly and maliciously guilty , of what condition soever they be ( whether bishops or inferior clergy ) may receive condigne punishment . but , for the miscarriage of governours , to destroy the government ; we trust it shall never enter into the hearts of this wise , and honourable assembly . wee will not presume to dispute the right of episcopacy , whether it be divine or not ; it sufficeth us to know , that the church-government by bishops is ancient , even neere to the apostles dayes : and that it hath pleased god from time to time , to make them most glorious instruments for the propagation , and preservation of christian religion : which with their blood , they have frequently sealed to posterity . and how much this kingdome in particular is indebted to them , for their piety , their wisedomes , and sufferings ; wee trust shall never be forgotten . our hearts desire therefore is ; that the precious may be separated from the vile ; that the bad may be rejected , and the good retayned . furthermore , having credibly heard , that our common prayer hath beene interrupted and despised of some mis-understanding or mis-led people , to the great scandall of the religion professed in our church ; wee humbly beseech you to take into your care the redresse therof , as of an impiety not to be endured : as also to take order for the severe punishment of those men ( if they may be discovered ) who frequently publish pamphlets , under a veile of religion , yet , conducing to confusion and rebellion . all which wee humbly offer to your wisedomes as the thoughts and desires of this county . and as wee are perswaded of multitudes of the sound members of the church of england , and his sacred majesties most loyall subjects . beseeching god to direct and prosper your counsels , and yee to pardon our errors ; wee rest at your commands knights , esquires , divines , gentlemen , free-holders ; inhabitants of the county of somerset , ( none of them papists , but all protestants of the church of england ) and his majesties loyall subjects . 14350 whereof , knights , esquires , and gentlemen — 200 divines — 221 io : brovvne cler. parliament . to the high and honourable court of parliament . the humble petition of the knights , esquires , gentlemen and housholders in the county of rvtland ; in behalfe of our selves , and our families . and of the parsons , vicars and curats for the clergy , in behalfe of themselves and their families . humbly shewing , that whereas there have beene divers petitions exhibited to this honourable court , by persons disaffected to the present government , for the utter extirpation of the apostolicall government of the church by bishops ; they by sedulity , and zeale supplying the want of faire pretences for the abolition of that , which wee hope , no just reason can condemne : and on the otherside , many pious persons , true sonnes of the church of england , have represented their just desires of the continuance of it , upon great and weighty causes , both in divinity and true policy ; wee also , lest we might seem unconcerned , and for feare lest our silence should be exacted as a crime at our hands if wee be deficient , to what wee are perswaded is the cause of god ; in pursuance of their pious intendments , and in allowance of their reasons , doe also presse to your great tribunal , and begge of you that which is the honour of kings , to be nutricij of the church , and her most ancient and successive government . wee therefore humbly beg of you , to leave us in that state the apostles left the church in ; that the three ages of martyrs were governed by ; that the thirteene ages since them have alwayes gloried in , ( by their succession of bishops from the apostles , proving themselves members of the catholike and apostolike church ) that our lawes have established , so many kings and parliaments have protected , into which we were baptized ; as certainely apostolicall , as the observation of the lords day , as the distinction of books apocryphall from canonicall , as that such bookes were written by such evangelists and apostles ; as the consecration of the eucharist by presbyters ; as any thing which you will doe by upholding the government of the church by bishops , which we againe and againe , begge of you to doe , having pitty on our consciences , and not forcing of us to seeke communion , as yet we know not where . so shall we be bound to pray with a multiplyed devotion , for the increase of publike , and personall blessings to your honourably assembly , to your noble persons . wee also doe with all humility begge leave to represent these our considerations , subjoyned , which wee hope you will favourably expound to be a well-meant zeale , and at least , a confidence of duty , and charity to those our fathers , from whom wee have received , and daily hope to receive , many issues of spirituall benison . 1 wee consider that christ , either left his church without a lasting government , or else bishops and presbyters under them are that government ; the former wee feare to say , lest wee might seeme to accuse the wisdome of the father , of improvidence , in the not providing for his family ; the feeder and the ruler in scripture being all one in office , ●n expression , in person : so that , if hee left no rulers , hee left no feeders ; the latter wee are more confident of , for that christ did clearely institute a disparity in the clergy , ( which is the maine stone of offence ) appeares in the apostles , and seventy two disciples , to whom , according to the voyce of christendome , and traditive interpretation of the church . bishops and presbyters respectively doe succeed ; and also many actually did succeed the apostles in their chaires , being ordained bishops by the apostles themselves that did survive , and also beyond all exception that christ did institute a government ; appeares in those evangelicall words , ( who then is that faithfull and wise steward whom his lord shal make ruler over his houshold , &c. ) which rulers are bishops , and priests under them , or else the church hath beene apostate from her lord , shee having clearely for fifteene hundred yeares had no other rulers then such . 2. wee consider that , whether it can be a church or no without bishops , is at least a question of great consideration , and the negative is maintained by apostolicall , and primitive men and martyrs , and by the greatest part of christendome ; and those few ( in respect of the whole , that dissent being most certainely , not infallible , to bee sure with episcopacy , it may be a church eatenus , therefore it is the surest course to retaine it , for feare we separate from the church , the pillar and ground of truth . 3 no ordination never was without a bishop , and if any presbyter did impose hands , unlesse in conjunction with a bishop , hee was accounted an usurper , and anathematized by publike and unquestioned authority ; and so without bishops , no presbyter , then no absolution , no consecration of the sacraments of the lords supper , and for these wants no man can make a recompence or satisfaction . 4 no presbyter did ever impose hands on a bishop , which if so famous a resolve , or publike voice of christendome may have an estimate , shewes their disparity , and that a bishop hath a character , which cannot be imprinted without at least , an equall hand . 5 vvithout bishops no confirmation of children , and yet confirmation ( called in scripture imposition of hands ) saint paul in his famous catechisme accounts a fundamentall point , and the church hath alwayes used it , and it was appropriate to bishops , by the laudable custome of christendome , and by the example of the apostles , in the case of the samaritane christians , whom phillip the evangelist had converted , and is charged upon the parents of children , that they bring their children to bishops to be confirmed , and it was never otherwise , but just as in the case of ordination , ( videlicet ) by singularity and usurpation , till of late that the iesuits to enlarge their philacteries , have striven to make bishops not necessary , by communicating confirmation to the priests of their order . 6 to take away bishops , is against the wisdome of the state of england , ever since the reformation , and having beene attempted by clancular practises , was checked by the princes respectively , and their councell , and confidently , by the wisdome of preceeding parliaments , and this although the bishops then were lesse learned , and as much infamed . 7 we are sure that episcopall government hath consisted with monarchy , ever since the english monarchy was christian , & we are to try whether any innovated government can or will . 8 wee consider , that if it could consist with monarchy , when it was byassed by the popes prevalent incroachment , much more since the reformation , when the king hath the raines in his owne hand , and can give them lawes , and ascertaines them by their immediate dependance , both for their baronies , and election , and personall iurisdiction on the crowne , and by the statute of submission . 9 wee consider that saint hierome ( pretented as the maine authenticke enemy against episcopacy ) yet sayes , that bishops were constituted as an antidote and deletory to dis-improve the issues of schisme , and that by the apostles , who best knew the remedies . and now that schismes multiply , there is more need of bishops , so that they cannot be taken away , upon pretence their regiment is not necessary , for the taking them away makes them more necessary by the multiplication of schismes . 10 all learning will be discountenanced , if not extinguished , upon the demolition of episcopacy , the bishops being parties for the advancement of learning ; and on the other side , if the government should be in the hands of presbitery , or lay elders , we know no reason sufficient to stifle our feares , lest preferment be given to people unlearned and unfit to have the mannaging of soules , especially , since a learned clergy will be suspected by their lay-elders , as too knowing to be ruled by their dictates , which will not have so much artifice and finenesse , as to command by strength of reason : which our feares are also increased , by considering that by the multiplication of lay-elders , or other governours , their personall interest being increased partiality must be more frequent , and all this is besides their incompetency of judging the abilities of schollers . 11 the remove all of bishops would be a scandall , not onely to many weake christians , who feare all innovation , as guilty of some ill intendments upon their consciences , but also to the strongest , which shewes it to be the fault of the giver , not the weaknesse of the receiver ; and if we must not scandalize our weake brethren , much lesse our strong ; since this will intrench upon us in a high measure , they not being apt to be scandalized upon umbrages , and impertinencies . 12 where bishops are not , there is not an honourable , but familike clergy , against the apostolicall rule of double honour . 13 by putting downe episcopacy , wee deprive our selves of those solemne benedictions , which the faith of christendome , and the profession of the church of england , enjoyning the bishop rather to pronounce the blessing at the end of the communion , appropriates to episcopall preheminence above priestly authority . 14 two parts of three of the reformed churches are governed by bishops , or superintendents ( which is properly the latine word of bishops ) and the other part that wants them , have often wished them , as their owne doctors doe professe . 15 it is against the liberties of the clergy , indulged to them by the magna charta , granted and confirmed by so many kings , and about thirty parliaments in expresse act , and the violation of any part of it by intrenchment upon the right of the lay subject , justly accounted a great grievance , the charter it selfe being as fundamentall a law ( as we conceive ) as any other , and any of us may feare lest his liberties may be next in question . 16 the foure great generall councels , in estimation next the foure evangelists , and by the statutes of the kingdome , made the rules of judging heresies , were held by bishops , the greatest fires and pests of christendome , the old heresies , were by their industry extinct ; church discipline , and pious constitutions by them established , many nations by them converted , many miracles done for the confirmation of christian faith , one of the gospels written by a bishop ( saint marke of alexandria ) if wee beleeve as authentike records , as any are extant ; three epistles of saint paul written to bishops ; seven epistles by the holy ghost himselfe , recorded in the revelation , and sent to seven asian bishops , as all ancient fathers accord ; the names of twelve men , beside apostles , mentioned in holy scripture , which all antiquity reports to have beene bishops ; most of the fathers , whose workes all posterity embraces with much zeale and admiration , were bishops ; these also in our apprehensions advance that holy function , to a high and unalterable estimate . 17 very many of the fairest churches and colledges , and places of religion , were built by bishops ; which are faire caracters to shew their promptnesse to doe publike acts of piety , and that persons so qualified as they were , that is , governours and clergy , and fairly endowed , is an excellent composition to advance publike designes for the honour of god in the promotion of publike piety . 18 since it hath pleased this honourable court , of late to commend a protestation to us , which we by solemne vow engaged our selves to attest with our lives and fortunes , the established doctrine of the church of england , wee consider , that since the 36. article hath approved and established the booke of consecration of bishops ; the abolition of episcopacy would nullifie that article , and should not we make humble remonstrance to the contrary , we should suddenly recede from our great and solemne protestation for maintenance of our church doctrine . but may it please this honourable assembly , wee consider on the other side . 19 the introducing of lay elders , must needs bring an insupportable burthen to all parishes , by maintaining them at the parish charge ( for they must bee maintained , or else a transgression is made against an apostolicall rule . for the principall , and indeed the onely colourable pretended place for lay elders , injoynes their maintenance : so that , either the people must bee oppressed with so great burthens , or else saint pauls rule not obeyed , or else there is no authority for lay elders , as indeed there is not . 20 and also there can bee no lesse feare of vsurpation upon the temporall power by the presbitery , then is pretended from episcopacy , since that presbitery challenges cognisance of more causes and persons , then the episcopacy does , ( so making a dangerous entrenchment upon the supremacy ) and derives its pretence from divine institution , with more confidence , and more immediate derivation then episcopacy , though indeed most vainely as wee conceive . 21 wee crave leave also to adde this , that these two ( viz. ) episcopacy and presbitery being the onely two in contestation , if any new designe should justle episcopacy , wee are confident that as it hitherto wants a name , so it will want a face , or forme of reason ( in case of conscience ) when it shall appeare . signed by knights , justices , gentry , and freeholders , about 800. by ministers , about the number of 40. the cheshire petition for establishing of the common-prayer-booke , and suppression of schismatiques , presented to the kings majesty , and from him recommended to the house of peeres , by the lord keeper . to the kings most excellent majesty , and to the right honourable the lords , and the honourable the house of commons assembled in parliament . the humble petition of divers of the nobility , justices , gentry , ministers , freeholders , and other inhabitants of the county palatine of chester , whose names are nominated in the schedule annexed . your petitioners with all cheerefulnesse and contentation , ●ffying in the happy settlement of the distractions both of church and state , by his majesties pious care , and the prudent and religious endeavours of this honourable assembly , and with due humility and obedience submitting to the unanimous conclusions thereof , yet conceive themselves bound in duty . hvmbly to represent to your mature considerations , that the present disorders of many turbulent and ill disposed spirits , are such , as give not onely occasion of present discontent to your petitioners , but seeme to import some ill event without early prevention . the pure seed of our faith ( the doctrine of the true reformed protestant religion ) established by so many acts of parliament , and so harmoniously concurring with the confessions of all other reformed churches , being tainted with the tares of divers sects and schismes lately sprung up amongst us . our pious , laudable , and ancient forme of divine service , composed by the holy martyrs , and worthy instruments of reformation established by the prudent sages of state ( your religious predecessours ) honoured by the approbation of many learned forraigne divines , subscribed by the ministery of the whole kingdome , and with such generall content received by all the laity , that scarse any family or person that can read , but are furnished with the bookes of common prayer : in the conscionable use whereof many christian hearts have found unspeakable joy and comfort , wherein the famous church of england , our deare mother , hath just cause to glory ; and may shee long flourish in the practise of so blessed a liturgy ; yet it is now , not onely depraved by many of those who should teach conformity to established lawes , but in contempt thereof in many places wholly neglected . all these dayly practised , with confidence , without punishment : to the great dejection of many sound protestants , and occasioning so great insultation and rejoycing in some separatists , as they not onely seeme to portend , but menace some great alteration ; and not containing themselves within the bounds of civill government , doe commit many tumultuous , ( if not sacrilegious ) violences both by day and night upon divers churches . therefore your petitioners being all very apprehensive of the dangerous consequences of innovation , and much scandalized at the present disorders . doe all unanimously pray , that there bee admitted no innovation of doctrine or liturgy , that holy publike service being so fast rooted by a long setled continuance in this church , that in our opinion and judgements it cannot bee altered ( unlesse by the advice and consent of some nationall synode ) without an universall discontent . and that some speedy course bee taken to suppresse such schismatiques and separatists , whose factious spirits doe evidently endanger the peace both of church and state . and your petitioners shall ever pray , &c. the petition signed by lords , knights , iustices of the peace , and esquires : 94. by gentlemen of quality , 440. by divines , 86. by freeholders and others , in all ; 8936. to the kings most excellent majesty , and to the high court of parliament . the humble petition of colledges and halls , and others , well-willers to piety and learning , throughout the kingdome of england . sheweth , that whereas many persons dis-affected to the present forme of government of the church of england ( established not onely by the ecclesiasticall , but also by the common law of this realme , and diverse acts of parliament ) have of late in great multitudes petitioned this honourable court against the orders , honour , iurisdiction , and meanes of the clergy ; and have published such their desires in print , and pulpit , and dayly seeke to advance and propagate the same : to the great disheartning of all learning , ( if such designes find favour ) the grievous scandall of the reformed religion as unstable , and the unspeakeable advantage of our enemies of rome . wee therefore ( well weighing , that the seminaries must decay when the garden shall bee wasted ) in all humility most heartely pray your majesty , and this honourable court , that all the orders of holy church , of bishops , priests , and decons , which from the apostles times till these , have withstood so many practices , may have yet hopes to flourish under your gracious protection . and that by your assistance , under our most religious soveraigne , the ancient catholique faith , and discipline , as also the devout and decent service of god , in our church liturgy , may bee defended from all innovations , and novelties : the meanes and liberties of the churches , as well cathedrall , and collegeat , as parochiall , to them hitherto of right belonging , according to the pious wills of their blessed founders , may bee continued and preserved : many thousand families which on them depend , secured from ruine : and that our nation , whose lawes already favour as much as any in the world , the right of the first borne , may retaine ecclesiasticall promotions , as the patrimony of younger children , the prize of labour and study , an incitement of learning , and a reward of those that can intitle themselves thereto by honest desert . and your petitioners shall ever pray , &c. this petition is subscribed , generally by all the doctors , masters , and batchelours of all degrees and faculties in the vniversity of oxford ; and by very many other persons of quality : baronets , knights , esquires , ministers , and gentlemen , within the counties of oxford , berks , wilts south-hampton , dorset , kent , surrey , westmerland , cumberland , and other shires . devonshire petition . to the right honourable the lords spirituall and temporall , now assembled in the house of parliament . the humble information and petition , of the knights , esquires , gentlemen , and others of ability , within the diocesse of exeter . wee whose names are underwritten , have for these many yeares , found the benefit and comfort of episcopall government , under which wee have lived hitherto peacebly , and happily , with great freedome and frequency of the preaching of the gospell , and incouragement of the conscionable and painefull preachers thereof . as wee blesse god for his favour to us in the behalfe , so wee doe humbly and earnestly professe our desire that the same government may bee still continued both to us , and our posterity , submitting all personall offences , and redresse of abuses to your honourable wisdomes . in witnesse whereof wee have hereunto subscribed . signed by knights , esquires , gentlemen , and other inhabitants , neere upon eight thousand . the staffordshire petition . to the right honourable the lords , and commons assembled in the high court of parliament . the humble petition of the knights , gentlemen , ministers , freeholders , and other inhabitants , within the county of stafford , hereunto subscribed . who most humbly pray , that the present publique forme of gods worship , and administration of the blessed sacrament , with other rites agreeable to gods holy word , and purest antiquity , which hath beene formerly , sundry times established by godly acts of parliament , may now againe in these broken and troubled times , bee to gods glory , and the churches peace , re-established , and confirmed . that episcopacy being the ancientest , and primitive government of the church , renowned for successes , victorious against schismes , and heresies , and especially of late yeares , against that hydra of heresies , the roman papacy , glorious for ancient and late martyrdomes , happy before the corruption of popery , and since the reformation in the plantation , and preservation of truth , and peace ; eminently serviceable to this common-wealth , most compliable with the civill government ( into the fabrick , and body of which it is riveted , and incorporate ) & most apt & easie a● all times by the state to be reduced into order , may for the future , as formerly , by your great authority bee continued , and maintained for the glory of god , preservation of order , peace , and vnity , the reformation and suppression of wickednesse and vice , and the mature prevention of schismes , factions , and seditions . the which wee , your humble petitioners , the more earnestly beseech your honours to grant , for that strong feare doe possesse our hearts , that the sudden mutation of a government so long setled , so well knowne , and approved , cannot recompence with any proportionable utility , the disturbances , and disorders which it may worke by novelty , being most confident , in your honours , wisdome , and iustice ; that all excessive exorbitances , and incroachments , which shall bee found issuing , not from any poison in the nature of the discipline , but rather from the infirmity , or corruption of the person ( unto which the very best government is subject , shall bee duely regulated , and corrected . and your petitioners shall duly pray for your honours happiest proceedings . subscribed by 3000. of the best quality of the county . to the kings most excellent majesty , and to the right honourable the lords , and the honourable the house of commons assembled in parliament . the most humble petition of divers baronets , knights , iustices , gentry , ministers , and freeholders , inhabitants of the county of kent , within the diocesse of canterbury . most humbly shewing , that notwithstanding this kingdome , hath by the singular providence of almighty god , for many yeares last past , happily flourished , above all other nations in the christian world , under the religion and government by law established : yet hath it beene of late most miserably distracted through the sinister practises of some private persons ill affected to them both . by whose meanes the present government is disgraced and traduced , the houses of god are prophaned , and in part defaced , the ministers of christ are contemned and despised , the ornaments , and many vtensils of the church are abused , the liturgy and booke of common prayer depraved , and neglected , that absolute modell of prayer , the lords prayer , vilified , the sacraments of the gospell in some places unduly administred , in other places omitted , solemne dayes of fasting observed , and appointed by private persons , marriages illegally solemnized , burials uncharitably performed , and the very fundamentall of our religion subverted , by the publication of a new creed , and teaching the abrogation of the morall law . for which purpose , many offensive sermons are dayly preached , and many impious pamphlets printed , and in contempt of authority , many doe what seemeth good in their owne eyes , onely as if there were no king , nor government , in this our israel . whereby almighty god is highly provoked , his sacred majesty dishonoured , the peace of the kingdome endangered , the consciences of the people disquieted , the ministers of gods word disheartned , and the enemies of the church emboldned in their enterprises . for redresse whereof , may it please this great and honourable councell , speedily to command a due observation of the religion and government , by law established ; in such manner , as it may seeme best to the piety and wisdome of his royall majesty , and this honourable court . your petitioners as they shall confidently expect a blessing from heaven upon this church and kingdome , so shall they have this further cause to implore the divine assistance upon this most honourable assembly . subscribed by knight barronets , and knights 24. esquires and gentlemen of note , above 300. divines 108. freeholders , and subsidie men 800. all within the diocesse of canterbury . to the honourable the knights , citizens , and burgesses of the house of commons assembled in parliament . the humble petition of the gentry , clergy , and other inhabitants , subscribed , of the counties of flint , denbigh , mountgomery , carnarvan , anglesey , merioneth , being the sixe shires of northwales . as it was presented this present march the 5. 1641. acccompanied with thirty thousand hands . whereas the present condition of the church of england ( in the publike liturgy thereof , in the ancient liberties and forme of government , as they doe now stand established by law ) hath beene lately brought in question , and manifold petitions from the severall quarters of this kingdome , and other such like addresses concerning the same , have beene presented to this honourable house . wee his majesties faithfull subjects in the principalities and counties of north-wales whom it equally concerneth , and as strongly tied in duty and conscience , doe likewise presume to make our humble remonstrance , and wee doe it after a long silence and expectation , joyned with some feares . and first , for those things which concerne the publique service of god , as they bee of neerest importance , and wee nothing doubt , but you will take unto your tendrest thoughts , so wee doe earnestly propound and prostrate before you that dangerous consequence of innovation in matters of so high concernment , as wee conceive , and leave it to your owne great wisdomes to iudge , what scruples and jealousies are like to arise , if wee bee taught a new and different way of serving god after a full perswasion of the lawfulnesse of that which is prescribed according to the word of god , not without the deliberate , and concurrent approbation and industry of the most learned of the protestant church , of this and other nations , and the possession of so many yeares in the practise thereof , and all since the blessed time of reformation . the meere report hereof hath already produced no good effect , breeding in the minds of ill-disposed persons insolence and contempt , in others perplexity and griefe , not knowing how to settle themselves , or forme their obedience in such distractions , and sometimes repugnancy of commands . then for the outward policy and forme of government , under the iurisdiction of bishops , bounded by law , and kept within their owne limits . it is as wee beleeve , that forme which came into this island , with the first plantation of religion heere , and god so blest this island , that religion came earely in , with the first dawning of the day , very neere , or in the time of the apostles themselves . and in the succession of all after ages , the same hath beene constantly maintained among us , and that without any eminent interruption , or gaine-saying , even till these our dayes . and now from the comfortable experience which wee feele , and which our fathers have told us , of the conveniency and moderation of this government , together with the antiquity of the same ( a strong argument of gods speciall protection . ) wee doe in all humility represent , and pray that the same may be still preserved entire in all the parts thereof , professing yet withall , that wee heartily disclaime all scandalous innovation , and popish corruption whatsoever . and we are the more incouraged in this suit , because wee find it to be the unanimous and undevided request and vote of this whole country , who cannot without some trembling entertaine a thought of change . in all which we doe not presume to give any rules , but as it becomes us , humbly declare and open our owne breasts , and labour to deliver our owne soules in testimony of our loyalties , and discharge of our consciences , who shall ever take comfort to find the same way of honouring god , continued in his owne house of prayer , the lawes of the land put to actuall execution , the peace and government of the church preserved , the rumor'd alterations declined , and the distractions already too visible arising thereupon avoyded . and as wee doubt not but your great wisdomes will take care that our doctrine and discipline established , shall be still in force , and observed , untill by some absolute law , and the opinions of learned convocations , or synod ( according to the customs of our prudent fore-fathers in best times ) it be otherwise ordained . so shall wee never cease to pray for a permanent blessing upon your counsels and resolutions , to the generall happinesse of church and kingdome . to the sacred maiestie , of our most gracious soveraigne lord , king charles ; by the grace of god , of england , scotland , france , and ireland , king : defender of the faith . the humble gratulation and petition of divers , his majesties faithfull subjects ( of the true protestant religion ) within the county palatine of lancaster . most gracious soveraigne , the most reall and convincing'st testimonies of your princely care , for the advancement of gods true religion in your majesties realmes : and the common good of all your subjects . could no lesse then draw from us ( who have hitherto in these stirring times sate still ) this humble acknowledgement of our due and necessary thankes . wee with the inmost and choicest thoughts of our soules , doe esteeme and prize your majesties most righteous intentions , of governing your liege people , according to the wholsome lawes of this kingdome . a thing so often , and with such earnestnesse avowed by your sacred majesty , whereunto we yeeld that hearty credence , which is due to so religious a prince . wee doe also with all humility and thankfulnesse acknowledge your manifold and evident manifestations , ( to the world ) that you affect not an arbitrary government , but the common prosperity , and happinesse of all your loyall subjects : by your readines to joyn with your parliament in speedy raysing of forces for a timely suppression , of that odious rebellion in ireland , by your late . proclamation for the putting in due execution the lawes against papists . by your most gracious condiscending to the desires of your great councell , in signing the bill for the trienniall parliament , for the relinquishing your title of imposing upon merchandize , and power of pressing souldiers . for the taking away the star-chamber : and high commission courts , for regulating of the councell table , as also for the bils for the forrests and stannerie courts , with other most necessary acts . moreover , wee are confident , and well assured of your majesties zeale , for the advancement of the true protestant religion . and with inexpressible joy doe understand your most christian and pious resolution , for the preservation of those powerfull encouragements of industry , learning , and piety , the meanes and honour of the ministry , for the maintenance and continuance of our church government , and solemne liturgy of the church , of long continuance , and generall approbation of the most pious and learned of this nation , and of other countries : composed ( according to the primitive patterne ) by our blessed martyrs , and other religious and learned men . as also your gracious pleasure , that all abuses of church and state shall bee reformed , according to the modell of queene elizabeths dayes , ( of ever blessed and famous memory . ) by the one you have weakned the hopes of the sacrilegious devourers of the churches patrimony ( if there be any such : ) and by the other provided against all popish impieties and idolatries : and also against the growing danger of anabaptists , brownists , and other novelists . all which piety , love , and iustice , wee beseech god to returne into your royall bosome . but yet most gracious soveraigne , there is one thing that sads our hearts , and hinders the perfection of our happinesse , which is the distance and mis-understanding between your majesty and your parliament , whereby the hearts of your subjects are filled with feares and jealousies ( iustice neglected , sacred ordinances prophaned , and trading impaired , to the impoverishing of many of your liege people . for the removall whereof wee cannot find out any lawfull meanes without your majesties assistance and direction . wherefore we humbly beseech your most excellent majesty , to continue your most christian and pious resolution of ruling your people , according to the lawes of the land , and maintaining of the same , of being a zealous defender of the estabilshed doctrine , liturgie , and government of our church from heresies , libertinisme , and prophannesse ; an advancer of learning , piety , and religion ; an encourager of learned , painefull , orthodox preachers . and whatsoever your parliament shall offer to your royall view , conducing to this blessed end , the common good and tranquillity of your subjects , to be pleased to condiscend unto , and graciously to confirme , and withall to declare unto us some expedient way , how we may make a dutifull addresse unto your parliament , for the taking away of these differences and impediments , which stay the happy proceedings ( of that most honourable assembly , whereof your majesty is the head ) which once removed , wee doubt not , but you will bee as neare your parliament in person , as in affection . that there may be a blessed harmony , betwixt your highnesse , and that great councell , wee shall with all alacrity oserve the same . humbly rendring our lives , and fortunes for the preservation of your royall person , crowne , and dignity , according to our bounden duty , and allegiance . and heartily praying for your majesties long and prosperous raigne over us . wee the subscribers of this petition , doe hereby give authority unto the bearers hereof , to put our names to such transcript hereof , as shall be presented to his majesty . attested by knights and esquires 64. divines 55. gentlemen 740. free-holders neare 7000. to the kings most excellent maiestie . the humble petition of the county of cornewall . wee your majesties loyall subjects , in all duty render unto your majesty all thankfulnesse , for your majesties unexampled favour , and grace in granting unto your subjects ( in concurrence with your parliament ) such lawes and freedomes , which have most fully expressed your majesties gracious goodnesse unto your people , and wee most thankfully receive your majesties free offer of a generall pardon , whereof wee most humbly desire to be made partakers . and wee most humbly beseech your majesty never to suffer your subjects to be governed by an arbitrary government , nor admit an alteration in religion . and your petitioners being most feelingly grieved for your majesties discontents : partly occasioned by divers scandalous pamphlets ; and no way lessened by seditious sermons : doe wish a confluence of all comforts , honour , and happinesse unto your majesty : and doe heartily pray for the reconcilement betwixt your majesty and your parliament . and in all thankfulnesse for your majesties said grace and goodnesse , your petitioners doe offer themselves most ready to maintaine , and defend with their lives , and fortunes , your maiesties sacred person , honour and estate : and lawfull prerogative against all persons whatsoever , according to the oaths of allegeance and supremacy . may 22. 1642. jndorsed , wee the petitioners to this petition , doe constitute , and appoint peter courtney , walter langdon , benatus bellot , and nevill bligh , esquires , to deliver this petition , in the name of the county of cornwall to his sacred majesty . to the honourable house of commons , assembled in parliament . the humble petition of the gentry , ministers , and commonalty of the county of kent , agreed upon , at the generall assizes of the county . most humbly sheweth , that wee cannot but take notice , how welcome to this honourable house , many petitions have beene , which yet came not from an assembled body of any county ( as this doth ) wee doe therefore hope to find as gentle and favourable a reception of this , as any other have found of their petitions , our hearts witnessing unto us , as good , peaceable , and pious purposes as the best . these are therefore the true and ardent desires of this county . 1 that you will be pleased to accept our due , and hearty thankes for those excellent lawes ( which by his majesties grace and goodnesse ) you have obtained for us . 2. that all lawes against papists , be put in due execution , and an account taken of their disarming , and that all children of the papists may be brought up in the reformed religion . 3. that the soelmn liturgy of the church of england ( celebrious by the piety of the bishops and martyrs who composed it ) establisht by the supreame lawes of this land , attested and approved by the best of all forraigne divines , confirmed by the subscription of all the ministry of this land , a clergy as able and learned as any in the christian world ere injoyed , and with a holy love embraced by the most and best of all the laity , that this holy exercise of religion may by your authority be injoyed quiet and free from interruptions , scornes , prophanenesse , threats and force of such men , who daily doe deprave it , and neglect the use of it in divers churches , in despight of the lawes established . 4. that episcopall government , as ancient in this iland as christianity it selfe , deduced and dispersed throughout the christian world , even from the apostlicall times , may bee preserved ( as the most pious , most prudent , and most safe government ) for the peace of the church . 5. that all differences concerning religion and ceremonies , may be referred to a lawfull free , and nationall synod , as your remonstrance promiseth , to a generall synod of most grave , learned , pious and iudicious divines , ( the proper agents ) whose interests , gifts , and callings , may quicken them in that great worke , whose choyce to be by all the clergy of the land , because all the clergy are to bee bound by their resolutions , and the determination of this synod to bind us all , when you have first formed them into a law , and this we take to be according to the ancient and fundamentall law of this land , confirmed by magna charta . 6. that some speedy and good provision may be made ( as by his majesty hath beene , and is by all good men desired ) against the odious and abominable scandall of schismaticall and seditious sermons and pamphlets , and some severe law made against lay-men , for daring to arrogate to themselves , and to execute the holy function of the ministry , who ( some of them ) doe sow their impious and discontented doctrine even in sacred places , by abuse of sacred ordinances , to the advancing of heresie , schisme , prophanenesse , libertinisme , anabaptisme , and atheisme . 7. that if the coertive power of ecclesiasticall courts by way of excommunication be already abrogated , or shall be thought fit so to be , that there be some other power & authority speedily established , for suppressing the heynous , and now so much abounding sins of incest , adultery , and fornication , and other crimes , and for recovering tythes , repayring of churches , probate of wils , church assesses , providing bread and wine for the communion , and choyce of church-wardens , and other officers in the church , and especially for ministers , who neglect the celebrating of the holy communion , and the parishioners for not receiving . 8. that the professors of that learned faculty of the civill law , and ( without which this kingdome cannot but suffer manifold inconveniences ) may not find discouragements , and so divert their studies and professions . 9. that honour and profits the powerfull encouragements of industry , learning , and piety , may be preserved without further dimination to the clergy . 10. that you please sadly to consider the bleeding wounds of our brethren in ireland , and with speedy succours endeavour to preserve them , whereunto his majesty hath promised a gracious concurrence . 11. that you will please to frame an especiall law for the regulating of the militia of this kingdome , so that the subject may know how at once to obey , both his majesty , and both houses of parliament , a law whereby may bee left to the discretion of governours , as little as may bee , but that the number of armes , and what measure of punishment shall bee inflicted upon the offendours , may bee expresly set downe in the act , and not left to any arbitrary power , and that according to the president of former lawes , the offendours may not bee tried out of the county . 12. that the precious liberty of the subject ( the common birth-right of every english man ) may bee as in all these points preserved entire , so in this also , that no order of either of both houses , not grounded on the lawes of this land , may be enforced on the subject , till it bee fully enacted by parliament . 13. that his majesties gracious message of the 20. of jan. last , for the present and future establishment of the priviledges of parliament , the free enjoying of our estates and fortunes , the liberty of our persons , the security of the true religion professed , the maintaining of his majesties just and regall authority , the establishing his revenue , may bee taken into speedy consideration , the effecting whereof will satisfie the desires of all us , his faithfull and loving subjects . 14. that all possible care may bee taken , that the native commodities of this kingdome , may have a quick vent , and that cloathing , and other manufactures may bee improved , wherein the livelihood of many thousands doe consist , and that trade may bee ballanced , that the importation doe not exceed the exportation , otherwise it will prove a consumption of the land . 15. that you please to frame some lawes concerning depopulations , purveyances , cart-taking , delayes in iustice , traffick , fishing in the coasts , fulling earth , that our sea forts may bee repaired , and our magazines renewed . 16. that you please to consider the generall poverty that seemes to overgrow this kingdome . 17. lastly , wee humbly beseech you to consider the sad condition , that wee and the whole land are in , if a good understanding bee not speedily renewed betweene his majesty , and both houses of parliament . our hopes are yet above our feares , secure them wee beseech you , god direct and guide your consultations for the removing of all distrusts and iealousies , for the renuing that tye of confidence and trust , ( which is the highest happinesse ) betweene our gracious prince , and his loving subjects . and you shall have the dayly prayers of your humble oratours of the commonalty of kent . to the honourable the knights , citizens and burgesses of the house of commons assembled in parliament . the humble petition of the baronets , knights , esquires , gentlemen , clergy-men , free-holders , subsidy-men , and others of good rank and quality in the county of oxford . agreed upon , and subscribed , at the times of their meetings to take the protestation sent unto them . humbly shewing , that whereas some petitions have beene exposed , in print , the common view under the names of the knights , gentlemen , freeholders , subsidy-men , of the best ranke and quality of the county of oxford , as preferred to the honourable house of parliament . wee doe hereby crave leave , to shew to this honourable house , that such petitions have not received publique examination among us , at any generall meeting directed by authority , for the service of the county . and wee your now petitioners , knowing our selves to bee to major part of those degrees within this county , and as desirous to expresse our gratitude in this honourable house , for your unwearied labours , and the happy effects thereof , for the good of this land and state , doe hereby offer up in all humility , the greatest expression of our thankefulnesse : and in like manner , our unanimous desires . that the government of this church may continue , as is now by law established : and that the liturgy may bee setled with such alterations ( if there bee cause ) as your wisdomes shall approve . that the lawes against papists which oppose our religion , and against sectaries ( of late dangerously encreased among us ) that trouble the peace thereof , may bee put in full execution : and where those lawes are defective , such further remedy therein may bee provided , as to your wisdomes shall seeme fit . that a free synod of orthodox and peaceable divines may bee convened , according to the forme of the primitive , and purest times of christianity , for composing of all differences in doctrine , and ceremonies of religion . that the safety of this county and kingdome may bee provided for , by the disposing of such a militia , as may consist with the native liberties of the subject . that you would bee pleased to continue your care in hastening the further reliefe of our distressed brethren in ireland . and your petitioners shall bee ready to maintaine , with their lives and estates , his majesties person , honour , and estate , together with the rights and priviledges of parliament . and your petitioners shall ever pray , &c. to the most honourable and high court of parliament : the humble petition of the gentlemen , and other of the inhabitants of the county of cornwall . having seene and heard the many ( though scarce divers ) petitions to this honourable assembly , by the inhabitants of divers counties and cities of this land , as also corporations , companies , and trades , some against bishops , some against the common prayer , and all against such iudiciall , and things super-elementary to the region of their capacity of judging , and matters onely belonging to the iudicature of this grave synod , which seemes either to distrust , or direct , or both , your great wisdomes ; wee therefore the gentlemen , and other the inhabitants of cornwall , with as many hearts , though not hands , with as many good willes , though not persons , not in imitation , but rather by provocation , and necessity , in these times , to shew our good minded affections , doe humbly prostrate the utmost of our service to your feet . in which ( or rather after which ) wee take leave humbly to begge . that you will bee pleased to bend your auxiliary and good affections to the redresse of the distresse of the miserable protestants in ireland . to gaine whose good , prosperity , peace , and tranquility , to preserve the soveraignty of that land to our royall king , and to maintaine his , and this kingdomes honour , we shall willingly lay downe our lives and fortunes . that you will bee pleased to continue your great respect , dutifull love , and true obedience , to our royall soveraigne , by maintaining his just , and no way antilegall prerogative . that you will bee pleased to put the lawes in due execution against all iesuites , seminaries , papists , and recusants . that you will bee pleased to looke upon the other side , and duly weighing the actions ( or rather factions ) of some , ( whom most men call citizens ) to scourge their irregular and disorderly schisme , and hereticall sects , into right paths of serving god , to frequent his house , and to pray as well as heare , to allow order , and obey conformity , to reverence learning , and bow to authority , to bee under a discipline , and live in order . that you will bee pleased to maintaine and establish the ancient , fundamentall , and most venerable lawes , order , and discipline , both of our church and common-wealth , to continue the reverenced office , and punish the offending persons of bishops , to have in high account , and eternize ( as farre as in you lies ) the divine and excellent forme of common-prayer , to correct braine-forg'd doctrine , by your examplary precepts strike a reverence of gods house into every mans breast . that you will bee pleased to intimate to the people , your honourable and wise intentions concerning divine service , lest while you hold your peace , some rejecting it in part , others altogether , they vainly conceive you countenance them . lastly , ( not to trouble your great affaires any longer ) that you will bee pleased to take into your sage consideration , those scandalous and ill-affected pamphlets , which fly abroad in such swarmes , as are able to cloud the pure aire of truth , and present a darke ignorance to those who have not the two wings of iustice and knowledge to fly above them . now to polish this our worke with a smooth demonstration of our modest intents , that the tinctures which in introduction fell on the fore-mentioned presents , may slide without a staine from this ; wee doe in all humility declare , that neither distrust of your intentions , nor opinion of any of our counsels worthy your eares , ever tainted our thoughts , but that wee have still beene , and are confident , that this most wise synod hath ever thought fit , resolv'd , and will confirme into action , what wee now humbly request ; therefore this our present , not so much a petition , as a prayer of willing and thankefull hearts for the hoped sequell , is onely to shew our true intentions and good will towards his gracious majesty , and this high court , as instruments of the peace of our soules and bodies , for which wee are unanimously , and immutably resolv'd to spend our dearest bloud . published by i.b. gent. to the right honourable the lords , and commons assembled in the high court of parliament . the humble petition of the knights , esquires , gentlemen , ministers , freeholders , and other inhabitants , within the county of hereford . who most humbly pray , that the present publique forme of gods worship , and the administration of the blessed sacraments , with other rites agreeable to gods holy word , and purest antiquity , which have beene sundry times established by godly acts of parliament , may now againe in these broken and troubled times , bee to gods glory , and the churches peace , re-established and confirmed ; that episcopacy being the ancient and primitive government of the church , renowned for successes , victorious against schismes , and heresies ; and especially , of late yeares against that hydra of heresies , the roman papacy , glorious for ancient and late martyrdomes , happy before the corruption of popery , and since the reformation in the plantation and preservation of truth and peace , eminently serviceable to this common-wealth , most compliable with the civill government , into the fabrick and body of which it is riverted and incorporated , and most apt and easie at all times by the state to bee reduced into order : may for the future ( as formerly ) by your great authority bee continued and maintained , for the glory of god , the preservation of order , peace , and vnity , the reformation and suppression of wickednesse and vice , and the mature prevention of schismes , factions , and seditions , that cathedrals , the monuments of our forefathers charity , the reward of present literature and furtherance of piety , bee also continued . the which wee your humble petitioners the more earnestly beseech your honours to grant , for that strange feares doe possesse our hearts , that the sudden mutation of government , so long setled , so well knowne , and approved , cannot recompence the disturbances and disorders which it may worke by novelty , with any proportionable utility , being most confident , in your honours , wisdomes , and iustice , that all excesses , exorbitances , and encroachments , that shall bee found issuing not from any poyson in the nature of the discipline , but rather from the infirmity and corruption of the persons ( unto which the very best government is subject ) shall bee duely regulated and corrected . and your petitioners shall pray , &c. subscribed by knights , esquires , and gentlemen of quality , 68 doctours , 8 ministers of good repute , as will appeare by the originall petitions , 150 freeholders and inhabitants of the county of hereford . 3600 to the knights , citizens , and burgesses of the honourable house of commons assembled in parliament . the humble petition of the knights , esquires , gentlemen , ministers , freeholders , and other inhabitants , of the county of cornwall . humbly shewing , that wee are no lesse thankefull for the many excellent lawes which by his majesties grace and favour , and your care and assiduousnesse , you have obtained for us ; then those who have beene more forward to present you with petitions ; doubting not , but you will welcome this with as hearty acceptance , as you have done any other , it proceeding from loyall hearts to our soveraigne , a tender care of our protestation , and aboundance of affection to the common-wealth ; and whereas wee understand that there is a purpose , if not a presentment already to this honourable house , of a petition heretofore by some iustices of the peace tendred to the grand enquest , at our last assises , to be by them considered , whether fit to be presented to this honourable house ; which on deliberate debate was much disliked , as it was laid ; but since ( as we are informed ) indirectly obtruded on diverse persons , without reading or peru●all ; many of them since retracting their opinions , and wishing back their hands ; and we having resolved to rest upon the abilities , and care of our knights and burgesses , our hands and mouths , for matter of our particular concernments ; yet since their absence from us , and attendance in parliament , finding and feeling our owne grievances , giving us just grounds and feare of sudden misery , by disobedience and contempt of lawes ; thus provoked with bleeding hearts , wee beg the helpe of your wisedomes , to advise and apply some speedy remedy for these felt and feared evils , and for as much as there are lately risen amongst us some few of the clergy , and many of the laity , publike contemners and depravers of the ceremonies and the service of the booke of common prayer , by law established , irreverent vilifiers of gods house , and church assemblies in prayer times , and generally disobedient to ecclesiasticall government , of whom many have subscribed or subsigned to the recited petition ; although the said ceremonies and booke of common prayer , are by far the greater and discreeter part of our congregations inoffensively and reverently received and approved . 1 we pray ( no way presuming ) to prescribe rules , but submitting to your graver judgements , that a nationall synod of our learned , and approved clergy , by the rest to be chosen , may be convened , and some parliamentary course speeded , for the ordaining , confirming , & establishing of the said service booke , and ceremonies , or some of them , or others not repugnant to gods word , tending most to the peace and purity of our religion and church ; before which settlement , our humble desires are , that a parliamentary declaration , may speedily issue forth , for requiring of obedience to the lawes established . 2 we likewise humbly pray the continuance of that ancient and ever reverenced episcopall government in our church , and that the delinquences of any particular person , may not cause that high and holy office , or calling , to suffer . 3 we pray likewise that in every parish unprovided , there may bee a preaching minister , and a competent maintenance raised for him , and where impropriations are , and preaching ministers not sufficiently cared for , allowance may be had or bettered . 4 we pray likewise that such of our clergy , as upon enquiry , shall be found either scandalous or not orthodox , may bee admonished , and bound for the better supply and discharge of their cures , or removed . 5 wee pray likewise that some positive law may bee inacted for parsons and vicars recovery of their tithes , and that such course may bee taken for the obtaining of them , as may bee most speedy , and least chargeable ; that so those that minister at the altar , may live by the altar . 6 we pray likewise that for the restraining and preventing of inordinate licenciousnesse , there may be some penall law inacted for the punishment of adulteries , and diverse other offences not punishable by the common law . 7 as likewise that there may be some coersive power or law , ordained for compelling of refactory men to the payment of their rates , and for the reparations of their parish churches , in which of late some are growne very remisse and backward . 8 wee pray likewise that great care may bee taken not onely for disarming of recusants , but for the education of their children in the protestant religion . 9 wee likewise pray that some speedy course may bee taken for the redemption of those wofull christian captives in barbarie , the want of whom , hath occasioned an extraordinary decay and poverty in our maritine townes and parishes , and that our coasts may bee sufficiently gaurded and secured . 10 wee likewise pray that whereas this county hath beene and is surcharged double , at least , with armes , and very high in subsidies , much above our abilities , and the respective charge of diverse parts of this kingdome ; we may ( in consideration hereof ) bee relieved in future . 11 wee likewise pray that the sheriffes turne , now growne an unnecessary court , and onely used to the grievous oppression of the meaner sort of people , may bee suppressed , and taken away , it being more burdensome then the office of the clerke of the market formerly hath beene . 12 wee likewise pray that such dutchcy tenants as within our county pay over their rightfull rents and duties unto the dutchy officers may not bee doubly charged by proces out of the exchequer , as now they are , by extreame and continuall amercements . 13 wee likewise pray that there may bee a reparation of the decay of the castle of saint mawes , and that there may bee a supply of the wants of ordnances , carriages , powder , and ammunition , in all which , it is extreamely defective . and thus with all humblenes , craving pardon for with-holding you from your other weighty affaires , but perswaded that the cause is considerable , and may well challenge a part of your thoughts , and be put in action ; for the effecting of which , as of all things standing to the purity and peace of our church , and religion , as for the safe defence and honour of his majestie , his royall posterity , and kingdomes ; and in these , your and our happinesse , as for uniting of his gratious majestie and this honourable assembly in a mutuall consent and compliancy , as for the unanimous and prosperous proceedings of this parliament , wee doe , and ever shall , with humble hearts implore gods gracious assistance and blessing . the index of the petitions . cheshire . pag. 1 oxford university . pag. 4 cambridge universitie . pag. 6 nottingham . pag. 8 huntington . pag. 9 somerset . pag. 13 rutland . pag. 15 cheshire . pag. 21 colledges , halls , &c. pag. 23 exeter diocesse . pag. 24 stafforashire . pag. 25 diocesse of canterbury . pag. 26 six counties of north-walles . pag. 27 lancashire . pag. 29 cornwall . pag. 32 kent . pag. 33 oxford county . pag. 36 cornwall . pag. 37 hereford . pag. 39 cornwall . pag. 40 notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a26103e-2730 viz. de jure , non eidem de facto , till 555 years after christ , and then but once in the case of pope pelagius , and that irregularly & never since unlesse by papall usurpation . comment in epist. ad titum . timotheus ▪ titus . clements ▪ linus . marcus . dyonysius . onesimus . caius . epaphroditus . iacobus hierosolimit . evodias . simeon . a discription of tangier, the country and people adjoyning with an account of the person and government of gayland, the present usurper of the kingdome of fez, and a short narrative of the proceedings of the english in those parts : whereunto is added, the copy of a letter from the king of fez to the king of england, for assistance against his rebellious subjects, and another from grayland to his sacred majesty charles the second : with divers letters and passages worthy of note / translated from the spanish into english, and published by authority. 1664 approx. 149 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 45 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a35762 wing d1151 estc r12756 12846198 ocm 12846198 94431 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a35762) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 94431) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 711:4) a discription of tangier, the country and people adjoyning with an account of the person and government of gayland, the present usurper of the kingdome of fez, and a short narrative of the proceedings of the english in those parts : whereunto is added, the copy of a letter from the king of fez to the king of england, for assistance against his rebellious subjects, and another from grayland to his sacred majesty charles the second : with divers letters and passages worthy of note / translated from the spanish into english, and published by authority. charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. charles ii, king of england, 1630-1685. ghaylān, aḥmad al-khāḍir ibn ʻalī, d. 1673. teviot, andrew rutherford, earl of, d. 1664. [6], 84 p. : port. printed for samuel speed ..., london : 1664. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng tangier (morocco) -history. 2005-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-06 ali jakobson sampled and proofread 2006-06 ali jakobson text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a guyland , alias gayland , the present vsurper of the kingdome of fez ▪ a description of tangier , the country and people adjoyning . with an account of the person and government of gayland , the present usurper of the kingdome of fez ; and a short narrative of the proceedings of the english in those parts . whereunto is added , the copy of a letter from the king of fez to the king of england , for assistance against his rebellious subjects ; and another from gayland to his sacred majesty charles the second . with divers letters and passages worthy of note , translated from the spanish into english , and published by authority . london , printed for samuel speed , at the rainbow in fleet-street , near the inner temple-gate . 1664. of affrica and america , where an acre of ground is a barony , and a rood a dutchy , as yeilding that wealth with a few weeks pains , that cannot be 〈…〉 for 〈◊〉 ages industry . 3. because this place , and the country round about , is like to be that renowned scoene of action , which will render us considerable in this last age to the world . the french do intend to make themselves famous for seeking out a convenient footing in this country : no doubt but we shall be so , for keeping ours . it is a pleasure to go over his majesties dominions at home , in cambden , speed , &c. o what satisfaction is it then to go along with his acquists , and travel with his conquests abroad ! to see how carefully he provides for trade ; how providently he secures the sea ; how zealously he promotes our interest and honour . here you will see , first , the situation , improvement , strength and advantages of tangier , that hath within 100 years cost 20 millions of money , and the lives of one million of men . secondly , the nature of the country round about it . thirdly , the government of it ; together with its ancient kings before this late usurpation ; and their correspondence , embassies and letters to the kings of england . fourthly , the present usurpation by gayland : whereunto is added , a discourse of his person , government , revenue , discipline and policy . fifthly , the transactions between him and the earl of tiveot in barbary , and his sacred majesty in england ; where are the letters that passed between them concerning peace and accommodation . and sixthly , here is the humour and temper of those people with whom we have to do there ; together with their customes and manners . there have been whole volumes written of this place ; as , 1. that of hanno a ms. that was preserved for no less then 1400 years , and an hundred years ago printed by the noble stephanus . 2. that of alcazar , kept now in the tower of tetuan . and , 3. that of leo affricanus , written by him as he travelled that country in the hegeira 953 , and in the year of our lord 1528 , and translated into english by mr. robert pary of cambridge , in the year 1600. and , 4. that of abaf●i vel mammuled , whereof there are but two copies now in the world ; one is kept by the governour of morocco , and the other by the grand seignior ; it being death for any man to take a map of that country without their leave . but i have not observed so much satisfaction within so narrow a compass , so many particulars in so little a volume , in my life ; especially considering that the book is an outlandish one , and the author a spanyard ; then whom none go a greater way about , either to do what they say , or to say what they see . you are to take notice , that the geography and history are translated by one hand , and the letters by another ; but both very exactly compared with the original , and transmitted to the world upon the faith and honour of very ingenious persons . here is in the original an exact account of the whole kingdome , as to all the remarkable particulars in it : but we thought fit onely to take its general delineations , together with its chief ports and towns , and the places nearest tangier , as most peculiarly concerning us , whether as we possess that place , or trade that way . i will adde no more , but that i must needs think that we are very happy now adays , since printing is so much improved , that the meanest person need bestow no more pains then a few hours reading to take that view of the world which hath cost others many years travelling : and that my lord rutherford earl of tiveot communicated to a * friend of his a little before his going over the last time , his designe of either publishing a new description of that country , or translating this , or compleating leo affricanus . we can do no more then perform the second , wishing heartily that so knowing , so observing , and so publick-spirited a person had lived to have done the first . a description of tangier . tangier or tangis , is one of the greatest and the very antientest city in fez. great it s now ; thrice as great , say the most skilful surveyors it hath been ; so antient , that we find it was built by those canaanites fled from the face of josuah ; there being an inscription left , and two pillars , whereon it is engraven to this purpose ; nos fugimus a facie josuae praedonis filii nave : that is to say , we here are the inhabitants of the land of canaan , that fled before the face of josuah the son of nun. we have heard much of hercules his pillars , but here one of them is to be seen , on a hill within seven miles of the place , as the other is over against it in spain : for here hercules is reported to have slain the gyant anteus , that the oftner he fell , the oftner he rose again , and could never be conquered as long as he could touch his mother earth . so considerable is this place , that claudius and other brave romans , drew here many legions that they lost before the place ; which they at last gained , and gave a new name , viz. julia t●aducta ; yet in spite of that fa●e that devolved the world upon that great city , t is corner of it returned at once to its old liberty , and antient name , that it retains unto this day . when the romans could do no good , the ingenuous portuguez guessing there was a shorter cut that way than that which they knew formerly to the indies , and yet that that cut could not be securely passed without an interest and hold in that country ; vasquez gama attempts the expedition 1497. and with so much success , that he found the streights of gibralta , but lived not either to instruct or encourage others to make use of , or improve his noble discovery . yet he found the continent large , the sea towns strong , the inhabitants numerous ; and breaking in to some sea ports , spoyled them until he came to the atlantique , where he dyed . none could second him but a prince , and henry duke of visco doth it as far as his estate or credit goeth ; he consults the experience of all the sea commanders , sends for the astronomers and navigators , peruseth all the cosmography that was then in the world ; he sets out , and is tossed along the waters , until he finds a promontory , or an head of land , hanging out to the sea ; this he called presently , the cape of good hope : yet he fails , at once the love and grief of that coast . jo. the 2d . seconds him , and under the conduct of degola 1500. gets in to the princes island , takes angola , i mean the city so called , and with the assistance of bartholomew diaz gets in to quilon , mosambique , and melinde , with the king of the last whereof he made a league , and with his help and direction found port caliculo , and that way to the east-indies ; but he dyeth too , and his enterprize with him . a vasquez had the honour to begin this discovery , and a vasquez hath the honour likewise to compleat it . he therefore , almeda , and albu-quierque , finding their way clear to the indies , but not safe through the streights as long as those moors possessed the maritime forts , they destroy hamar , ruine bazre , take arzilla , and after much expence of bloud and treasure under alphonso the 5th . win tangier ; hard it was to win this town which was the very strength of fez. the mistress of the sea , the key of the inland-countrey , the sanctuary of all male-contents and enemies . sometimes we have 60000 , sometimes 80000 , sometimes an 10000 , yea sometimes 200000 before it ; besides the noblest voluntiers . once there the two kings of morocco and fez. the princes of ezhagger , asgarre , benj. jessen , alcazaer , 3000 nobles , 6000 well horsed gentry , all in gold and silver ; and that we may see the christians care was not less to keep , than the infidels were to regain it . sebastian king of portugall draws out 80000 foot , 20000 horse , to which stukely a prince at least in conceit , who had 6000 men given him to reduce ireland to the obedience of the pope , & the king of spain , and was created by his holyness to that purpose , no less than marquess of lempster , earl of weaford , lord rosse added his fortunes , and in one day all four princes , viz. sebastian , stukely , mahomet , and abdemelech , fell therewith no less than 126000 men . upon sebastians death , the spaniards had the place , with the kingdome of portugall , untill the revolt 1640. when this city , with that kingdome , returned to its wonted obedience . tangier , say the inhabitants , was by seddei the son of had , compassed about with walls of brass , and the roofs of them covered with gold ; for the building whereof , he exacted great tributes of the cities of the world , believe it who can . it s distance from the streights of gibralter is 30 miles , and from the city of fez. 150. it hath been alwayes a civill , famous , and well-peopled town , and very stately and sumptuously built , the field thereto belonging not very fertill , or apt for health ; howbeit not farr off are certain vallies continually watred with fountains , which furnish the said city with all sorts of fruits in abundance : without the city also grows certain vines albeit upon a sandy soil . the country was well inhabited untill such time as arzilla was surprised by the portugals ; for then the inhabitants being dismayed with rumors of wars , took up their bag and baggage and fled unto fez. whereupon the king of portugall his deputy at arzilla sent one of his captains thither , who kept it so long under the obedience of the king , till the king of fez. sent one of his kinsmen also to defend a region of great importance near unto the mountains of gum●ra , being enemy to the christians . twenty five years before the portugal king wan this city , he sent forth an armada against it , hoping that the city being destitute of aid , while the king of fez. was in wars against the rebels of mecnase , would soon yeild it self ; but contrary to the portugals expectation , the fessan king concluding a suddain truce with them of mecnase , sent his counseller with an army , who encountring the portugals , made a great slaughter of them , and among the rest slew their general , whom he caused to be carried in a case or sack unto new fez. and there to be set upon an high place where all men might behold him . afterward the king of portugal sent a new supply , who suddenly assailing the city in the night , were most of them slain , and the residue enforced to flee ; but that which the portugal king could not bring to pass with those two armadas , he atchieved at length ( as is aforesaid ) with small forces , and little disadvantage ▪ in my time mahomet king of fez. left no means unattempted for the recovery of this city ; but so great alwayes was the valour of the portugals , that he had ever ill success . these things were done in the hegeira 917. which was in the year of our lord 1508. some 12 miles from tangier was casor and ezzagor , in an open and pleasant place , over against the coast of granada , but surprized by the portugez ; and notwithstanding many attempts by the king of fez , what with money ( which is the first offer they alwayes make ) and what with men to recover it , it is utterly lost and ruin'd . within 13 mile of tangier is tettuan , called so from tet teguin , or one eye , because of the one eyed woman that had the command over it , under the goths ; fourscore and fifteen years . it was desolate after the portugals first invasion , until it was rebuilt by almandaly , who fortified it with a wall and a ditch , from whence he cruelly molested septa , casor and tangier , upon the coasts whereof he made dayly incursions and inroads , putting all christians he took to work in his forts by day , and lye in sackcloath and fetters within the deepest dungeon in the night . some 40 miles off is arzitta a fair town , between which and tangier if that correspondence could be kept which was designed by pedro navarro , the trade and government of that place would lye at our mercy , the portugals having shewed us an example how we might surprize their forts , as they did that of narangia , by a stratagem 1486. take their isles , as they did getria with a fleet 1463. demolish their cities , as they did bafra and homari . round about tangier are the wild but fruitful mountains chebal , rahina , beni-how , beni-chestev , whither the moors fled and seated themselves since the portugez took tangia or tangier , from whence they made such invasions even into those mountains , that the infidels were hardly able to live there ; till of late by the neglect of the portugez they have been able to build forts and strong holds in those high places , from whence they infest us at pleasure , having two advantages , whereof the first is their warlikeness , and the second their woods . 1. this place stands very convenient to secure and advance the indian commerce as far as those places where there are more riches than were ever yet discovered unto the world. 2. it commands the barbarians within , who could never look the portugez in the face til of late . 2. and all nations without , who must ask its leave to pass to and fro the streights , to the great treasury of the world : the authority of that town well managed , may make the masters of it arbitrators of the interest of europe . 3. it may be a free port , or a kind of a sound , to which all nations on this side the line may be glad to have addressed themselves . 4. it will be a great relief and security to our merchants in their long voyages to the indies . 5. in that place there may be bred as in a seminary , such souldiers and others as may be inured to the temper and way of that country , and therefore may be in a capacity to carry on our interest in those coasts as far as justice and honour will give way , yea & we may draw thence a regiment or two of veteranes , upon any occasion at home . no man knoweth but themselves , what advantage the hollanders enjoy , and the french promise themselves from one or two towns upon any of these coasts . the christians had another excellent harbour upon the mediterranian , called bedis , or velles de gumern , which ferdenand king of castile took , by shutting it up , with two forts that commanded it , and kept it two years , until it was betrayed by a false treacherous spaniard ( who slew the governour , because he had taken his wife from him ) into the moors possession , and all the christians were slain , not a man escaping , save only the spanish traytor , who , in regard of his treason , was greatly rewarded both by the governour of bedis , and also by the king of fez. anno 1520. true , it is a wild kind of harbour , lying open to the sea , without any windings or high-land-shelter ; so that let the wind blow from what compass it will , the ships riding there are exposed to the sury of it ; and upon the dragging of an anchor , wracks do commonly follow upon the adjoyning strand ; but that is to be remedied by a moll , such as that in weymouth , of two furlongs compass ; that may be raised by the shoar , some twenty yards high , within which the ships may ride safe and quiet . the lawful government of this country by kings . the xeriff of fez , whose dominion reacheth from capo boiudor to tangier , n. s. and from the atlantique to the river melvia ; the fairest , fruitfullest , best inhabited , and most civil port of all africk ; and likewise the most trafickable , as well in reference to the passage that way to the indies , as to the commodities there afforded : hath continued his government from the year 1508. to this day , after this manner . a subtle , learned and ambitious mahumetan , benumotto , 1508. boasting his descent from mahomet , laid a design in numidia , where he lived , to possess mauritania , tingitania , while the moors and portuguez were at variance : to this end , he sent his three sons on pilgrimage to mella and medina , that returning thence with a great fame for their religion , the people might reverence them , as they did , when they went up and down as men ravished with contemplation , alwayes crying ala ! ala ! the cunning father sends them to the king of fez , where they had no sooner got into esteem , than they desired to display their banners against the christians . the kings brother smelt the design , and asked the xeriff ; if these holy men conquered the christians , who should conquer them ? but their pretended holiness carried it , first for a commission from the king , and then for a whole multitude of men , that followed the devout men , giving them a tenth of their estate for the cause : with these men they poysoned the king of morocco , set up xeriffo , and his son ; who , with the assistance of the christian renegadoes , over-ran the whole country ; whereof 1. amet , 1542. 2. mahomet , 1549. 3. abdalla , 1557. 4. abdalla , 1572. 5. mahomet the second , who was murthered , 1590. 6. hamet abdalla , 1599. 7. maly shecti , 1603. 8. sidon , who rebelled against him , 1607. 9. hamet abdall , 1623. against whom a hermit stirred up the people . 10. misil tira , 1628. who writ to king charles the first of glorious memory , for assistance against the rebells , to this purpose . a letter from the king of fez and morocco , to the king of england . when these letters are so happy as to come to thy renowned majesties pure hands , i wish the spirit of the righteous god may direct thy mind , to consider , that regal majesty is given men , to reward the good , and punish the bad : for we are the servants of the creator , to do good to the world , that it may bless us : for we are like those coelestial bodies , that have our reverence for our beneficence ; which i speak not as if i would instruct thee , whose mind is so clear , and whose apprehension is so quick , that thou art one of the great gods greatest viceroy that is in europe , there are a company of rebells and pirates , that molest thy people , and are too hard for me ; if thou wilt assist me , and right thy self against them , thou wilt be as glorious as the sun , and thy name shall perfume all ages , who shall sing thy virtue equal to thy power . thy god is a lyon of the tribe of juda , and a prince of peace ; one that seeks peace through war : thy father was a peace-maker , by his power , as well as his counsel . thy god increase thine happiness , and thy dayes . fez 1131. hegerin 1633 : 10. myralla shin , 1642. who was judged to death in that fatal year 1648. 11. mahomet a●dalla , against whom aguiland , or gayland , hath managed a rebellion to this day , after this manner . first , finding the people under a very great discontent , because of the christian invasions on the one hand , and their own kings oppressions on the other ; particularly , 1. because there was an order , that every man that married a wife , should bring her to court , and there offer her virginity to the in●idells lust . 2. because there was a licence to drink wine , contrary to mahomet's law. 3 , because the king being weak , was about to treat with the christians , about building of forts in those countries , contrary to the fundamentalls of their religion . he stirs up the puritan mahumetans , i mean the zealots of that way , whereof he was one himself , ( for as cromwel was a preacher , so is gayland a priest ) to go up and down , and propnesie of woes , lamentations , and desolation ; some of which zealots pretended a familiarity with mahomet , that is , as our good people canted it , communion with god. then it was taught , that the law was corrupted ; that mahomet would come and reform it . to this cry were added discourses of humane liberty and slavery . this was helped with a dearth 1656. the alteration of some old customes 1657. the advancement of unworthy persons , and the admission of strangers the same year . to help forward the design , jealousie is raised between the king and the nobility , who now 1658. hold their meetings , settle their correspondence , ( and so many overthrown estates , as there were so many votes for troubles ) new revelations are broached , and while the kingdom is in a hurly burly , an invasion is continued . the king is left so dest●●ure , that he cannot help himself : these discontented forlornes offer him their service , his necessity accepts it ; they tye him up , and gain to themselves the military power . now one general is set up , and when he falls anon another ; gayland shewing not himself , but as an eminent souldier , without whom the kingdom could not subsist . he foments the former jealousies , prolongeth the war , frustrateth all treaties , until at last there were two parties in the army , one for peace , another for war. now was his time to gratifie the warriours , to caress the souldiers , to whom his valour and conduct had endeared him . here is the case in short , the army must stand by him , or be disbanded ; hereupon they choose him general , he modelleth them . at last they remonstrate , that the king must be laid aside , as who had betrayed his country to foreigners . yet he kept this close until he overcame the enemy , shut up the christians in their garrison ; and then he turned upon his own masters , cut off some of his senate for ill advising ; and at last shut him up , as at this hour , within a strong city . sure there was an evil star , this last age that looked upon the world ; that all men , of all religions , were unanimously disposed to innovate , reform , ( as we call it ) and disturb the world. a description of the person and government of gayland , the present vsurper of the kingdom of fez. this gayland , since his success , hath his pedigree derived from mahomet , as cromwel had his from the welch kings . his person looks handsomer than his condition ; his look is fat and plain , but his nature close and reserved . he is plump , yet melancholy ; valiant , yet sly ; boysterous , yet of few words ; watchful , and lustful ; careful , and intemperate ; a contradiction in nature . although he hath a sadness , and a heaviness by nature , that becometh a priest : yet he hath gained a complaizance by art , that becomes a prince . he hath two qualities that may do any thing ; 1. perfidiousness , and 2. cruelty . when he swears most solemnly , then you may be sure he lyeth ; so treacherous he is : and when fawns most basely , then you must look for mischief ; so bloody he is . you shall have him 8. times a day at his devotion , and as many with his concubines , whom he never toucheth after sixteen ; having his ministers of pleasure to annoint him , and his ladies to that purpose : so prodigions is their lust there , that they take pleasure in haughtiness , when they cannot be naught themselves . you may be preferred and poysoned there in a day : to speak cunningly , to act daringly , to have many strong relations , a great estate , or one handsome wife , is reason enough to send a man into another world . gaylands calling is a butcher , and a priest ; for they have all trades there . he is setling a new way of religion , which he calls , the antient one : his council are all trades-men , that understand business very well ; and his judges the like : his brethren are his favourites , who yet are gelded , and so not dangerous . he hath little or no strength at sea , only his tampering under-hand with them of tunis and tripoli . he hath divided the country among his followers , who must be true to him , or they will not be so to themselves ; the old and loyal possessors being transplanted . when he is courted to a peace , he saith , it is in uain for him to think of peace , until he hath made himself terrible . his ports are strong ; his speech alwayes dubious , and knowingly intangled . his interest obliging him to a reserve ; for he dares neither clearly own his thoughts , nor totally disclaim them ; the one way endangering his design , the other his person : so that the skill of his port lyeth in this , neither to be mistaken by his friends , nor understood by his enemies . by this middle course , he gaineth time to remove obstacles , and ripen occasions , which to improve and follow is his peculiar talent . he is a slave to his ambition , and knoweth no other measure of good and bad , but as things stand in this or that relation to his end . honour , faith , and conscience , weighing nothing in that country , further than they subserve to interest . he is one that will hazard very little , if either money or wiles may do his work . he hath his renegadoes , from whom he hath learned all his skill in fortifications and guns . gaylands revenue . he receiveth from his tributary vassals , the tenths and first-fruits of their corn and cattel . for the first-fruits , he taketh no more than one for twenty , and the whole being above twenty ; and demandeth no more than two , though it amount to an hundred . for every dayes tilth of ground , he hath a ducket and a quarter , and so much likewise for every house ; as also , he hath after the same rate of every person above fifteen years old , male or female , and when need requireth a greater summ . and to the end that the people may the more chearfully pay that which is imposed upon them , he alwayes demands half as much more as he is to receive . most true it is , that on the mountains there inhabit certain fierce and untamed people , who , by reason of the steep , craggy , and inexpugnable situation of their country , cannot be forced to tributes ; that which is gotten of them is the tenth of their corn and fruits ; only that they may be permitted to have recourse in the plains . besides these revenues , the king hath the tolls and customes of fez , and of other cities ; for at the entring of their goods , the natural citizen payeth two in the hundred , and the stranger ten . amongst many other things , he hath the revenues of mills , which yield him little less than half a royal of plate , for every hanega of corn that is ground in fez ; where ( as i told you ) there are four hundred mills . the moschea of caruven had fourscore thousand duckets of rent : the colledges and hospitalls of fez had also many thousands : all which the king hath at this present . and further , he is heir to all the alcaydes , and them that have pension of him ; and at their death he possesseth their horses , armour , garments , and all their goods . howbeit , if the deceased leave any sons apt for the service of the wars , he granteth them their fathers provision : but if they be but young , he bringeth up the male children to years of service , and the daughters till they be married . and therefore , that he may have interest in the goods of rich men , he bestoweth upon them some government , or charge , with provision : wherefore , for fear of confiscation after death , every one coveteth to hide his wealth , or to remove far from the court , and the kings sight : for which cause , the city of fez cometh far short of her antient glory . besides , his revenues have been augmented of late years by mighty summs of gold , which he fetcheth from tombuto and gago , in the land of negros ; which gold ( according to the report of fame ) may yearly amount to three millions of duckets . his forces , and military strength . he hath not any fortresses of great importance , but only upon the sea coast , as cabo de guer , larache , and tetuan : for as the turks and persians do , so he placeth the strength of his estate in armed men ; but especially in horse . and for this cause he standeth not much upon his artillery ; although he hath very great store ( which his predecessors took from the portugalls , and others ) in fez , morocco , tarodant , and in the aforesaid ports ; causing also more to be cast when need requireth ; for he wanteth not masters of europe in this science . he hath a house of munition in morocco , where they make ordinarily six and forty quintalls of powder every month ; as likewise calivers , and steel bowes . his forces are , first , of two thousand seven hundred horse , and two thousand harquibuziers . the second is , of a royal squadron of six thousand gentlemen , being all of noble parentage , and of great account . these men are mounted upon excellent horses , with furniture and armes ; for variety of colours , most beautiful ; and for riches of ornament , beyond measure estimable ; for every thing about them shineth with gold , silver , pearls , jewells , and whatsoever else may please the eye , or satisfie the curiosity of beholders . these men , besides all sorts of provision for their family , receive further in wages , from seventy to an hundred ounces of silver a man. the third sort of forces which he hath , consisteth of his timarioth : for he granteth to all his sons , and brothers , and other persons of account and authority among the people of africk , or to the princes of the arabians , the benefit of great lordships and tenures for sustentation of his cavalry ; and the archiades themselves till the fields , and afterwards reap rice , oyl , barley , butter , sheep , hens , and money , and distribute the same monthly to the souldiers , according to the several qualities of their persons . they also give them cloth , linnen , and silk to apparel themselves , armes of offence and defence , and horses , with which they serve in the wars , and if they dye , or be killed , they allow them other . every one of these leaders contendeth to bring his people into the field well ordered . besides this , they have between four and twenty and thirty ounces of silver wages every year . his fourth military forces are the arabians , who live continually in their avari , ( for so they call their habitations , each one of them consisting of an hundred or two hundred pavilions ) governed by divers alchiades , to the end they may be ready in time of need . these serve on horseback ; but they are rather to be accounted thieves , than true souldiers . his fifth kind of forces military , are somewhat like unto the trained souldiers of christian princes ; and among these , the inhabitants of cities and villages of the kingdom , and of the mountains are enrolled , whom the king makes very little account of , and very seldom puts armes into their hands , for fear of insurrections and rebellions , except in the wars against the christians , for then he cannot conveniently forbid them : for it being written in their law , that if a moor kill a christian , or is slain by him , he goeth directly into paradice : men , women , and those of every age and degree , run to the wars hand afore head , that at least they may there be slain , and by this means gain heaven . 200000. men he brought against tituan 1659. yet he cannot long continue a war ; yea , not above 3. months , because his forces living on that provision which he hath daily coming in , as well for sustenance , as for apparel ; and not being able to have all this conducted thither , where the war requireth , it followeth of necessity , that in short time they must return home for their maintenance . we want nothing but men , and those men nothing but the apprehension of that infinite treasure we might have in mandinga , aethiopia , congo , angola , pratua , toroa , monomolapa , &c. if we could but bring this man to terms . his men march not all in company , but the respective commanders set forth two hours one after another , every one having its ambuscado and stratagem , not in any strict order of rank and file . ye though their discipline is not exact , their order is so without confusion and violence . all the commanders have their wives and boyes attending them well guarded . their hoarse drums serve to deafen the ears , and confound the senses to any other clamour , with some brass dishes , and wind instruments , to noise the varnes , carried by fellows on horse-back , a little before every company ; whose horses are very swift , it being a shame there to lose a drum. . his weapon is bow and arrow , an iron pole , a shrene , a petronel , a harque-buz , scemiter ; all over armed like a porcupine . they eat and lye in one blanket , tying their horses bridle to their armes while they graze . when they come towards an enemy , they march very exactly and silently , not a man , upon pain of death , daring to break the order . when they are near an engagement , the horse encompass their foot in the rear , in form of a half-moon or crescent ; those horse have order not to meddle with the enemy , but only to drive and necessitate the foot upon them , till they have peirced through their batalia , if possible ; and if they chance to recoyl , to hold them to the slaughter , till they have wearied and dulled the enemies swords ; and then the reserve and they together fall in with fresh fury and vigour : and this serves for all advantages of military policy , to quicken his multitudes through despair to high and gallant services . he chooseth rather to tire out a town , than storm it ; then as soon as he hath raised his battery , and made a kind of breast-work , with some mounts in it , to over-look the place , he makes his approaches in spite of the bullet , and filleth up the trenches with bodies , if he cannot do it with other matter ; and when once a breach is made , it s either a souldiers death in honour , or a doggs in the camp , for any to retreat . their patience and resolution making up their defect of skill and art. gaylands court. he hath one chief counsellour , to whom he gives a third part of his revenue , of whom he hath taken a secret oath , to establish his son after him . to him he adds a secretary , a treasurer , a steward , the captain of his guard , and the governours of the respective cities under his command . next them are his deputies , or major generalls , who have their provinces on condition they have in readiness on any occasion 200. horse a man. after these are his collectors of tribute ; and next them the commanders of forts , to awe the country to the payment of that tribute . he hath likewise a troop of light horse , who have nothing but their diet , save what they can plunder ; and apparel once a year : whose horses are attended by christian slaves , in shackles , carried about on camells . to these we may adde his purveyors , his grooms of the stable , his granators , and their notaries . he keeps 500. horse ready to execute any of his offices , decrees , and expedite their service . he hath the keeper of his seal , who over-looks all others , and is as it were lord high controllor . he is attended alwayes in pubick with 1200. horse and foot. his armies are led by ensign-bearers , who are alwayes such as understand best all passages , fords , &c. the cities are bound at their own charge to send the magicians to the wars . he hath one , like a master of ceremonies , that sitteth at his feast , ordering every man to sit down in order , and speak in his turn . his concubines are all white , but the women he will have children by must be black . he goeth very plain , and feareth nothing more than gathering of taxes , the burden whereof their law hath mittigated , and the people cannot endure . when he goeth abroad , there is notice given to all his relations , and servants , who attend at his gate or tent , and march thence according to the harbingers direction in order . 1. the standard . 2. the drums . 3. the master of the horse . 4. the pensioners and guards . 5. the officers of state. then the sword , the shield , and the cross-bow ; and at last gayland and his favourite , with the footmen ; one whereof , the first carrieth his stirrups , the other his partizan , the 3. the covering of his saddle , the 4. the halter for his horse , and the 5. his curious pantofle ; after him come his eunuchs , his harquebuziers , and light horse ; of all which he is the plainest man. when he lyeth in the field ( as all those kings do most part of the year , to keep their subjects quiet ) his tent is four square like a castle , in the midst of his noble-mens , that make a town , made of cloath , with glistering spheres a top , and then the souldiers made of goats-skins . in the midst of all are his kitchin and pantrey ; next these pavilions are the artificers , the merchants , and other followers tents : next them the stables , and round them the foot , about them the horse , and the light-horse of the outside . you would think his tent is inacessible , yet are they sometimes so careless and sleepy , that enemies have been known to come within a furlong of his royal pavilion . barbarism , with all its care , hath not the art to secure it self . gaylands policies . 1. he hath a standing army , enriched with the spoyles of the king and country ; that will be undone , if it returns either to a peace , or any thing that may threaten a restitution . 2. most of the officers of this army , are related to himself , by kindred , or alliance . 3. all the old nobility , are either cut off , or kept under . 4. all the grievances that the people have lain under these forty years , are ordered to be brought to him in tables , and he hath the honour to redress them . 5. every body hath access to him himself ; provided , that they come with no mantle , or sleeves , or with their breasts opened . 6. he keeps his revells and gamballs , wherewith he takes the country people three times a year , as running , hunting , &c. 7. he employeth so many rigid officers over the respective provinces , as may exasperate them , and then he offereth those exactors a sacrifice to the vulgar fury ; gaining thereby , together with their rigour , the reputation of mildness and moderation . 8. the army knoweth not one day where it must be the next ; so marching it up and down at once , to keep the country from rising , and his followers from settling to any combinatior or confaederacy . 9. besies that , they are of so many nations and interests , that they can hardly ever close to any particular design against his general one . 10. he hath an excellent way of droll , whereby he at once pleaseth and discovereth the common humour . 11. he layeth out as much money as he can in slaves and renegadoes , to whom he is beholding for all his skill and conduct . 12. he hath wrought upon the necessities of those about his master the king , that there is not any order passeth him , whereof he hath not advertisment , before ever it comes to be put in execution . 13. he hath got in likewise with the two last viziers , and him that now governeth , by money ; whereof none hath so little use as the turk , and yet none more covetous . 14. it is as usual as can be with him to send in his own very souldiers and ingineers with provision , in the habite of country fellows to the very walls of tangier to descry in what posture things stand , and where he may make his most successfull attempts . 15. to countenance his own usurpations , he hath appointed 200 priests and souldiers to regulate both the religion and law of the place ; both which he intends to publish , with certain new interpretations delivered , as he pretends , to two holy priests at tituar , who are now under ground for two years , discoursing with mahomet , and shall get up after the two years end with two trumpets , to reform the world. lord ! that there can be no treason , even in africa without inspiration . 16. there is now a design set on foot to draw the poor country that hath been harassed with these late divisions , and are ready to embrace any settlement , rather than the late disorders , to press him to take upon himself the soveraignty , as the most likely means to heal the breaches ( that we may borrow our modern elegancies ) and lay aside the unhappy xeriff as the grand obstacle of the peace and settlement . ( goodly , goodly ! sure the phanatique spirit hath possesled them , and they that turn the world upside down are gone thither also . 17. he is upon setling a company , to traffick upon the same terms that the europeans do ; at whose charge he intends such a navy may be equipped , as may give law to the streights , with the grand seigniours leave . 18. he doth intend to bring in some ambitious christian prince , with whose interest he intends to check all other pretenders . 19. he cannot endure any man that speaks cunningly and subtlely ; insomuch , that it is the way of his creatures , to make their addresses in clear terms , when canting parts are treason against tyrants . 20. his special cronies are the zealous and enthusiastick ecclesiasticks , with whose grave countenances he gains a great reverence to all his proceedings . 21. he keeps up a constant faction in his camp between his chief officers , whereby they watch one another so closely , that they cannot do any thing to his prejudice , for fear of one anothers mutual inspection and observation . divide & impera is got now beyond italy . 22. he trains up the moors to so much discipline , that they shall march 20000. together , with that order and silence , for forty mile , that they cannot be discovered ; yea , there is not a word spoken in the camp for two dayes together sometimes , except in his own tent : and what is more remarkable , 2. or 3000. of them shall lodge themselves in the fernes , and among the rising grounds , so that you may ride through those very grounds , and not discover a man , nay , bear up your belief a little longer , while i tell you , that 10000. of them shall hide themselves in the sand , so as that you may go over them , and not discover them . 23. he armes his choice men very well , that they may survive his encounters to a considerable skill , experience and considence ; which if his men were cut off in every occasion , fresh-water-souldiers are not capable of : and besides , being so armed , he ordereth them not to charge until they come within execution of the enemy , which they will do manfully , bearing up against his charges to his very face . the proceedings of the english at tangier , since they possessed it , and were opposed by the vsurper gayland . among the many great benefits we proposed to our selves by our alliance with portugal , this is not the least , that we might enjoy a secure and free trade in africa and america , those treasures of the universe : in order to which end , we had in the year 1661. the antient city of tangier delivered to us ; a place where we might in our traffick that way , both refresh , and secure our selves , and give law to others : and no sooner was it delivered to us , than the right honourable the earl of peterborough , listed 1000. foot , and 300. horse ; the last in southwark , the first in black-heath , to possess and secure it . his officers were , captain levet , captain mordant , captain blake , captain anesley , captain belletore , captain clerk , captain fairborn , captain colls , captain car , captain nerve , major johnson , and lieutenant collonel sir james snith . and as his lordship prepared himself for the government of it from hence , so the right honourable the earl of sandwich , went thither october in the same year ; where he found strong fortifications , many fair gardens , and so well situated , that no ship can pass in or out of the streights , but ships as ride there may see and speak with them ; and that the portuguez were very civil to the english , and made great expressions of their welcome : and thereupon , in december following , the aforesaid honourable lord addressed himself for his charge , i mean the command of tangier , which we found situated strongly on the side of a hill , having one gate only to the water side , and land-ward four gates , one within the other ; and a great many good brass canons were mounted on the walls of it ; and in the middle of it we saw a fountain of water , that continually runneth with a very full stream , that conveyeth it self under the town . december 9. 1661. the english and irish forces were embarqued in several vessels , according to my lord rutherfords order , from dunkirk to tangier ; never any souldiers were shipped to foreign service more willingly , never any carried more resolutely ; the number 3200. old souldiers ; the commanders , col. fitz-gerard , col. farrel , sir robert horley , l. c : kingwell , major fiernes , captain summers , captain flord , captain herbert , captain emerson , captain brooks : no sooner was my lord upon the place , than he setled a very fair correspondence with the portuguez and moors there , upon the old portugal terms , until he could be able to procure himself better ; so that we had the accommodations of that place upon as good conditions as we could wish : in the mean time our works went on , our souldiers were inured to the country , we were better acquainted with the humour and interest of the people ; and in a word , had exacter observation of our advantages , in order to a further settlement . april 11. 1663. the moors had a design of drawing upon tangier , whereof his excellency having intelligence by the arabian spies he employed to that purpose , drew up a regiment of foot , and a troop of horse ; but being not willing to spend any of his own men upon the barbarians , he sent out some moors who had heretofore revolted , and come in , and have been many wayes useful and serviceable to us ; who accordingly being horsed , encountred with a party of the enemy , in the sight of the town , and wounded the shots son , one of the principal persons of the country , of which wounds he is since dead , and his loss is much lamented by the infidels . in revenge whereof , as we conjecture , five dayes after a considerable party came within our trench , and one of their chief captains was killed by our artillery . these little braveries prejudice them more than they can annoy us , who can look on until the country is harassed and ruined with poverty , hunger and sickness . the moors will be necessitated in all probability ere long to a better complyance with tangier ; already many of them did run over to us with horses and cattel ; so that fresh provisions were no varieties ; and upon the whole matter our condition was much another thing than it was when we first setled there ; health , plenty , trade , security , and good government , having put us into a very setled condition ; and his excellency the lord peterborough , having so well and happily setled all the concernments , to the honour and advantage of his majesty , then ready , by his majesties grace and favour , to return into england , and put the city into his successors hands , having payed off all arrears , and filled up all stores and ammunitions . and as an argument of our prosperity , we had very good correspondenee with algier , together with a resolution to continue in amity with us ; they of sallee likewise desire a good understanding with us : tangier rendring england much more considerable to algier , than it would be , were this garrison in other hands . the works were strengthned by the same noble lord ; the garrison enlarged ; the quarters were disposed ; the rate of victualls was setled ; the guards were ordered , and 5. mile round clearly gained . but the earl of tiveot arriving , there began a little stone redoubt , which we perfected without any opposition from the enemy , also we made entrenchments and lines of communication from place to place , insomuch that a great deal of ground was left free to us , to feed our cattel in safety . thursday the 4th . of june we began another redoubt on the top of the hill , which overlooketh the town to the very ports thereof ; at the same time we made retrenchments beyond the hill that we might not be surprised , nor our works molested . gayland hearing of the consequence of this redoubt , and of our dayly retrenching , assembled his army consisting of 4000 horse , and 20000 foot , and encamps within a league of the town : two fugitives one after another brought us news that he resolved to attaque our works . upon sunday morning we divided our retrenchments into three posts : whereof col. fitz-gerard and his regiment , was to maintain that near the sea on the east : col. norwood , with half the governours regiments the middle post , wherein lay the new great redoubt : l. c. knightley , with the other half of the said regiment , where the little redoubts were on the right hand : col. bridges with the horse in the middest of all , to give succour as need should require , and repell the enemy if they entred our works : col. alsop the town major still visiting the posts ; the outmost lines of all for favouring the work-men being divided into three posts , commanded one by a lieutenant and 30 men , another by an ensign and 18 men , and the third by a serjeant and 12. we made a six pounder gun to be carried to the outmost line at the serjeants post , and gave order that after all , the garrison should be in readiness , and at the shooting of the said gun , should take arms ; which was accordingly executed at 12 a clock at night ; and after the gun was brought off , all those outer lines were sown with chaustraps , cultrips or stories , whereof we brought over 36000. and the avenues with sowgards or hollis , wherein was put powder as in a mine , and loaden above with stones , granadoes and swedes feathers were put into those farther posts . sunday the 14 precisely at twelve a clock in the day , whenall the officers were retired to dinner , the ordinary guards in the retrenchments , appeared in an instant gaylands forces , who had long attaqued our outmost lines , ( the lieutenant , ensign and serjeants posts ) with three regiments of red and white colours , black colours , & one of a sort of violet colour , seconded by a regiment of horse . our souldiers surprised and amazed , abandoned their posts , and left the powder in the sowguards , with some granadoes , to the enemy , who pursued with incredible vigour the souldiers towards the town . mean time the great body of foot attaqued the great redoubt , and shewed more than ordinary resolution in standing firm before our granadoes and fire . in the fort was commander , by his turn , major ridgert with some forty men ; and to his succour came lieutenant-col . chun voluntier , and captain giles a lieutenant in the governours regiment , and several others reformed officers : which major & officers defended themselves most gallantly , killing about 40 of the moors . the chaustraps that were sown about all the lines , and the redoubt in particular , were of wonderful use and effect : for the bare-footed moors , when they were pricked in the feet by them , sitting down to pick them out , were pricked behind . many both of foot and horse were so hurt . mean time , the colonel and lieutenant-colonels , with the officers , commanded in case of alarm to maintain the three posts ; as also col. bridges with his horse marched out , repulsed most gallantly the enemy , took in all their posts again ; and in the end the enemy retired in great hast and disorder . they lost , as near as we can conjecture by taking off the dead , ( for they never leave any bodies behind them , if possible ) above 100 in all , 14 being left within our lines , which they could not carry off , and several others in the fields ; colonel norwood with all imaginable gallantry going to the outer point before the redoubt , and captain needham with him . the said captain did kill a moor for his part , and for his pains was shot himself thorow the arm in the flesh only . we lost 14 killed in the field , and twenty hurt with horse : and we suppose we had more of our men hurt from our inner line and walls , than by the enemy . it is reported by the portuguez and jews , that he had never lost so many men at any time . they are men of order and resolution , and have most excellent fire-arms and lances . i had forgot to tell you , that when the horse charged us , he that did command them was cloathed in crimson velvet ; who being killed , they went all off immediately : which maketh us suspect he was of eminent quality . after this encounter , an express was sent to complement gayland ; who returned the answer inclosed by one of his own domesticks , who confesseth that our crows feet or chaustraps did their foot great harm , and that they have lost many men . the earl of tiveots letter to gayland . written in spanish . the king my master having honoured me with the command of this place , i did not look for less courtesie than your excellencie used with my predecessor , giving me the welcome : but on the contrary , your excellencie stole from me the hour of eating , in which visits are usually received . notwithstanding what is passed , if your excellencie doth incline to a better correspondence , be it in peace or war , you shall not find me less disposed or provided , though it be at the same hour . valuing my self upon the laws of souldiery , i shall bury the dead bodies you left behind you : but if your excellencie desire to bury them your self , after you manner , you may send for them . god keep your excellencie the many years that i desire . tangier , june 14. gaylands letter to the earl of tiveot . written in spanish . signed above in arabick letters . i received your excellencies of the 14 currant , in which you seem to complain , that i did not bid you welcome : whereas on the contrary it belongs to me to do so ; persons of your quality being accustomed in these parts to give notice of their arrival , and not to dispose of any thing , as your excellency hath done in my lands . notwithstanding , i gave order to my subjects , that , the occasion presenting it self , they should give good quarter to your excellencies , as they did with the centinel which they took the other day , whom i charged them to use well . as to the correspondence , it is well known how punctal i am in it ; of which you may be informed . i did not expect less from your excellencies courtesie , than you have used to the dead ; for which i am insinitely obliged to you . god keep your excellency many years , as i desire . postscript . if your excellency please to send any person or persons from you , you may do it ; and this shall secure him , which goes with my servant . the earl of tiveots reply . i received your excellencies of the 15 currant , the same evening by the hands of your servant , who carries this back to you . to which i answer , that if there hath been any omission on my part , as to the accustomed civility of th●se countries , it was a sin of ignorance , for which your excellency hath sufficiently chastised . i am beholden to you for the good quarter which your excellency commanded to be given to the souldiers your men took the other day : if my good fortune gives me the same occasion , i will pay it with interest . as to what concerns the peace and good correspondence between the king my master and your excellency , there only wants a good disposition on your part , as it hath been treated formerly with my predecessor : to which if your excellency enclines , signifying it to me , i will send persons to effect it on my behalf . god k●●p your excellency many and happy years . from tangier , june 16. 1663. notwithstanding these complements , gayland attempted a new work of ours with 10000. men : but the most vigilant and excellent governour had so warily supplyed the defects of that place , by planting great gun to annoy the assailants ; that , though the assault was very sharp , the enemy was beaten off , and that with the loss of 900. men ; which entertainment they liked so ill , that the army was drawn off : and thereupon the said governour , as happy to improve advantages , as resolute to gain them , sent a letter to gayland , to let him know , that his master , the king of great britain , as he wanted neither resolution nor ability to manage his just right in that garrison : so he was so great a friend to peace , that he would be ready to entertain a better correspondency with his excellency : which seconded with the defeat , ( then only you oblige the unworthy , when you can awe them ) prevailed so much upon the usurper , that he sent messengers for a treaty , which had so fair a progress , that both parties came to an agreement . indeed so ill was gaylands success , so great our progress in fortifications ; such convenience we had for fresh air , and fresh victualls , that we were in a plight ( if it had been thought fit to have sent sir john lawson , to do as much by sea , as we could do by land ; to shut up the havens and towns of sallee and tituan , and batter a●sella to the ground . every day put us in a better state , both of freedom and security , having by our late treaty gained a six months peace , which did exceedingly conduce to our settlement . at our first arrival , a flux troubled us , but within six months our temper agreed exceedingly well with the temper of the climate . august 24. 1663. the vigilancy , courage and conduct of the earl of tiveot , moved gayland ( in his own expression ) to require a peace ; which , although concluded but for six months , was by him desired for seven years : after which time the english forts are finished , and this advice waited upon his excellence , who was then embarquing for englond . at that time , the design of the mould , intended for the safety and advantage of shipping , was in a good forwardness of persection , the passage of the stone being out out of the rocks , & way made for a gun-powder blow , & undermining . there was a new key made , 30 yards foundation laid , & 3 yards raised above water ; & well they might for no place in the world afforded either better materialls , or those more conveniently disposed for the perfecting of such a work , which the moors call , and others shall find , the key of the world : indeed , they that understand the world , and themselves very well , look upon this place with great hopes of the reputation and advantage it may one day bring to the english nation . august 26. 1663. the moors kept their peace made with the english very punctually , whom they treated , when they went down into their countries ( which is rich , and well inhabited ) with great civility . the earl of tiveot was much esteemed for his valour , and well beloved for his candour and humanity ; insomuch , as the very moors term him a good man. ( and indeed , he was a person of exact honour and integrity ) the place was healthy , and the situation pleasant , and provisions of sorts in such abundance , that a man can scarce live cheaper any where . but about this time we began our mould , and found it very hard to blow up the rocks under water , to make way for our boats and engines , which otherwise cannot bring stone , but with difficulty , at the top of high water : but in a month , way was made for our engines to weigh our stones , and in six weeks time we laid 30. yards of foundation , and raised that two yards high : it should seem we are better at this work than any other , this being better work than any in the streight . but that we might not only secure our selves , but oblige our neighbours ; we sent supplyes , with a great deal of hazard , to the saint & falle ; a favour he acknowledged so great , that he hath promised , when ever it is in his power , he will not be backward in requital . and now gayland complements his sacred majesty in spanish , to this purpose . a letter from gayland to his sacred majesty charles the second , king of england . sacred royal majesty , having been advertis'd by his excellency the earl of tiveot , of his sudden occasion to visit these parts ; i could not forbear this address in respect of the peace , and good intelligence we have lately affected in your majesties name . and having found his excellency a cavalier of great valour and honour , and of so noble a mind ; i could not choose but desire to correspond with him by my letters , to signifie my inclination of complyance in all things that concern the service of your majesty ; and which formerly i have forborn to do , for want of so fit a juncture to enable me . i hope from the divine savour , that this peace will be attended with many considerable augmentations in order to your majesties service , the effecting of which good work being iustly attributed ( with no small prais●s ) to the prudence of his excellency ; i beseech your maiesty to command him speedily back , that we may perfect all things with him so greatly to be loved and esteemed . if in any parts of our dominions there is any thing that offers it self for your majesties service , the signification of your commands shall be esteemed the greatest favour that can be expressed . god keep your maiesty , and give you all manner of felicity . and the governour of morocco to the king of portugal , thus . the copy of a letter from the king of tetuan , governour of morocco to the king of portugal sancta crux , june 27. 1663. high and mighty , don alfonso , king of roman christians and of portugal , thanks be to god that we are obliged to give account , and none is free from that duty , and therefore we give him the prayse unto him due , and this praise is for the dayly favour we receive from him . by order of the servant of our lord god on high , to whom i submit all my affairs , who is called abdelazir 4 mahomet , grand-son of aly ; this our writing in the name of god our lord. to your majesty the king of portugal , catholique d. alfonso , whom god bless , and after that we give thanks to god for having made us moors , and participate unto your majesty , how much we esteem the favour which you have done to my servants , who arrived in a little english vessel safe in the haven of sancta crux , together with the good news which i received from the king maly mahomet , to whom your majesty was generously pleased to give his liberty , and i for my part , cannot but he very thankfull , and doe offer my self and my subjects with all that which from this kingdom may be necessary , to your majesty without any fail : and your majesty , whom god bless , may out of hand make tryal thereof . and i do give my word , and so this letter goes signed by my hand and seal , and from hence forward will celebrate the peace between me and your majesty with these undernamed conditions which are . that all the portugal nation , and their contractions , may go , and come , enter , and come out feeely , into , or from any of my havens , by sea or land , with all security ; and in case they meet in the sea with the turk , or any other shipping , of whatsoever nation it be , coming out of any of my sea-port towns , they shall receive no damage . and also if any of your majesties vessels chance to have bad weather at their fishing , they may retire into this haven : wherein , ( although they meet with any shipping , either turks , or spaniards , or any nation whatsoever enemies to your majesty ) you majesties shipping or men shall be in no danger ; and as for the wheat and horses which shall be necessary for your majesty , all shall be punctually and with speed given to your majesty , whereof your majesty may make present tryal , sending ships , goods , money , and vessels , for the wheat and horses , and one that understands our language , whom your majesty may send in the company of maly mahomet who is there , to whom your majesty was generally pleased to give his liberty , for at his arrival here , he is to be king of morocco , where they expect him each hour , and the kingdom has no other heir by maly mahomet , and i engage for him , that he will perform his word in whatsoever he promiseth to your majesty , wherein he shall not fail as in duty bound , and is natural to him to do it : so waiting for maly mahomet , and for all your majesties orders , which i shall alwayes observe , and 〈◊〉 as your majestics loving subject and servant to god , who may bless your majesty , give you long life , and happy , and defend you from your enemies . your majesties friend , cide abdelazi , son of mahomet , grand-son of aly. hereupon we had free trade with the moors , they daily bringing their camels , laden with hides and skins , which is their chief commodity ; and in return they get money , and other provision : this place being the great market for those things that come from algier to tituan , and from thence hither ; especially when a square of 30. yards towards a molle was brought a yard above the water mark : that new experiment of maste-floates promoting our design exceedingly . indeed , so forward were we in february , that gayland began to be jealous of us , and therefore there are several debates between him and his excellency , the earl of tiveot , whether a war or peace . free he would have us to the fortification of those redoubts nearest the town ; but as for those further off , as the hollanders answer the ambassadors that come to them , saying , it may be so , we will consider : so said he , he would take 14. dayes time to think of it . and they have a saying amongst them , the meaning whereof i understand not ; 13. dayes make a wise man. but from debate it comes to action ; the moor comes on with horse and foot to hinder the enlargement of our quarters , as it concerned him , but was beaten off ; and , what is a shame in that country , left one of his horse colours behind him : neither is he more in earnest than we , for we banish all the jewes out of town , and go on a pace with the works , without any further attempt or interruption ; only when the lord governour declared , he could entertain no peace , without some more liberty allowed , and secured in the country : gayland advised with his mushrome grandees , his lords of the other house ; and after mature deliberation , he sent word by two of his principal officers , and his secretary , which was to this effect ; that , having consulted all his savois and rabbies upon the point , it appeared , that they were bound by a law not to suffer christians to fortifie in africa ; but if his excellency accepted of quarters , as in the portuguez time , they were willing to give them . to which my lord replyed ; that , he must either have peace with those terms aforesaid , or war without them . and the very next week his lordship commenced a new redoubt upon the utmost liue ; against which work , what stratagems ! what ambuscadoes ! what surprizes ! while we were so confident , that one writes to england thus . we expected gaylands whole army any time these seven dayes ; if he stayes but two dayes longer , he must come to our terms , and suffer this place to be comfortable to the garrison , and the inhabitants : or , which is more , let him come when he will , we question not , but we shall maintain our ground in spite of his heart : we have good lines to defend ; and better men certainly are not in the world : to which must be added ; that we have a governour , under whose conduct ( with gods ordinary providence ) we can fear nothing . but ah ! humane confidence ! he was an excellent man , but a man still ; for the next news you heard , was ; that the earl of tiveot , designing to cut wayes and passages in an adjoyning wood , that was as great annoyance to tangier , as it was a shelter to the moors ; and having in vain sent out scouts , who were suffered to graze their horses in the midst of the enemies , who lay undiscovered , behind those rising grounds , in fernes , and thick grass ; fell into an ambuscado of the whole infidel army , where he sold his life at a dear rate ; a life indeed invaluable but that there are many such lives comprehended in his sacred majesties large and universal care ; which hath that influence even upon this distant place ; that , notwithstanding gaylands attempts upon it several times since that miscarriage , not only secures , but advanceth it to as much reputation as ever it enjoyed since it was in the christians hands . how many millions would the french give for such a place ? who are now to seek for a footing in those coasts . the soyl is proper for any grain , or trees , and asketh nothing but dressing to be admirable . there is no need of carrying provision thither , as to other plantations , for the support of the colonies ; the abundance of things there being so great , that the country produceth enough for its self , and to spare . the waters are excellent ; the fruits delicious , and and without hyperbole ; the place may be improved into a paradice : over and above this , there are golden mines , in such plenty , that in great falls of rain , and ravages of water , the veins of gold discovered themselves , all along the coast , and upon the mountains . the inhabitants are of a disposition tractable enough , & with good words , are ready and willing to be employed in any service ; being a people humble , and obedient , and of a very good humour . the country is shared among divers petty pretenders , who are still making warr one upon the other ; and from whose disagreement we might easily take a rise to an absolute establishment of our selves among them . beyond this place the trading lyeth open without difficulty into india ; and more commodiously yet to the country of aethiopia , where commerce is scarce understood , and where are the richest gold mines upon the face of the earth . in a word , there is not any where a fitter place for a general magazine of all commodities to be brought from those parts into europe , than is this place ; from whence we may carry the business of commerce and discovery further than any have yet done before us . besides that , the place is of so gentle a climate , that what cloaths serve us here in the spring , may serve us there all the year ; and having within its self whatsoever may honestly , by way of commerce , serve either to the pleasure , plenty , or necessities of humane life . adde to this , that lying in a middle way , it secures us from the danger and loss o● long and tedious voyages backwards and forwards , which we were tired with before this acquists ; which is as good a breathing place as can be , with all conveniences about us , to refresh our men , and follow our course at pleasure : wheras others meet no relief between india & home commonly at 7. months voyage ; for want of which , they are so miserably harassed with the journey , that a long time it takes them to recover it . and over and above all this , when others are come as far as tangier , they dare not pass the channel without our leave , which they may be made either to fight , or pay for . again , this openeth an honest way of livelyhood to those english men , whose necessities have debauched them to unable and shifting wayes of living ; this relieveth the poor , that must either begg or starve ; employeth those whose languishing industry is as good as lost , because not exercised : and brings back that sincere and quiet way of dealing , which is now lost among a lazy sort of men , that have nothing to do but to be troublesome . what natural impressions and motions the air of africa is subject unto , and what effects ensue thereupon . throughout the greatest part of barbary stormy and cold weather begin commonly about the midst of october . in december and january the cold groweth somewhat more sharp in all places , howbeit this hapneth in the morning only , and that very gently and remisly . in february the weather is somewhat mitigated , but very unconstant . in march the north and west winds usually blow , which adorns the trees with blossoms . in april cherries are commonly ripe , and all fruits attain to their proper form and shape . in the midst of may they gather their figs ; and in mid june their grapes are ripe in many places : in which month and july their pears , sweet quinces , and their damascens attain unto sufficient ripeness . their figs of autumn may be gathered in august , howbeit they never have so great plenty of figs and peaches as in september . by the midst of august they usually dry their grapes in the sun , whereof they make reisons , which if they cannot finish in september , by reason of unseasonable weather , of their grapes as then ungathered they use to make wine and must . in the midst of october they take in their hay , and gather their pomegranets and quinces . in november they gather their olives , beating them off their boughs with certain long poles , by reason of the tallness of their trees , which no ladder can reach . they have three months in the spring always temperate . they begin their spring on the fifteenth day of february , accounting the eighteenth of may the end thereof , all which time they have most pleasant weather , but if from the five and twentieth of april , to the fifth of may , they have no rain fall , they take it as a sign of ill luck , which wa●er they call naisau , that is , water blessed of god , and some store it up in vessels , most religiously keeping it as an holy thing . their summer lasteth till the sixteenth of august , all which time they have most hot and clear weather ; except perhaps some showers of rain fall in july and august , which do so infect the air ; the great plagues and pestilent fevers fall thereupon , which are almost always mortal . their autum they reckon from the 17 of august to the 16 of november , having commonly in the months of august and september not such extream heats as before . howbeit all the time between the 15 of august and the 15 of september is called by them , the furnace of the whole year ; for it brings figgs , quinces , and such kind of fruit to their full maturity . from the 15 of november begin their winter ; and as soon as winter cometh they begin to till the ground , which lyeth in the plains ; but in the mountains they go to plough in october . the people here are most certainly perswaded , that every year containeth 40 extreme not dayes , beginning upon the twelfth of june : and again , so many dayes extreme cold , beginning from the twelfth of december . their equinoxies are upon the 16 of march , and the 16 of september : and their solstice on the 16 of june , and the 16 of december : these rules they most stri●ctly observe ( though they know not a letter in the book ) in husbandry , and navigation ; which together with the houses of the planets , are the first lessons they teach their children ; as also the great book in 3 volumes , called , the book of husbandry . they reckon trine by the moon ; and allow 354 nights to the year , viz. 30 nights in each of the first six months , and 26 in each of the last six . they are undone if it rains not 12 dayes in the year , viz. the six first of april , and the six last of september . they live till threescore , as lustily as we do at thirty , and then they droop suddenly , scarce any of them exceeding seventy ; the failing of their teeth and eyes fore-running their deaths ; the reason whereof may be their excessive inclination to venery , for which purpose they tolerate hundreds of stews in fez : they being so impudent , that they will continue in the very act of uncleanness , though twenty should come and see them , therefore they are ●ald at 26 commonly ; and many of them dye of the french pox : a disease that came thither with the jewes that were banished castile ; with whose wives the moors lay , and were infected : a disease , they say , that if you go but into numidia , the very air of the place cures you of : as the armenian earth doth of the plague here . the qualities of these people , good and bad. they are religious to a superstition , so far , the day they pray ( and they are very often at their churches or masques ) they spit , nor touch their privy parts . their dexterity and skill in mathematiques and mechaniques is extraordinary : very faithful they are , but cunning , no people so lustful , and none so jealous ; familiarity with one of their wives is death . give place to thy elders , is a great rule amongst them . when ever they discourse of love , the youth are to withdraw . but with these vertues , they have their vices too , being very needy and covetous ; very proud and wrathful ; very implacable and revengeful . so clownish they are , that they will scarce hear you : yet so credulous , that they will believe you , say what you will. abounding so much with choler , they speak alwayes angry and loud ; and you will never walk the streets , but you will meet with a squabble . desperate they are in their undertakings : careless they are of their time ; which they spend in hunting , or war , or theft . thus have i described as well their vices as their virtues ; though i am indebted to this country for my birth , and most part of my education . now to deliver somewhat concerning the estates of these christians : they are called by some cofti , or coptitae , and by others , christians from the girdle upward : for albeit they be baptized , as we are , yet do they circumcise themselves like to the jews : so as a man may say , their christianity comes no lower than the girdle-stead . but that which is worse , they have for 1000 years followed the heresie of eutiches , which alloweth but of one nature in christ : by which heresie they also separate and dismember themselves , from the union of the church of europe . the occasion of this separation and schism , was the ephesine council , assembled by dioscorus in defence of eutiches , who was now condemned by the calcedon council by six hundred and thirty fathers congregated together , by the authority of leo the first . for the cofti fearing , that to attribute two natures unto christ , might be all one , as if they had assigned him two hypostases or persons , to avoid the heresie of the nestoreans , they became eutichians . they say their divine service in the chaldean , oftentimes repeating alleluja . they read the gospel first in chaldean , and then in arabick . when the priest sayeth pax vobis , the youngest among them layeth his hand upon all the people that are present . after consecration , they give a simple piece of bread to the standers by : a ceremony used also in greece . they exercise their function in the church of saint mark , amidst the ruines of alexandria , and in that of suez , upon the red sea : they obey the patriarck of alexandria , and affirm themselves to be of the faith of prete ianni , in our dayes two popes have attemptted to reduce them to the union of the romish church , pius the fourth , and gregory the thirteenth ; whose letter they received with reverence , laying them upon their heads before they opened them . a description of the kingdome of fez . the world we know is divided into four parts ; asia , europe , affrica and america : the place under present consideration lieth in affrica . affrica is bounded on the east by the red sea , and the famous bay of arabia ; on the west , with the atlantick sea , which divides it from america ; on the north it is parted by the mediterranean from europe ; and on the south with the ethiopian sea , from that place which geographers call terra australis incognita ; altogether bounded by the sea , but that there is an isthmus , or a neck of land , ( of threescore , faith dr. heylin ; threescore and nine , saith leo affricanus ; but fifty and four , saith munster ; and seventy four miles , saith atlas ) between it and asia : over which neck cleopatra would have drawn her ships when her dear anthony was defeated , and adventured her self to an unknown coast to escape caesar's success and fortune , had not her minions company invited her to her own egypt , to put a period to that rant and frolick wherewith fate and fortune played with , and exercised that age of the world. the form of affrica , saith leo , is a pyramide reversed ; the basis whereof , which reacheth from tangier , and the streight of gibraltar , to the foresaid isthmus , and is in length 1918 italian miles ; the cone narrow , but 4155 miles in length ; that is to say , in plain english , that part of the world is 1920 miles abroad towards us , and runs up narrower and narrower 4156 miles the further it goeth from us . asia is less then america , affrica then asia , europe then affrica ; that course cloth hath good measure . touching the temper of the air , which depends most an end upon the position and aspect of the heaven ; we guess that since the aequator , ( i mean that line that is supposed to divide the heavens into two equal parts ) crosseth over the middle of this country , therefore it was , by those of old , ( that had no more geography then they drew up by aim in their studies , and concluded from some of their own uncertain speculations and conjectural principles ) judged to lie under the most torrid zone , and so for the most part unhabitable : whereas a few more years experience , travel and observation , hath manifested most part of this country habitable and temperate ; the cool of the nights allaying the heat of the days : for there the mists , dews , and showres of the one , refresh the scorches and parches of the other ; as indeed that vicissitude of sun and moon was designed by the almighty , ( who disposed all things in number , weight and measure , according to the eternal counsel of his will ) to keep this world in an equal temper , not overheated with the fever of the torrid , nor overcooled with the ague of the frigid zone . the best description extant of this coast that the ancients had , was that great souldier and exact observator hannoes journal , a great while locked in his punick tongue , until that great restorer of learning at once bestowed upon it the pains of a translation into the greek tongue , and the charge of an impression at basil , 1526. affrica is divided into , 1. egypt , 2. numidia , 3. lybia , 4. terra nigritorum , 5. ethiopia , superiour and inferiour ; with the islands adjoyning to these respective parts . the subject of this discourse lieth in barbary . barbary lieth eastward towards cyrenaica ; westward , toward the atlantick sea ; northward , upon the mediterranean , towards the streights of gibraltar , and the atlantick ; and southward , towards atlas , spain and numidia . it is called barbary but lately by the saracens , either , as the more ancient authors will have it , from the word barbar , which among those people signifieth murmur or grumbling , because the language of that place is like the condition of it , discontented : or from bar , ( as our modern writers assert it ) a desart in that * language , intimating the desolateness of the place before their replenishing or peopling of it . it is in length from the atlantick to the streights , fifteen hundred miles ; and in breadth from mount atlas to the mediterranean , an hundred in the inland countries ; but outwardly towards the streights , three hundred . this barbary is divided into four parts by most geographers ; but it is well known by those that travel to consist of six parts , viz. cus or chus , hea , hascora , duccala , morocco and fez. the first , is a long piece of barren ground , of one hundred and almost eighty italian miles . the second coasts along as may miles upon the atlantick to the very mouth of the streights : it 's sixty german miles long , and fifty english miles broad ; mountainous , but well inhabited ; hilly , but plentiful with all manner of necessaries ; the highest places there , being as well peopled as our valleys here . the third is large , but wild and mountainous ; useless rather from its inhabitants carelessness , then its own nature . the fourth is eminent for nothing but that great temple or mosche made all of vvhale-bones . the fifth , morocco , the inhabitants whereof are called moores from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which in the greek signisieth black or obscure , and denotes either their complexion , which is tawny , and inclining to black ; or their condition , as who are bafe in their original , and not very honourable in their present state . morocco hath on the east of it maloa ; on the vvest from tremison , the atlantick ocean ; on the south , atlas ; and on the north , fez. it hath its chief denomination from the chief city of it , morocco : it hath large cities well inhabited & as well fortified ; whereof one contained anno 1659 , ( when there went out an enrolment from the xeriff or chief governour to tax every family by the poll ) 150000 families , 486 mosches or churches : on the tower of the chiefest whereof , or the mother-church , as they call it , there was a globe that weighed 800 pound in gold , and was valued at 1300000 duckats . the country is like ireland , rich and fertile , and wants onely skilful and laborious inhabitants , that may improve it to that rich advantage it is capable of ; that country coming up , as all travellers aver , to our saviours proportion of increase , some times and places thirty fold , some fifty , some sixty , and some and hundred . the air is much after the temper of england , but that there is a south-wind that ever and anon blows and brings along with it an extraordinary and a very hurtful heat , like that at scanderoon , did not an eastern blast bring with it four times a year , ( viz. about the middle of july , the latter end of august , the beginning of march , and most part of may , as extraordinary cold that balanceth the former excess to a temper exceeding pleasant and healthful ; insomuch as it was observed by mr. tevillian , ( that traveiled morocco anno 1633. when king charles the first of glorious memory , upon the humble request of the king of fez , sent 15 ships to assist him in the conquest of the pyrates of sala , who were too hard for him ; and to his great grief , poor man , infested all europe and asia that were concerned in the eastern trade ) that never any english , vvelch , or scotch , that were cast upon those coasts , died before they were an hundred years old : nor any french or irish that lived there a twelve-month for some years together , until art helped nature ; and they understanding the temperature of the climate , and their own constitution , were taught those rules and prescriptions that corrected the first , and assisted the second . of the eleven mountains of barbary , four are fallen to the share of this part of it ; 1. thanebes , 2. gous , 3. phocra , 4. usaletto : from which spring up those pleasant and wholesome streams , that run like so many veins of blood , turning and winding through this uneven ground , dispensing their refreshments and verdure on all sides , with equal kindness to men , to beasts , to the grass and corn. but morocco and fez are as it were all one , as well in the state and condition of the countrey , as in the government . come we then at last to fez , wherein lieth tangier , the place we have in our eye . fez hath on the south of it morocco , which is no other then the other half of it : on the north , the mediterranean ; on the east , malon and tremeson ; on the west , the atlantick . it is thought by that excellent surveyor maurus , to be as big as toledo , that is almost twice as big as england , and something over . the ground is very uneven and unequal ; no hills higher then its mountains , no wilderness wider and looser then its deserts ; no parks more woody than its forrests ; no valleys more pleasant and profitable than its champaigns , which what they want in length and breadth , they gain in depth ; as if nature had heaped one acre upon two , in the matchless fertility thereof : our age , barren of belief , affords not faith so easily to the story , as this land afforded food to their ten hundred thousand men , anno 1569 , when an hundred thousand fell at the famous battel before tangier . the soil of the countrey of armagh in ireland is so rank of it self , that if any compost or artificial improvement be added unto it , it turns barren ( saith my ingenious author ) out of fullenness and indignation , that men should suspect the native fruitfulness thereof ; and fat upon fat is false heraldry in husbandry : an english man once dunged two acres of this countrey towards gosel , and it 's barren to this day , and called by the inhabitants in the punick , erapi vosci dos ; gods curse upon europe . ships , when sailing , are generally conceived to have one moyety of them invisible under water ; and some countreys in like manner are counted to have their wealth equally within the earth , and without it : but the proportion holds not exactly in fez , whose visible wealth far transcendeth her concealed substance . and yet we finde some minerals therein of considerable use and value : as , 1. brass and iron , so plentifully , that though they have not the blessing of asher , thy shooes shall be iron and brass , yet have they so competent a store of it , that she is no gentlewoman there , that hath not her twenty great iron rings about her . 2. salt , without which no meat is savoury to man , no sacrifice acceptable to god : abimelech sowed sechem and abdamelech gasel with salt. there are two sorts of salt ; 1. fossilis , digged ; 2. coctilis , boyled : both here plentifully , the first about hea , the last about heahem , and in lakes near fez , where they set no salt on their tables , but every one takes a little in his hand . 3. glass ; whereof the best in the world ( saith the great historian of nature ) is found on the river belus , and the next to that , ( saith solinus ) in hevalous , or as they call it now , hebal . 4. marble ; the great ornament of their cities and temples . 5. precious stones in abundance , no doubt near arzilla , as we may guess by those few found there by chance , by vasquez in his second expedition . 6. curious medicinal waters , arising from the sulphurious spring of mount anaba . 7. for gold and silver : though to avoid the invasions of other nations , they say with st. peter , silver and gold have i none ; yet no doubt if the european industry possessed the place of the affrican sloth , it would finde the indies in its way thither : for fez the chief city of this region hath its name from that gold that is supposed to lie a breeding in the very bowels of it : but the upper fruitfulness of the soyl makes them the more negligent in digging into the bowels thereof ; as those need not play beneath board , who have all the game in their own hands : for this countrey hath plenty , 1. of oyl-olive ; so called , to difference it from seed or train-oyl : hereof there are three kindes , or rather degrees : whereof , 1. the coursest makes lamps , which they burn in their mosques , temples and great palaces , day and night : 2. a middle sort for fineness , used for meat or rather sallad , with their cold herbs , and colder pap : 3. the finest , compounded with spices , for ointment for kings , priests and ladies , at their more solemn occasions of pomp and state , of piety and devotion , and of pleasure and entertainment . three carrects of oyl was one of the designed presents to the renowned king charles the first , 1634 , by abdalla , that were lost in the mediterranean , where oyl it self sunk . 2. honey : this is their sugar , as salt is their pepper ; whence it was called by the ancients terra melliflua : the canaanites here ( for you shall hear anon how they fled hither from the face of joshua ) as well as in their own countrey , enjoying a land that flowed with honey : the gentile part whereof use honey after the persian manner in their sacrifices ; which grotius saith is the reason why honey was forbidden in the jewish oblations . and to this honey belongeth wax , wherewith they dress their leather , the best here , if you will believe valtolin , that famous shooe-maker and traveller , whose shooes were surely made of running leather . 3. fruits . the biggest and most plentiful that ever i read of : as , 1. dates : whereof there is this tradition amongst them , that a date-tree over-shadowed an olive-tree , and that olive-tree a fig-tree , and that fig-tree a pomegranate , and that pomegranate a vine . 2. almonds . 3. nuts . 4. figs. 5. pomegranates . 6. pears . 7. spices . 8. cherries . 9. plums and apples . of which they made their most considerable presents , whereof good store were sent at several times to the earles of peterburrough and tiveot , from that excellent rebel gayland , who wants nothing of a compleat man , as cromwel did not , but that he hath not common honesty . 4. barley : it was the humility of christ , it is the necessity of the fezians , to eat barley-loaves . 5. vines : so good , that notwithstanding the strict laws of mahomet , to which they are most subject , the inhabitants cannot but request their king to allow , and the king cannot but grant them a liberty to drink wine ; especially at ezhaggen , some fifteen leagues off of tangier ; where it 's a part of the city-charter , that they may drinke vvine on mundays , tuesdays , thursdays and sundays . yet as great as good ; so that what is prophesied of judah , may be true here , that they may binde their foals to the vine , and their asses colts to the choice vine , though vines with us are tied to other trees for their support ; and that a grape there in many places is as big as a plum with us . 6. wood : so that round tangier the countrey seemed formerly a continued grove of sweet firs , shady palms , strong oaks , close cypress , &c. and where trees are wanting , there grass and ferns look like thick coppices , so high , that a whole army may be lodged horse and foot in a field , and not discerned ; as they did to our sorrow , in the late action on the third of may , 1664. these are their vegetables : their beasts are , 1. goats : whose flesh is good meat , as their skins make good leather , and their fleeces good chamlets . 2. their diet is so plain , that they have very few cattle for meat , but many for shew and service ; as 1. lyons , so tame , that they will gather stones up and down the streets in fez , and hurt none ; and his highness prince rupert hath one of my lord rutherford's bestowing , that will lie upon his bed as quietly as any lamb. 2. elephants . 3. dragons . 4. leopards . 5. horses , the handsomest , the strongest and swiftest in the world : a barbary horse , is a proverb . i had almost forgot that balm or balsome , whereof the first plants , josephus saith , ( antiq. l. 8. ) the queen of sheba brought from this place to judea . this balsome is two-fold : 1. xylo-balsamum , the parent , being the shrub out of which it proceeded . 2. opo-balsamum , being the daughter , which trickled like tears from the former : useful , 1. for the healthful , making a most odoriferous and pleasant perfume : 2. for the sick , being soveraign and medicinal : 3. for the dead , being an admirable preservative against corruption . to balm i adde what is more necessary , as well as more common , i mean water : they think we northern people are drowned with a dropsie ; and we suspect they of the south are on fire with a feavour : this is a land like judea , ( as it is described deut. 8. 7. ) a land of brooks of waters , of fountains and depths , that spring out of valleys and hills : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith strabo , a well-watered countrey . object . but you will say , our englishmen talk of mountains and hills . answ . such fruitful hills as make the land insensibly larger in extent , though no whit less in increase : some cattle , as goats , some fruits , as vines , thrive never better than on these mountains , or on the side of these hills : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , grassie and fair fruitful hills ; which as they afford a plentiful prospect , so they conduce much to make the cities impregnable that are built among them . object . they talk of desarts too . answ . indeed the word desart sounds hideously in an english ear , and frights our fancies with the apparitions of a place full of dismal shades , salvage beasts , and doleful desolation ; whereas among these people it imports no more than a woody retiredness from publick habitation ; most of them in extent not exceeding our great parks in england , and more alluring with the pleasure of privacy , than affrighting with the sadnesse of solitariness . sect . ii. touching the inhabitants of this place , we are to understand , that when the isles of the gentiles were divided among the sons of noah , this coast fell to the lot of mizraim and phut , the sons of cham , who first inhabited it upon the dispersion ; but thinly , until upon joshua's approach , the canaanites fled hither from the face of joshua , and built tangier , as will appear more particularly in the description of that place . of those canaanites there were seven people , whereof six came hither : as , 1. the hittites , those sons of anak , so formidable to their foes , that some conceive them named from hittah , to scare or frighten , such the terrible impressions of them upon their enemies ! 2. the gergashites , whom the hierusalem-talmud makes to dwell near cinnereth , on the east of jordan , whence they stole ( faith my author ) into egypt . 3. the canaanites , particularly so called , that dwelt by the sea and coast of jordan . 4. the cadmonites , or easterlings . 5. the amorites . 6. the arvadites . these men possessed the place until the phoenicians and most remote punicks dispossessed them ; and they , until the saracens turned them out of doors . 1. here are placed the cynocephali , that have heads like dogs , snouts like swine , and ears like horses . 2. here are the sciapodes ; that have such a broad foot , and but one , that they cover their heads from the heat of the sun , and the violence of the showrs , by lifting this up over them . 3. here are the gumnosophantes that go naked , and fear nothing more then a cloathed man ; being ignorant of the use of weapons , and one being able without a miracle to chase 1000 of them . 4. here are the blemmiae , men that walk as st. dyonis did from paris to rheimes , without heads , having their eyes and mouths in their breasts . 5. here are the egipans , that have onely the bodies of men , sometimes made up of the necks and heads of horses , mules , asses , &c. and , 6. that this part of affrica may have its share in that saying , semper aliquid affrica portat novi , affrica is always teeming with some new monster . the other day not far from tangier , was to be seen a child with an eagles bill , claws , and feathers too , which was understood to bode some alteration in that government : whereupon the king and his friends bestirred themselves against gayland , and he gathered up all his forces against us ; breaking the league with us , and upon no terms admitting the forts we designed in those parts to enlarge our quarters . but the people that we converse with , are as other men , save that they are of a duskish complexion , and something inclining to black . their stature tall and slender , having much of the arabians in them . their nature subtle , sly , close , and reaching . their disposition active for war and horsemanship , otherwise there is not an idler people under the cope of heaven : the simplest of them shall dwell with you a twelve-month , and you know no more of his minde then the first day you saw him ; and he shall give as exact an account of your actions , inclinations and designes , as any man living . they are very proud and ambitious ; and shall do more for an obeysance , then they will sometimes for a town ; and buy a feather for their cap at a higher rate , then they will a suit of cloaths to their backs . they are as light as the feathers they wear , and as unconstant as their interest ; never trusted by the spaniard or portugez , but when they had swords in their hands . neither are they more wily themselves , then jealous of others ; especially in the case of their women , whose feature is comely , whose skin is delicately soft , whose complexion is blackish , and the darker the more amiable ; whose ornaments are sumptuous onely to please their husbands , and keep at home ; it being death to stir abroad without leave , and a keeper . distrust is the nature there of every particular man , and the policy of all ; whereby they keep strangers from that acquaintance with their advantages and disadvantages , which otherwise they might have . no peace is to be had with them without an hostage , no kindness without a security ; it being a saying amongst them , as some think , received by tradition from their ancestors the canaanites , remember ai , and distrust . hence they pretend it is one of the laws of mahomet , ( as they alledged it to the earl of tiveot ) that they should not suffer either the christians or the europeans to build any forts in their country . so cautious and wary are they , that you can hardly wrong them ; and so implacable if you do , that they will never forgive you . remember this ( said gayland's brother of a little brush given them ) two years hence : as much as to say , we will never forget or forgive . they are too ignoble to be masters of that honourable quality of passing by offences . and as they are themselves irreconcileable , ( it 's the heathens character , and it is a true one ; without understanding , covenant-breakers , without natural affection , implacable , unmerciful ) so they judge others too : if once the moore offendeth , he will never trust you ; once angry , he thinks , and ever so : his own unkindness makes him as much your enemy out of caution , as yours can make him out of passion . a stately gate is that which they observe most in themselves , and that which they take most notice of , and tender most respect to in others . the moore loves and fears a man ; therefore the tallest and most personable men were employed to treat with that barbarian , who was more guided with his eyes then his ears ; with what he saw , then what he heard ; in a word , appearances then reasons . and yet so much reason are they masters of , that ( though their shifts , tricks and unconstancy argue them men of a little reach , those being onely the little ways and escapes of men that have not a solid wisdome to look round about them , and carry on things handsomely ) they say when pressed to an affair of a sudden , stay a little , we must think what we shall do next year . though their gate seem majestick when they strut and walk , yet none more low and despicable when they sit , even in greatest state : for when our general and governour was to meet gayland and his nobility , we found them all upon the ground upon their carpets , sitting cross-legged like taylors . their garments are as sumptuous as their gate majestick : for though the poorer sort wear raw hides , i mean goatskins , leather , hair-cloth , sack-cloth , and other course vestinents ; yet we seldome meet them out of their fine linen , their silk , their scarlet , and their cloth of gold. of all colours , they , as the jews , delight in white , as the emblem of purity , cheerfulness , knowledge and victory . no work are they more taken with , then with washing : but their most solemn colour is black , and their most royal and noble one is blew ; the true and natural dying whereof , is lost in all the world but in that place . their scarlet and crimson is worn by the nobility ; and their purple , which is but the gaudiness of red , allayed with the gravity of blew , is with them as with us , royal. next their skin they wear linen ( as most cleanly , soft and wholsome , but dyed in violet ) loose , and at night lie in the same . next this , their coat , which comes down to their feet , as modest and grave ; and about that a girdle , which is also their purse . fringe is a great ornament among their priests . over this a mantle , which is among the poorer sort their coat by day , and by night their coverlet . as soon as they are born , they are coated ; and when striplings , the coat is party-coloured ; when men , the coat becomes a cloak ; when in the field , he hath a coat of maile tucked on with a military girdle , his bow and arrow , his sword , his buckler , his pike , and of late his gun too ; to all this the ancients adde his staff : all their turbants or mithraes of : pleyted linen or callico , in the manner of a pyramide on their heads , and their sandals on their feet , which had soles , but no upper leather , save onely the ligaments whereby they were tied to the instep and cross of the feet . hence their frequent washings in those parts , not onely to cool them , but chiefly to clear them from the gravel , and cleanse them from the dirt , which those casements of their sandals let in : but for fear of foul weather , they have their shooes carried after them , as the jews had ; whence the expression , whose shooes i am not worthy to bear . their women are veiled , and as i told you kept in , but nobly apparelled with garments wrought with needle-work , or very curiously woven ; adorned with their ear-rings , bracelets , frontlets , mufflers : and if they chance to go abroad , oh how they stretch out their necks ! how they walk and mince as they go ! how they paint their eyes and eye-brows , and gild their nails ! thus are they attired ; a man would now know how they are disposed . very idle i told you they are ; and what usually follows upon that , very quarrelsome : nothing more usual among them then deadly feuds ; 1000 against ●000 ; one tribe as it were against another ; which nothing can compose but a forreign enemy , against whom their very hatred unites them more effectually then their love could do among themselves . yet i must say this for them , though they are the worst enemies , yet they are very good friends , i. e. very civil : for let a stranger travel amongst them , and come into town , they will throw dice who shall entertain him . if the pilgrim saith be will to his inne , thither they flock to him with their gifts and their presents : if he is not provided , then say they , this mans house is yours . their reason for it they will give you ; abraham entertained strangers , and thereby angels unawares : we are so journers as all our fathers were . you would ask , what is their religion ? what is their language ? i answer : for their religion in the uttermost parts of it , it 's heathenish ; and all that we ever observed them do , was crossing their foreheads , kissing their hands , bowing their heads to the sun , and once a year offering a kid , once a month meeting at their groves : for these heathens think it not fit to circumscribe any thing that hath the name of a god within any compass , but that heaven they say he dwells in . but most of them are turks ; and though that countrey hath been most famous of old for the studies of mathematicks and philosophy , those great philosophers , avicenna , averroes ; those ingenious poets , terrence , apuleias ; those holy fathers , cyprian , tertullian , lactantius , victor , fulgentius ; and as famous for the excellent library in fez , wherein there were 4000 volumes of history , 2000 of philosophy , 3000 of astronomy , geography , and other mathematicks , that were more worth then all the libraries in the world , which that tyrant , made up of ignorance and fury , maleche shegge , destroyed all but two books ; whereof the one was an ancient book of the mysteries of mahomets religion and government , and the other the state of europe : yet now is it but the seat of barbarism , and the habitation of gross ignorance in every thing but , as you may read more anon , in mechanicks . the bishop of dunkelden thanked god he knew not a letter either in the old testament or the new , but that he had his proless and ladies psalter by heart . the very priest here pretendeth to no more skill then so much chyrurgery as may serve him to circumcise a childe , and so much divinity as may serve him to read his alcoran or testament . it was dangerous to understand greek , and heresie to profess hebrew in this land some two hundred years ago : it may cost a man his life there to be wise above the age ; for that they call conjuring against the king. but cities are the maps of countries , and metropolis of kingdomes : as therefore he who would look into the nature of england , had best take a survey of london ; so he that would be satisfied about this kingdome , needs no more but look into fez and tituan , whose descriptions follow . of the cities fez and tituan . of the innes and mills of fez. the innes of this city are three stories high , and contain an hundred and twenty or more chambers a piece , and are almost unparallelled for greatness of buildings . herein also are mills in four hundred places at least ; every mill standeth in a large room , upon some strong pillar or post , like unto our horse-mills . a description of the occupations , the shops , and the market . each trade and occupation hath a peculiar place allotted thereto ; the principal whereof , are next unto the great temple . then follow the butchers shambles ; next , the course-cloath-market ; afterwards , the shops of them that scowre armours ; next unto them , the fishmongers ; then follow them that make hard reed-coops , and cages for fowles . then the shops of them that sell liquid sope , the shops of them that sell meal , albeit they are diversly dispersed throughout the whole city . next are seed-grain-sellers ; next to them , are the ten shops that sell straw ; then the markers , where thred and hemp use to be sold . next to the smoaky place in the west part , ( which stretcheth from the temple to that gate that leadeth unto mecnase ) their habitations directly stand that make leather-tankards to draw water out of wells . unto these adjoyn such as make wicker vessels ; next to them are the taylors shops ; then the leather-shield-makers ; then the twenty shops of the laundresses or washers . next unto them are those that make trees for sadles , who dwell likewise in great number eastward , right in the way by the colledge founded by king abuhinam . next unto them are those that work stirrops , spurs and bridles . from thence you may go into the streets of sadlers ; then follow the long shops of them that make pikes and launces : all the which shops begin at the great temple . next standeth a rock or mound , having two walks thereupon ; the one whereof leadeth to the east-gate , and the other to one of the kings palaces . the station or burse of merchants . this burse being walled round about , hath twelve gates , and before every gate an iron chain ; which burse is divided into twelve several wards or parts : two whereof are allotted unto such shooe-makers as make shooes onely for noblemen and gentlemen : two also to silk-merchants or haberdashers that sell ribbons , garters , scarffs , and such other like ornaments . then follow those that make womens girdles of course vvool. next unto these , are such as sell vvoollen and linen-cloth brought out of europe . then may you come to them that sell mats , matresses , cushions , and other things made of leather . next adjoyneth the customers office. next of all dwell the taylors , then the linen-drapers , who are accounted the richest merchants in all fez. next are vvoollen garments to be sold . last of all is that place where they sell wrought shirts , towels , and other embroydered works ; as also , where carpets , beds and blankets are to be sold . the aforesaid burse or station of merchants was in times past called caesaria , according to the name of that renowned conquerour julius caesar : the reason whereof some affirm to be , because all the cities of barbary in those days were first subject to the romans , and then to the goths . next unto the said burse , on the north-side , in a straight lane , stand an hundred and fifty grocers and apothecaries shops , which are fortified on both sides with strong gates . the physitians houses adjoyn for the most part unto the apothecaries . then the artificers that make combs of box and other wood. eastward of the apothecaries dwell the needle-makers . then follow those that turn ivory . unto them adjoyn such as sell meal , sope and brooms ; whereof some are dispersed in other places of the city . amongst the cotten-merchants are certain that sell ornaments for tents and beds . next of all stand the fowlers . then come you to the shops of those that sell cords and ropes of hemp ; and then to such as make high cork-slippers for noblemen and gentlemen to walk the streets in when it is fowl weather . unto these adjoyn the ten shops of spanish moores , which make cross-bows ; as also those that make brooms of a certain wild palm-tree . next unto them are smiths that make nayls , and coopers that make certain great vessels in form of a bucket , having corn-measures to sell also . then follow wool-chapmen ; then langols or wyth-makers . next of all are the braziers ; then such as make weights and measures ; and those likewise that make instruments to card wool or flax. at length you descend into a long street , where men of divers occupations dwell together ; and here the west part of the city endeth , which in times past was a city by its self , and was built after the city on the west-side of the river . a description of the second part of fez. the second part of fez is situated eastward , and is beautified with most stately palaces , temples , houses and colledges ; albeit there are not so many trades and occupations as in the part before described , yet are there many , especially of the meaner sort ; but notwithstanding here are thirty shops of grocers : here also are more then six hundred clear fountains , walled round about , and most charily kept ; every one of which is severally conveyed by certain pipes unto each house , temple , colledge and hospital . the south part of east fez is almost half destitute of inhabitants ; howbeit the gardens abound with fruits and flowers of all sorts . westward , that is , toward the kings palace , standeth a castle built by a king of the lutune family , resembling in bigness a whole town ; within this castle stands a noble temple and a certain great prison for captives , supported with many pillars . by this castle runneth a certain river very commodious for the governour . of the magistrates , the administration of justice , and of the apparel used in fez. in fez there are four sorts of magistrates ; one of the canon law , the other of the civil law , the third of marriages and divorcements , the next an advocate to whom they appeal . a malefactor they proceed against by leading him naked about the streets with an iron chain about his neck , after he hath received an hundred or two hundred stripes before the governour , a sergeant going along and declaring his faults ; and at length is carried into prison back again . sometimes many prisoners are thus chained together , for each of which the governour receiveth one duckat , and one fourth part ; and likewise he demands certain duties at their first enterance into the goal : and amongst his other living , he gathereth out of a mountain seven thousand duckats of yearly revenues , so that ( when occasion serveth ) he is to finde the king of fez three hundred horses , and to give them their pay . the canon-lawyers live according to mahomet's law , onely by their reading of lectures and priesthood . in this city are four sergeants , who receive for stipend some fee of every malefactor that they lead about in chains . that one onely that gathereth customs and tributes about the city , dayly payeth to the kings use thirty duckats . very strict are they that nothing comes into the city by any means , before some tribute be paid ; which is paid double of him that is caught in a deceit . the set order or proportion of their duckats is to pay two duckats for the worth of a hundred ; for onyx-stones one fourth part ; but for wood , corn , oxen and hens , they give nothing at all : though at the entrance into the city they pay nothing for rams , yet at the shambles they give two liardos a piece , and to the governour of the shambles one : which governour with his two men , is careful to see that the bread be weight ; if not , the baker is led about with contempt , and beaten with cudgels . decently and civilly attired they are , wearing in the spring-time garments made of outlandish cloth ; over which shirts , they wear a narrow and half-sleev'd cassock or jacket , whereupon they wear a certain wide garment close before on the brest . they wear thin caps covered with a certain skarff , which being twice wreathed about their head , hangeth by a knot . they wear neither hose nor breeches ; but in the spring-time when they ride a journey , they put on boots . the poorer sort have onely a cassock , with a mantle over that , and a course cap ; the doctors and gentlemen in a wide-sleev'd garment ; the common sort in a kind of a course white cloth : and so all according to their state and ability . the inhabitants of fez eat thrice a day , but nastily and filthily ; their tables low and dirty , their fingers their spoons and knives , the ground their seats : they never drink before they have done eating , and then a good draught of cold water . the manner of solemnizing marriages . the bride and bridegroom go together to church , accompanied with their parents and kinsfolks , and two witnesses of the covenants and dowry ; which being done , the present guests are invited to two banquets ; the one on the bridegroom's cost , the other upon the bride's fathers , who though he promiseth but thirty duckats onely for a dowry , yet will he sometimes bestow every way two or three hundred duckats besides , which is accounted a point of liberality . the bridegroom causeth his bride to be carried home in a cage eight square , accompanied with his parents and kinsfolks , with musick and torches , the bridegrooms kinsfolk going before , and the bride following after , and going unto the great market-place ; and passing by the temple , his father-in-law takes his leave of the bridegroom : the father , brother , uncle of the bride lead her unto the chamber-door , and there deliver her with one consent unto the mother of the bridegroom , who as soon as she is entered , toucheth her foot with his ; and forthwith they depart unto a several room by themselves , where she is deflowred , and the purity of her virginity afore that time , is declared with a napkin stained in blood , carried in hand about , which if she be not found , the marriage is frustrated , and she with great disgrace turned home to her parents . but at a compleat marriage there are three banquets ; the one for men , the other for women , the third seven days after for all her friends . furthermore , at the bridegrooms fathers there are two feasts ; the one the night before , which is spent in musick and dancing ; the other the day after , at her brave dressing by a company of women . these and many more ceremonies do they use at a maids marriage , but a widows is concluded with less a do . they make also great feasts and jollities at the circumcision of their males , which is upon the seventh day after their birth ; but at the birth of a daughter , they shew not so much alacrity . of their rites observed upon festival days , and their manner of mourning for their dead . upon christmas they eat sallet of divers herbs , and seethed pulse . upon new-years-day the children go with masks and vizards on their faces , to the houses of gentlemen & merchants , singing carols and songs , having fruits given them . on st. john baptist's they make great fires of straw . when their children's teeth begin to grow , they make another feast called dentilla . and in many things they imitate rome and other places . the women at the death of their friends assemble together in a company of their own sex , and put on most vile sackcloth and ashes , and sing a funeral-song to the commendation of the party deceased , and at the end of every verse , utter hideous outcries and lamentations ; all which continue seven days , at the end of which , they cease mourning forty days , and then begin to torment themselves in like manner for three days together ; which obsequies are observed by the baser sort of people , but the better sort behave themselves more modestly : at this time all the widow's friends come to comfort her , and send divers kindes of meats unto her : for in the mourning house they may dress no meat at all , till the dead be carried forth : and the woman that loseth her husband , father or brother , never goeth forth with the funeral . a description of the grammar-schools in fez. there are almost two hundred schools in fez , every one of which is in fashion like a great hall. the school-masters teach their children to write our or a certain great table : every day they expound a sentence of the alcoran , and firmly commit it to memory ; which they do right well in the space of seven years : then read they unto their scholars some part of orthography , which , and the other parts of grammar , is more exactly taught in the colledges , then in these trivial schools . their school-masters have a very small stipend ; but when their boys have learned some part of the alcoran , they present certain gifts unto their master , according to each ones ability . so soon as any boy hath perfectly learned the whole alcoran , his father inviteth all his sons school-fellows to a great banquet ; and his son in costly apparel rides through the street upon a gallant horse ; all which , the governour of the royal citadel is bound to lend him : the rest of his school-fellows being mounted likewise on horse-back , accompany him to the banquetting-house , singing divers songs to the praise of god and mahomet : then are they brought to a most sumptuous banquet , whereat all the kinsfolks of the aforesaid boys father are usually present , every one of whom bestoweth upon the school-master some small gift , and the boys father gives him a new suit of apparel . the said scholars likewise use to celebrate a feast upon the birth-day of mahomet , and then their fathers are bound to send each one of them a torch unto the school , which every boy carrieth in his hand ; which being lighted betimes in the morning , burn till sun-rise ; in the mean while , certain singers resound the praises of mahomet ; and as soon as the sun is up , all their solemnity ceaseth . the school-masters sell the remnant of the wax upon the torches for an hundred duckats , and sometimes for more . they are free-schools , in which , as also in the colledges , they have two days of recreation every week . of the fortune-tellers , the conjurers , inchanters and juglers in fez. some of them use geomantical figures , others pour a little oyl into water , and there shew several shapes , of whom they ask such questions as the party would be satisfied in . a third sort are women that lie with devils , which pretend to speak within them : these lie with one another , yea , and with other young women , until some wiser than some beat the devil out with a cudgel . another kind are the conjurers that make circles , and turn out devils by the magick rule called zairagia : first , they draw many lesser circles within the compass of a greater : in the first they make a cross , in the four corners of it they set down the four quarters of the world , and at the end of each cross the poles , and about the circumference they paint the four elements ; then they divide the same circle into four parts , and every one of those four parts into seven , each part being distinguished by great arabian characters , every element contaming twenty eight characters : in the third circle they set down the seven planets , in the fourth the twelve signs , in the fifth the twelve latine names of the month , in the sixth the twenty eight hours of the moon , in the seventh the three hundred sixty five days of the year , and about the middle thereof , the four winds : then take they one onely character or letter of the question asked , multiplying the same by all the particulars aforementioned , and the sum total they divide after a certain manner , placing it in some room according to the quality of the character , and as the element requireth wherein the said character is found , without a figure : all which being done , they mark that figure which seemeth to agree with the aforesaid number or sum produced , wherewith they proceed as they did with the former , till they have found twenty eight characters , whereof they make a word that resolveth the question demanded ; this word or speech they make a verse of , which is an infallible answer to the question propounded . these circles i have seen at king abulunan's colledge at fez , where i saw likewise these cabalists imprisoned by the mahometan inquisitors , who allow not that art , as derogatory to the great god that knoweth secrets . besides these juglers , there are here a sect of people who say they are sent from heaven to beget an holy seed in the earth ; under which pretence they abuse the fairest women in the countrey , even tiring themselves with lust , endeavouring to lie with half a dozen or half a score a piece in a night ; saying they carry about them the ninety nine virtues that are contained in the name of god. another sect there is , that pretend they are sent of god to dig for gold : for which purpose they ransack ditches , graves , kennels : right gold-finders ! here are a third sort that deal in sulphur and alchymy , who dispute every week in a great temple , how they may turn all things to gold ; of whom the learned geber and mugainbi have given the world an account . in the summer you shall have towns full of charmers , with their scroles , their drums , their pipes , their apes and their citterns . at the same time you may observe their gentlemen strut and keep their distance from the commonalty , and their doctors and judges keeping as far from them . from eleven of clock to three you will not meet with a man in his shorts ; they are all run to taverns and b●wdy-houses . in every town there is a lazer-house , the governour whereof is to take care of all the lepers in the town . their burying-places are certain fields bought for that purpose , where they lay over every grave two stones , one at the head , and another at the feet of the party deceased ; their kings being buried in palaces . hereabout are gardens of ten or twenty miles in length , through which they derive small veins of the river , from some of which they carry away 15000 cart-loads twice a year . here no mahometan is suffered to be a goldsmith or a coyner ; for they say , that is an employment good enough for a jew . of their beasts . 1. the first is the elephant , plentiful in the land of the negroes , and taken by the inhabitants thus : they make a round hedge of boughs and rafts , leaving a space round on the one side of them , and likewise a door standing upon the plain ground , which may be lift up with ropes , wherewith they can easily stop the said open place or passage : the elephant coming to take his rest under the shady boughs , entreth the hedge or inclosure , where the hunters by drawing the said rope , and fastening the door , imprison him . 2. the second is girapha , headed like a camel , eared like an ox , and footed like a horse . 3. their camels and dromedaries , their strength , treasure and pleasure : wherefore if you ask how rich a man is ? they will say , he hath so many camels : they are watred but once in five days , and can go without water or provender fifteen . when they are tired they will not go for beating , but with singing such songs as they are pleased with . the swiftest of them will carry you an hundred miles a day , and the slowest but eight . they teach them to dance thus : they take a young camel , and put him for half an hour together into a place like a bath-stove prepared for the same purpose , the floor whereof is hot with fire : then play they without upon a drum ; whereat the camel , not so much in regard of the noyse , as of the hot pavement that offendeth his feet , lifteth up one leg after another in the manner of a dance ; and having been accustomed to this exercise for the space of a year and ten moneths , they then present him to the publick view of the people ; whenas hearing the noyse of a drum , and remembring the time when he trod upon the hot floor , he presently falleth a dancing and leaping : and so use being turned into a kinde of nature , he perpetually observeth the same custome . 4. the fourth is the barbary-horse , brought up in the wild desert , and broken by arabians since ishmael's time . the tryal of these horses is the overtaking of a beast called lant or ostrich ; which if he can do , he is worth 1000 duckats . used they are for hunting , fed with camels milk , and never rid while in pasture . 5. the next sort of beasts is , 1. the white ox , called dant or lant , of whose skin they make sheilds . 2. adimaim , like a ram in every thing but his long asses cars , of whose wool they make coverlets , as of their milk butter and cheese ; whose tayls , as do the barbary rams , weigh some ten , some twenty pound apiece : all the fat of them is in their tayl . 3. the lyon , who the hotter the country is , the fiercer ; especially towards spring-time , and their time of coupling , when nothing is spared by them but a woman that sheweth her privy-parts ; at the sight whereof they cry , cast their eyes to the ground , and depart . 4. the spotted leopard , that never killeth any thing but when toyled by hunters into an extreamity : whosoever lets a leopard escape his toyl , must feast all the hunters of that province . 5. the dabuh , that is brought out of his den with singing . 6. the civer-cat , whose excrement , which is nothing but their sweat , they gather thus thrice a day : they keep the young ones with milk , bran , and flesh in cages and grates ; and first they drive them up and down the grate till they sweat , and then they take the said sweat from under their flanks , their shoulders , their necks and their tayls : which excrement of sweat is onely called civet . 7. the apes and coneys run up and down in companies , one of them always watching the husbandmans coming . 8. the crocodile that goeth on four legs like a lizzard , not above a cubit and an half high ; its tayl is full of knots ; it lurks about the banks of a river , craftily laying wait for men and beasts that come the same way ; about whom suddainly it winds its tayl , draweth them into the water , and devoureth them . in eating they move the upper jaw onely , their nether jaw being joyned unto their breast-bone . i saw them running and gaping on the banks-side , and little birds flying in and out of their mouths ; which sometimes they would catch when they had eaten up the worms in their jaws , but that a little prick upon the birds head so galleth them that they must let it go . 9. the hydra , against whose poyson there is no remedy but the cutting off the infected part . 10. the dab , a creature like a lizzard that cannot endure water , and revived when dead by fire . 11. the guoral , whose head and tayl they say is poyson , and whose body they eat as good meat . 12. the camelion , like a lizzard , save that it hath a mouses tayl , nourished with air , roasted in sun-beams ; at which it gapes , and changeth its colour with its place . 13. the silly ostrich that seedeth on iron , and forgetteth her great egges of eleven or twelve pounds apiece in the sand . 14. the locusts , that fly in such swarms that they intercept the sun-beams . 15. the monster begot between the male-eagle and the she-wolf , that hath a serpents tayl and skin , a wolfs feet , a dragons beake and wing , that lives 300 years they say . fruits . as for their fruits , besides what we formerly mentioned , they have , 1. euphorbium , an herb like the wild thistle , upon the branches whereof grow fruits like cucumbers , 20 or 30 upon each ; which when ripe , are pricked for their slimy juyces , which the people put in bladders , and dry . 2. maus , or musa , growing on a small tree , which beareth large leaves of a cubit long , big as a cucumber , sweet as a musmillion : they 〈◊〉 it was the fruit forbidden our first parents in paradise , because the leaves are fit to cover the nakedness . 3. terfez , a root like mushroom , growing in hot grounds , but of a cooling vertue , as lushious as sugar ; and being boyled in water and milk , is a great dainty in sela. 4. the ettalche , an high and thorny tree , bearing leaves like the juniper , and sweating a gum like mastick : the onely remedy there against the french pox. 5. the root tauzorghent , an inch whereof perfumes a house three years , and is sold in one place for half a duckat , and in another for 100 duckats . 6. the root addad , that kills a man in an hour with the smell of it : a present the good women send sometimes to their beloved husbands . 7. the root turnag , which they take to strengthen men : upon which if a maid make water , she looseth her virginity ; yea , and swelleth too , they say . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a35762-e230 * to sir g. r. notes for div a35762-e790 this tow a likewise is good port. notes for div a35762-e8050 * viz. the punick . lev. 2. 11. vid. critic . sacra , in loc . apophthegmata aurea, regia, carolina apophthegms, i. theological, ii. moral, iii. political / collected out of the imcomparable eikōn basilikē of his most glorious majestie king charls [sic] the first. eikon basilike. selections. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a25708 of text r331 in the english short title catalog (wing a3560a). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 109 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 28 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a25708 wing a3560a estc r331 13413795 ocm 13413795 99455 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a25708) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 99455) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 782:20) apophthegmata aurea, regia, carolina apophthegms, i. theological, ii. moral, iii. political / collected out of the imcomparable eikōn basilikē of his most glorious majestie king charls [sic] the first. eikon basilike. selections. charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. gauden, john, 1605-1662. [2], 52 p. printed by william du-gard for francis eglesfield ..., london : 1649. caption title: apophthegmata carolina. attributed to charles i and also to john gauden. cf. bm. reproduction of original in huntington library. eng charles -i, -king of england, 1600-1649. a25708 r331 (wing a3560a). civilwar no apophthegmata aurea, regia, carolina. apophthegms i. theological. ii. moral. iii. political. collected out of the incomparable eikōn basili gauden, john 1649 17522 8 10 0 0 0 0 10 c the rate of 10 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2005-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-11 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-09 ali jakobson sampled and proofread 2006-09 ali jakobson text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion apophthegmata aurea , regia , carolina . apophthegms i. theological . ii. moral . iii. political . collected out of the incomparable {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . of his most glorious majestie king charls the first . vincit qui patitur . fortior est qui se quàm qui fortissima — {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . hebr. 11. 4. london , printed by william du-gard for francis eglesfield at the marigold in st paul's church-yard , 1649. apophthegmata carolina . i. theological . when our sins are ripe , it is just with god to reap that glorie in our calamities , which wee robb'd him of in our prosperitie . pag. 4. line 5. bare resolutions of future reforming do not alwaies satisfie god's justice , nor prevent vengeance for former miscarriages . p. 4. 10. wee ought to depend on god's mercies to forgive , not on our purposes to amend . p. 4. 15. god vindicate's his glorie by his judgments ; and shew's us how unsafe it is to offend him , upon presumptions afterward to pleas him ▪ p. 4. 17. for want of timely repentance of our sins , god giveth us caus to repent of those remedies wee too late ●pplie . p. 4. 23. miseries upon persons or nations are the just effects of god's displeasure : and yet may bee , through god's mercie , preparatives to future blessings , and better hearts to enjoie them . p. 4. 29. then shall wee dare to account our afflictions not the strokes of an enemie , but a father , when god giveth us those humble affections , and that measure of patience , which becom's his children . pag. 5. line 8. god's grace is infinitely better with our sufferings , then our peace could bee with our sins . p. 5. 19. as our sins turn antidotes into poison , so god's grace turn's poison into antidotes . p. 5. 22. no man who will avoid inconveniences of state , by acts of so high injustice , as no pulick convenience can expiate , or compensate , is worthie to bear the name and place of god on earth . p. 7. 20. it is a bad exchange to wound a man 's own conscience thereby to salv state-sores : to calm the storms of popular discontents , by stirring up a tempest in a man 's own bosom . p. 7. 25. an upright magistrate is more afraid to take away anie man's life unjustly , then to lose his own . p. 10. 24. justice , which is the will of god , ought to bee preferred before all contrarie clamors , which are but the discoveries of men's injurious wills . p. 11. 22. a prince ought not for anie reason of state , to go against the reason of his conscience : which is highly to sin against the god of reason , and judg of conscience . p. 11 , 27. the spirit of god subject's the will of a prince to none but the light of reason , justice and religion , which shine's in his soul . p. 12. 4. no present importunitie , or popular vindications will bee subterfuge sufficient to rescue men guiltie of evil machinations from the exact tribunals of god and their consciences . p. 15. 3. in obstructions of of justice among men , wee must religiously appeal to god and men's own consciences , as beeing an argument to us christians of that afterunavoidable judgment which shal re-judg , what among men is but corruptly decided or not at all . p. 15. 7. afflictions cannot bee esteemed ( with wise and godly men ) anie argument of sin in an innocent person , more then the impunitie of wicked men is , among good men , anie sure token of their innocencie . pag. 16. li. 9. as it is one of the most convinceing arguments that there is a god , while his power sett's bounds to the raging of the sea : so 't is no less , that hee restrein's the madness of the people . nor doth anie thing portend more god's displeasure against a nation then when hee suffer's the confluence and clamors of the vulgar to pass all boundaries of laws , and reverence to autorie . p. 17. 7. good men had rather want anie thing they most desire , for the publick good , then obtein it by unlawful and irreligious means . p. 19. 7. the just avenger of all disorders often make's men see their sin in the glass of their punishment . 't is more then an even-lay , that guiltie men may one day see themselvs punished by that way they offended . p. 22. 29. god order's our disorders : and magnifie's his wisdom and mercie , when our follies and miseries are most discovered . p. 23. 30 our sins are the tumults of our souls against our god . p. 24. 10. what man cannot , or will not repress , the omnipotent justice can and will . p. 21. 30. reason sett's bounds to our passions , truth to errors , laws duly executed to sedition , charitie to schisms . p. 25. 4. a man that know's the sinceritie and uprightness of his own heart , although hee may seem less a politician to men , yet hee need 's no secret distinctions or evasions before god . p. 30. 9. as manie kingdoms as the devil shewed our saviour , and the glorie of them ( if they could bee at once enjoied ) are not worth the gaining by the waies of sinful ingratitude and dishonor , which hazard's a soul worth more worlds , then this hath kingdoms . p. 30. 9. god's all discerning justice see's through all the disguises of men's pretensions , and deceitful darknesses of their hearts . pag. 31. li. 12. grace will teach us wisely to enjoy as well the frustratings , as the fulfillings of our best hopes , and most specious desires . p. 31. 23. the comfort of god's mercies often raiseth the greatest sufferers to bee the most glorious saints . p. 32. 26. i will rather chuse to wear a crown of thorns with my saviour , then to exchange that of gold ( which is due to mee ) for one of lead , whose embased flexibleness shall bee forced to bend and complie to the various , and oft-contrarie dictates of anie factions . p. 38. 14. i know no resolutions more worthie a christian king , then to prefer his conscience before his kingdoms . p. 38. 24. it is god's will that wee should maintein our native , rational and religious freedom . p. 38. 29. though god doth require us to submit our understandings and wills to his , whose wisdom and goodness can neither err , nor misguide us , and so far to denie our carnal reason , in order to his sacred mysteries and commands , that wee should believ and obeie , rather then dispute them : yet doth hee exspect from us onely such a reasonable service of him , as not to do anie thing for him against our consciences . p. 39. 1. a good christian ought to bee willing to suffer the greatest indignities and injuries , rather then commit the least sin against his conscience . p 39. 30. a christian king ought not to subject his reason to other men's passions and designs , which seem unreasonable , unjust and irreligous . so shall hee serv god in truth and uprightness of heart , though hee cannot satissie som men . p. 40. 8. truth and justice will bring a man at last to peace and happiness with god , though hee hath much trouble among men . pag. 40. line 18. the scandal of subjects , who profess the same religion with their sovereign , may be an hindrance to the love of truth , and hardning others in error . p. 45. 3. constancie in religion the best antidote against the poison of ill example . p. 45. 9. the experience of the vanitie and uncertaintie of all humane glorie and greatness should make us the more ambitious to bee invested in those durable honors and perfections , which are onely to bee found in god , and obteined through jesus christ . p. 45. 29. i desire alwaies more to remember i am a christian then a king : for what the majestie of one might justly abhor , the charitie of the other is willing to bear : what the hight of a king tempteth to revenge , the humilitie of a christian teacheth to forgive ; keeping in compass all those impotent passions , whose excess injure's a man more then his greatest enemies can . for these give their malice a full impression on our souls , which otherwise cannot reach verie far , nor do us much hurt . p. 47. 25. no punishment so stain's a man's honor as wilful perpetrations of unworthie actions ; which , besides the conscience of the sin , brand's with most indelible characters of infamie the name and memorie to posteritie ; who , not , engaged in the factions of the times , have the most impartial reflections on the actions . p. 51. 1. my outward strength , god know's , is little , or none at all : but i have a soul invincible through god's grace enabling mee : here i am sure to bee conqueror , if god will give mee such a measure of constancie , as to fear him more than man ; and to love the inward peace of my conscience , before anie outward tranquillitie . p. 53. 14. the least sin hath in it more evil , then the greatest affliction . pag 59. line 8. what is religious and apostolical , and so verie sacred and divine , is not to bee dispensed with , or destroied . p. 59. 30 praiers and tears the chiefest arms , which the antient christians were wont to use against their persecutors , may serv a good man's turn , if not to conquer as a souldier , yet to suffer as a martyr . p. 67. 6. the manie and sore oppressions of my people griev mee : i am above mine own : what i want in the hands of force and power , i have in the wings of faith and praier . p. 67. 25. the sword and militia are but weak defenses against the strokes of divine vengeance , which will overtake ; or of men's own consciences , which alwaies attend injurious perpetrations . p. 72. 6. i do not think i can want any thing which providential necessitie is pleased to take from mee , in order to my people's tranquillitie , and god's glorie , whose protection is sufficient for mee ; and hee is able by his beeing with mee , abundantly to compensate to mee as hee did to job , whatever honor , power , or libertie , the chaldeans , the sabeans , or the devil himself can deprive mee of . p. 72. 12. though men take all temporarie defenses from mee ; yet cannot they deprive mee of my own innocencie , or god's mercie ; nor obstruct my waie to heaven . p. 72. 28. when i have declared that i cannot yield to somthings propounded , without violateing my conscience , 't is strange there can bee no method of peace , but by making war upon my soul . p. 75. 12. nothing can repair or requite the loss of the incommunicable jewel of a good conscience . p. 75. 24. the love of my people's peace hath great influence upon mee ; but the love of truth and inward peace hath more . p. 76. 6. the inward quiet of my conscience ought to bee , is , and ever shall bee ( by god's grace ) dearer to mee then my kingdoms . pag. 76. line 11. in want of free and faithful counsel , which others are able and willing to impart , none can hinder us from craving of the counsel of that mightie counsellor , who can both suggest what is best , and incline our hearts stedfastly to follow it . p. 86. 17. i cannot pleas all , i care not to pleas som men : if i may bee happie to pleas god , i need not fear whom i displeas . p. 87. 38. god can as well bless honest errors , as blast fraudulent counsels . p. 88. 25. though pressures are grievous , and peace verie pleasing ; yet wee ought not to avoid the one , or purchase the other with the least expens or waste of conscience , whereof god onely is deservedly more master then our selvs . p. 89. 5. som men , out of a covetous zeal , and uncharitable furie , think it a great argument of the truth of their religion to endure no other but their own . p. 92. 7. som kinde of zeal count's all merciful moderation luke warmness ; and had rather bee cruel then counted cold ; and is not seldom more greedie to kill the bear for his skin , then for any harm hee hath don . p. 94. 14. god doth not therefore denie our innocence , becaus hee is so far to trie our patience , as hee did his servant job's . p. 96. 3. hee that look's well to his own conscience and the faithful discharge of his trust , hath scarce leisure to consider those swarms of reproaches , which issue out of som men's mouths and hearts , as easily as smoak or sparks do out of a fornace , much less to make prolix apologies , as might give those men satisfaction , who conscious to their own depth of wickedness are loath to believ anie man not to bee as bad themselvs . pag. 96. line 7. crueltie among christians acted under the color of religion , as if wee could not bee christians unless wee crucifie one another , an horrid sin . p. 97. 15. it is not so proper to hew out religious reformations by the sword , as to polish them by fair and equal disputations among those that are most concerned in the differences : whom not force , but reason ought to convince . p. 102. 9. conscience can receiv little satisfaction in those points , which are mainteined rather by souldiers fighting in the fields , then scholars disputing in free and learned synods . p. 102. 24. in matters of religion , those truths gain most on men's judgments and consciences , which are least urged with secular violence , which weaken's truth with prejudices : and is unreasonable to bee used , till such means of rational conviction have been applied , as , leaving no excuse for ignorance condemn's men's obstinacie to deserved penalties . p. 102. 29. if presbyterie in such a supremacie bee an institution of christ , sure it differ's from all others : and is the first and onely point of christianitie , that was to bee planted and watered with so much christian blood ; whose effusion run's in a stream so contrarie to that of the primitive planters both of christianitie and episcopacie , which was with patient shedding of their own blood , not violent drawing other men's . sure there is too much of man in it to have much of christ . p. 104. 4. wise and learned men think , that nothing hath more marks of schism and sectarism then this presbyterian waie of government . p. 105. 5. the repealing of church-laws and constitutions ought to bee grounded upon more rational and religious motives then souldiers use to carrie in their knapsacks pag. 105. lin. 12. i esteem the church above the state ; the glorie of christ above mine own ; and the salvation of men's souls above the preservation of their bodies and estates . p. 105. 25. violent motions , wch are neither manlie , christian , nor loial , ought not to shake or unsettle the religion of anie man , who know's what religion mean's . 106. 8. the proper engine of all faction is force , the arbitrator of beasts , not of reasonable men , much less of humble christians and loial subjects , in matters of religion . p. 106. 12. men prone to have high conceits of themselvs care not what cost they lay out upon their opinons . 106. 17. god's justice and man's follie will at length bee discovered , through all the films and pretensions of religion , in which politicians wrap up their designs . 108. 3. the less caus wee have to trust to men , the more wee have to trust to god . p. 108. 24. pious simplicite is the best policie . p. 108. 30. in things which are of no cleer moral necessitie , but disputable and controverted among learned and godly men , oaths can hardly bee made and enjoined with that judgment and certaintie in ones self , or that charitie and candor to others of different opinion , as religion require's . p. 111. 9. religion never refuse's fair and equable deliberations ; yea , and dissentings too in matters onely probable . p. 111. 16. the enjoining of oaths upon people , must needs in things doubtful bee dangerous ; as in things unlawful , damnable ; and no less superfluous , where former religious and legal engagements bound men sufficiently to all necssarie duties . p. 111. 19. none , that have once true touches of conscience , will endeavor to carrie on the best designs ( much less such as are apparently factious and ambitious ) by any unlawful means . pag. 112. line 28. wee ought not to prefer ambiguous , dangerous , and un-autorized novelties before known and sworn duties , which are indispensable both to god and the prince . p. 113. 3. later vows , oaths , or leagues can never blot out those former gravings and characters which by just and lawful ooaths were made upon their souls . p. 113. 10. confederations , by waie of solemn leagues and covenants , are the more to bee suspected , becaus they are the common road used in all factions and powerful perturbations of state and church . p. 113. 14. formalities of extraordinarie zeal and pietie are never more studied and elaborate , then when politicians most agitate desperate designs against all that is settled or sacred in religion or laws . p. 113. 19. every man soon grow's his own pope , and easily absolv's himself of those ties which not the commands of god's word , or the laws of the land , but onely the subtiltie or terror of a partie cast's upon him . p. 114. li. 2. no man's lawful calling can engage him against the church , the prince , or the publick peace . p. 116. 3. a pious prince ought to bee forward to carrie on all due reformations , with mature judgment , and a good conscience , in what things hee shall , after impartial advice , bee , by god's word , and right reason , convinced to bee amiss . p. 116. 21. bishops and church-men , with their lands and revenues , as the fattest deer , must bee destroied ; the other rascal-herd of schisms , heresies , &c. beeing lean , may enjoy the benefit of a toleration . p. 117. 5. i see , while the breath of religion fill's the sails , profit is the compass , by which factious men steer their cours in all seditious commotions . pag. 117. lin. 11. pharaoh's divinitie , and joseph's true pietie abhorr'd to sell the priest's lands . p. 118. lin. 2. i esteem it my greatest title to bee called , and my chiefest glorie to bee the defendor of the church , both in its true faith , and its just fruitions ; equally abhorring sacrilege and apostasie . p. 118. 11. i had rather live , as my predecessor henrie the third somtimes did , on the churche's alms , then violently take the bread out of bishops and ministers mouths . p. 118. 16. i think it no less then a mocking and tempting of god , to desire him to hinder those mischiefs , whose occasions and remedies are in our own powers : it beeing every man's sin not to avoid the one , and not to use the other . p. 119. 10. there are waies enough to repair the breaches of the state , without the ruins of the church . p. 119. 16. no pretensions of pietie and reformation are sufficient to absolv subjects from the observation of those just , moral , and indispensable bonds , which god's word , and the laws of the kingdom have laid upon their consciences , nor engage them to any contrarie practices . p. 120. 2. nothing violent and injurious can bee religious . p. 120. 6. god allow's no man's committing sacrilege under the zeal of abhorring idols . p. 120. 7. sacrilegious designs ought not to have the countenance of religious ties . p. 120. 9. it is hard for a man , that hath not innocencie and god's protection , to stand out against those stratagems and conflicts of malice , which by falsities seek to oppress the truth , and by jealousies to supplie the defect of real causes . p. 122. 6. popular preachers think it no sin to lie for god , and what they pleas to call god's caus. pag. 127. line 15. differences of persuasion in matters of religion may easily fall out , where there is the sameness of dutie , allegiance , and subjection . p. 129. 10. different professions in point of religion cannot take away the communitie of relations either to parents , or to princes . p. 129. 16. a truly-humble christian will so highly prize his persecutions , as rather not to bee relieved , then bee revenged , so as to bee bereaved of that crown of christian patience , which attend's humble and injured sufferers . p. 132 4. a crown of christian patience attend's humble and injured sufferers . p. 132. 7. god is the onely king of men's consciences . 133. 27 it is no newes to have all innovations ushered in with the name of reformation . p. 138. 5. praier and devotion is the soul's more immediate convers with the divine majestie . p. 138. 15. the liturgie was exactly conformed to the doctrine of the church of england : and this by all reformed churches is confessed to bee most sound and orthodox . p. 139. 15. constancie abate's nothing of the excellencie and usefulness of a wel-composed liturgie . p. 139. 29. in the use of constant forms , not the words but men's hearts are too blame . p. 141. 2. a man may bee verie formal in the most extemporarie varietie ; and verie fervently-devout in the most wonted expressions . p. 141. 4. constant forms of praier are not more likely to flat and hinder the spirit of praier and devotion , then unpremeditated and confused varietie to distract and lose it . it is impossible for a prince to preserv the state in quiet , unless hee hath such an influence upon church-men , and they such a dependence on him , as may best restrein the seditious exorbitancies of minister's tongues ; who , with the keies of heaven , have so far the keies of the people's hearts , as they prevail much by their oratorie to let in , or shut out both peace and loialtie . pag. 147. line 26. i never thought anie bishop worthie to sit in the hous of peers , who would not vote according to his conscience . p. 148. 16. the government of the church by bishops hath of all other the fullest scripture-grounds , and also the constant practice of all christian churches . p. 148. 24. the want of government the church can no more dispens with , in point of well-beeing , then the want of the word and sacraments in point of beeing . 150. 1. proud usurpers against true episcopacie by popular heaps of weak , light and unlearned teachers seek to over-laie and smother the pregnancie and autoritie of that power of episcopal government , which , beyond all equivocation and vulgar fallacie of names , is most convinceingly set forth , both by scripture , and all after-histories of the church . p. 152. 8. in religion , scripture is the best rule , and the churches universal practice the best commentarie . p. 152. 30. not onely in religion , but also in right reason and the true nature of government , it cannot bee thought that an orderlie subordination among presbyters and ministers should bee anie more against christianitie , then it is in all secular and civil governments , where p. 153. 3. paritie breed's confusion and faction . p. 153. 8. good order is no more inconsistent with true religion , then good features are with beautie , or numbers with harmonie . p. 153. 10. ministers have as much of the principles of schism and division , as other men . pag. 153. line 19. it was not the favor of princes , or ambition of presbyters , but the wisdom and pietie of the apostles that first settled bishops in the church . p. 153. 27 tyrannie becom's no christians , lest of all church-men . p. 154. 10. the whole stream of examples and practice of the church , or testimonies of histories run's so for episcopacie , that there is not the least rivulet for anie other . p. 155. 5. the necessitie of times and affairs rather excuseth then commendeth som late reformed churches for their incomformitie to all antiquitie . p. 155. 12. it is no point of wisdom nor charitie , where christians differ , to widen the differences . p. 155. 27. the desertors of episcopacie will appear the greatest enemies to , and betraiers of their own interest pag. 157. l. 14. presbyterie is never so considerable , or effectual , as when it is joined to , and crowned with episcopacie . p. 157. l. 16. all ministers will finde as great a difference , in point of thriveing , between the favor of the people and of princes , as plants do between beeing watered by hand , and by the sweet and liberal dews of heaven . p. 157. 19. the tenuitie and contempt of clergie-men wil soon let them see what a poor carcass they are , when parted from the influence of that head , to whose supremacie they have been sworn . p. 157. 24. som men's zeal for bishop's lands , houses , and revenues hath set them on work to eat up episcopacie : which is no less sin then sacrilege or robberie of god of that portion which devout mindes have thankfully given again to him , in giveing it to his church and prophets . p. 160. 23. the abuses of episcopacie deserv to bee exstirpated , as much as the use reteined . pag. 164. line 13. the revenues of the church becom the object of secular envie , which seek's to rob it of all the encouragements of learning and religion . p. 165. 8. i would rather with constantins cover the errors of the fathers of the church with silence , and reform with meekness then expose their persons and sacred functions to vulgar contempt . p. 166. 5. the counsels of unreasonable men have brought forth and continue violent confusions , by a precipitant destroying the antient boundaries of the churche's peace ; thereby letting in all manner of errors , schism and disorders . p. 166. 11. our sins somtimes prevail against the justice of our caus. p. 173. 6. personal and private sins may oft-times over-balance the justice of publick engagements ; nor doth god account every gallant man ( in the worlds esteem ) a fit instrument to assert , in the way of war , a righteous caus. the more men are prone to arrogate to their own skill , valor and strength , the less doth god ordinarily work by them for his own glorie . p. 173. 15. the event or success can never state the justice of anie caus , nor the peace of men's consciences , nor the eternal welfare of their souls . p. 173. 24. a godlie prince desire 's that all his subjects may join true pietie with the sens of their loialtie : and bee as faithful to god and their own souls , as they are to their prince : that the defects of the one may not blast the endeavors of the other . p. 176. 23. different events are but the methods of divine justice by contrarie windes to winnow us : that , by punishing our sins , hee might purge them from us ; and deferring peace hee might prepare us more to prize , and better to use so great a blessing . p. 178. 3. the inevitable fate of our sins was ( no doubt ) such , as would no longer suffer the divine justice to bee quiet : wee , having conquered his patience , are condemned by mutual conquerings , to destroie one another . p. 178. 29. those victories are still miserable , that leav our sins un-subdued ; flushing our pride , and animateing to continue injuries . p. 179. 8. god , somtimes , for the sins of our peace bring's upon us the miseries of war ; and for the sins of war denie's us the blessing of peace . p. 181. 5. the good laws established , and the religion settled ought to bee the first rule and standard of reforming . p. 182. 12. where the scripture is not so clear and punctual in precepts , there the constant and universal practice of the church in things not contrarie to reason , faith , good manners , or anie positive command , is the best rule that christians can follow . p. 184. 19. the specious and popular title of christ's government , throne , scepter , and kingdom ( which certainly is not divided , nor hath two faces , as their parties now have at least , ) also the nois of a thorough-reformation , these may as easily bee fixed on new models , as fair colors may bee put to ill-favored figures . p. 185. 14. publick reformers had need first act in private , and practise that on their own hearts , which they purpose to trie on others : for deformities within will soon betraie the pretenders of publick reformations to such private designs as must needs hinder the publick good . p. 187. 23. the right method of reforming the church cannot consist with that of perturbing the civil state : nor can religion bee justly advanced by depressing loialtie , which is one of the chiefest ingredients and ornaments of true religion : for next to fear god , is , honor the king . p. 187. 30. christ's kingdom may bee set up without pulling down the temporal kingdom of princes ; nor will anie men in impartial times appear good christians , that approve not themselvs good subjects . pag. 188. line 7. christ's government confirm's the kings , doth not overthrow it . p. 188. 13. christian patience know's how to serv god in honor and dishonor , in good report , or evil . p. 196. 20. god is a christian's chiefest guard : and his conscience both his counsellor and comforter . p. 198. 5. the integritie of conscience is the onely jewel worth keeping . p. 200. 1. a man lose's himself , while hee let 's out his hopes to others . p. 201. 26. i care not much to bee reckoned among the unfortunate , if i bee not in the black list of irreligious and sacrilegious princes . p. 202. 4. the golden rule and bond of perfection in praier , and other holie duties consist's in that of mutual love and charitie . p. 208. 16. i hold it beeter to seem undevout , and to hear no men's praiers , then to bee forced , or seem to complie with those petitions , to which the heart cannot consent , nor the tongue say amen , without contradicting a man's own understanding , or belying his own soul ▪ p. 209. 19. in devotions , i love neither profane boldness , nor pious non-sens : but such an humble and judicious gravitie , as shew's the speaker to bee at once confiderate of god's majestie , the churche's honor , and his own vileness ; both knowing what things god allow's him to ask , and in what manner it becom's a sinner to supplicate the divine mercie for himself , or others . p. 209. 26. i am equally scandalized with all praiers that sound either imperiously , or rudely , or passionately ; as either wanting humilitie to god , or charitie to men , or respect to the dutie . pag. 210. line 5. the light of understanding and the fervencie of affection , i hold the main and most necessarie requisites both in constant and occasional , solitarie and social devotions . p. 210. 23. i had rather bee condemned to the wo of vae soli , then to that of vae vobis hypocritae , by seeming to pray what i do not approve . p. 211. 16. it is infinitely more glorious to convert souls to god's church by the word , then to conquer men to a subjection by the sword . p. 212. 8. confusion in religion will as certainly follow every man's turning priest or preacher , as it will in the state where every one affect's to rule as king . p. 213. 14. in the enforced ( not neglected ) want of ordinarie means , god is wont to afford extraordinarie supplies of his gifts and graces . p. 214. 20. former sins may bee seen in the glass of the present terrors and distractions . p. 225. 14. see the hand of divine justice : they , that by tumults first occasioned the raising of armies , must now be chastned by their own armie for new tumults . 225. 16. hardly can men bee content with one sin , but add sin to sin , till the later punish the former . p. 225. 22. whom the laws cannot , god will punish by their own crimes and hands . p. 227. 1. fatal blindness frequently attend's and punishe's wilful . p. 227. 21. men shal not bee able at last to prevent their sorrows , who would not timely repent of their sins . p. 227. 23. god's constancie is seen in the world's varietie and changes . p. 229. 20. they cannot want enemies who abound in sin , nor shall they bee long undisarmed , and undestroied , who with an high hand persist to fight against god , and the clear convictions of their own consciences . p. 230. 6. god can and will exalt and perfect a true christian by his sufferings , which have more in them of god's mercie , then of man's crueltie , or his justice . p. 231. 3. pietie will make a prince prosperous : at least it will keep him from beeing miserable : nor is hee much a loser , who loseth all , yet saveth his own soul at last . 233. 27. the cup of afflictions wee must look upon as gods physick , having that in healthfulness which it want's in pleasure . p. 234. 7. a prince ought to bee well grounded and settled in religion , that it may bee judiciously his own , and not other men's custom or tradition which hee professe's . p. 234. l. 18. the fixation of the prince , in matters of religion , will not bee more necessarie for his soul 's then his kingdom's peace . p , 234. 20. the devil of rebellion doth commonly turn himself into an angel of reformation . p. 234. 29. unless a prince bee settled in religion , hee shall never want temptations to destroie him and his , under pretension of reforming matters of religion . p. 235. 7. religion seem's even to the worst of men as the best & most auspicious begining of their worst designs . 235. 11. everie one hath affectation , by seeming forward to an outward reformation of religion , to bee thought zealous hopeing to cover those irreligious deformities , whereto , they are conscious , by a severitie of censuring other men's opinions or actions . p. 235. 15. a prince must take heed of abetting anie factions , or applying to anie publick discriminations in matters of religion , contrarie to what is , in his judgment and the churche's , well settled . p. 235. 22. the king 's partial adhereing , as head , to anie one side , gain's him not so great advantages in som men's hearts ( who are prone to bee of their king's religion ) as it loseth him in others , who think themselvs and their profession first despised , then persecuted by him . p. 235. 26. nothing ought to seem little or despicable to you in matters which concern religion and the churche's peace , so as to neglect a speedie reforming and effectual suppressing errors and schisms : what seem at first but as an hand-breadth , by seditious spirits , as by strong windes , are soon made to cover and darken the whole heaven . pag. 237. line 11. a true christian is not much solicitous what wrong hee suffer's from men , while hee retein's in his soul what hee believ's is right before god . p. 239. 12. a prince ought alwaies to keep up solid pietie , and those fundamental truths , which mend both hearts and lives of men with impartial favor and justice . p. 241. 1. a prince ought to take heed that outward circumstances and formalities of religion devour not all , or the best encouragements of learning , industrie , and pietie . p. 241. 5. as the wo●● is not less cruel , so hee will bee more justly hated , when hee shall appear no better then a wolf under sheep's-cloathing . p. 242. 6. a power to forgive my enemies is a greater argument of god's love to mee , then anie prosperitie can bee . p. 243. 29. the true religion established in the church of england is the best in the world , not onely in the communitie as christians ; but also in the special notion , as reformed : keeping the middle waie between the pomp of superstitious tyrannie , and the meanness of fantastick anarchie . p. 245. 22. the protestant-religion established in england , neither give's such rules , nor ever before set such examples , as the late war against the church , the laws , and the prince . p. 246. 15. counterfeit and disorderlie zeal ought not to abate our value and esteem of true pietie , both of them are known by their fruits : the sweetness of the vine and figtree is not to bee despised , though the brambles and thorns should pretend to bear figgs and grapes , thereby to rule over the trees . p. 246. 24. god somtimes punishe's a people with continuance in their sin , and suffer's them to bee deluded with the prosperitie of their wickedness . p. 247. 30. keep you to true principles of pietie , virtue , and honor ; you shall never want a kingdom . p. 248. 8. my conscience , i thank god , is dearer to mee then a thousand kingdoms . p. 251. 2. in prosperitie wee should not bee wholly strangers to the contemplations of mortalitie : those are never unseasonable , since this is alwaies uncertain : death beeing an eclips , which oft happeneth as well in clear as cloudie daies . p. 252. 5. it is the greatest glorie of a christian's life to die daily , in conquering , by a lively faith , and patient hope of a better life , those partial and quotidian deaths , which kill us as it were by piece-mea● ▪ and make us over-live our own fates . p. 253. 9. a christian ought not to think that life too long , or tedious , wherein god give's him anie opportunities , if not to do , yet to suffer with such christian patience and magnanimitie in a good caus , as are the greatest honor of our lives , and the best improovment of our deaths . p. 254. 6. in point of true christian valor , it argue's pusillanimitie to desire to die , out of weariness of life ; and a want of that heroïck greatness of spirit which becom's a christian in the patient and generous susteining those afflictions , which as shadows necessarily attend us , while wee are in this bodie ; and which are lessened or enlarged as the sun of our prosperitie move's higher , or lower : whose total absence is best recompensed with the dew of heaven . p. 254. 13. the assaults of affliction may bee terrible , like sampsons lion , but they yield much sweetness to those that dare to encounter and overcom them ; who know how to over-live the witherings of their gourds without discontent or peevishness , while they may yet convers with god . p. 254. 24. our greatest conquest of death is from the power and love of christ , who hath swallow'd up death in the victorie of his refurrection , and the glorie of his asscension . p. 258. 20. charitie is the noblest revenge upon , and victorie over my destroiers . p. 258. 28. as the greatest temptations to sin are wrapped up in seeming prosperities : so the severest vengeances of god are them most accomplished , when men are suffered to complete their wicked purposes . p. 259. 13. god's mercie will more then infinitely recompens what ever by man's injustice hee is pleased to deprive us off . p. 260. 2. god's righteous judgment will confute their fallacie , who from worldlie success ( rather like sophisters then sound christians ) draw those popular conclusions for god's approbation of their actions . p. 261. 30. god's wise providence oft permit's manie events , which his revealed word ( the onely clear , safe , and fixed rule of good actions and good consciences ) in no sort approv's . p. 262. 5. i shall bee more then conqueror through christ's enabling mee ; for whom i have hitherto suffered , as hee is the autor of truth , order , and peace ; for all which i have been forced to contend , against error , faction , and confusion . p. 263. 16. if i must suffer a violent death , with my saviour , it is but mortalitie crowned with martyrdom : where the debt of death , which i ow for sin to nature , shall bee raised as a gift of faith & patience offered to god . p. 263. 22. the trophees of my charitie will bee more glorious and durable over them , then their ill-managed victories over mee . p. 264. 6. i look upon the temporal destruction of the greatest king as far less deprecable , then the eternal damnation of the meanest subject . p. 264. 15. it is better for us to bee dead to our selvs , and live in god ; then by living in our selvs to bee deprived of god . p. 265. 16. to contend with death is the work of a weak and mortal man ; to overcom it , is the grace of god alone , who is almightie , and immortal . p. 265. 26. apophthegmata carolina . ii. moral . it is no strange thing for men , left to their own passions , either to do much evil themselvs , or abuse the overmuch goodness of others , whereof an ungrateful surfet is the most desperate and incureable diseas . p. 30. 29. unjust hatred and jealousies are able to pervert acts of greatest indulgence . p. 32. 8. manie men are seldom of one minde : and oftentimes the major part are not in the right . p. 34. 4. sure it cease's to bee counsel , when not reason is used , as to men , to perswade ; but force and terror , as to beasts , to drive and compel men to assent to whatever tumultuarie patrons shall project . hee deserv's to bee a slave without pitie , or redemption , that is content to have the rational soveraigntie of his soul , and libertie of his will and words so captivated . p. 34. 18. i do not think my kingdoms so considerable , as to preserv them with the forfeiture of that freedom , which cannot bee denied mee as a king , becaus it belong's to mee , as a man , and a christian ; owning the dictates of none , but god , to bee above mee , as obligeing mee to consent . better for mee to die enjoying this empire of my soul , which subject's mee onely to god , so far as by reason or religion hee direct's mee , then live with the title of a king if it should carrie such a vassalage with it , as not to suffer mee to use my reason & conscience , in what i declare as a king , to like or dislike . p. 34. 27. i shall never think my self conscientiously tied to go as oft against my conscience , as i should consent to such new proposals , which my reason , in justice , honor , and religion bid's mee denie . p. 35. 30. error and passion is a shadow of reason , and must serv those that are destitute of the substance . p. 36. 25. sure that man cannot bee blameable to god or man , who seriously endevour's to see the best reason of things and faithfully follow's what hee take's for reason : the uprightness of his intentions will excuse the possible failing of his understanding : if a pilot at sea cannot see the pole-star , it can bee no fault in him to steer his coursby such stars as do best appear to him . it argue's rather those men to bee conscious of their defects of reason , and convincing arguments , who call in the assistance of meer force to carrie on the weakness of their counsels and proposals . p. 36. 28. i can bee content to recede much from my own interests , and personal rights , of which i conceiv my self to bee master : but in what concern's truth , justice , the rights of the church and my crown , together with the general good of my kingdoms ; ( which i am bound to preserv as much as morally lie's in mee ) here i am , and ever shall bee fix't and resolute , nor shall anie man gain my consent to that , wherein my heart give's my tongue or hand the lie ; nor will i bee brought to affirm that to men , which in my conscience i denie before god . pag. 37. 30. the merits of a deserving ladie would serv her for a protection among the savage indians : while their rudeness and barbaritie know's not so perfectly to hate all virtues , as som men's subtiltie doth . p. 41. 27. this comfort i shal enjoie by the safetie of my queen in the midst of my personal dangers , that i can perish but half , if shee bee preserved . p. 42. 12. common civilitie is in vain exspected from those that dispute their loialtie . p. 42. 27. it cannot bee safe for anie relation to a king to tarrie among them , who are shakeing hands with their allegiance , under pretens of laying faster hold on their religion . p. 42. 29. such is the rudeness of som men towards their superiors , that they make up their want of justice with in humanitie and impudence . p. 43. 4. afflictions make virtues shine with greater lustre , as stars in the darkest nights . p. 43. 7. a true wife love's her husband , not his fortunes & bear's a sympathie wth him in his afflictions . p. 43. 7. such is the ingratitude of som men , that they ▪ scornfully lift up themselvs against those , of whose bread they have eaten , and been enriched with their bountie . p. 43. 16. som think to satisfie all obligations to dutie , by their corban of religion : and can less endure to see , then to sin against their benefactors as well as their sovereigns . p. 43. 22. it was a policie necessarie to som men's designs to drive the queen out of the kingdom , lest by the influence of her example , eminent for love , as a wife , and loyaltie as a subject , shee should have converted to , or reteined in their love and loialtie , all those whom they had a purpose to pervert . p. 43. 29. it is the most glorious victorie , when no disdain nor emotion of passion transport's us by the indignitie of ill carriage , to do or saie anie thing unbeseeming our selvs , or unsuteable to that temper , which , in greatest injuries , best becom's a christian , as coming nearest to the great example of christ . pag. 47. line 18. clemencie is a debt , which wee ought to paie to those that crave it , when wee have caus to believ they would not after abuse it : since god himself suffer's us not to paie anie thing for his mercie but onely praiers and praises . p. 50. 13. they confess their known weakness , as to truth and justice , who choos rather to contend by armies then by arguments . p. 53. 25. to binde a man's self to a general and implicit consent to whatever shal bee desired or propounded , were such a latitude of blinde obedience , as never was exspected from anie freeman : not fit to bee required of anie man , much less of a king by his own subjects . p. 76. 21. the goodness of men's intentions wil not excuse the scandal and contagion of their examples . p. 90. 19. som kinde of zeal count's all merciful moderation lukewarmness : and had rather bee cruel then counted cold ; and is not seldom more greedie to kill the bear for his skin then for anie harm hee hath don . the confiscation of men's estates beeing more beneficial then the charitie of saving their souls , or reforming their errors . p. 94. 14. misconstructions of actions are prone to finde more credulitie in men to what it fals and evil , then love and charitie to what is true and good . p. 95 , 27. hee that is conscious to his own depth of wickedness , is loth to believ anie man not to bee so bad as himself . p. 96. 14. 't is kinglie to do well , and hear ill . if i can but act the one , i shall not much regard to bear the other . p. 96. 17. roial bountie embolden's som men to ask and act beyond all bounds of modestie and gratitude . p. 100. 16. i thank god , i never found but my pitie was above my anger . p. 123. 14. between the malice of my enemies , and other men's mistakes , i put as great a difference , as between an ordinarie ague and the plague ; or the itch of noveltie , and the leprosie of disloialtie . p. 125. 25. as liars need have good memories , so malitious persons good inventions . p. 125. 30. my patience will better serv mee to bear , and my charitie to forgive , then my leisure to answer the manie fals asspersions which som men have cast upon mee . p. 126. 5. libertie , in the popular sens , is to do what everie man liketh best . p. 132. 11. i wish repentance may bee the onely punishment of evil-doers . p. 145. 21. god's mercies are full of varietie , and yet of constancie . p. 145. 30. gods spiritual perfections are such , that hee is neither to bee pleased with affected novelties for matter , or manner , nor offended with the pious constancie of our petitions in them both . p. 146. 10. that constancie is the caus of formalitie , is a fallacie . p. 147. 1. a little moderation may prevent great mischiefs . p. 157. 29. pride attend's prosperous , and repineings follow disastrous events . p. 180. 4. 't is a pious ambition to overcom each other with reason , moderation , and self-denial . p. 180. 29. monuments and inscriptions of the dead serv but to put posteritie in minde to thank god for that clearer light wherein they live . p. 185. 25. the greatest experiments of virtue and nobleness are discovered in the greatest advantages against an enemie : and the greatest obligations are those , which are put upon us by them , from whom wee could least have exspected them . p. 190. 14. the freedom and secresie of private papers command's a civilitie from all men , not wholy barbarous : nor is there anie thing more inhumane then to expose them to publick view . p. 190. 21. secret impressions of shame and dishonor attend all unworthie actions , have they never so much of publick flatterie , and popular countenance . p. 194. 18. god blest the modest respect and filial tenderness which noahs sons bare to their father : nor did his open infirmitie justifie cham's impudencie , nor exempt him from that curs of beeing servant of servants ; which curs must needs bee on them , who seek , by dishonorable actions to pleas the vulgar , and confirm by ignoble acts their dependance upon the people . p. 194. 24. reason is the divinest power ; i shall never think my self weak'ned , while i may make full and free use of that ; no eclips of outward fortune shall rob mee of that light : what god hath denied of outward strength , his grace , i hope , will supplie with inward resolutions , not morosely to denie what is fit to bee granted ; but not to grant anie thing , which reason and religion bid mee denie . p. 199. 21. no restraint shall ensnare my soul in sin ; nor gain that of mee , which may make my enemies more insolent , my friends ashamed , or my name accursed . p. 202. 7. they have no great caus to triumph , that they have got my person into their power , since my soul is still mine own : nor shall they ever gain my consent against my conscience . p. 202. 11. what they call obstinacie , i know god account's honest constancie . p. 202. 16. should i grant what som men desire i should bee such as they wish mee : not more a king , and far less both man and christian . pag. 202. lin. 26. the fear of men shall never bee my snare : nor shall the love of anie libertie entangle my soul : better others betraie mee then my self ; and that the price of my libertie should bee my conscience : the greatest injuries my enemies seek to inflict upon mee cannot bee without my own consent . p. 203. 3. neither libertie nor life are so dear to mee as the peace of my conscience , the honor of my crowns , and the welfare of my people ; which my word may injure more then anie war can do , while i gratifie a few to oppress all . p. 203. 19. companie obtruded is more sad then anie solitude can bee . p. 206. 26. though the justice of the law deprive's prisoners and malefactors of worldlie comforts : yet the mercie of religion allow's them the benefit of their clergie ; as not aiming at once to destroie their bodies , and to damn their souls . p. 207. 8. my agonie must not bee relieved with the presence of anie one good angel ; for such i account a learned , godlie and discreet divine . p. 207. 14. they that envie my beeing a king , are loth i should bee a christian : while they seek to deprive mee of all things els , they are affraid i should save my soul . p. 207. 19. som remedies are wors then the diseas : and som comforters more miserable then miserie it self . p 208. 20. brethren in iniquitie are not far from becoming insolent enemies . p. 227. 28. there is nothing harder then to keep ill men long in one minde . p. 228. 1 plentie is prone to add fewel to the luxuries of populous cities : their wealth to make them wanton ; their multitudes tempting them to securitie : and their securitie exposing them to unexspected miseries . p. 229. 27. the most , though they bee not good themselvs , yet are glad to see the severer waies of virtue at anie time sweetned by temporal rewards . p. 241. 15. as the qualitie of a prince sett's him beyond anie duel with anie subject : so the nobleness of his minde must rais him above the meditateing anie revenge , or executing his anger upon the manie . p. 244. 12. more inward complacencie to a prince in pardoning one , then in punishing a thousand . p. 244. 22. apophthegmata carolina . iii. political . the right waie of parliaments is most safe for the crown as best pleasing to the people . pag. 1. line 17. a good prince ought to resolv to give all just satisfaction to modest and sober desires , and to redress all publick grievances in church and state . p. 1. l. 24. and by the weight of reason counterpoiz the over-balancings of factions . p. 2. 3. his own , and his children's interests are obligations to a prince to seek and preserv the love and welfare of his subjects . p. 2. 23. the onely temporal blessing that is left to the ambition of just monarchs , as their greatest honor and safetie , next god's protection , is to seek and preserv the love and welfare of their subjects . p. 2. 25. princes can bee no losers by lessening themselvs in som things of their just prerogative , if they may but gain a recompens in their subject's affections . p. 2. 29. rigor or remissness of ministers in church and state , contract upon government odium and offences . p. 3. 9. it concern's princes both in pietie and policie to see religion settled and preserved in truth , unitie and order , as knowing , that no flames of civil dissentions are more dangerous then those which make religious pretenses to bee the ground of factions . pag 3. line 15. great abilities in a minister of state may make a prince rather afraid then ashamed to emploie him in the greatest affairs . p. 6. 17. great abilities are prone to creäte , in a minister of state , great confidence of undertakings : and great emploiments are like enough to betraie him to great errors and manie enemies . p. 6. 10. states-men , who move in an high sphere and with a vigorous lustre , must needs ( as the sun ) rais manie envious exhalations , which , condensed by a popular odium , are capable to cast a cloud upon the brightest merit and integritie . p. 6. 15. the importunitie of som people may somtimes necessitate a prince , though unsatisfied in his own conscience , to chuse rather what is safe then what seem's just : and to prefer the outward peace of his kingdoms with men before that inward exactness of conscience with god . p. 7. 4. better one man perish ( though unjustly ) then the people bee displeased , is a fallacious maxim. p. 8. 1. the best rule of policie is to prefer the doing of justice before all enjoyments : and the peace of my conscience before the preservation of my kingdoms . p. 8. 28. strong probabilities are sufficient to rais jealousies in anie kings heart , who is not wholy stupid and neglective of the publick peace . p. 13. 16. popular tumults are not like a storm at sea , ( which yet want's not its terror ) but like an earth-quake , shakeing the verie foundations of all , then which nothing in the world hath more of horror . p. 17. 2. nothing is more to bee feared and less to bee used by wise men then tumultuarie confluxes of mean und rude people , who are taught first to petition , then to protect ; then to dictate , at last to command and over-aw the parliament . p. 18. 1. the midwiferie of tumults is used by those , who have a minde to bring ruin upon the church and state . p. 18. 23. men's passions and god's directions seldom agree : violent designs and motions must have sutable engines : such as too much attend their own endes , seldom confine themselvs to god's means . force must croud in what reason will not lead . p. 19. 10. as it is no strange thing for the sea to rage when strong windes blow upon it : so neither for multitudes to becom insolent , when they have men of som reputation for parts and pietie to set them on . p. 19. 24. such is the petulancie of som men , that they joy to see their betters out-raged and abused , knowing their onely securitie consist's in vulgar flatterie . p. 20. 8. som may interpret it as an effect of pusillanimitie for anie man for popular terrors to desert his publick station . but i think it an hardiness , beyond true valor , for a wise man to set himself against the breaking in of a sea : which to resist , at present , threaten's imminent danger ; but to withdraw , give's it space to spend its furie , and gain's a fitter time to repair the breach . certainly a gallant man had rather fight , to great disadvantages for number and place in the field , in an orderly waie , then scuffle with an undisciplin'd rabble . p. 21. 10. som are prone to insult most , when they have objects and opportunitie most capable of their rudeness and petulancie . p. 22. 19. as swine are to gardens and orderly plantations , so are tumults to parliaments ; and plebeian concourses to publick councils , turning all into disorders and sordid confusions . p. 23. 15. som men occasion more work , then they finde to do , by undoing so much as they finde well don to their hands . such is som men's activitie , that they will needs make work rather then want it , and chuse to bee doing amiss , rather then do nothing . p. 26. 2. good subjects will never think it just or fit that their sovereign's condition should bee wors by his bettering theirs . pag. 26. line 29. the common-wealth is kept in tune by preserving the laws in their due execution and vigor : wherein the princes interest lie's more then anie man's . p. 27. 7. more then the law give's , a just prince disire's not to have ; and less the meanest subject should not . p. 27. 12. i still counted my self undiminish'd by my largest concessions , if by them i might gain and confirm the love of my people . p. 27. 21. som men's ambition will not give their fellow-subjects leav to enjoie what their prince intend's for their good . p. 27. 3. a prince is easily persuaded , that hee cannot grant too much , or distrust too little to men , who beeing professedly his subjects , pretend singular pietie and religious strictness . p. 28. 14. a prince's suffering som men to go up to the pinnacle of the temple , is a temptation to them to cast him down headlong . p. 30. 14. better it is to bee forced to sea by a storm , though unprovided of tackling and victual , then venture splitting , or sinking on a lee shore . p. 33. 8. tumults resolv to take the boldness to demand anie thing , and not leav their governors the libertie of their reason and conscience to denie them anie thing . 33. 14. a prince is not bound further to agree with the votes of his council , then hee see's them agree with the will of god , with his just rights , as a king , and the general good of his people . pag. 33. lin. 30. though a prince bee desirous to give all just content to his people , yet som mens hydropick insatiableness hath learned to thirst the more , by how much the more they drink : whom no fountain of roial bountie is able to overcom : so resolved they seem either utterlie to exhaust it , or barbarously to obstruct it . p. 34. 8. as to the desires of men , god enjoineth us to trie all things by the touchstone of reason and laws , which are the rules of civil justice , and to declare our consents to that onely which our judgments approve . p. 39. 9. the unthankful importunities and tumultuarie violence of som mens immoderate demands , ought not to betraie a resolved prince to that degenerous and unmanly slaverie , which should make him strengthen them by his consent in those things which hee think's in his conscience to bee against the glorie of god , the good of his subjects , and the discharge of his own dutie in reason and justice . p. 39. 23. 't is among the wicked maxims of bold and disloial undertakers , that bab actions must alwaies bee seconded with wors ; and rather not bee begun , then not carried on ; for they think the retreat more dangerous then the assault ; and hate repentance more then perseverance in a fault . p. 47. 1. 't is the best policie with patience to bear what wee cannot remedie . p. 47. 15. apostasie unto loialtie som men count the most unpardonable sin . p. 48. 30. superstitious sourness in matters of religion so darken's the judgment , that they cannot see anie thing of sin and rebellion in those means they use with intents to reform to their models what they call religion ; who think all is gold of pietie , which doth but glister with a shew of zeal and fervencie . p. 49. 22. sir john hotham a notable monument of unprosperous disloialtie ; teaching the world by so sad and unfortunate a spectacle , that the rude carriage of a subject towards his sovereign carrie's alwaies its own vengeance as an unseparable shadow with it ; and those oft prove the most fatal and implacable executioners of it , who were the first imploiers in the service . p. 50. 20. is there no waie left to make mee a glorious king , but by my sufferings ? p. 54. 1. it is a hard and disputable chois for a king that love's his people , and desires their love , either to kill his own subjects , or to bee killed by them . p. 54. 4. miscarriages in government may escape , rather through ill counsel of som men driving on their private ends , or the peevishness of others envying the publick should bee managed without them , or the hidden and insuperable necessities of state , then anie propensitie a prince hath of himself either to injuriousness , or oppression . p. 54. 15. the hazards of war are equal ; nor doth the cannon know anie respect of persons . p 54. 29. unnatural motions seem to manie men rather the production of a surfet of peace , and wantonness of mindes , or of private discontents , ambition and faction ( which easilie finde or make causses of quarrel ) then anie real obstruction of justice , or parliamentarie privilege . p. 55. 8. the sole exposeing a man to the publick odium is enough to ruine anie man , before his caus bee heard or tried . p. 56. 17. the greatest guilt of those which were voted and demanded as delinquents was this , that they would not suffer themselvs to bee over-aw'd with tumults and their patrons ; nor compelled to abet , by their suffrages or presence , the designes of those men , who agitated innovations , and ruin both in church and state . p 57. 5. sovereign power in subjects seldom agreeth with the stomaches of fellow-subjects . p. 68. 21. i desire not to bee safer , then i wish my people . p. 69. 5. they who are conscious to their own evil merits and designes , will needs perswade the world , that none but wolvs are fit to bee trusted with the custodie of the shepherd and his flock . p. 69. 13. factious distractions must needs follow the manieheaded hydra of government , which , as it make's a shew to the people to have more eies to foresee ; so , they will finde , it hath more mouths too , which must bee satisfied ; and at best , hath rather a monstrositie , then anie thing of perfection , beyond that of right monarchie ; where counsel may bee in manie as the senses : but the supreme power can bee but in one as the head . p. 70. 25. the hearts of subjects the greatest treasure ; and best ammunition of a king . p. 72. 26. i cannot buy my peoples peace , and my own safetie at too dear a rate , save onely with the parting with my conscience and honor . p. 75. 1. som things , which a king might approve , yet in honor and policie are at som time to bee denied to som men , lest hee should seem not to dare to denie anie thing ; and give too much encouragement to unreasonable demands or importunities . p. 76 15. no man seek's to limit and confine his king in reason , who hath not a secret aim to share with him , or usurp upon him in power and dominion . p. 78 5. a just prince ought not so much to look at number and power , as to weigh reason and justice . p. 83. 17. tumults are the hounds that attend the crie , and hollaw of those men , who hunt after factions and private designs , to the ruine of church and state . pag. 83. 22. sudden and vast desires of change must bee imputed to those few , who armed themselvs with the manieheaded and manie-handed tumults . p. 85. 15. it is the resolution of a good prince , that nothing of passion , or peevishness , or list to contradict , or vanitie to shew his negative power shall have anie biass upon his judgment , to make him gratifie his will , by denying anie thing , which reason and conscience command's him not : nor on the other side to consent to more then reason , justice , honor , and religion persuade him , to bee for god's glorie , the churche's good , his people's welfare , and his own peace . p , 85. 28. a good prince will studie to satisfie his people : but will never for fear or flatterie gratifie anie faction how potent soever : for this were to nourish the diseas , and oppress the bodie . p. 86. 10. the interest of a prince lie's as much in the common welfare of his subjects , as som men's doth in their perturbations , who think they cannot do well but in evil times . p 91 ▪ 11. a pious prince look's upon the effusion of his subject's blood , as exhausted out of his own veins . p 96. 30. it cannot but seem either passion or som self-seeking , more then true zeal and pious discretion , for anie forreign state or church to prescribe such medicines onely for others , which themselvs have used , rather successfully then commendably ; not considering that the same physick on different constitutions will have different operations ; that may kill one which doth but cure another . p. 101. 26. men jealous of the justifiableness of their doings and designs before god never think they have humane strength enough to carrie their work on , seem it never so plausible to the people : what cannot bee justified in law and religion had need to bee fortified with power . pag. 107. line 4. inconstancie attend's all mindes engaged in violent motions . p. 107. 11. in vain do men think to build their pietie on the ruines of loialtie . nor can those confederations bee durable , when subjects make bankrupt of their allegiance under pretens of setting up a quicker trade for religion . 108. 6. all reason and true policie will teach subjects , that their chiefest interest consist's in their fidelitie to the crown , not in their serviceableness to anie partie . p. 108. 18. som men have so much of the serpent's subtiltie , that they forget the doves simplicitie . p. 109. 2. ambitious mindes never think they have laid snares and gins enough to catch and hold the vulgar credulitie : for , by such politick and seemingly-pious stratagems they think to keep the populacie fast to their parties under the terror of perjurie . p. 112. 1. no after-contracts , devised and imposed by a few men in a declared partie , without the consent of the prince , and without anie like power or precedent from god's or man's law , can bee ever thought by judicious men sufficient either to absolv or slacken those moral and eternal bonds of dutie , which lie upon all subject's consciences both to god and their prince . p. 112. 11. illegal waies seldom , or never , intend the engageing men more to duties , but onely to parties . therefore it is not regarded how they keep their covenants in point of pietie pretended , provided they adhere firmly to the partie and design intended . p. 114. 13. unjust it is , both in the eie of reason and religion , to deprive the most sacred emploiment of all due encouragements . p. 118. 3. the worst effects of open hostilitie com short of the designs of the stratagems and conflicts of malice , which by falsities seek to oppress the truth , and by jealousies to supplie the defect of real causses . p. 122. 13. a good king can more willingly lose his crowns then his credit : nor are his kingdoms so dear to him as his reputation and honor . those must have a period with his life : but these may survive to a glorious kinde of immortalitie , when hee is dead and gon : a good name beeing the embalming of princes , and a sweet consecrating of them to an eternitie of love and gratitude among posteritie . p. 122. 15. when our eies are blinded with the mists of suspicions , wee are soon misled into the percipices of actions . p. 123. 4. a good prince is too conscious to his own affections toward the generalitie of his people , to suspect theirs to him . p. 124. 7. the sens of the injuries don unto his subjects is as sharp , as those don to a prince himself . p. 124. 20. i had rather prevent my peoples ruine then rule over them ; nor am i so ambitious of that dominion , which is but my right , as of their happiness . p. 125. 13. i had rather suffer all the miseries of life , and die manie deaths , then shamefully to desert , or dishonorably to betraie my own just rights & sovereigntie . p. 125. 20. som look so much at the goodness of the end propounded , that they consider not the lawfulness of the means used , nor the depth of the mischief plotted and intended . p. 127. 29. no men were more willing to complain , then i was to redress what i saw in reason was either don or advised amiss . p. 131. 18. the nois and ostentation of libertie , an usual artifice to withdraw peoples affections from their prince to innovateing designs . p. 132. 9. libertie , in the popular sens , is , to do what everie man liketh best . p. 132. 13. the divinest libertie is to will what men should , and to do what they so will , according to reason , laws , and religion . p. 132. 15. the bounds of the laws good men count their ornament and protection : others their manacles and oppression . p. 132. 30. it is not just anie man should expect the reward and benefit of the law , who despiseth it's rule and direction ; loseing justly his safetie , while hee seek's an unreasonable libertie . p. 133. 3. they are the best preservers of true liberties , who allow themselvs the least licentiousness against , or beyond the laws . p. 133. 9. it is impossible those men should bee really tender of their fellow-subjects liberties , who have the hardiness to use their king with so severe restraints against all laws both divine and humane . p. 133. 13. proud and arrogant activitie seek's to hatch everie egg of different opinion to a faction , or schism . 133. 23. never were anie princes more glorious , then those , whom god hath suffered to bee tried in the fornace of afflictions by their injurious subjects . p. 134. 30. 't is no wonder , if men not fearing god should not honor their king . p. 135. 21. god hath graven such characters of divine autoritie and sacred power upon kings , as none may without sin seek to blot them out . p. 135. 27. the pride of those that studie novelties can hardly allow former times anie share or degree of wisdom or godliness . p. 138. 12. slight and easie is that legerdemane , which will serv to delude the vulgar . pag. 144. line 8. no men are prone to bee greater tyrants , and more rigorous exactors upon others to conform to their illegal novelties , then such , whose pride was formerly least disposed to the obedience of lawful constitutions ; and whose licentious humors most pretended conscientious liberties . p. 144. 16. the advantage of error consist's in noveltie and varietie , as truths in unitie and constancie . p. 146. 25. a king is entrusted by god and the laws with the good both of church and state . 148. 5. use , the great arbitrator of words and master of language . p. 151. 5. faction and confusion , emulation and contempts are prone to arise among equals in power and function . p. 154. 21. inconstancie a great prejudice against noveltie . p. 156. 19. it is a gross vulgar error to impute to , or revenge upon the function the faults of times or persons . p. 158. 6. secular additaments and ornaments of autoritie , civil honor , and estate , which christian princes have annexed to bishops and church-men , are but as just rewards of their learning and pietie ; enablements to works of charitie and hospitalitie : and meet strengthnings of their autoritie in point of respect and observance . p. 158. 10. respect and observance in peaceful times is hardly paid to anie governors by the measure of their virtues , so much as by that of their estates . p. 158. 19. povertie and meanness exposeth governors and their autoritie to the contempt of licentious mindes and manners . p. 158. 23. there is an innate principle of vitious opposition in all men against those that seem to reprove or restrain them . p. 159. 6. what i think in my judgment best , i may not think so absolutely necessarie for all places , and at all times . p. 163. 12. far better it is to hold to primitive and uniform antiquitie , then to complie with divided noveltie . p. 164. 15. the waie of treaties is as a retiring from fighting like beasts to arguing like men , whose strength should bee more in their understandings , then in their limbs . p. 166. 27. it is an office not onely of humanitie , rather to use reason then force ; but also of christianitie to seek peace and ensue it . p. 167. 12. the events of all war by the sword are verie dubious ; and of a civil war uncomfortable ; the end hardly recompensing , and late repairing the mischief of the means . p. 167. 18. no success should enhance the price of peace . p. 167. 22. jealousies are not so soon allaied , as they are raised . p. 168. 15. som men are more afraid to retreat from violent engagements , then to engage : what is wanting in equitie must bee made up in pertinacie . p. 168. 16. such as have little to enjoy in peace or lose in war studie to render the verie name of peace odious and suspected . p. 168. 19. som men have that hight , as to interpret all fair condiscendings as arguments of feebleness , and glorie most in an inflexible stiffness , when they see others most supple and inclinable to them . p. 170. 3. the highest tide of success will not set a just prince above a treatie ; nor the lowest ebb below a fight ; though it is not anie sign of true valor to bee prodigal of men's lives , rather then to bee drawn to produce our own reasons , or to subscribe to other men's . pag. 170. line 27. in the safetie and preservation of the prince and the laws all honest men think the welfare of their countrie doth consist : for and with all which it is far more honorable and comfortable to suffer , then to prosper in their ruine and subversion . p. 176. 17. neither shews , nor truth of pietie are sufficient to dispens with , or expiate the defects of subject's dutie and loialtie to their prince . p. 176. 29. in war the most prosperous successes on either side impair the welfare of the whole . p. 179. 5. our mutual divisions are our common distractions , and the union of all is everie good man's chiefest interest . p. 181. 2. a great miscarriage it is , that popular clamors and furle should bee allowed the reputation of zeal and the publick sens . p. 183. 3. the studie to pleas som parties injure's all . p. 183. 6. freedom , moderation , and impartialitie are sure the best tempers of reforming counsils and endeavors : what is acted by factions cannot but offend more then it pleaseth . p. 183. 8. the vulgar are taken with novelties , as children with babies verie much , but not verie long . p. 186. 18. good princes , as they own their kingdoms from god ; so they desire to rule for his glorie and his churche's good . p. 188. 14. as good ends cannot justifie evil means : so nor will evil beginings ever bring forth good conclusions , unless god , by a miracle of mercie , creäte light out of darkness , order out of confusions , and peace out of our passions . p. 188. 21. a good prince wishe's his subjects had a clear sight into his most retired thoughts , where they might discover how they are divided betwixt his love and care , not more to preserv his own rights , then to procure their peace and happiness : and extreme grief to see them both deceived and destroied . p. 191. 1. bees will gather honie , where the spider suck's poison . p. 191. 13. subjects can hardly bee happie , if their prince bee miserable , or enjoie their peace and liberties , while hee is oppressed . p. 191. 18. som men's design is like absalom's , by enormous actions , to widen differences , and to exasperate all sides to such distances , as may make all reconciliation desperate . p. 191. 22. with the vulgar , prosperitie gain's the greatest esteem and applaus : as adversitie exposeth to their greatest slighting and dis-respect : as if good fortune were alwaies the shadow of virtue and justice , and did not oftner attend vitious and injurious actions , as to this world . p. 193. 6. no secular advantages seem sufficient to that caus , which began with tumults , and depend's chiefly upon the reputation with the vulgar . p. 193. 13. the taking away of a prince's credit is but a necessarie preparation to the taking away of his life and his kingdoms . p. 193. 25. what providence denie's to force , it may grant to prudence . p. 197. 18. confidence of an enemie may disarm and overcom him . p. 197. 26. so various are all humane affairs , and so necessitous may the state of princes bee , that their greatest danger may bee in their supposed safetie , and their safetie in their supposed danger . p. 198. 21. it is som skill in plaie to know when a game is lost ; better fairly to give over , then to contest in vain . 199. 6. restraint , though it hath as little of safetie to a prince , yet it hath not more of danger . pag. 202. lin. 30. if my captivitie , or death must bee the price of the redemption of the laws , i grudg not to paie it . 204. 1. no condition can make a king miserable , which carrie's not with it his soul's , his people's , and posteritie's thraldom . p. 204. 3. i rather chuse to suffer for my subjects , then with them . p. 204. 8. i had rather hazard the ruine of one king , then confirm manie tyrants over them , from whom i praie god deliver them , whatever becom's of mee . p. 204. 11. the evil policie of men forbid's all just restitution , lest they should confess an injurious usurpation . 207. 2. the sins of a prince have the aggravation of his condition , the eminencie of his place adding weight to his offenses . p. 218. 29. the sins of the people are so far the princes , as hee improoveth not the power given him by god , to his glorie and his subject's good . p. 219. 2. som little practice will serv that man , who onely seek's to represent a part of honestie and honor . p. 223. 14. a king cannot bee so low , but hee is considerable adding weight to that partie where hee appear's . 223. 18. better to swim down a stream , then in vain to strive against it . p. 223. 24. impossible it is for lines to bee drawn from the center , and not to divide from each other ; so much the wider , by how much they go farther from the point of union . p. 224. 1. such as wil adventure on a king ( without anie commission but that of will and power ) to take his person into their custodie , must not bee thought overmodest or timorous to carrie on anie design they have a minde to . p. 225. 5. power is above all rule , order , and law . p 226. 14. wee are much more happie to bee subject to the known laws then to the various wils of anie men , seem they never so plausible at first . p. 228. 10. vulgar compliance with anie illegal and extravagant waies , like violent motions in nature , soon grow's wearie of it self , and end 's in a refractorie sullenness : people's rebounds are often in their faces , who first put them upon those violent strokes . p. 228. 14. the waies of peace consist not in the divided wils of parties , but the joynt and due observation of the laws . p. 229. 15. sins expose a people to god's justice , their riches to other's injuries , their number to tumults , and their tumults to confusion . p. 230. 13. wee must not measure a caus by the success ; nor a mans judgment of things by his misfortunes . p. 231. 28. a prince that hath begun , and spent som years of discretion in the experience of troubles , and exercise of patience , hath an advantage of wisdom above most princes . p. 232. 6. pietie and all virtues both moral , and political , are commonly better planted to a thriving , in troubles , as trees set in winter , then in warmth and serenitie of times ; or amidst those delights , which usually attend princes courts in times of peace and plentie ; which are prone , either to root up all plants of true virtue and honor ; or to bee contented onely with som leavs , and withering formalities of them , without anie real fruits , such as tend to the publick good , for which princes should alwaies remember they are born , and by providence designed . p. 232. 9. flatterers are as inseparable from prosperous princes , as flies from fruit in summer ; whom adversitie , like cold weather , drive's awaie . p. 232. 29. i had rather you should bee charls le bon then le grand ; good then great . p. 233. 4. the best government , and highest sovereigntie a prince can attein to , is to bee subject to god , that the scepter of his word and spirit may rule in his heart . p. 233. 18. the true glorie of princes consist's in advancing god's glorie , in the maintenance of true religion , and the churche's good : also in the dispensation of civil power with justice and honor to the publick peace . p. 233. 22. a prince ought so to order affairs in point of power , that hee need not to fear or flatter anie faction . for , if ever hee stand in need of them , or must stand to their courtesie , hee is undon . the serpent will devour the dove : hee may never exspect less of loialtie , justice , or humanitie , then from those who engage into religious rebellion ; their interest is alwaies made god's : under the colors of pietie , ambitious policies march , not onely with greater securitie , but applaus , as to the populacie . hee may hear from them jacobs voice , but hee shall feel they have esau's hands . p. 236. 5. the settled laws of the kingdom are the most excellent rules a prince can govern by . p. 237. 24. ingenuous libertie consist's in the enjoiment of the fruits of industrie , and the benefit of those laws to which subjects themselvs have consented . p. 238. 4. a princes prerogative is best shewed and exercised in remitting , rather then exacting the rigor of the laws ; there beeing nothing wors then legal tyrannie . p. 238. 15. i cannot learn that lesson , nor i hope ever will you , that it is safe for a king to gratifie anie faction with the perturbation of the laws , in which is wrapt up the publick interest , and the good of the communitie . p. 239. 3. a prince ought seriously to consider the former real or objected miscarriages of his predecessor , which might occasion troubles , that hee may avoid them . p. 239. 27. a prince ought not to repose so much upon anie mans single counsel , fidelitie , and discretion , in mannageing affairs of the first magnitude ( that is , matters of religion and justice ) as to create in himself , or others , a diffidence of his own judgment , which is likely alwaies to bee more constant and impartial to the interests of his crown and kingdom , then anie mans . p. 240. 1. a prince must beware of exasperateing anie factions by the crosness and asperitie of som mens passions , humors , or private opinions , imploied by him , grounded onely upon the differences in lesser matters , which are but the skirts and suburbs of religion . p. 240. 10. favors and rewards must bee distributed , to all men by the prince with an equal eie , and impartial hand , as hee finde's them for their real goodness both in abilities and fidelitie worthie & capable of them . p . 241. 8. as a prince need 's no palliations for anie designes ( as other men ) so hee ought to studie really to exceed , in true and constant demonstrations of goodness , pietie and virtue towards the people ; even all those men , that make the greatest nois and ostentations of religion : so hee shall neither fear anie detection ( as they do who have but the face and mask of goodness ) nor shall hee frustrate the just exspectations of his people : who cannot in reason promise themselvs so much good from anie subject's novelties , as from the virtuous constancie of their king . p 242. 13. none are greater oppressors of the estates , liberties , and consciences of the people then those men , that entitle themselvs the patrons and vindicators of them , onely to usurp power over them . p. 242. 30. the sin and follie of the people will sufficiently punish them in due time . p. 243. 6. when ever acts of indemnitie and oblivion shall bee desired and accepted , let them bee granted , not onely as acts of state-policie and necessitie , but of christian charitie and chois . p. 243. 20. parliaments , in their right constitution with freedom and honor , wil never injure or diminish the greatness of the king ; but will rather bee as enterchangings of love , loialtie , and confidence between a prince and his people . p. 247. 2. the publick interest consist's in the mutual and common good both of prince and people . p. 247. 18. wee must not starv our selvs , becaus som have surfeited on wholsom food . p. 247. 25. a crown is not worth takeing up or enjoying upon sordid , dishonorable and irreligious terms . p. 248. 5. the mask of religion on the face of rebellion will not long serv to hide som men's deformities . p. 250. 5. religion to their god , and loialtie to their king , cannot bee parted , without both the sin and infelicitie of the subject . p. 250. 13. there are but few steps between the prisons and the graves of princes . p. 251. 22. the envie or emnitie of som men make's their own lives seem deadly to them , while the prince enjoie's anie part of his. p. 252. 2. a king live's in nothing temporal so much , as in the love , and good will of his people . p. 253. 19. no law of god or man invest's subjects with anie power of judicature without their sovereign , much less against him . p. 256. 5. som men must pretend justice to cover their perjurie . p. 256. 10. nothing make's mean spirits more cowardly-cruel in manageing their usurped power against their lawful superiors , then this , the guilt of their unjust usurpation . p. 256. 24. no concessions of a prince can ever satisfie , or abate the covetous ambition of som men . p. 257. 8. kings are exposed to as manie dangers ( beeing the greatest patrons of law , justice , order , and religion on earth ) as there bee either men , or devils which love confusion . p. 257. 23. god will not suffer those men long to prosper in their babel , who build it with the bones , and cement it with the blood of their kings . p. 257. 28. i am confident they will finde avengers of my death among themselvs . p. 258. 1. god will not suffer them to go unpunished , whose confederacie in sin is their onely securitie . p. 258. 15. the sharp and necessarie tyrannie of my destroiers will sufficiently confute the calumnies of tyrannie against mee . p. 260. 15. good subjects know how to excuse the princes failings , as a man , and yet to retein and paie their dutie to him as their king ; there beeing no religious necessitie bindeing anie subjects , by pretending to punish , infinitely to exceed the faults and errors of their princes . p. 260. 23. they cannot hope long to enjoie their thumbs & toes , who have , under pretens of pareing others nailes , been so cruel as to cut of their chiefest strength . p. 261. 9. those undertakings of men are manie times lifted up to heaven in the prosperitie and applaus of the world , whose rise is from hell , as to the injuriousness and oppression of the design . the prosperous windes , which oft fil the sails of pirats , do not justifie their piracie and rapine . p. 262. 15. i look upon it , with infinite more content , and quiet of soul , to have been worsted in my enforced contestation for , and vindication of the laws of the land , the freedom and honor of parliaments , the rights of my crown , the just libertie of my subjects , and the true christian religion in its doctrine , government and due encouragements , then if i had , with the greatest advantages of success , over-born them all . p. 262. 22. it is verie strange that mariners can finde no other means to appeas the storm themselvs have raised but by drowning their pilot. p. 264. 21 finis . to the kings most excellent majestie the humble petition of the baronets, esquires, ministers, gentlemen, freeholders, and others peaceably affected in the county palatine of lancaster. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a62770 of text r26321 in the english short title catalog (wing t1528). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a62770 wing t1528 estc r26321 09427787 ocm 09427787 43057 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a62770) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 43057) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1318:6) to the kings most excellent majestie the humble petition of the baronets, esquires, ministers, gentlemen, freeholders, and others peaceably affected in the county palatine of lancaster. charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. printed for n. alen, london : 1642. includes: "at the court at yorke the 10th of may 1642, his majestie hath expressly commanded me to give you this his answer to your petition", signed: edward nichols. reproduction of original in the harvard university library. eng lancashire (england) -politics and government. lancashire (england) -history. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649. a62770 r26321 (wing t1528). civilwar no to the kings most excellent majestie the humble petition of the baronets, esquires, ministers, gentlemen, freeholders, and others peaceably [no entry] 1642 697 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2008-08 spi global rekeyed and resubmitted 2008-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion to the kings most excellent majestie : the humble petition of the baronets , esquires , ministers , gentlemen , freeholders , and others peaceably affected in the county palatine of lancaster . shewing to your sacred majestie ovr heart-breaking sense and sorrow for the unhappy rents and distractions in your majesties dominions , especially in the sesion of so grave and godly an assembly , ( most gratiously convened by your majestie ) endeavouring the glory of almighty god in the reformation of religion , and the honour and weale of your majestie , and your realms , in setling and securing your royall throne in plenty and peace . but perceiving the long and remote distance of your majestie from that honourable assembly , to have distracted the hearts of your good subjects , and animated the popish and malignant party amongst us , and fearing it may expose us to the danger and fury of a forraigne foe , retard the setling of the weighty affaires in our land , and the subduing of the rebels in ireland ; and finding your majesties late resolution for that expedition , to threaten danger to your royall person , farre more worth then ten thousand of us . we therefore your majesties most loyall subjects out of our zeale to gods true religion , your majesties honour and safety , and the peace and welfare of your dominions ; and out of the deepe sence and apprehension of our interest in the same , doe in all humility present and prostrate our selves , and supplication at your royall feet , beseeching your majestie to returne to your great councell ( the representative body of your kingdome ) in whom this nation hath so farre confided , that they have intrusted them with their lives , liberties ; and in which multitude of counsellours there is health and stedfastnesse , and whereby the royall throne may be established in righteousnesse , and we with the rest of your faithfull subjects shall continually prayse and pray for your prosperous and happy raigne over us . at the court yorke the 10th . of may , 1642. his majestie hath expresly commanded me to give you this his answer to your petition . that this petition as some others of this nature is grounded upon misinformation , and being grieved and highly offended to see how his good people have been and are abused by the false rumours and intelligences , which have procured causlesse feares and apprehensions , referres the petitioners to the answers he hath given to the declaration presented to him at newmarket , and to the petition presented to him the six and twentieth of march , last at yorke ; wherein his majesty faith you will clearly perceive that he is not gone but driven from his parliament : his majesty likewise for your further information of his proceedings and intentions , recommends to your view and consideration his two messages , and declaration concernig hull , and his message touching the reasons of his refusall to grant the militia , all which when they shall be fully represented to the rest of your county , he doubts not , but that you will rest very well satisfied of his consent and resolution for the maintaining of , and governing his people by the law of the land , his unmoveable resolution for the maintenance and defence of the true protestant profession , and the suppression of the barbarous irish rebellion , and his majesty faith , that he beleeves you may then finde reason to petition the parliament to comply with his majesties just desires and gratious offers , which is the onely way safely and speedily to cure the present distractions of this kingdom , and with gods blesssing to put a happy end to the irish rebellion : for the effecting whereof , as his maejsty hath often said , he will neither spare paines , nor decline any hazard of his person or fortune . edward nichols . london , printed for n. alen . may 26. 1642. his majesties gracious message to both his houses of parliament, february the 20th england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a78802 of text r230941 in the english short title catalog (wing c2329). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 1 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a78802 wing c2329 estc r230941 99896596 99896596 170754 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a78802) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 170754) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2424:11; 2514:24b) his majesties gracious message to both his houses of parliament, february the 20th england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1643] reproduction of original in the bodleian library and the folger shakespeare library. eng england and wales. -parliament -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. broadsides -england a78802 r230941 (wing c2329). civilwar no his majesties gracious message to both his houses of parliament, february the 20th. england and wales. sovereign 1643 220 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-05 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-06 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2008-06 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion royal blazon or coat of arms c r honi soit qvi mal y pense his maiesties gracious message to both his houses of parljament , february the 20th . whereas his majesty hath ( together with a treaty ) proposed a cessation of arms to both his houses of parliament now 16. dayes since , to which as yet he hath received no answer : to the end that his majesty may so cleerly understand the houses , that no such imputations ( as have been formerly ) may after be laid upon him upon occasion of any thing that may intervene : his majesty desires , if a cessation shall be approved of by them , that the day upon which the cessation is thought fit to begin , and such particular limits and conditions of that cessation as are necessary to be understood and agreed on before the cessation it selfe can actually begin , be proposed by them at the same time with their approbation of it , since as his majesty supposeth by the present great preparation of severall forces of the earle of essex to march severall wayes , that till such time as this be done , they doe not conceive themselves obliged to an actuall cessation ; so neither till then doth his majesty conceive himselfe obliged to it . king charls his tryal at the high court of justice sitting in westminster hall, begun on saturday, jan. 20, ended jan. 27, 1648 also his majesties speech on the scaffold immediately before his execution on tuesday, ian. 30 : together with the several speeches of duke hamilton, the earl of holland, and the lord capel, immediately before their execution on friday, march 9, 1649. charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1650 approx. 182 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 69 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a47456 wing k556 estc r11695 12254327 ocm 12254327 57284 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a47456) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 57284) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 152:6) king charls his tryal at the high court of justice sitting in westminster hall, begun on saturday, jan. 20, ended jan. 27, 1648 also his majesties speech on the scaffold immediately before his execution on tuesday, ian. 30 : together with the several speeches of duke hamilton, the earl of holland, and the lord capel, immediately before their execution on friday, march 9, 1649. charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. holland, henry rich, earl of, 1590-1649. hamilton, james hamilton, duke of, 1606-1649. the second edition, much enlarged and faithfully corrected. 136, [1] p. : port. printed by j.m. for peter cole, francis tyton, and john playford, london : 1650. "the several speeches of duke hamilton ... and arthur lord capel upon the scaffold" (p. 85) has special t.p. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng charles -i, -king of england, 1600-1649. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649 -sources. 2006-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-07 john latta sampled and proofread 2006-07 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion king charls his tryal at the high court of justice sitting in westminster hall begun on saturday , jan 20. ended jan. 27. 1648. also , his majesties speech on the scaffold , immediately before his execution , on tuesday , ian. 30. together with the several speeches of duke hamilton , the earl of holland , and the lord capel , immediately before their execution , on friday , march 9. 1649. the second edition , much enlarged , and faithfully corrected . london , printed by j. m. for pet●● cole , francis tyton , and john playford . 1650. king charls his tryal at the high court of justice sitting in westminster hall , begun on saturday , january 20. and ended saturday , jan. 27. 1648. a list of the names of the judges and officers of the high court of justice , appointed , by an act of the commons of england in parliament assembled , for the tryal of the king. thomas lord fairfax , general . oliver cromwel , lievt . general . henry ireton , commissary general . philip skippon , major general . sir hardress waller , colonel . colonel valentine walton . colonel thomas harrison . col. edward whalley . col. thomas pride . col. isaac ewers . col. richard ingolsby . col. richard dean . col. john okey . col. robert overton . col. john harrison . col. john desborough . col. william goff . col. robert duckenfield . col. rowland wilson . col. henry marten . col. william purefoy . col. godfrey bosvil . col. harbottle morley . col. john berkstead . col. matthew tomlinson . col. john lambert . col. edward ludlow . col. john hutchingson . col. robert titchburn . col. owen roe . col. robert manwaring . col. robert lilburn . col. adrian scroop . col. alg : sidney . col. john moore . col. francis lassels . col. alexander rigby . col. edm : harvey . col. john venn . col. anthony stapley . col. thomas horton . col. thomas hammond . col. george fenwick . col. george fleetwood . col. james temple . col. thomas wayt. sir henry mildway . sir thomas honywood . thomas lord grey . philip lord lisle . william lord munson . sir john danvers . sir thomas maleverer sir john bowcher . sir james harrington . sir william br●reton . robert wallop , esquire . william henningham , esquire . isaac pennington , alderman . thomas atkins , alderman . sir peter wentworth . thomas trencher● , esquire . john blackstone , esquire . gilbert millington , esq sir william constable . sir arthur haslerig . sir michael livessey . richard saloway , esq humphrey saloway , esq cornelius holland , esq john carne , esq sir william armine . john jones , esq miles corbet , esq francis allen , esq thomas lister , esq ben : weston , esq peregrin pelham , esq john gourdon , esq francis thorp , esq serjeant at law. john nutt , esq thomas challoner , esq john anlaby , esq richard darley , esq william say , esq iohn aldred , esq iohn fagge , esq iames nelthorp , esq sir william roberts . henry smith , esq edmond wilde , esq iames challener , esquire . iosias barns , esq dennis bond , esq humph : edwards , esq gregory clement , esq iohn fray , esq thomas wogan , esq sir gregory norton . iohn bradshaw , esq serjeant at law. iohn dove , esq iohn foulks , alderman . thomas scot , alderman . thomas andrews , alderman . william cawley , esq abraham burrel , esq roger gratwick , esq iohn downes , esq robert nichols , esq serjeant at law. vincent potter , esq sir gilbert pickering . iohn weaver , esquire . iohn lenthal , esquire . robert reynolds , esquire . iohn lisle , esquire . nicholas love , esquire . sir edward baynton . john corbet , esquire . thomas blunt , eq ; thomas boone , esq augustine garland , esquire . augustine skinner , esq john dickswel , esq simon mayne , esq john brown , esq john lowrey , esq john bradshaw , esq serjeant at law , lord president of the court. counsellors assistant to the court , and to draw up the charge against the king , are , doctor dorislow . mr ask. mr steel , attorney general . mr cook , solicitor general . clerks to the court. mr broughton , mr phelps , officers of the court. serjeant danby , serjeant at arms , and mace-bearer . col. john humphrey , sword-bearer . mr king , cryer of the court. the messengers and door-keepers with tip-staves . mr walford , mr radley , mr payn , mr powel , mr hull , the manner of the tryal of charles stuart king of england , in the great hall in westminster . on saturday , being the 20. day of january 1648. the lord president of the high court of justice with neer fourscore of the members of the said court , having sixteen gentlemen with partizans , and a sword and a mace , with their , and other officers of the said court marching before them , came to the place ordered to be prepared for their sitting , at the west end of the great hall at westminster ; where the lord president in a crimsion velvet chair , fixed in the midst of the court , placed himself , having a desk with a crimsion velvet cushion before him ; the rest of the members placing themselves on each side of him upon the several seats , or benches , prepared and hung with scarlet for that purpose , and the partizans dividing themselves on each side of the court before them . the court being thus sate , and silence made , the great gate of the said hall was set open , to the end , that all persons without exception , desirous to see , or hear , might come into it , upon which the hall was presently filled , and silence again ordered . this done , colonel thomlinson , who had the charge of the prisoner , was commanded to bring him to the court , who within a quarter of an hours space brought him attended with about twenty officers , with partizans marching before him , there being other gentlemen , to whose care and custody he was likewise committed , marching in his rear . being thus brought up within the face of the court , the sergeant at arms , with his mace , receives and conducts him streight to the bar , having a crimsion velvet chair set before him . after a stern looking upon the court , and the people in the galleries on each side of him , he places himself , not at all moving his hat , or otherwise shewing the least respect to the court ; but presently rises up again , and turns about , looking downwards upon the guards placed on the left side , and on the multitude of spectators on the right side of the said great hall. after silence made among the people , the act of parliament , for the trying of charls stvart king of england , was read over by the clerk of the court ; who sate on one side of a table covered with a rich turky carpet , and placed at the feet of the said lord president , upon which table was also laid the sword and mace. after reading the said act , the several names of the commissioners were called over , every one who was present , being 80. as aforesaid , rising up and answering to his call. having again placed himself in his chair , with his face towards the court , silence being again ordered , the lord president stood up and said ; lord president . charles stvart , king of england ; the commons of england assembled in parliament , being deeply sensible of the calamities that have been brought upon this nation ( which is fixed upon you as the principal author of it ) have resolved to make inquisition for blood , and according to that debt and duty they owe to justice , to god , the kingdom , and themselves , and according to the fundamental power that rests in themselves , they have resolved to bring you to tryal and judgement ; and for that purpose have constituted this high court of justice , before which you are brought . this said , m. cook attorney for the common-wealth ( standing within a bar on the right hand of the prisoner ) offered to speak , but the king having a staff in his hand , held it up , and laid it upon the said m. cooks shoulder two or three times , bidding him hold ; nevertheless , the lord president ordering him to go on , he said : m. cook. my lord , i am commanded to charge charles stvart , king of england , in the name of the commons of england , with treason and high misdemeanors ; i desire the said charge may be read . the said charge being delivered to the clerk of the court , the lord president ordered it should be read , but the king bid him hold ; nevertheless , being commanded by the lord president to read it , the clerk begun . the charge of the commons of england , against charles stuart , king of england , of high treason , and other high crimes , exhibited to the high court of justice . that the said charles stvart being admitted king of england , and therein trusted with a limited power , to govern by , and according to the laws of the land , and not otherwise ; and by his trust , oath , and office , being obliged to use the power committed to him , for the good and benefit of the people , and for the preservation of their rights and liberties ; yet nevertheless out of a wicked design , to erect , and uphold in himself and unlimited and tyrannical power to rule according to his will , and to overthrow the rights and liberties of the people ; yea , to take away , and make void the foundations thereof , and of all redress and remedy of misgovernement , which by the fundamental constitutions of this kingdom , were reserved on the peoples behalf , in the right and power of frequent and successive parliaments , or national meetings in councel ; he , the said charles stvart , for accomplishment of such his designs , and for the protecting of himself and his adherents , in his , and their wicked practises to the same ends , hath trayterously and maliciously levyed war against the present parliament , and the people therein represented . particularly , upon or about the thirtieth day of june , in the year of our lord , one thousand six hundred fourty and two , at beverly , in the county of york ; and upon , or about the thirtieth day of july , in the year aforesaid , in the county of the city of york ; and upon , or about the twenty fourth day of august , in the same year , at the county of the town of nottingham ( when , and where he set up his standard of war ; ) and also on , or about the twenty third day of october , in the same year , at edg-hill , & keinton-field , in the county of warwick ; and upon , or about the thirtieth day of november , in the same year , at brainchford , in the county of middlesex : and upon , or about the thirtieth day of august , in the year of our lord , one thousand six hundred fourty and three , at cavesham-bridge , neer roding , in the county of berks ; and upon , or about the thirtieth day of october , in the year last mentioned , at , or neer the city of glocester ; and upon , or about the thirtieth day of november , in the year last mentioned , at newbery , in the county of berks ; and upon , or about the one and thirtieth day of july , in the year of our lord , one thousand six hundred fourty and four , at cropredy-bridge , in the county of oxon ; and upon , or about the thirtieth day of september , in the year last mentioned , at bodmin , and other places neer adjacent , in the county of cornwal ; and upon , or about the thirtieth day of november , in the year last mentioned , at newbery aforesaid ; and upon , or about the eighth day of june , in the year of our lord , one thousand six hundred fourty and five , at the town of leicester ; and also , upon the fourteenth day of the same month , on the same year , at naseby-field , in the county of northampton . at which several times and places , or most of them , and at many other places in this land , at several other times , within the years aforementioned : and in the year of our lord , one thousand six hundred fourty and six ; he the said charles stvart , hath caused and procured many thousands of the free-people of the nation to be slain ; and by divisions , parties , and insurrections , within this land , by invasions from forraign parts , endevored and procured by him , and by many other evil ways and means . he the said charls stvart , hath not only maintained and carried on the said war , both by land and sea , during the years before mentioned ; but also hath renewed , or caused to be renewed , the said war against the parliament , and good people of this nation , in this present year , one thousand six hundred fourty and eight , in the counties of kent , essex , surry , sussex , middlesex , and many other counties and places in england and wales , and also by sea ; and particularly , he the said charles stvart , hath for that purpose , given commission to his son , the prince , and others ; whereby , besides multitudes of other persons , many such , as were by the parliament intrusted and imployed , for the safety of the nation ; being by him or his agents , corrupted , to the betraying of their trust , and revolting from the parliament , have had entertainment and commission , for the continuing and renewing of war and hostility , against the said parliament and people as aforesaid . by which cruel and unnatural wars by him , the said charles stvart , levyed , continued , and renewed , as aforesaid , much innocent blood of the free-people of this nation hath been spilt ; many families have been undone , the publike treasury wasted and exhausted , trade obstructed , and miserably decayed ; vast expence and damage to the nation incurred , and many parts of the land spoyled , some of them even to desolation . and for further prosecution of his said evil designs , he , the said charles stvart , doth still continue his commissions to the said prince , and other rebels , and revolters , both english and forraigners , and to the earl of ormond , and to the irish rebels and revolters , associated with him ; from whom further invasions upon this land are threatened , upon the procurement , and on the behalf of the said charls stuart . all which wicked designs , wars , and evil practises of him , the said charles stvarrt , have been , and are carryed on , for the advancing and upholding of the personal interest of will and power , and pretended prerogative to himself and his family , against the publique interest , common right , liberty , justice , and peace of the people of this nation , by , and for whom he was entrusted , as aforesaid . by all which it appeareth , that he , the said charls stuart , hath been , and is the occasioner , author , and contriver of the said vnnatural , cruel , and bloody wars , and therein guilty of all the treasons , murthers , rapines , burnings , spoils , desolations , damage and mischief to this nation , acted or committed in the said wars , or occasioned thereby . and the said john cook , by protestation ( saving on the behalf of the people of england , the liberty of exhibiting at any time hereafter , any other charge against the said charls stuart ; and also of replying to the answers which the said charls stuart shall make to the premises , or any of them , or any other charge that shall be so exhibited ) doth , for the said treasons and crimes , on the behalf of the said people of england , impeach the said charls stuart , as a tyrant , traytor , murtherer , and a publike , and implacable enemy to the common-wealth of england : and pray , that the said charls stuart , king of england , may be put to answer all and every the premises , that such proceedings , examinations , tryals , sentence , and judgment may be thereupon had , or shall be agreeable to justice . it is observed , that the time the charge was reading , the king sate down in his chair , looking sometimes on the court , sometimes up to the galleries ; and having risen again , and turned about to behold the guards and spectators , sate down , looking very sternly , with a countenance not at all moved , till these words , viz. charls stuart ( to be a tyrant and traytor , &c. ) were read , at which he laughed as he sate in the face of the court. the charge being read the lord president replyed : lord president . sir , you have now heard your charge read , containing such matter as appears in it ; you finde , that in the close of it , it is prayed to the court , in the behalf of the commons of england , that you answer to your charge . the court expects your answer . the king. i would know by what power i am called hither : i was , not long ago , in the isle of wight , how i came there , is a longer story then i think is fit at this time for me to speak of ; but there i entred into a treaty with both houses of parliament with as much publique faith as it 's possible to be had of any people in the world . i treated there with a number of honorable lords and gentlemen , and treated honestly and uprightly ; i cannot say but they did very nobly with me , we were upon a conclusion of the treaty . now i would know by what authority , i mean , lawful ; there are many unlawful authorities in the world , theeves and robbers by the high-ways : but i would know by what authority i was brought from thence , and carryed from place to place , ( and i know not what , ) and when i know what lawful authority , i shall answer : remember i am your king , your lawful king , and what sins you bring upon your heads , and the judgment of god upon this land , think well upon it , i say , think well upon it , before you go further from one sin to a greater ; therefore let me know by what lawful authority i am seated here , and i shall not be unwilling to answer , in the mean time i shall not betray my trust : i have a trust committed to me by god , by old and lawful descent , i will not betray it to answer to a new unlawful authority , therefore resolve me that , and you shall hear more of me . lord president . if you had been pleased to have observed what was hinted to you , by the court , at your first coming hither , you would have known by what authority ; which authority requires you , in the name of the people of england , of which you are elected king , to answer them . the king. no sir , i deny that . lord president . if you acknowledg not the authority of the court , they must proceed . the king. i do tell them so , england was never an elective kingdom , but an hereditary kingdom for neer these thousand years ; therefore let me know by what authority i am called hither : i do stand more for the liberty of my people then any here that come to be my pretended judges ; and therefore let me know by what lawful authority i am seated here , and i will answer it , otherwise i will not answer it . lord president . sir , how really you have managed your trust , is known ; your way of answer is to interrogate the court , which beseems not you in this condition . you have been told of it twice or thrice . the king. here is a gentleman , lievt . col. cobbet , ( ask him ) if he did not bring me from the isle of wight by force ? i do not come here as submitting to the court ; i wil stand as much for the priviledg of the house of cōmons , rightly understood , as any man here whatsoever . i see no house of lords here that may constitute a parliament , and ( the king too ) should have been . is this the bringing of the king to his parliament ? is this the bringing an end to the treaty in the publike faith of the world ? let me see a legal authority warranted by the word of god , the scriptures , or warranted by the constitutions of the kingdom , and i will answer . lord president . sir , you have propounded a question , and have been answered : seeing you will not answer , the court will consider how to proceed ; in the mean time , those that brought you hither , are to take charge of you back again . the court desires to know whether this be all the answer you will give , or no. the king. sir , i desire that you would give me , and all the world , satisfaction in this ; let me tell you , it is not a slight thing you are about . i am sworn to keep the peace by that duty i ow to god and my country , and i will do it to the last breath of my body , and therefore you shall do well to satisfie first god , and then the country , by what authority you do it , if you do it by a usurped authority , that will not last long . there is a god in heaven that will call you , and all that give you power , to account : satisfie me in that , and i will answer , otherwise i betray my trust , and the liberties of the people , and therefore think of that , and then i shall be willing . for i do avow , that it is as great a sin to withstand lawful authority , as it is to submit to a tyrannical , or any other ways unlawful authority , and therefore satisfie god , and me , and all the world in that , and you shall receive my answer : i am not afraid of the bill . lord president . the court expects you should give them a final answer , their purpose is to adjourn till monday next , if you do not satisfie your self , though we do tell you our authority ; we are satisfied with our authority , and it is upon gods authority and the kingdoms , and that peace you speak of will be kept in the doing of justice , and that 's our present work. the king. let me tell you , if you will shew me what lawful authority you have , i shall be satisfied ; but that you have said satisfies no reasonable man. lord presid . that 's in your apprehension : we think it reasonable that are your judges . the king. 't is not my apprehension , nor yours neither , that ought to decide it . lord presid . the court hath heard you , and you are to be disposed of as they have commanded . two things were remarkable in this days proceedings . 1. it is to be observed , that as the charge was reading against the king , the silver head of his staff fell off , the which he wondred at , and seeing none to take it up , he stoops for it himself . 2. that as the king was going away , he looked with a very austere countenance upon the court , with stirring of his hat replyed , well sir , ( when the lord president commanded the guard to take him away , ) and at his going down , he said , i do not fear that , ( pointing with his staff at the sword ) . the people in the hall , as he went down the stairs , cryed out , some , god save the king , and some for justice . o yes being called , the court adjourned till monday next , january 22. at 9. in the morning to the painted chamber , and from thence to the same place again in westminster hall. at the high court of justice sitting in westminster hall , munday , january 22. 1648. o yes made . silence commanded . the court called , and answered to their names . silence commanded upon pain of imprisonment , and the captain of the guard to apprehend all such as make disturbance . upon the kings coming in a shout was made . command given by the court to the captain of the guard to fetch and take into his custody those who make any disturbance . mr solicitor . may it please your lordship , my lord president , i did at the last court in the behalf of the commons of england , exhibit and give into this court a charge of high treason , and other high crimes , against the prisoner at the bar , whereof i do accuse him in the name of the people of england , and the charge was read unto him , and his answer required . my lord , he was not then pleased to give an answer , but instead of answering , did there dispute the authority of this high court. my humble motion to this high court , in behalf of the kingdom of england , is , that the prisoner may be directed to make a positive answer , either by way of confession , or negation ; which if he shall refuse to do , that the matter of charge may be taken pro confesso , and the court may proceed according to justice . lord president . sir , you may remember at the last court you were told the occasion of your being brought hither , and you heard a charge against you , containing a charge of high treason , and other high crimes , against this realm of england ; you heard likewise , that it was prayed in the behalf of the people , that you should give an answer to that charge , that thereupon such proceedings might be had as should be agreeable to justice ; you were then pleased to make some scruples concerning the authority of this court , and knew not by what authority you were brought hither ; you did divers times propound your questions , and were as often answered , that it was by authority of the commons of england assembled in parliament , that did think fit to call you to account for those high and capital misdemeanours wherewith you were then charged . since that the court hath taken into consideration what you then said , they are fully satisfied with their own authority , and they hold it fit you should stand satisfied with it too ; and they do require it , that you do give a positive and particular answer to this charge that is exhibited against you , they do expect you should either confess or deny it ; if you deny , it is offered in the behalf of the kingdom to be made good against you ; their authority they do avow to the whole world , that the whole kingdom are to rest satisfied in , and you are to rest satisfied with it , and therefore you are to lose no more time , but to give a positive answer thereunto . the king . when i was here last , 't is very true , i made that question , and truly if it were only my own particular case , i would have satisfied my self with the protestation i made the last time i was here against the legality of this court , and that a king cannot be tryed by any superiour jurisdiction on earth ; but it is not my case alone , it is the freedom and the liberty of the people of england , and do you pretend what you will , i stand more for their liberties . for if power without law may make laws , may alter the fundamental laws of the kingdom , i do not know what subject he is in england , that can be sure of his life , or any thing that he calls his own ; therefore when that i came here , i did expect particular reasons , to know by what law , what authority you did proceed against me here , and therefore i am a little to seek what to say to you in this particular , because the affirmative is to be proved , the negative often is very hard to do : but since i cannot perswade you to do it , i shall tell you my reasons as short as i can . my reasons why in conscience , and the duty i owe to god first , and my people next , for the preservation of their lives , liberties and estates ; i conceive i cannot answer this , till i be satisfied of the legality of it . all proceedings against any man whatsoever — lord president . sir , i must interrupt you , which i would not do , but that what you do is not agreeable to the proceedings of any court of justice , you are about to enter into argument , and dispute concerning the authority of this court , before whom you appear as a prisoner , and are charged as an high delinquent ; if you take upon you to dispute the authority of the court , we may not do it , nor will any court give way unto it , you are to submit unto it , you are to give in a punctual and direct answer , whether you will answer your charge or no , and what your answer is . the king . sir , by your favour , i do not know the forms of law , i do know law and reason , though i am no lawyer profess'd , but i know as much law as any gentleman in england ; and therefore ( under favour ) i do plead for the liberties of the people of england more then you do , and therefore if i should impose a belief upon any man without reasons given for it , it were unreasonable ; but i must tell you , that that reason that i have as thus informed , i cannot yield unto it . lord president . sir , i must interrupt you , you may not be permitted , you speak of law and reason , it is fit there should be law and reason , and there is both against you . sir , the vote of the commons of england assembled in parliament , it is the reason of the kingdom , and they are these that have given to that law , according to which you should have ruled and raigned : sir , you are not to dispute our authority , you are told it again by the court. sir , it will be taken notice of , that you stand in contempt of the court , and your contempt will be recorded accordingly . the king . i do not know how a king can be a delinquent ; but by any law that ever i heard of , all men ( delinquents , or what you will ) let me tell you , they may put in demurrers against any proceeding as legal , and i do demand that , and demand to be heard with my reasons , if you deny that , you deny reason . lord president . sir , you have offered something to the court , i shall speak something unto you the sence of the court. sir , neither you nor any man are permitted to dispute that point , you are concluded , you may not demur the jurisdiction of the court , if you do , i must let you know , that they over-rule your demurrer , they sit here by the authority of the commons of england , and all your predecessors , and you are responsible to them . king. i deny that , shew me one president . lord president . sir , you ought not to interrupt while the court is speaking to you , this point is not to be debated by you , neither will the court permit you to do it , if you offer it by way of demurrer to the jurisdiction of the court , they have considered of their jurisdiction , they do affirm their own jurisdiction . the king. i say sir , by your favour , that the commons of england was never a court of judicature , i would know how they came to be so . lord president . sir , you are not to be permitted to go on in that speech , and these discourses . then the clerk of the court read , as followeth : charls stuart king of england , you have been accused on the behalf of the people of england of high treason , and other high crimes ; the court have determined that you ought to answer the same . the king. i will answer the same so soon as i know by what authority you do this . lord president . if this be all that you will say , then , gentlemen , you that brought the prisoner hither , take charge of him back again . the king. i do require that i may give in my reasons why i do not answer , and give me time for that . lord president . sir , 't is not for prisoners to require . the king. prisoners ? sir , i am not an ordinary prisoner . lord president . the court hath considered of their jurisdiction , and they have already affirmed their jurisdiction ; if you will not answer , we shall give order to record your default . the king. you never heard my reasons yet . lord president . sir , your reasons are not to be heard against the highest jurisdiction . the king. shew me that jurisdiction where reason is not to be heard . lord president . sir , we shew it you here , the commons of england ; and the next time you are brought , you will know more of the pleasure of the court , and , it may be , their final determination . the king. shew me where ever the house of commons was a court of judicature of that kind . lord president . serjeant , take away the prisoner . the king. well sir , remember that the king is not suffered to give in his reasons for the liberty and feeedom of all his subjects . lord president . sir , you are not to have liberty to use this language ; how great a friend you have been to the laws and liberties of the people , let all england and the world judg . the king. sir , under favour , it was the liberty , freedom , and laws of the subject that ever i took — defended my self with arms , i never took up arms against the people , but for the laws . lord president . the command of the court must be obeyed ; no answer will be given to the charge . the king. well sir. then the lord president ordered the default to be recorded , and the contempt of the court , and that no answer would be given to the charge . and so was guarded forth to sir robert cottons house . then the court adjourned to the painted chamber on tuesday at twelve a clock , and from thence they intend to adjourn to westminster hall , at which time all persons concerned are to give their attendance . at the high court of justice sitting in westminster hall , tuesday , ianuary 23. 1648. o yes made . silence commanded . the court called . seventy three persons present . the king comes in with his guard , looks with an austere countenance upon the court , and sits down . the second o yes made , and silence commanded . mr cook solicitor general . may it please your lordship , my lord president , this is now the third time , that by the great grace and favour of this high court the prisoner hath been brought to the bar before any issue joyned in the cause . my lord , i did at the first court exhibite a charge against him , containing the highest treason this ever was wrought upon the theatre of england : that a king of england , trusted to keep the law , that had taken an oath so to do , that had tribute paid him for that end , should be guilty of a wicked design , subvert and destroy our laws , and introduce an arbitrary , and tyrannical government , in the defence of the parliament and their authority , set up his standard for war against his parliament and people ; and i did humbly pray , in the behalf of the people of england , that he might speedily be required to make an answer to the charge . but , my lord , instead of making any answer , he did then dispute the authority of this high court ; your lordship was pleased to give him a further day to consider and to put in his answer , which day being yesterday , i did humbly move , that he might be required to give a direct and positive answer , either by denying , or confession of it ; but ( my lord ) he was then pleased for to demur to the jurisdiction of the court , which the court did then over-rule , and command him to give a direct and positive answer . my lord , besides this great delay of justice ; i shall now humbly move your lordship for speedy judgment against him . my lord , i might press your lordship upon the whole , that according to the known rules of the law of the land , that if a prisoner shall stand as contumacious in contempt , and shall not put in an issuable plea ; guilty or not guilty of the charge given against him , whereby he may come to a fair tryal ; that as by an implicite confession , it may be taken pro confesso , as it hath been done to those ▪ who have deserved more favor then the prisoner at the bar has done ▪ but besides , my lord , i shall humbly press your lordship upon the whole fact ; the house of commons , the supream authority and jurisdiction of the kingdom , they have declared , that it is notorious , that the matter of the charge is true , as it is in truth ( my lord ) as clear as chrystal , and as the sun that shines at noon day , which if your lordship and the court be not satisfied in it have notwithstanding , on the people of englands behalf , several witnesses to produce : and therefore i do humbly pray , and yet i must confess it is not so much i as the innocent blood that hath been shed ▪ the cry whereof is very great for justice and judgment ; and therefore i do humbly pray , that speedy judgment be pronounced against the prisoner at the bar. lord president . sir , you have heard what is moved by the councel on the behalf of the kingdom against you . sir , you may well remember , and if you do not , the court cannot forget what delatory dealings the court hath found at your hands , you were pleased to propound some questions , you have had your resolution upon them . you were told over and over again , that the court did affirm their own jurisdiction , that it was not for you , nor any other man , to dispute the jurisdiction of the supream and highest authority of england , from which there is no appeal , and touching which there must be no dispute ; yet you did persist in such carriage , as you gave no manner of obedience , nor did you acknowledge any authority in them , nor the high court , that constituted this court of justice sir , i must let you know from the court , that they are very sensible of these delays of yours , and that they : ought not , being thus authorized by the supream court of england , to be thus trifled withal , and that they might in justice , if they pleased , and according to the rules of justice , take advantage of these delays , and proceed to pronounce judgment against you ; yet nevertheless they are pleased to give direction , and on their behalfs i do require you , that you make a positive answer unto this charge that is against you sir , in plain terms , for justice knows no respect of persons ; you are to give your positive and finall answer in plain english , whether you be guilty or not guilty of these treasons laid to your charge . the king after a little pause , said , when i was here yesterday , i did desire to speak for the liberties of the people of england ; i was interrupted : i desire to know yet whether i may speak freely or not . lord president . sir , you have had the resolution of the court upon the like question the last day , and you were told , that having such a charge of so high a nature against you , and your work was , that you ought to acknowledge the jurisdiction of the court , and to answer to your charge . sir , if you answer to your charge , which the court gives you leave now to do , though they might have taken the advantage of your contempt , yet if you be able to answer to your charge , when you have once answered , you shall be heard at large , make the best defence you can . but sir , i must let you know from the court , as their commands , that you are not to be permitted to issue out into any other discourses , till such time as you have given a positive answer concerning the matter that is charg'd upon you . the king. for the charge , i value it not a rush , it is the liberty of the people of england that i stand for ; for me to acknowledge a new court that i never heard of before , i that am your king , that should be an example to all the people of england for to uphold justice , to maintain the old laws ; indeed i do not know how to do it ; you spoke very well the first day that i came here , ( on saturday ) of the obligations that i had laid upon me by god , to the maintenance of the liberties of my people : the same obligation you spake of , i do acknowledge to god that i owe to him , and to my people , to defend as much as in me lies , the ancient laws of the kingdom , therefore untill that i may know that this is not against the fundamental laws of the kingdom , by your favour i can put in no particular * charge : if you will give me time , i will shew you my reasons why i cannot do it , and this — here being interrupted , he said , by your favour , you ought not to interrupt me ; how i came here i know not , there 's no law for it to make your king your prisoner : i was in a treaty upon the publique faith of the kingdom , that was the known — two houses of parliament that was the representative of the kingdom , and when that i had almost made an end of the treaty ▪ then i was hurried away and brought hither , and therefore — here the lord president said ; sir , you must know the pleasure of the court. the king. by your favour sir : lord president . nay sir , by your favour , you may not be permitted to fall into those discourses ; you appear as a delinquent , you have not acknowledged the authority of the court , the court craves it not of you , but once more they command you to give your positive answer — clark. do your duty . the king. duty sir ! the clark reads . charles stvart , king of england , you are accused in the behalf of the commons of england of divers high crimes and treasons , which charge hath been read unto you ; the court now requires you to give your positive and final answer by way of confession , or denial of the charge . the king. sir , i say again to you , so that i might give satisfaction to the people of england of the clearness of my proceeding , not by way of answer , not in this way , but to satisfie them that i have done nothing against that trust that hath been committed to me , i would do it ; but to acknowledge a new court against their priviledges , to alter the fundamental laws of the kingdom , sir you must excuse me . lord president . sir , this is the the third time that you have publiquely disown'd this court , and put an affront upon it ; how far you have preserv'd priviledges of the people , your actions have spoke it ; but truly sir , mens intentions ought to be known by their actions , you have written your meaning in bloudy characters throughout the whole kingdom ; but sir you understand the pleasure of the court , — clerk record the default , — and gentlemen , you that took charge of the prisoner , take him back again . the king. i will only say this one word more to you , if it were only my own particular , i would not say any more , nor interrupt you . lord president . sir , you have heard the pleasure of the court , and you are ( notwithstanding you will not understand it ) to find that you are before a court of justice . then the king went forth with his guard , and proclamation was made , that all persons which had then appear'd , and had further to do at the court might depart into the painted-chamber , to which place the court did forthwith adjourn , and intended to meet in westminster hall by ten of the clock the next morning . cryer . god bless the kingdom of england . wednesday january 4. 1648. this day it was expected the high court of justice would have met in westminster hall about ten of the clock , but at the time appointed one of the ushers by direction of the court ( then sitting in the painted chamber ) gave notice to the people there assembled , that in regard the court was then upon the examination of witnesses in relation to present affairs , in the painted-chamber , they could not sit there , but all persons appointed to be there , were to appear upon further summons . the proceedings of the high court of justice sitting in westminster hall , on saturday the 27. of january , 1648. o yes made . silence commanded . the court called . serjeant bradshaw , lord president ( in a scarlet robe ) with sixty eight other members of the court. as the king comes in , a cry made in the hall for execution , iustice , execution . king. i shall desire a word to be heard a little , and i hope i shall give no occasion of interruption . lord president . you may answer in your time , hear the court first . king. if it please you sir , i desire to be heard , and i shall not give any occasion of interruption , and it is only in a word , a sudden judgment . — lord president . sir you shall be heard in due time , but you are to hear the court first . king. sir , i desire it will be in order to what i believe the court will say ; and therefore sir , an hasty judgment is not so soon recall'd . lord president . sir , you shall be heard before the judgment be given , and in the mean time you may forbear . king. well sir , shall i be heard before the judgment be given ? lord president . gentlemen , it is well known to all , or most of you here present , that the prisoner at the bar hath been severall times convented and brought before the court to make answer to a charge of treason , and other high crimes exhibited against him in the name of the people of * england , to which charge being required to answer , he hath been so far from obeying the commands of the court by submitting to their justice , as he began to take upon him to offer reasoning and debate unto the authority of the court , and of the highest court that constituted them to try and judge him ; but being over-ruled in that , and required to make his answer , he was still pleased to continue contumacious , and to refuse to submit or answer : hereupon the court ▪ that they may not be wanting to themselves , to the trust reposed in them , nor that any mans wilfulness prevent justice , they have thought fit to take the matter into their consideration ; they have considered of the contumacy , and of that confession , which in law doth arise upon that contumacy ; they have likewise considered of the notoriety of the fact charg'd upon this prisoner , and upon the whole matter they are resolved , and have agreed upon a sentence to be now pronounced against this prisoner : but in respect he doth desire to be heard , before the sentence be read , and pronounc'd , the court hath resolved that they will hear him ; yet sir , thus much i must tell you before-hand , which you have been minded of at other courts , that if that you have to say be to offer any debate concerning jurisdiction , you are not to be heard in it , you have offered it formerly , and you have indeed struck at the root , that is the power and supreme authority of the commons of england , which this court will not admit a debate of , and which indeed is an irrational thing in them to do , being a court that acts upon authority derived from them , that they should presume to judge upon their superior , from whom there 's no appeal . but sir , if you have any thing to say in defence of your self concerning the matter charged , the court hath given me in command to let you know they will hear you . the king. since that i see that you will ●ot hear any thing of debate concerning that which i confess i thought most material for the peace of the kingdom , and for the liberty of the subject , i shall wave it , i shall speak nothing to it , but only i must tell you , that this many a day all things have been taken away from me , but that that i call more dearer to me then my life , which is , my conscience and my honor ; and if i had respect to my life more then the peace of the kingdom , the liberty of the subject , certainly i should have made a particular defence for my self , for by that at leastwise i might have delayed an ugly sentence , which i believe will pass upon me ; therefore certainly sir , as a man that hath some understanding , some knowledge of the world , if that my true zeal to my country had not over-born the care that i have of my own preservation , i should have gone another way to work then that i have done ; now sir i conceive , that an hasty sentence once past may sooner be repented then recalled , and truly , the self-same desire that i have for the peace of the kingdom , and the liberty of the subject , more then my own particular , does make me now at last desire , that having something for to say that concerns both , i desire before sentence be given , that i may be heard in the painted-chamber before the lords and commons , this delay cannot be prejudicial to you whatsoever i say , if that i say no reason , those that hear me must be judges , i cannot be judge of that that i have , if it be reason , and really for the welfare of the kingdom , and the liberty of the subject , i am sure on 't very well t is worth the hearing ; therefore i do conjure you , as you love that that you pretend , i hope it 's real , the liberty of the subject , the peace of the kingdom , that you will grant me the hearing before any sentence be past , i only desire this , that you will take this into your consideration , it may be you have not heard of it before hand , if you will i 'le retire , and you may think of it , but if i cannot get this liberty , i do here protest that so fair shews of liberty and peace are pure shews , and not otherwise , then that you will not hear your king . lord president . sir , you have now spoken . king. yes sir. lord president . and this that you have said is a further declining of the iurisdiction of this court , which was the thing wherein you were limited before king. pray excuse me sir , for my interruption , because you mistake me , it is not a declining of it , you do judge me before you hear me speak , i say it will not , i do not decline it , though i cannot acknowledge the jurisdiction of the court ; yet sir , in this give me leave to say ▪ i would do it , though i did not acknowledge it in this , i do protest it is not the declining of it , since i say , if that i do say any thing but that that is for the peace of the kingdom , and the liberty of the subject , then the shame is mine . now i desire , that you will take this into your consideration , if you will i 'le withdraw . lord president . sir , this is not altogether new that you have moved unto us , not altogether new to us , though the first time in person you have offered it to the court ▪ sir , you say you do not decline the jurisdiction of the court. king. not in this that i have said . lord president . i understand you well sir , but nevertheless that which you have offered , seems to be contrary to that saying of yours ; for the court are ready to give a sentence : it is not as you say , that they will not hear your king , for they have been ready to hear you ; they have patiently wa●ted your pleasure for three courts together , to hear what you would say to the peoples charge against you , to which you have not vouchsafed to give any answer at all ; sir , this tends to a further delay : truly sir , such delaies as these neither may the kingdom , nor justice well bear ; you have had three several daies to have offered in this kind what you would have pleased ; this court is founded upon that authority of the commons of england , in whom rests the supreme jurisdiction ; that which you now tender is to have another jurisdiction , and a co-ordinate jurisdiction , i know very well you express your self . sir , that notwithstanding that you would offer to the lords and commons in the painted chamber , yet nevertheless you would proceed on here , i did hear you say so ; but sir , that you would offer there , what ever it is , it must needs be in delay of the justice here , so as if this court be resolved , and prepared for the sentence , this that you offer they are not bound in justice to grant ; but sir , according to that you seem to desire , and because you shall know the further pleasure of the court upon that which you have moved , the court will withdraw for a time . king. shall i withdraw ? lord president . sir , yow shall know the pleasure of the court presently , the court withdraws for half an hour into the court of wards sergeant at arms , the court gives command that the prisoner be withdrawn , and they give order for his return again . the court withdraws for half an hour and returns . lord president . sergeant at arms , send for your prisoner . sir , you were pleased to make a motion here to the court to offer a desire of yours touching the propounding of somewhat to the lords in the painted chamber for the peace of the kingdom ; sir , you did in effect receive an answer before the court adjourned ; truly sir , their withdrawing and adjournment was pro forma tantum , for it did not seem to them that there was any difficulty in the thing ; they have considered of what you have moved , and have considered of their own authority , which is founded , as hath been often said , upon the supream authority of the commons of england assembled in parliament . the court acts accordingly to their commission ▪ sir , the return i have to you from the court , is this ; that they have been too much delayed by you already , and this that you now offer hath occasioned some little further delay , and they are judges appointed by the highest judges , and judges are no more to delay then they are to deny justice , they are good words in the old charter of england , nulli negabimus , nulli vendemus , nulli deferremus justitiam : there must be no delay , but the truth is sir , and so every man here observes it , that you have much delayed them in your contempt and default , for which they might long since have proceeded to judgment against you , and notwithstanding what you have offered , they are resolved to proceed to punishment , and to judgment , and that is their unanimous resolution . king. sir , i know it is in vain for me to dispute , i am no sceptick for to deny the power that you have , i know that you have power enough ; sir , i confess , i think it would have been for the kingdoms peace , if you would have taken the pains for to have shewn the lawfulness of your power , for this delay that i have desired , i confess it is a delay , but it is a delay very important for the peace of the kingdom , for it is not my person that i look on alone , it is the kingdoms well-fare , and the kingdoms peace , it is an old sentence , that we should think on long before we have resolved of great matters suddenly ; therefore sir , i do say again , that i do put at your doors all the inconveniency of an hasty sentence , i confess , i have been here now i think this week , this day eight days was the day i came here first , but a little delay of a day or two further may give peace , whereas an hasty judgement may bring on that trouble and perpetual inconveniency to the kingdom , that the child that is unborn may repent it ; and therefore again , out of the duty i ow to god , and to my country , i do desire that i may be heard by the lords and commons in the painted chamber , or any other chamber that you will appoint me . lord pres . sir , you have bin already answer'd to what you even now moved , being the same you moved before , since the resolution and the judgement of the court in it , and the court now requires to know whether you have any more to say for your self , then you have said , before they proceed to sentence . king. i say this sir , that if you will hear me , if you will give me but this delay , i doubt not but i shall give some satisfaction to you all here , and to my people after that , and therefore i do require you , as you will answer it at the dreadfull day of judgment , that you will consider it once again . lord president . sir , i have received direction from the court. king. well sir. lord president . if this must be re-enforc'd , or any thing of this nature , your answer must be the same , and they will proceed to sentence if you have nothing more to say . king. sir , i have nothing more to say , but i shall desire that this may be entered what i have said . lord president . the court then , sir , hath something else to say unto you , which although i know it will be very unacceptable , yet notwithstanding they are willing , and are resolv'd to discharge their duty , sir , you spake very well of a precious thing that you call peace , and it had been much to be wished that god had put it into your heart , that you had as effectually and really endeavoured and studied the peace of the kingdom , as now in words you seem to pretend ; but as you were told the other day , actions must expound intentions , yet actions have been clean contrary ; and truly sir , it doth appear plainly enough to them , that you have gone upon very erronious principles , the kingdom hath felt it to their smart , and it will be no ease to you to think of it , for sir , you have held your self , and let fall such language , as if you had been no ways subject to the law , or that the law had not been your superiour . sir , the court is very well sensible of it , and i hope so are all the understanding people of england , that the law is your superiour , that you ought to have ruled according to the law , you ought to have done so : sir , i know very well your pretence hath been that you have done so , but sir , the difference hath been who shall be the expositors of this law , sir , whether you and your party out of courts of justice shall take upon them to expound law , or the courts of justice , who are the expounders ; nay , the soveraign and the high court of justice , the parliament of england , that are not only the highest expounders , but the sole makers of the law. sir , for you to set your self with your single judgment , and those that adhere unto you , to set your self against the highest court of justice , that is not law. sir , as the law is your superior , so truly sir , there is something that is superior to the law , and that is indeed the parent or author of the law , and that is the people of england , for sir , as they are those that at the first ▪ ( as other countries have done ) did choose to themselves this form of gouernment , even for justice sake , that justice might be administred , that peace might be preserved ; so sir , they gave laws to their governors , according to which they should govern ; and if those laws should have proved inconvenient , or prejudiciall to the publique , they had a power in them , and reserved to themselves to alter as they shall see cause . sir , it is very true , what some of your side have said , rex non habet parem in regno ; this court will say the same , while king , that you have not your peer in some sense , for you are major singulis , but they will aver again , that you are minor universis ; and the same author tels you , that in exhibitione juris , there you have no power , but in _____ quasi minimus . this we know to be law , rex habet superiorem , deum & legem , etiam & curiam , and so says the same author ; and truly , sir , he makes bold to go a little further , debent ei ponere frenum , they ought to bridle him ; and sir , we know very well the stories of old , those wars that were called the barons wars , when the nobility of the land did stand out for the liberty and property of the subject , and would not suffer the kings that did invade to play the tyrants free● , but called them to account for it , we know that truth , that they did frenum ponere , but sir , if they do forbear to do their duty now , and are not so mindfull of their own honor and the kingdoms good , as the barons of england of old were , certainly the commons of england will not be unmindfull of what is for their preservation , and for their safety , justitiae fruendi causâ reges constituti sunt . this we learn , the end of having kings , or any other governors , it 's for the enjoying of justice , that 's the end . now sir , if so be the king will go contrary to that end , or any other governor will go contrary to the end of his government ; sir , he must understand that he is but an officer in trust , and he ought to discharge that trust , and they are to take order for the animadversion ▪ and punishment of such an offending governor . this is not law of yesterday sir , ( since the time of the division betwixt you and your people , ) but it is law of old ; and we know very well the authors and the authorities that do tell us what the law was in that point upon the election of kings , upon the oath that they took unto their people ; and if they did not observe it , there were those things called parliaments ; the parliaments were they that were to adjudge ( the very words of the author ) the plaints and wrongs done of the king and the queen , or their children , such wrongs especially when the people could have no where else any remedy . sir , that hath been the people of englands case , they could not have their remedy elsewhere but in parliament . sir , parliaments were ordained for that purpose to redress the grievances of the people , that was their main end ; and truly sir , if so be that the kings of england had been rightly mindfull of themselves , they were never more in majesty and state then in the parliament : but how forgetful some have been , stories have told us ; we have a miserable , a lamentable , a sad experience of it . sir by the old laws of england , i speak these things the rather to you , because you were pleased to let fall the other day , you thought you had as much knowledg in the law , as most gentlemen in england , it is very well sir. and truly sir , it is very fit for the gentlemen of england to understand that law under which they must live , and by which they must be governed . and then sir , the scripture says , they that know their masters will and do it not , what follows ? the law is your master , the acts of parliament . the parliaments were to be kept anciently we find in our old author twice in the year , that the subject upon any occasion might have a ready remedy and redress for his grievance . afterwards by several acts of parliament in the days of your predecessor edward the third , they must have been once a year . sir what the intermission of parliaments hath been in your time it is very well known , and the sad consequences of it , and what in the interim instead of these parliaments , hath been by you by an high and arbitrary hand introduced upon the people , that likewise hath been too well known and felt . but when god by his providence had so far brought it about , that you could no longer decline the calling of a parliament , sir , yet it will appear what your ends were against the ancient and your native kingdom of scotland : the parliament of england not serving your ends against them , you were pleased to dissolve it . another great necessity occasioned the calling of this parliament , and what your designs and plots and endeavours all along have been for the crushing and confounding of this parliament , hath been very notorious to the whole kingdom ; and truly sir , in that you did strike at all ; that had been a sure way to have brought about that that this charge laies upon you , your intention to subvert the fvndamental lawes of the land. for the great bulwark of the liberties of the people , is the parliament of england ▪ and to subvert and root up that , which your aim hath been to do , certainly at one blow you had confounded the liberties and the property of england . truly sir , it makes me call to minde , i cannot forbear to express it , for sir , we must deal plainly with you , according to the merits of your cause , so is our commission , it makes me call to mind ( these proceedings of yours ) that we read of a great roman emperor , by the way let us call him a great roman tyrant , caligula , that wisht that the people of rome had had but one neck , that at one blow he might cut it off : and your proceedings hath been somewhat like to this ; for the body of the people of england hath been ( and where else ) represented but in the parliament , and could you have but confounded that , you had at one blow cut off the neck of england : but god hath reserved better things for us , and hath pleased for to confound your designs , and to break your forces , and to bring your person into custody that you might be responsible to justice . sir , we know very well , that it is a question on your side very much prest , by what president we shall proceed ? truly sir , for presidents , i shall not upon these occasions institute any long discourse , but it is no new thing to cite presidents almost of all nations , where the people ( when power hath been in their hands ) have been made bold to call their kings to account , and where the change of governement hath been upon occasion of the tyranny and mis-government of those that have been placed over them ; i will not spend time to mention france , or spain , or the empire , or other countries , volumes may be written of it ; but truly sir , that of the kingdom of aragon , i shall think some of us have thought upon it , when they have the justice of aragon , that is a man tanquam in medio positus , betwixt the king of spain , and the people of the country , that if wrong be done by the king he that is the king of aragon , the justice hath power to reform the wrong , and he is acknowledged to be the kings superiour , and is the grand preserver of their priviledges , and hath prosecuted kings upon their miscarriages . sir ; what the tribunes of rome were heretofore , and what the ephori were to the lacedemonian state we know , that is the parliament of england to the english state ; and though rome seemed to lose it's liberty when once the emperors were ; yet you shall find some famous acts of justice even done by the senate of rome , that great tyrant of his time nero , condemned and judged by the senate . but truly sir , to you i should not mention these forreign examples and stories . if you look but over tweed , we find enough in your native kingdom of scotland , if we look to your first king fergusius that your stories make mention of , he was an elective king , he dyed , and left two sons both in their minority , the kingdom made choyce of their unkle his brother to govern in the minority ; afterwards the elder brother giving small hopes to the people that he would rule or govern well , seeking to supplant that good unkle of his that governed then justly , they set the elder aside , and took to the younger . sir , if i should come to what your stories make mention of ▪ you know very well you are the 109. king of scotland , for to mention so many kings as that kingdom , according to their power and priviledg , have made bold to deal withal , some to banish , and some to imprison , and some to put to death , it would be too long ; and as one of your own authors says , it would be too long to recite the manifold examples that your own stories make mention of ; reges ( say they ) we do create , we created kings at first ; leges , &c. we imposed laws upon them ; and as they are chosen by the suffrages of the people at the first , so , upon just occasion , by the same suffrages they may be taken down again : and we will be bold to say , that no kingdom hath yeelded more plentiful experience then that your native kingdom of scotland , hath done concerning the deposition and the punishment of their offending and transgressing kings , &c. it is not far to go for an example neer you , our grandmother set aside , and your father ●n infant crowned ; and the state did it here ●n england , here hath not been a want of ●ome examples , they have made bold ( the par●iament , and the people of england ) to call ●heir kings to account , there are frequent ●xamples of it in the saxons time , the time before the conquest ; since the conquest here want not some presidents neither , king edward the second , king richard the second , were dealt with so by the parliament , as they were deposed and deprived ; and truly sir , who ever shall look into their stories , they ●hall not finde the articles that are charged upon them to come neer to that height and capitalness of crimes that are layd to your charge , nothing neer . sir , you were pleased to say the other day wherein they discent , and i did not contradict it , but take altogether , sir , if you were as the charge speaks , and no o●herwise admitted king of england , but for that you were pleased then to alledg , now that almost for a thousand years these things have been , stories will tell you , if you go no higher then the time of the conquest , if you do come down since the conquest , you are the twenty fourth king from william called the conqueror , you shall find one half of them to come meerly from the state , and not meerly upon the point of discent ; it were easie to be instanced to you , the time must not be lost that way . and truly sir , what a grave and learned judge in his time and well known to you , and is since printed for posterity , that although there was such a thing as a discent many times , yet the kings of enland ever held the greatest assurance of their titles when it was declared by parliament : and sir , your oath , the manner of your coronation doth shew plainly , that the kings of england , although it 's true by the law the next person in bloud is designed ; yet if there were just cause to refuse him , the people of england might do it . for there is a contract , and bargain made between the king and his people , and your oath is taken , and certainly sir , the bond is reciprocal , for as you are the liege lord , so they liege subjects , and we know very well that hath been so much spoken of , ligantia est duplex , this we know now , the one tye , the one bond , is the bond of perfection that is due from the soveraign , the other is the bond of subjection that is due from the subject , sir if this bond be once broken , farewell soveraignty , subjectio trahit , &c. these things may not be denyed sir , i speak it the rather , and i pray god it may work upon your heart , that you may be sensible of your miscarriages . for whether you have been as by your office you ought to be , a protector of england , or the destroyer of england , let all england judge , or all the world that hath look'd upon it . sir , though you have it by inheritance in the way that is spoken of , yet it must not be denyed that your office was an office of trust , and indeed , an office of the highest trust lodged in any single person ; for as you were the grand administrator of justice , and others were as your deligates to see it done throughout your realms , if your great office were to do justice and preserve your people from wrong , and instead of doing that you will be the great wrong doer your self ; if instead of being a conservator of the peace , you will be the grand disturbe of the peace , surely this is contrary to your office , contrary to your trust . now sir , if it be an office of inheritance , as you speak of your title by discent , let all men know that great offices are seizable and forfeitable , as if you had it but for a year and for your life ; therefore sir , it will concern you to take into your serious consideration your great miscarriages in this kind . truly sir , i shall not particularize the many miscarriages of your reign whatsoever , they are famously known ; it had been happy for the kingdom , and happy for you too , if it had not been so much known , and so much felt , as the story of your miscarriages must needs be , and hath been already . sir , that that we are now upon by the command of the highest court hath been and is to try and judg you for these great offences of yours . sir , the charge hath called you tyrant , a traytor , a murtherer , and a publique enemy to the commonwealth of england . sir , it had been well , if that any of all these terms might rightly and justly have been spared , if any one of them at all . king. ha ? lord pres . truly sir , we have been told , rex est dum bene regit , tyrannus qui populum opp●●vit , and if so be that be the definition of a tyrant , then see how you come short of it in your actions , whether the highest tyrant by that way of arbitrary government , and that you have sought for to introduce , and that you have sought to put , you were putting upon the people , whether that was not as high an act of tyranny as any of your predecessors were guilty of , nay , many degrees beyond it . sir , the term traytor cannot be spared , we shall easily agree it must denote and suppose a breach of trust , and it must suppose it to be done by a superior , and therefore sir , as the people of england might have incurred that respecting you , if they had been truly guilty of it , as to the definition of law , so on the other side , when you did break your trust to the kingdom , you did break your trust to your superior : for the kingdom is that for which you were trusted . and therefore sir , for this breach of trust when you are called to account , you are called to account by your superiors ▪ minimus ad majorem in judicium vo●it . and sir , the people of england cannot be so far wanting to themselves , which god having dealt so miraculously and gloriously for , they having power in their hands , and their great enemy , they must proceed to do justice to themselves , and to you ▪ for , sir , the court could heartily desire , that you would lay your hand upon your heart and consider what you have done amiss , that you would endeavor to make your peace with god. truly sir , these are your high crimes , tyranny and treason . there is a third thing too if those had not been , and that is murther , which is layd to your charge . all the bloody murthers that have been committed since this time that the division was betwixt you and your people must be layd to your charge , that have been acted or committed in these late wars . sir , it is an heinous and crying sin ; and truly sir , if any man will ask us what punishment is due to a murtherer , let gods law , let mans law speak . sir , i will presume that you are so well read in scripture as to know what god himself hath said concerning the shedding of mans blood ; gen. 9. numb . 35. will tell you what the punishment is , and which this court in behalf of the kingdom are sensible of , of that innocent blood that has been shed , wherby indeed the land stands stil defiled with that blood , & as the text hath it , it can no way be cleansed but with the shedding of the blood of him that shed this blood . sir , we know no dispensation from this blood in that commandment , thou shalt do no murther ; we do not know but that it extends to kings , as well as to the meanest peasants , the meanest of the people , the command is universal ▪ sir , gods law forbids it , mans law forbids , nor do we know that there is any manner of exception , not even in mans laws , for the punishment of murther in you . 't is true , that in the case of kings , every private hand was not to put forth it self to this work for their reformation and punishment . but sir , the people represented having power in their hands , had there been but one wilful act of murther by you committed , had power to have convented you , and to have punished you for it . but then sir , the weight that lies upon you in all those respects that have been spoken , by reason of your tyranny , treason , breach of trust , and the murthers that have been committed , surely sir , it must drive you into a sad consideration concerning your eternal condition : as i said at first , i know it cannot be pleasing to you to hear any such things as these are mentioned unto you from this court , for so we do call our selves , and justifie our selves to be a court , and a high court of justice , authorized by the highest and solemnest court of the kingdom , as we have often said ; and although you do yet endeavor what you may to dis-court us , yet we do take knowledg of our selves to be such a court as can administer justice to you , and we are bound sir , in duty to do it . sir , all i shall say before the reading of your sentence , it is but this ; the court does heartily desire , that you will seriously think of those evils that you stand guilty of sir , you said well to us the other day , you wisht us to have god before our eyes , truly sir , i hope all of us have so , that god that we know is a king of kings , and lord of lords , that god with whom there is no respect of persons , that god that is the avenger of innocent blood , we have that god before us , that god that does bestow a curse upon them that with-hold their hands from sheding of blood , which is in the case of guilty malefactors , and that do deserve death ; that god we have before our eyes , and were it not that the conscience of our duty hath called us unto this place , and this imployment , sir , you should have had no appearance of a court here : but sir , we must prefer the discharge of our duty unto god , and unto the kingdom , before any other respect whatsoever : and although at this time many of us , if not all of us , are severely threatened by some of your party what they intend to do , sir , we do here declare , that we shall not decline or forbear the doing of our duty in the administration of justice even to you , according to the merit of your offence , although god should permit those men to effect all that bloody design in hand against us . sir , we will say , and we will declare it , as those children in the fiery furnace , that would not worship the golden image that nebuchadnezzar had set up ▪ that their god was able to deliver them from that danger that they were neer unto ; but yet if he would not do it , yet , notwithstanding that , they would not fall down and worship the image : we shall thus apply it , that though we should not be delivered from those bloody hands and hearts that conspire the overthrow of the kingdom in general , of us in particular , for acting in this great work of justice , though we should perish in the work , yet by gods grace , and by gods strength , we will go on with it : and this is all our resolutions . sir , i say for your self , we do heartily wish , and desire , that god would be pleased to give you a sense of your sins , that you would see wherein you have done amiss , that you may cry unto him , that god would deliver you from blood-guiltiness . a good king was once guilty of that particular thing , and was clear otherwise , saving in the matter of vriah . truly sir , the story tels us , that he was a repentant king , and it signifies enough that he had dyed for it , but that god was pleased to accept of him , & to give him his pardon , thou shalt not die , but the child shal die , thou hast given cause to the enemies of god to blaspheme . king. i would desire onely one word before you give sentence , and that is , that you would hear me concerning those great imputations that you have layd to my charge . lord presid . sir , you must give me now leave to go on , for i am not far from your sentence , and your time is now past . king. but i shall desire you will hear me a few words to you , for truly what ever sentence you will put upon me , in respect of those heavy imputations that i see by your speech you have put upon me , sir , it is very true that — lord pres . sir , i must put you in minde . truly sir i would not willingly , at this time especially , interrupt you in any thing you have to say that is proper for us to admit of , but sir , you have not owned us as a court , and you look upon us as a sort of people met together , and we know what language we receive from your party . king. i know nothing of that . lord pres . you dis-avow us as a court , and therefore for you to address your self to us , not to acknowledg us as a court to judg of what you say , it is not to be permitted ; and the truth is , all along from the first time , you were pleased to dis-avow and dis-own us , the court needed not to have heard you one word ; for unless they be acknowledged a court , and engaged , it is not proper for you to speak : sir , we have given you too much liberty already , and admitted of too much delay , and we may not admit of any farther ; were it proper for us to do , we should hear you freely , and we should not have declined to have heard you at large , what you could have said or proved on your behalf , whether for totally excusing , or for in part excusing those great and hainous charges that in whole or in part are layd upon you . but sir , i shall trouble you no longer , your sins are of so large a dimension , that if you do but seriously think of them , they will drive you to a sad consideration of it , and they may improve in you a sad and serious repentance . and that the court doth heartily wish that you may be so penitent for what you have done amiss , that god may have mercy at least-wise upon your better part . truly sir , for the other , it is our parts and duties to do that that the law prescribes , we are not here jus dare , but jus dicere ; we cannot be unmindful of what the scripture tells us , for to acquit the guilty is of equal abomination as to condemn the innocent , we may not acquit the guilty ; what sentence the law affirms to a traytor , tyrant , a murtherer , and a publike enemy to the country , that sentence you are now to hear read unto you , and that is the sentence of the court. the lord president commands the sentence to be read . make an o yes , and command silence while the sentence is read . o yes made . silence commanded . the clerk read the sentence , which was drawn up in parchment . where as the commons of england in parliament had appointed them an high court of justice for the trying of charls stuart king of england , before whom he had been three times convented , and at the first time a charge of high treason , and other crimes and misdemeanors , was read in the behalf of the kingdom of england , &c. here the clerk read the charge . which charge being read unto him as aforesaid , he the said charls stuart was required to give his answer , but he refused so to do , and so exprest the several passages at his tryal in refusing to answer . for all which treasons and crimes , this court doth adjudg , that the said charls stuart , as a tyrant , traytor , murtherer , and a publique enemy , shall be put to death , by the severing his head from his body . after the sentence read , the lord president said ; this sentence now read and published , it is the act , sentence , judgment , and resolution of the whole court. here the court stood up , as assenting to what the president said . king. will you hear me a word sir ? lord pres . sir , you are not to be heard after the sentence . king. no sir ? lord presid . no sir , by your favor sir. guard , withdraw your prisoner . king i may speak after the sentence — by your favor sir , i may speak after the sentence ever . by your favor ( hold ) the sentence sir — i say sir i do — i am not suffered for to speak , expect what justice other people will have . o yes . all maner of persons that have any thing else to do , are to depart at this time , and to give their attendance in the painted chamber , to which place this court doth forthwith adjourn it self . then the court rose , and the king went with his guard to sir robert cottons , and from thence to whitehall . king charls his speech made upon the scaffold at whitehall-gate immediately before his execution . tuesday , january 30. about ten in the morning the king was brought from st. james's , walking on foot through the park , with a regiment of foot , part before and part behinde him , with colours flying , drums beating , his private guard of partizans , with some of his gentlemen before , and some behinde bare-headed , dr juxon next behinde him , and colonel thomlinson ( who had the charge of him ) talking with the king bare-headed from the park , up the stairs into the gallery , and so into the cabinet-chamber , where he used to lie , where he continued at his devotion , refusing to dine ( having before taken the sacrament ) onely about an hour before he came forth , he drank a glass of claret wine , and eat a piece of bread about twelve at noon . from thence he was accompanyed by dr. juxon , colonel thomlinson , and other officers , formerly appointed to attend him , and the private guard of partizans , with musketiers on each side , through the banqueting-house adjoyning , to which the scaffold was erected , between whitehall-gate , and the g 〈…〉 ding into the gallery from s. james's : the ●caffold was hung round with black , and the floor covered with black , and the ax and block layd in the middle of the scaffold . there were divers companies of foot , and troops of horse placed on the one side of the scaffold towards kings-street , and on the other side towards charing-cross , and the multitudes of people that came to be spectators very great . the king being come upon the scaffold , look'd very earnestly on the block , and asked col. hacker if there were no higher : and then spake thus ( directing his speech chiefly to col. thomlinson . ) king. i shall be very little heard of any body here , i shall therefore speak a word unto you here : indeed i could hold my peace very well , if i did not think that holding my peace would make some men think , that i did submit to the guilt , as well as to the punishment : but i think it is my duty to god first , and to my country , for to clear my self both as an honest man , a good king , and a good christian , i shall begin first with my innocency , introth i think it not very needful for me to insist long upon this , for all the world knows that i never did begin a war with the two 〈◊〉 of parliament , and i call god to witness , to whom i must shortly make an account , that i never did intend for to incroach upon their priviledges , they began upon me , it is the militia they began upon , they confest that the militia was mine , but they thought it fit for to have it from me : and to be short , if any body will look to the dates of commissions , of their commissions and mine , and likewise to the declarations , will see clearly that they began these unhappy troubles , not i : so that as the guilt of these enormous crimes that are layd against me , i hope in god that god will clear me of it , i will not , i am in charity : god forbid that i should lay it upon the two houses of parliament , there is no necessity of either , i hope they are free of this guilt : for i do beleeve that ill instruments between them and me , has been the chief cause of all this blood-shed : so that by way of speaking , as i finde my self clear of this , i hope ( and pray god ) that they may too : yet for all this , god forbid that i should be so ill a christian , as not to say that gods judgments are just upon me : many times he does pay justice by an unjust sentence , that is ordinary : i will onely say this , that an unjust sentence * that i suffered for to take effect , is punished now by an unjust sentence upon me , that is , so far i have said , to shew you that i am an innocent man. now for to shew you that i am a good christian : i hope there is * a good man that will bear me witness , that i have forgiven all the world , and even those in particular that have been the chief causers of my death ; who they are , god knows , i do not desire to know , i pray god forgive them , but this is not all , my charity must go farther , i wish that they may repent , for indeed they have committed a great sin in that particular : i pray god with st. stephen , that this be not layd to their charge , nay , not onely so , but that they may take the right way to the peace of the kingdom , for my charity commands me , not onely to forgive particular men , but my charity commands me to endeavor to the last gasp the peace of the kingdom : so ( sirs ) i do wish with all my soul , and i do hope ( there is * some here will carry it further ) that they may endeavor the peace of the kingdom . now ( sirs ) i must shew you both how you are out of the way , and will put you in 〈◊〉 way : first , you are out of the way , for certainly all the way you ever have had yet , as i could finde by any thing , is in the way of conquest ; certainly this is an ill way , for conquest ( sir ) in my opinion is never just , except there be a good just cause , either for matter of wrong or just title , and then if you go beyond it , the first quarrel that you have to it , that makes it unjust at the end that was just at first : but if it be onely matter of conquest , then it is a great robbery : as a pirat said to alexander , that he was the great robber , he was but a petty robber : and so , sir , i do think the way that you are in , is much out of the way . now sir , for to put you in the way , beleeve it you will never do right , nor god will never prosper you , until you give god his due , the king his due ( that is , my successors ) and the people their due : i am as much for them as any of you : you must give god his due , by regulating rightly his church ( according to his scripture ) which is now out of order : for to set you in a way particularly now i cannot , but only this , a national synod freely called , freely debating among themselve , must settle this , when that every opinion is freely and clearly heard . for the king , indeed i will not ( then turning to a gentleman that touched the ax , said , hurt not the ax , that may hurt me * . for the king ) the laws of the land will clearly instruct you for that , therefore because it concerns my own particular , i onely give you a touch of it . for the people : and truly i desire their liberty and freedom as much as any body whomsoever , but i must tell you , that their liberty and their freedom consists i●●ving of government ; those laws , by which their life and their goods may be most their own . it is not for having share in government ( sir ) that is nothing pertaining to them ; a subject and a soveraign are clean different things , and therefore until they do that , i mean , that you do put the people in that liberty as i say , certainly they will never enjoy themselves . sirs , it was for this that now i am come here : if i would have given way to an arbitrary way , for to have all laws changed according to the power of the sword , i needed not to have come here , and therefore i tell you ( and i pray god it be not layd to your charge ) that i am the martyr of the people . introth sirs , i shall not hold you much longer , for i will onely say this to you , that intruth i could have desired some little time longer , because that i would have put this that i have said in a little more order , and a little better digested then i have done , and therefore i hope you will excuse me . i have delivered my conscience , i pray god that you do take those courses that are best for the good of the kingdom & your own salvations . dr. juxon . will your majesty ( though it may be very well known your majesties affections to religion , yet it may be expected that you should ) say somewhat for the worlds satisfaction . king. i thank you very heartily ( my lord for that i had almost forgotten it . introth sirs , my conscience in religion i think is very well known to all the world , and therefore i declare before you all , that i dye a christian , according to the profession of the church of england , as i found it left me by my father , and this honest man * i think will witness it . then turning to the officers , said ; sirs , excuse me for this same , i have a good cause , and i have a gracious god , i will say no more . then turning to colonel hacker , he said ; take care they do not put me to pain , and sir this , and it please you ; but then a gentleman coming neer the ax , the king said , take heed of the ax , pray take heed of the ax , then the king speaking to the executioner , said , i shall say but very short prayers , and when i thrust out my hands — then the king called to doctor juxon for his night-cap , and having put it on , he said to the executioner , does my hair trouble you ? who desired him to put it al● under his cap , which the king did accordingly by the help of the executioner and the bishop : then the king turning to doctor juxon , said , i have a good cause and a gracious god on my side . doctor juxon . there is but one stage more . this stage is turbulent and troublesom ; it is a short one : but you may consider , it will soon carry you a very great way : it will carry you from earth to heaven ; and there you shall find a great deal of cordial joy and comfort . king. i go from a corruptible to an incorruptible crown ; where no disturbance can be , no disturbance in the world . doctor juxon . you are exchanged from a temporal to an eternal crown , a good exchange . the king then said to the executioner , is my hair well ? then the king took off his cloak and his george , giving his george to doctor iuxon , saying , remember * — then the king put off his dublet , and being in his wastcoat , put his cloak on again , then looking upon the block , said to the executioner , you must set it fast . executioner . it is fast sir. king. it might have been a little higher . executioner . it can be no higher sir. king. when i put out my hands this way , * then — after that having said two or three words ( as he stood ) to himself , with hands and eyes lift up ; immediately stooping down , laid his neck upon the block : and then the executioner again putting his hair under his cap , the king said ( thinking he had been going to strike ) stay for the sign . executioner . yes , i will , and it please your majesty . and after a very little pawse , the king stretching forth his hands , the executioner at one blow severed his head from his body . that when the kings head was cut off , the executioner held it up , and shewed it to the spectators . and his body was put in a coffin covered with black velvet for that purpose , and conveyed into his lodgings there : and from thence it was carried to his house at s. iames's , where his body was put in a coffin of lead , laid there to be seen by the people ; and about a fortnight after it was carried to windsor , accompanied with the duke of lenox , the marquess of hartford , and the earl of southampton , and doctor iuxon , late bishop of london , and others , and interred in the cappel-royal in the valt with king henry the eight , having only this inscription upon his coffin . charls , king of england , &c. 1648. sic transit gloria mundi . finis . the several speeches of duke hamilton , earl of cambridg , henry earl of holland , and arthur lord capel , upon the scaffold immediately before their execution , on friday march 9. 1649. also the several exhortations , and conferences with them upon the scaffold , by d. sibbald , m. bolton , & m. hodges . london , printed for peter cole , francis tyton , and john playford . 1650. the several speeches of the earl of cambridg , the earl of holland , and the lord capel , upon the scaffold , &c. upon friday the ninth of this instant , being the day appointed for the execution of the sentence of death upon the earl of cambridg , the earl of holland , and the lord capel , about ten of the clock that morning l. col. beecher came with his order to the several prisoners at s. iames's requiring them to come away ; according to which order they were carried in sedans with a guard , to sir thomas cottons house at westminster , where they continued about the space of two hours , passing away most of that time in religious and seasonable conferences with the ministers there present with them . after which , being called away to the scaffold , it was desired , that before they went , they might have the opportunity of commending their souls to god by prayer , which being readily granted , and the room voyded , mr. bolton was desired by the lord of holland to take the pains with them , which was accordingly done with great appearance of solemn affection among them . prayer being concluded , and hearty thanks returned by them all to the minister who performed , as also to the rest who were their assistants in this sad time of trouble ; the earl of cambridg prepared first to go towards the place of execution ; and after mutual embraces , and some short ejaculatory expressions , to and for his fellow-sufferers , he took his leave of them all , and went along with the officers , attended upon by dr. sibbald , whom he had chosen for his comforter in this his sad condition . the scaffold being erected in the new pallace-yard at westminster , over against the great hal-gate , in the sight of the place where the high court of iustice formerly sate ( the hal-doors being open , ) there was his excellencies regiment of horse commanded by cap. disher , and several companies of col. hewsons and colonel prides regiments of foot drawn up in the place : when the earl came from westminster-hall nere the scaffold , he was met by the under-sheriff of middlesex , and a guard of his men , who took the charge of him from lievt . col. beecher and the partizans that were his guard ; the sheriff of london being also , according to command from the high court of iustice ; present to see the execution performed . the earl of cambridg being come upon the scaffold , and two of his own servants waiting upon him , he first spake to the doctor as followeth : earl of cambridg . whether shall i pray first ? dr. sibb●ld . as your lordship pleases . earl of cambridg . my lord of denbigh has sent to speak with me . i know not the fashion . i may ask you sir ; do these gentlemen expect i should say any thing to them , or no ; they cannot hear ? dr. sibbald . there will be a greater silence by and by . it will not be amiss , if your lordship defer your speaking till you hear from his lordship . cambridg . there is something in it . he was with the house . dr. sibbald . i suppose he would give no interruption to your lordship , at this time , were there not something of concernment in it . cambridg . he is my brother , and has been a very faithfull servant to this state , and he was in great esteem and reputation with them . he is in the hall , and sent to speak with a servant of mine , to send something to me . dr. sibbald . it will not lengthen the time much if you stay while you have a return from him . my lord , you should do well to bestow your time now in meditating upon and imploring of the free-mercy of god in christ for your eternall salvation , and look upon that ever-streaming fountain of his precious bloud , that purgeth us from all our sins , even the sins of the deepest dye ▪ the bloud of jesus christ washes away all our sins , and that bloud of christ is poured forth upon all such as by a lively faith lay hold upon him . god so loved the world , that he gave his only begotten son , to the end , that whosoever believed in him should not perish , but have everlasting life ; that is now , my lord , the rock on which you must chiefly rest , and labor to fix your self in the free-mercy of god through christ jesus , whose mercies are from everlasting to everlasting , unto all such as with the eye of faith behold him : behold jesus the author and finisher of your salvation , who hath satisfied the justice of god by that al-sufficiency of his sacrifice , which once for all he offered upon the cross for the sins of the whole world , so that the sting of death is taken away from all believers , and he hath sanctified it as a passage to everlasting blessedness : it is true , the waters of iordan run somewhat rough and surly , betwixt the wilderness and our passage into canaan ; but let us rest upon the ark ( my lord ) the ark christ iesus , that will carry us through and above all those waves to that rock of ages , which no flood nor waves can reach unto , and to him who is yesterday , to day , and the same for ever , against whom the powers and principalities , the gates of hell , shall never be able to prevail ; lift up and fasten your eyes now upon christ crucified , and labor to behold iesus standing at the right hand of his father , ( as the protomartyr stephen ) ready to receive your soul , when it shall be separated from this frail and mortal body : alas , no man would desire life , if he knew before-hand what it were to live , it is nothing but sorrow , vexation and trouble , grief and discontent that waits upon every condition , whether publique or private ; in every station and calling there are several miseries and troubles that are inseparable from them ; therefore what a blessed thing it is to have a speedy and comfortable passage out of this raging sea , into the port of everlasting happiness : we must pass through a sea , but it is the sea of christ blood in which never soul suffered shipwrack , in which we must be blown with winds and tempests , but they are the gales of gods spirit upon us , which blow away all contrary winds of diffidence in his mercy . here one acquainting the earl , his servant was coming , he answered , so sir ; and turning to the under-sheriffs son , said , cambridg . sir , have you your warrant here ? sheriff . yes , my lord , we have a command . cambridg . a command . i take this time , sir , of staying , in regard of the earl of denbighs sending to speak with me ; i know not for what he desires me to stay . dr. sibbald . i presume mr. sheriff will not grudg your lordship a few minutes time , when so great a work as this is in hand . his lordships servant being returned , and having delivered his message to the earl of cambridg privately , he said , so , it is done now ; and then turning to the front of the scaffold , before which ( as in all the rest of the pallace ) there was a great concourse of people , he said ; earl of cambridg . i think it is truly not very necessary for me to speak much , there are many gentlemen and souldiers there that sees me , but my voyce is so weak , so low , that they cannot hear me , neither truly was i ever at any time so much in love with speaking , or with any thing i had to express , that i took delight in it ; yet this being the last time that i am to do so , by a divine providence of almighty god , who hath brought me to this end justly for my sins . i shall to you sir , mr. sheriff , declare thus much , as to the matter that i am now to suffer for , which is , as being a traytor to the kingdom of england : truly sir , it was a country that i equally loved with my own , i made no difference , i never intended either the generality of it's prejudice , or any particular mans in it ; what i did was by the command of the parliament of the country where i was born , whose commands i could not disobey , without running into the same hazard there , of that condition that i am now in : the ends , sir , of that engagement is publique , they are in print , and so i shall not need to specifie them . dr. sibbald . the sun perhaps will be too much in your lordships face ; as you speak . cambridg . no sir , it will not burn it . i hope i shall see a brighter sun then this sir , very speedily . dr. sibbald . the sun of righteousness . my lord. cambridg . ( but to that which i was saying sir. ) it pleased god so to dispose that army under my command , as it was ruined ; and i , as their general , clothed with a commission , stand here , now ready to dye ; i shall not trouble you with repeating of my plea , what i said in my own defence at the court of justice , my self being satisfied with the commands that are laid upon me , and they satisfied with the justness of their procedure , according to the laws of this land. god is just , and howsoever i shall not say any thing as to the matter of the sentence , but that i do willingly submit to his divine providence , and acknowledg that very many ways i deserve even a wordly punishment , as well as hereafter , for we are all sinful , sir , and i a great one ; yet for my comfort i know there is a god heaven that is exceeding merciful ; i know my redeemer sits at his right hand , and am confident ( clapping his hand to his brest ) is mediating for me at this instant , i am hopeful through his free-grace and al-sufficient merits , to be , pardoned of my sins , and to be received into his mercy , upon that i rely , trusting to nothing but ▪ the free-grace of god through jesus christ , i have not been tainted with my religion i thank god for it , since my infancy it hath been such as hath been profest in the land , and established , and now 't is not this religion , or that religion , nor this or that fancy of men that is to be built upon , t is but one that 's right , one that 's sure , and that comes from god. sir , and in the free-grace of our saviour . sir , there is truly something that * ( had i thought my speech would have been thus taken ) i would have digested it into some better method then now i can , and shall desire these gentlemen that does write it , that they will not wrong me in it , and that it may not in this manner be published to my disadvantage , for truly i did not intend to have spoken thus when i came here . there is , sirs , terrible aspersions has been laid upon my self ; truly such as , i thank god , i am very free from ; as if my actions and intentions had not been such as they were pretended for ; but that notwithstanding what i pretended it was for the king , there was nothing less intended then to serve him in it . i was bred with him for many years , i was his domestique servant , and there was nothing declar'd by the parliament , that was not really intended by me ; and truly in it i ventured my life one way , and now i loose it another way : and that was one of the ends , as to the king ; i speak only of that , because the rest has many particulars , and to clear my self from so horrid an aspersion as is laid upon me : neither was there any other design known to me by the incoming of that army , then what is really in the declaration published . his person , i do profess , i had reason to love , as he was my king , and as he had been my master : it has pleased god now to dispose of him , so as it cannot be thought flattery to have said this , or any end in me for the saying of it , but to free my self from that calumny which lay upon me : i cannot gain by it ; yet truth is that which we shall gain by for ever . there hath been much spoken , sir , of an invitation into this kingdom : it 's mentioned in that declaration , and truly to that i did , and do remit my self : and i have been very much laboured for discoveries of these inviters . 't is no time to dissemble . how willing i was to have served this nation in any thing that was in my power , is known to very many honest pious and religious men ; and how ready i would have been to have done what i could to have served them , if it had pleased them to have preserved my life , in whose hands there was a power : they have not thought it fit , and so i am become unuseful in that which willingly i would have done . as i said at first , sir , so i say now concerning that point ; i wish the kingdoms happiness , i wish its peace ; and truly sir , i wish that this bloud of mine may be the last that is drawn : and howsoever i may perhaps have some reluctancie with my my self as to the matter of my suffering , for my fact , yet i freely forgive all ; sir , i carry no rancor along with me to my grave : his will be done that has created both heaven and earth , and me a poor miserable sinful creature now speaking before him . for me to speak , sir , to you of state-business , and the government of the kingdom , or my opinion in that , or for any thing in that nature , truly it is to no end , it contributes nothing : my own inclination hath been to peace , from the begining ; and it is known to many , that i never was an ill instrument betwixt the king and his people ; i never acted to the prejudice of the parliament ; i bore no arms , i medled not with it ; i was not wanting by my prayers to god almighty for the happiness of the king ; and truly i shall pray still , that god may so direct him as that may be done which shall tend to his glory , and the peace and happiness of the kingdome . i have not much more to say , that i remember of ; i think i have spoken of my religion . dr. sibbald . your lordship has not so fully said it . cambridg . truly i do believe i did say something . dr. sibbald . i know you did , 't is pleasing to hear it from your lordship again . cambridg . truly sir , for the profession of my religion , that which i said was the established religion , and that which i have practised in my own kingdom where i was born and bred ; my tenents they need not to be exprest , they are known to all , and i am not of a rigid opinion ; many godly men there is , that may have scruples which do not concern me at all at no time ; they may differ in opinion , and more now then at any time ; differing in opinion does not move me ( not any mans ) my own is clear : sir , the lord forgive me my sins , and i forgive freely all those , that even i might as a wordly man , have the greatest animosity against ; we are bidden to forgive ; sir , 't is a command laid upon us ( and there mentioned ) forgive us our trespasses , as we forgive them that trespass against us . dr. sibbald . 't is our saviours rule , love your enemies , blesse them that curse you , pray for them that persecute you , do good to them which despightfully use you . cambridg . sir , it is high time for me to make an end of this , and truly i remember no more that i have to say , but to pray to god almighty a few words , and then i have done . then kneeling down with doctor sibbald , he prayed thus . most blessed lord , i thy poor and most unworthy servant come to th●● , presuming in thy infinite mercy and the merits of jesus christ , who sits upon the throne , i come flying from that of justice , to that of mercy , and tenderness for his sake which shed his bloud for sinners , that he would take compassion upon me , that he will look upon me as one that graciously hears me , that he would look upon me as one that hath redeemed me , that he would look upon me as one that hath shed his bloud for me , that he would look upon me as one who now cals and hopes to be saved by his al-sufficient merits ; for his sake , glorious god , have compassion upon me in the freeness of thy infinite mercy , that when this sinful soul of mine shall depart out of this frail carcass of clay , i may be carried into thy everlasting glory ; o lord , by thy free-grace , and out of thy infinite mercy hear me , and look down , and have compassion upon me ; and thou lord iesus , thou my lord , and thou my god , and thou my redeemer , hear me , take pitty upon me , take pitty upon me gracious god , and so deal with my soul , that by thy precious merits i may attain to thy ioy and bliss ; o lord , remember me so miserable and sinful a creature ; now thou o lord , thou o lord that dyed for me , receive me , and receive me into thy own bound of mercy ; o lord i trust in thee , suffer me not now to be confounded , satan has had too long possession of this soule , o let him not now prevail against it , but let me , o lord , from henceforth dwell with thee for evermore . now lord it is thy time to hear me , hear me gracious iesus , even for thy own goodness , mercy , and truth ; o glorious god , o blessed father , o holy redeemer , o gracious comforter , o holy and blessed trinity , i doe render up my soul into thy hands , and commit it with the mediation of my redeemer , praising thee for all thy dispensation that it has pleased thee to confer upon me , and even for this , praise , and honor , and thanks of this time forth for evermore . dr. sibbald . my lord , i trust you now behold with the eye of faith the son of righteousness shining upon your soul , and will chearfully submit unto him , who hath redeemed us through his bloud , even the bloud of jesus christ , that you may appear at the tribunal of god , clothed with the white robe of his unspoted righteousness ; the lord grant that with the eye of faith you may now see the heavens opened , and jesus christ standing at the right hand of god , ready to receive you into his arms of mercy . cambridg . then the earl turning to the executioner , said , shall i put on another cap , must this hair be turned up from my neck ? there are three of my servants to give satisfaction . dr. sibbald . my lord , i hope you are able to give all that are about you satisfaction , you are assured that god is reconciled unto you through the bloud of christ jesus , and the spirit of the lord witnesseth to you that christ is become now a jesus unto you ; my lord , fasten the eyes of your faith upon jesus the author and finisher of your salvation , who himself was brought to a violent death for the redemption of mankinde , he chearfully submitted to his fathers good pleasure in it , and for us , blessed and holy is he that has part ( my lord ) in the first resurrection ; that is , in the first riser jesus christ , who is both the resurrection and the life , over him the second death shall have no power , 't is the unspeakable joy of a believer . that at the hour of death his soul hath an immediate passage from this earthly tabernacle to that region of endless glory , yea , to the presence of god himself , in whose presence there is fulness of joy , and at whose right hand there are pleasures for evermore . then the earl of cambridg turning to the executioner , said , which way is it that you would have me lie ▪ sir ? executioner . the executioner pointing to the front of the scaffold , the earl replyed , what , my head this way ? then the under-sheriffs son , said ; my lord , the order is that you should lay your head towards the high-court of justice . the earl of cambridg , after a little discourse in private with some of his servants ▪ kneeled down on the side of the scaffold , and prayed a while to himself . when he had finished his prayers , d. sibbald spake to him thus : my lord , i humbly beseech god , that you may now with a holy and christian courage give up your soul to the hand of your faithful creator and gracious redeemer ; and not be dismaied with any sad apprehension of the terrors of this death : and what a blessed and glorious exchange you shall make within a very few minutes ! then with a chearful and smiling countenance , the earl embracing the dr. in his arms said , cambridg . truly sir , i do take you in mine arms , and truly , i bless god for it , i do not fear , i have an assurance that is grounded here ; ( laying his hand upon his heart . ) now that gives me more true joy then ever i had , i pass out of a miserable world to go into an eternal and glorious kingdom ; and sir , though i have been a most sinful creature , yet gods mercy i know is infinite , and i bless my god for it , i go with so clear a conscience , that i know not the man that i have personally injured . dr. sibbald . my lord , it is a marvellous great satisfaction that at this last hour you can say so , i beseech the lord for his eternal mercy strengthen your faith , that in the very moment of your dissolution , you may see the arms of the lord jesus stretched out ready to receive your soul . then the earl of cambridg embracing those his servants which were there present , said to each of them , you have been very faithful to me , and the lord bless you . cambridg . then turning to the executioner , said , i shall say a very short prayer to my god , while i lie down there : and when i stretch out my hand ( my right hand ) then sir , do your duty ; and i do freely forgive you , and so i do all the world . dr. sibbald . the lord in great mercy go along with you , and bring you to the possession of everlasting life , strengthening your faith in jesus christ . this is a passage , my lord , a short passage unto eternal glory . i hope , through the free grace of your gracious god , you are now able to say , o death , where is thy sting ? o grave ! where is thy victory ? and to make this comfortable answer , blessed be god , blessed be god , who hath given me an assurance of victory through christ jesus . then the earl of cambridg said to the executioner , must i lie all along ? execut. yes , and 't please your lordship . camb. when i stretch out my hands — but i will fit my head , first , tell me if i be right , and how you would have me lie . execut. your shirt must be pin'd back , for it lies too high upon your shoulders , ( which was done accordingly . ) dr sibbald . my lord , now , now lift up your eyes unto jesus christ , and cast your self now into the everlasting arms of your most gracious redeemer . then the earl having layd his head over the block , said , is this right ? dr sibbald . jesus the son of david , have mercy upon you . execut. lie a little lower sir. camb. well , stay then till i give you the signe . and so having layn a short space devoutly praying to himself , he stretched out his right hand , whereupon the executioner at one blow severed his head from his body , which was received by two of his servants , then kneeling by him , into a crimsion taffety scarf , and that with the body immediately put into a coffin , brought upon the scaffold for that purpose , and from thence conveyed to the house that was sir john hamiltons at the me●●es , where it now remains . this execution being done , the sheriffs guard went immediately to meet the earl of holland , which they did in the mid way between the scaffold and westminster-hall , and the under-sheriffs son having received him into his charge , conducted him to the scaffold , he taking mr. bolton all the way in his hand , passed all along to the scaffold discoursing together : upon which being come , observing his voyce would not reach to the people , in regard the guard compassed the scaffold , he said : holland . it is to no purpose ( i think ) to speak any thing here . which way must i speak ? and then being directed to the front of the scaffold , he ( leaning over the rails ) said ; i think it is fit to say something , since god hath called me to this place . the first thing which i must profess , is , what concerns my religion , and my breading , which hath been in a good family that hath ever been faithful to the true protestant religion , in the which i have been bred , in the which i have lived , and in the which by gods grace and mercy i shall dye . i have not lived according to that education i had in that family where i was born and bred : i hope god will forgive me my sins , since i conceive that it is very much his pleasure to bring me to this place for the sins that i have committed . the cause that hath brought me hither , i beleeve by many hath been much mistaken : they have conceived that i have had ill designs to the state , and to the kingdom : truly i look upon it as a judgment , and a just judgment of god ; not but i have offended so much the state , and the kingdom , and the parliament , as that i have had an extream vanity in serving them very extra-ordinarily . for those actions that i have done , i think it is known they have been ever very faithful to the publique , and very particularly to parliaments . my affections have been ever exprest truly and clearly to them . the dispositions of affairs now have put things in another pasture then they were when i was engaged with the parliament . i have never gone off from those principles that ever i have professed : i have lived in them , and by gods grace will dye in them . there may be alterations and changes that may carry them further then i thought reasonable , and truly there i left them : but there hath been nothing that i have said , or done , or professed , either by covenant , or declaration , which hath not been very constant , and very clear upon the principles that i ever have gone upon , which was to serve the king , the parliament , religion ( i should have said in the first place ) the common-wealth , and to seek the peace of the kingdom : that made me think it no improper time , being prest-out by accidents and circumstances , to seek the peace of the kingdom , which i thought was proper , since there was something then in agitation , but nothing agreed on for sending propositions to the king ; that was the furthest aym that i had , and truly beyond that i had no intention , none at all . and god be praised , although my blood comes to be shed here , there was i think scarcely a drop of blood shed in that action that i was engaged in . for the present affairs , as they are , i cannot tell how to judg of them : and truly they are in such a condition , as ( i conceive ) no body can make a judgment of them : and therefore i must make use of my prayers , rather then of my opinion , which are , that god would bless this kingdom , this nation , this state ; that he would settle it in a way agreeable to what this kingdom hath been happily governed under ; by a king , by the lords , by the commons : a government that ( i conceive ) it hath flourished much under , and i pray god the change of it bring not rather a prejudice , a disorder , and a confusion , then the contrary . i look upon the posterity of the king , and truly my conscience directs me to it , to desire , that if god be pleased that these people may look upon them with that affection that they ow , that they may be called in again , & they may be , not through blood , nor through disorder , admited again into that power , and to that glory , that god in their birth intended to them . i shall pray with all my soul for the happiness of this state , of this nation , that the blood which is here spilt , may be even the last which may fall among us : and truly i should lay down my life with as much cheerfulness as ever person did , if i conceived that there would no more blood follow us : for a state or affairs that are built upon blood , is a foundation for the most part that doth not prosper . after the blessing that i give to the nation , to the kingdom , and truly to the parliament , i do wish with all my heart , happiness , and a blessing to all those that have been authors in this business ; and truly that have been authors in this very work that bringeth us hither : i do not onely forgive them , but i pray heartily and really for them ; as god will forgive my sins , so i desire god may forgive them . i have a particular relation as i am chancellor of cambridg , and truly i must here , since it is the last of my prayers , pray to god that that vniversity may go on in that happy way which it is in , that god may make it a nursery to plant those persons that may be distributed to the kingdom , that the souls of the people may receive a great benefit , and a great advantage by them , and ( i hope ) god will reward them for their kindness , and their affections that i have found from them . * i have said what religion i have been bred in , what religion i have been born in , what religion i have practised ; i began with it , and i must end with it . i told you that my actions and my life have not been agreeable to my breeding , i have told you likewise that the family where i was bred hath been an exemplary family ( i may say so i hope , without vanity ) of much affection to religion , and of much faithfulness to this kingdom , and to this state. i have endeavored to do those actions that have become an honest man , and which became a good englishman , and which became a good christian . i have been willing to oblige those that have been in trouble , those that have been in persecution , and truly i finde a great reward of it ; for i have found their prayers and their kindness now in this distress , and in this condition i am in , and i think it a great reward , and i pray god reward them for it . i am a great sinner , and i hope god will be pleased to hear my prayers , to give me faith to trust in him , that as he hath called me to death at this place , he will make it but a passage to an eternal life through jesus christ , which i trust to , which i rely upon , and which i expect by the mercy of god. and so i pray god bless you all , and send that you may see this to be the last execution , and the last blood that is likely to be spilt among you . and then turning to the side-rail , he prayed for a good space of time ; after which mr bolton said : my lord , now look upon him whom you have trusted . my lord , i hope that here is your last prayer : there will no more prayers remain , but praises : and i hope that after this day is over , there will a day begin that shall never have end : and i look upon this ( my lord ) the morning of it , the morning of that day . my lord , you know where your fulness lies , where your riches lie , where is your onely rock to anchor on . you know there is fulness in christ : if the lord comes not in with fulness of comfort to you , yet resolve to wait upon him while you live , and to trust in him when you dye , and then say , i will dye here , i will perish at thy feet , i will be found dead at the feet of jesus christ . certainly , he that came to seek and save lost sinners , will not reject lost sinners when they come to seek him : he that intreateth us to come ▪ will not slight us when we come to intreat him . my lord , there is enough there , and fix your heart there , and fix your eyes there , that eye of faith , and that eye of hope , exercise these graces now , there wil be no exercise herafter . as your lordship said , here take an end of faith , and take an end of hope , and take a farewel of repentance : and all these , and welcom god , and welcom christ , and welcom glory , & welcom happiness to all eternity ; and so it will be a happy passage then , if it be a passage here from misery to happiness . and though it be but a sad way , yet if it will bring you into the presence of joy , although it be a vally of tears , although it be a shadow of death , yet if god wil please to bring you , and make it a passage to that happiness , welcom lord. and i doubt not but god will give you a heart to taste some sweetness and love in this bitter potion and to see something of mercy and goodness to you , and shew you some sign and token of good , so that your soul may see that which we have had already experience of ( blessed be god for it ) many experiences , many expressions , not only in words , but tears ; god hath not left us without much comfort nor evidence , and i hope , my lord , you that have given so many evidences to us , i hope you want none your self ; but that the lord will be pleased to uphold and support you , and bear up your spirit , and if there want evidence , there is reliance ; my security lies not in my knowing that i shall come to heaven , and come to glory , but in my resting and relying upon him : when the anchor of faith is thrown out , there may be shakings and tossings , but there is safety ; nothing shall interrupt safety , although something may interrupt security ; my safety is sure , although i apprehend it not : and what if i go to god in the dark ? what if i come to him , as nicodemus did , staggering in the night ? it is a night of trouble , a night of darkness ; though i come trembling and staggering in this night , yet i shall be sure to find comfort and fixedness in him : and the lord of heaven be the strength , stay , and the support of your soul , and the lord furnish you with all those graces which may carry you into the bosom of the lord jesus , that when you expire this life , you may be able to expire it into him , in whom you may begin to live to all eternity , and that is my humble prayer . — holland . mr bolton , god hath given me long time in this world , he hath carried me through many great accidents of fortune ; he hath at last brought me down into a condition , where i find my self brought to an end , for a disaffection to this state , to this parliament , that ( as i said before ) i did believe no body in the world more unlikely to have expected to suffer for that cause : i look upon it as a great judgment of god for my sins . and truly sir , since that the death is violent , i am the less troubled with it , because of those violent deaths that i have seen before , principally my saviour that hath shewed us the way , how and in what manner he hath done it , and for what cause , i am the more comforted , i am the more rejoyced . it is not long since the king my master passed in the same manner , and truly i hope that his purposes and intentions were such , as a man may not be ashamed , not only to follow him , in the way that was taken with him , but likewise not ashamed of his purposes , if god had given him life . i have often disputed with him concerning many things of this kind , and i conceive his sufferings , and his better knowledg , and better understanding ▪ ( if god had spared him life ) might have made him a prince very happy towards himself , and very happy towards this kingdom . i have seen and known , that those blessed souls in heaven have passed thither by the gate of sorrow , and many by the gate of violence : and since it is gods pleasure to dispose me this way . i submit my soul to him , with all comfort , and with all hope , that he hath made this my end , and this my conclusion , that though i be low in death , yet nevertheless this lowness shall raise me to the highest glory for ever . truly , i have not said much in publique to the people , concerning the particular actions that , i conceive , i have done by my counsels in this kingdom , i conceive they are well known , it were something of vanity ( methinks ) to take notice of them here , i 'le rather dye with them , with the comfort of them , in my own bosom ; and that i never intended in this action , or any action that ever i did in my life , either malice , or bloodshed , or prejudice to any creature that lives . for that which concerns my religion , i made my profession before of it , how i was bred , and in what manner i was bred , in a family that was looked upon to be no little notorious , in opposition to some liberties , that they conceived then to be taken ; and truly , there was some mark upon me , as if i had some taint of it , even throughout my whole ways , that i have taken ; every body knows what my affections have been , to many that have suffered , to many that have been in troubles in this kingdom , i endeavored to relieve them , i endeavored to oblige them , i thought i was tied so by my conscience , i thought it by my charity , and truly very much by my breeding ; god hath now brought me to the last instant of my time , all that i can say , and all that i can adhere unto , is this , that as i am a great sinner , so i have a great saviour , that as he hath given me here a fortune , to come publiquely in a shew of shame in the way of this suffering ( truly i understand it not to be so , ) i understand it to be a glory , a glory when i consider who hath gone before me , and a glory when i consider i had no end in it , but what i conceive to be the service of god , the king , and the kingdom , and therefore my heart is not charged much with any thing in that particular , since i conceive god will accept of the intention , whatsoever the action seem to be : i am going to dye , and the lord receive my soul ; i have no reliance but upon christ , for my self i do acknowledg that i am the unworthiest of sinners ; my life hath been a vanity , and a continued sin , and god may justly bring me to this end for the sins i have committed against him , and were there nothing else but the iniquities that i have committed in the way of my life , i look upon this as a great justice of god to bring me to this suffering , and to bring me to this punishment , and those hands that have been most active in it , if any such there hath been , i pray god forgive them , i pray god that there may not be many such trophees of their victories , but that this may be , as i said before , the last shew that this people shall see of the blood of persons of condition , of persons of honour : i might say something of the way of our tryal , which certainly hath been as extraordinary as any thing i think hath ever been seen in this kingdom ; but because that i would not seem as if i made some complaint , i will not so much as mention it , because no body shall believe i repine at their actions , that i repine at my fortune : it is the will of god , it is the hand of god under whom i fall , i take it intirely from him , i submit my self to him , i shall desire to roul my self into the arms of my blessed saviour , and when i come to this place , ( pointing to the block ) when i bow down my self there , i hope god will raise me up ; and when i bid farewel , as i must now to hope and to faith , that love will abide , i know nothing to accompany the soul out of this world but love , and i hope that love will bring me to the fountain of glory in heaven , through the arms , mediation , and the mercy of my saviour jesus christ , in whom i believe , o lord help my unbelief . hodges . the lord make over unto you the righteousness of his own son , it is that treasury that he hath bestowed upon you , and the lord shew you the light of his countenance , and fill you full with his joy and kindness , o my dear lord , the lord of heaven and earth be with you , and the lord of heaven and earth bring you to that safety . holland . i shall make as much haste as i can to come to that glory , and the lord of heaven and earth take my soul ; i look upon my self intirely in him , and hope to find mercy through him , i expect it , and through that fountain that is opened for sin , and for uncleanness , my soul must receive it , for did i rest in any thing else , i have nothing but sin and corruption in me ; i have nothing but that , which instead of being carryed up into the arms of god and glory , i have nothing but may throw me down into hell. bolton . but , my lord , when you are clothed with the righteousness of another , you will appear glorious , though now sinful in your self ; the apostle saith , i desire not to be found in my own righteousness , and when you are clothed with another , the lord will own you , and i shall say but thus much , doubt not that ever god will deny salvation to sinners , that come to him , when the end of all his death and sufferings was the salvation of sinners , when as , i say , the whole end , and the whole design , and the great work that god had to do in the world , by the death of christ , wherein he laid out all his counsels , and infinite wisdom , and mercy , and goodness , beyond which there was a non ultra in gods thoughts , when this was the great design , & great end , the salvation of siners , that poor souls should come over to him and live ; certainly when sinners come , he will not reject , he will not refuse . and my lord , do but think of this , the greatest work that ever was done in the world , was the blood of christ that was shed , never any thing like it ; and this blood of christ that was shed , was shed for them that come , if not for them , for none , it was in vain else : you see the devils they are out of capacity of good by it , the angels they have no need of it , wicked men will not come , & there are but a few that come over , and should he deny them , there were no end nor fruit of the blood and sufferings of the lord jesus ; and had your lordship been with christ in that bloody agony , when he was in that bloody sweat , sweating drops of blood , if you had asked him , lord what art thou now a doing ? art thou not now reconciling an angry god and me together ? art thou not pacifying the wrath of god ? art thou not interposing thy self between the justice of god and my soul ? would he not have said , yea ? and surely then he will not deny it now . my lord , his passions are over , his compassions still remain , and the larger and greater , because he is gone up into a higher place , that he may throw down more abundance of his mercy and grace upon you ; and my lord , think of that infinite love , that abundance of riches in christ : i am lost , i am empty , i have nothing , i am poor , i am sinful : be it so , as bad as god will make me , and as vile as i possibly can conceive my self , i am willing to be ; but when i have said all , the more i advance that riches , and honour that grace of god. and why should i doubt , when by this he puts me into a capacity , into a disposition for him to shew me mercy , that by this i may the better advance the riches of his grace , and say , grace , grace to the lord to all eternity , that god should own such a creature , that deserves nothing ; and the less i deserve , the more conspicuous is his grace : and this is certain , the riches of his grace he throweth amongst men , that the glory of his grace might be given to himself ; if we can give him but the glory of his grace , we shall never doubt to partake of the riches of it , and that fulness , my lord , that fulness be your comfort , that fulness of mercy , that fulness of love , that fulness of righteousness and power be now your riches , and your only stay , and the lord interpose himself between god and you ; as your faith hath endeavored to interpose him between god and your soul , so i doubt not but there he stands , my lord , to plead for you , and when you are not able to do any thing your self , yet lie down at the feet of him that is a merciful saviour , and knows what you would desire , and wait upon him while you live , trust in him when you dye , there is riches enough , and mercy enough , if he open not , yet dye at his door , say , there i 'l dye , there is mercy enough . holland . and here is the place where i lie down before him , from whence i hope he will raise me to an eternal glory through my saviour , upon whom i rely , from whom only i can expect mercy ; into his arms i commend my spirit , into his bleeding arms , that when i leave this bleeding body that must lie upon this place , he will receive that soul that ariseth out of it , and receive it into his eternal mercy , through the merits , through the worthiness , through the mediation of christ that hath purchased it with his own most precious blood . bolton . my lord , though you conclude here , i hope you begin above ; and though you put an end here , i hope there will never be an end of the mercy and goodness of god : and if this be the morning of eternity , if this be the rise of glory , if god pleaseth to throw you down here , to raise you up for ever , say , welcom lord , welcome that death that shall make way for life , and welcom any condition that shall throw me down here , to bring me into the possession of jesus christ . hodges . my lord , if you have made a deed of gift of your self to jesus christ , to be found only in him , i am confident you shall stand at the day of christ , my dear lord , we shall meet in happiness . holland . christ jesus receive my soul , my soul hungers and thirsts after him , clouds are gathering , and i trust in god through all my heaviness , and i hope , through all impediments , he will settle my interest in him , and throw off all the claim that satan can make unto it , and that he will carry my soul , in despite of all the calumnies , and all that the devil and satan can invent , will carry it into eternal mercy , there to receive the blessedness of his presence to all eternity . hodges . my lord , it was his own by creation , it is his own now by redemption and purchase , it is likewise his own by resignation ▪ o my lord , look therefore up to the lamb of god , that sits at the right hand of god , to take away the sins of the world ; o that lamb of god! holland . that lamb of god , into his hands i commit my soul ; and that lamb of god that sits upon the throne to judg those twenty four that fall down before him , i hope he will be pleased to look downward , and judg me with mercy that fall down before him , and that worship him , and that adore him , that only trusts upon his mercy , for his compassion ; and that as he hath purchased me , he would lay his claim unto me now , and receive me . bolton . my lord , think of this , there is no condemnation to them who are in christ : who is it that can condemn ? it is christ that justifies ; and therefore look now upon this , my lord , upon this christ , upon this christ that justifies : hell , death , sin , satan , nothing shall be able to condemn , it is christ that justifies you . holland . indeed if christ justifie , no body can condemn , and i trust in god , in his justification ; though there is confusion here without us , and though there are wonders and staring that now disquiet , yet i trust that i shall be carried into that mercy , that god will receive my soul . bolton . i doubt not , my lord , but as you are a spectacle and of pity here , so you are an object of gods mercy above . holland . then the earl of holland looking over among the people , pointing to a souldier , sayd , this honest man took me prisoner , you little thought i should have been brought to this , when i delivered my self to you upon conditions : and espying captain watson on horseback , putting off his hat , sayd to him , god be with you sir , god reward you sir. bolton . my lord , throw your self into the arms of mercy , and say , there i will anchor , and there i will dye , he is a saviour for us in all conditions , whither should we go ? he hath the words of eternal life , and upon him do you rest , wait while you live , and even trust in death . holland . here must now be my anchor , a great storm makes me find my anchor , and but in storms no body trust to their anchor , and therefore i must trust upon my anchor , ( vpon that god , said mr bolton , upon whom your anchor trusts , ) yea , god , i hope , will anchor my soul fast upon christ jesus ; and if i dye not with that clearness and that heartiness that you speak of , truly , i will trust in god , though he kill me , i will rely upon him , and in the mercy of my saviour . bolton . there is mercy enough , my lord , and to spare , you shall not need to doubt , they shall never go begging to another door , my lord , that come to him . then the earl of holland speaking to mr hodges , said , i pray god reward you for all your kindness , and pray , as you have done , instruct my family , that they may serve god with faithfulness , with holiness , with more diligence , then truly i have been careful to press them unto : you have the charge of the same place , you may do much for them , and i recommend them to your kindness , and the goodness of your conscience . dr sibbald standing by upon the scaffold , in his passage to col : beecher , expressed himself thus to his lordship : dr sibbald . the lord lift up thought of his countenance upon you , and you shall be safe . holland . then the earl of holland embraced lieut : col : beecher , and took his leave of him : after which he came to m. bolton , and having embraced him , and returned him many thanks for his great pains and affections to his soul , desiring god to reward him , and return his love into his bosom . mr bolton said to him , the lord god support you , and be seen in this great extremity ; the lord reveal and discover himself to you , and make your death the passage unto eternal life — holland . then the earl of holland turning to the executioner , said , here , my friend , let my clothes and my body alone , there is ten pounds for thee , that is better then my clothes i am sure of it . executioner . will your lordship please to give me a sign when i shall strike ? and then his lordship said , you have room enough here , have you not ? and the executioner said , yes . bolton . the lord be your strength , there is riches in him ; the lord of heaven impart himself to you , he is able to save to the uttermost : we cannot fall so low , as to fall below the everlasting arms of god ; and therefore the lord be a support and stay to you in your low con●●●n , that he will be pleased to make this an advantage to that life and glory that will make amends for all . holland . then the earl of holland turning to the executioner , said , friend , do you hear me , if you take up my head , do not take off my cap. then turning to his servants , he said to one , fare you well , thou art an honest fellow : and to another , god be with thee , thou art an honest man ; and then said , stay , i will kneel down , and ask god forgiveness ; and then prayed for a pretty space , with seeming earnestness . bolton . the lord grant you may find life in death . holland . which is the way of lying ? ( which they shewed him . ) and then going to the front of the scaffold , he said to the people , god bless you all , and god deliver you from any such accident as may bring you to any such death as is violent , either by war , or by these accidents ; but that there may be peace among you , and you may find , that these accidents that have hapned to us , may be the last that may happen in this kingdom ; it is that i desire , it is that i beg of god , next the saving of my soul : i pray god give all happiness to this kingdom , to this people , and this nation . and then turning to the executioner , said , how must i lie ? i know not . execut. lie down flat upon your belly : and then having laid himself down , he said ▪ must i lie closer ? execut. yes , and backwarder . holland . i will tell you when you shall strike ; and then as he lay , seemed to pray with much affection for a short space , and then lifting up his head , said , where is the man ? and seeing the executioner by him , he said , stay while i give the sign ; and presently after stretching out his hand , and the executioner being not fully ready , he said , now , now , and just as the words were coming out of his mouth , the executioner at one blow severed his head from his body . the execution of the lord of holland being thus performed , the lord capel was brought to the scaffold as the former , and in the way to the scaffold , he put off his hat to the people on both sides , looking very austerely about him : and being come upon the scaffold , lieut : col : beecher said to him , is your chaplain here ? capel . no , i have taken my leave of him ; and perceiving some of his servants to weep , he said , gentlemen , refrain your selves , refrain your selves ; and turning to lieut : col : beecher , he said , what , did the lords speak with their hats off or on ? lieut : col : beecher . with their hats off : and then coming to the front of the scaffold , he said , i shall hardly be understood here , i think ; and then began his speech , as followeth . capel . the conclusion that i made with those that sent me hither , and are the cause of this violent death of mine , shall be the beginning of what i shall say to you : when i made an address to them ( which was the last ) i told them with much sinceri●y , that i would pray to the god of all mercies ●hat they might be partakers of his inestimable and boundless mercies in jesus christ , and truly , i still pray that prayer ; and i beseech the god of heaven forgive any injury they have done to me , from my soul i wish it . and truly , this i tell you , as a christian , to let you see i am a christian ; but it is necessary i should tell you somewhat more , that i am a protestant : and truly , i am a protestant , and very much in love with the profession of it , after the manner as it was established in england by the thirty nine articles , a blessed way of profession , and such a one , as truly , i never knew none so good : i am so far from being a papist , which some body have ( truly ) very unworthily at some time charged me withall , that truly , i profess to you , that though i love good works , and commend good works , yet i hold , they have nothing at all to do in the matter of salvation ; my anchor-hold in this , that christ loved me , and gave himself for me , that is that that i rest upon . and truly , something i shall say to you as a citizen of the whole world , and in that consideration i am here condemned to dye : truly , contrary to the law that governs all the world , that is , the law of the sword ; i had the protection of that for my life , and the honor of it ; but truly , i will not trouble you much with that , because in another place i have spoken very largely and liberally about it , i believe you will hear by other means what arguments i used in that case : but truly , that that is stranger , you that are english men , behold here an english man now before you , and acknowledged a peer , not condemned to dye by any law of england , not by any law of england ; nay , shall i tell you more ( which is strangest of all ) contrary to all the laws of england that i know of . and truly , i will tell you , in the matter of the civil part of my death , and the cause that i have maintained , i dye ( i take it ) for maintaining the fifth cōmandment , injoyned by god himself , w ch injoyns reverence & obedience to parents : all divines on all hands , though they contradict one another in many several opinions , yet all divines on all hands , do acknowledg , that herin is intended magistracy & order ; and certainly i have obeyed that magistracy and that order under which i have lived , which i was bound to obey ; and truly , i do say very confidently , that i do dye here for keeping , for obeying that fifth commandment , given by god himself , and written with his own finger . and now , gentlemen , i will take this opportunity to tell you , that i cannot imitate a better nor a greater ingenuity then his that said of himself , for suffering an unjust judgment upon another , himself was brought to suffer by an unjust judgment . truly gentlemen , that god may be glorified , that all men that are concerned in it , may take the occasion of it , of humble repentance to god almighty for it , i do here pre●ess to you , that truly i did give my vote to that bill of the e. of strafford , i doubt not but god almighty hath washed that away with a more precious blood , and that is , with the blood of his own son , and my dear saviour jesus christ , and i hope he will wash it away from all those that are guilty of it ; truly , this i may say , i had not the least part , nor the least degree of malice in the doing of it ; but i must confess again to gods glory , and the accusation of mine own frailty , and the frailty of my nature , that truly it was an unworthy cowardice , not to resist so great a torrent as carried that business at that time . and truly , this i think i am most guilty of , of not courage enough in it , but malice i had none ; but whatsoever it was , god , i am sure , hath pardoned it , hath given me the assurance of it , that christ jesus his blood hath washed it away ; and truly , i do from my soul wish , that all men that have any stain by it , may seriously repent , and receive a remission and pardon from god for it . and now , gentlemen , we have had an occasion , by this intimation , to remember his majesty , our king that last was ; and i cannot speak of him , nor think of it , but truly , i must needs say , that in my opinion , that have had time to consider all the images of all the greatest and vertuousest princes in the world ; and truly , in my opinion , there was not a more vertuous , and more sufficient prince known in the world , then our gracious king charls that dyed last : god almighty preserve our king that now is , his son ; god send him more fortunate and longer days , god almighty so assist him , that he may exceed both the vertues and sufficiencies of his father : for certainly , i that have been a councellor to him , and have lived long with him , and in a time when discovery is easily enough made , for he was young ( he was about thirteen , fourteen , fifteen or sixteen years of age ) those years i was with him , truly i never saw greater hopes of vertue in any young person then in him , great judgment , great vnderstanding , great apprehension , much honor in his nature , and truly , a very perfect english man in his inclination ; and i pray god restore him to this kingdom , and unite the kingdoms one unto another , and send a great happiness both to you and to him , that he may long live and raign among you , and that that family may raign till thy kingdom come , that is , while all temporal power is consummated : i beseech god of his mercy , give much happiness to this your king , and to you that in it shall be his subjects , by the grace of jesus christ. truly , i like my beginning so well , that i will make my conclusion with it , that is , that god almighty would confer of his infinite and inestimable grace and mercy to those that are the causers of my coming hither , i pray god give them as much mercy as their own hearts can wish ; and truly , for my part , i will not accuse any one of them of malice , truly i will not , nay , i will not think there was any malice in them ; what other ends there is , i know not , nor i will not examine , but let it be what it will , from my very soul i forgive them every one : and so the lord of heaven bless you all , god almighty be infinite in goodness and mercy to you , and direct you in those ways of obedience to his commands to his majesty , that this kingdom may be a happy and glorious nation again , and that your king may be a happy king in so good and so obedient people ; god almighty keep you all , god almighty preserve this kingdom , god almighty preserve you all . then turning about , and looking for the executioner ( who was gone off the scaffold ) said , which is the gentleman ? which is the man ? answer was made , he is a coming : he then said , stay , i must pull of my dublet first , and my wastcoat : then the executioner being come upon the scaffold , the lord capel said , o friend , prethee come hither : then the executioner kneeling down , the l , capel said , i forgive thee from my soul , and not only forgive thee , but i shall pray to god to give thee all grace for a better life : there is five pounds for thee ; and truly for my clothes and those things , if there be any thing due to you for it , you shall be very fully recompenced ; but i desire my body may not be stripped here , and no body to take notice of my body but my own servants : look you friend , this i shall desire of you , that when i lie down , that you would give me time for a particular short prayer . lieu. col. beecher . make your own sign , my lord. cap. stay a litle , which side do you stand upon ? ( speaking to the executioner ) stay , i think i should lay my hands forward that way ( pointing fore-right , ) and answer being made , yes ; he stood still a little while , and then said , god almighty bless all this people , god almighty stench this blood , god almighty stench , stench , stench this issue of blood ; this will not do the business , god almighty find out another way to do it . and then turning to one of his servants , said , baldwin , i cannot see any thing that belongs to my wife , but i must desire thee to beseech her to rest wholly upon jesus christ , and be contented and fully satisfied : and then speaking to his servant , he said , god keep you ; and gentlemen , let me now do a business quickly , privately , and pray let me have your prayers at the moment of death , that god would receive my soul . lieut. col. beecher . i wish it . capel . pray at the moment of striking joyn your prayers , but make no noise ( turning to his servants ) that 's inconvenient at this time . servant . my lord , put on your cap. capel . should i , what wil that do me good ? stay a little , is it well as it is * now ? and then turning to the executioner , he said , honest man , i have forgiven thee , therefore strike boldly , from my soul i do it . then a gentleman speaking to him , he said , nay , prethee be contented , be quiet good mr — be quiet . then turning to the executioner , he said , well , you are ready when i am ready , are you not ? and stretching out his hands , he said , then pray stand off gentlemen . then going to the front of the scaffold , he said to the people , gentlemen , though i doubt not of it , yet i think it convenient to ask it of you , that you would all joyn in prayers with me , that god would mercifully receive my soul , and that for his alone mercies in christ jesus . god almighty keep you all . execut. my lord , shall i put up your hair ? capel . i , i , prethee do : and then as he stood lifting up his hands and eyes , he said , o god , i do with a perfect and a willing heart submit to thy will : o god , i do most willingly humble my self : and then kneeling down , said , i will try first how i can lie ; and laying his head over the block , said , am i wel now ? executioner . yes . and then as he lay with both his hands stretched out , he said to the executioner , here lies both my hands out , when i lift up my hand thus , ( lifting up his right hand ) then you may strike . and then after he had said a short prayer , he lifted up his right hand , and the executioner at one blow severed his head from his body , which was taken up by his servants , and put ( with his body ) into a coffin , as the former . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a47456-e190 * this is as the king express'd , but i supposed he meant ans . * here a malignant lady interrupted the court , ( saying not halfe the people ) but she was soon silenced . notes for div a47456-e13130 * strafford . * pointing to dr. juxon . * turning to some gentlemen that wrote . * meaning if he did blunt the edg . * pointing to d. juxon . * it is thought for to give it to the prince . * stretching them out . notes for div a47456-e14780 * observing the writers . * looking towards m. bolton . * as he was putting up his hair . by the king, a proclamation against the spoyling and loosing of armes by the souldiers of his majesties army, for the keeping of them fixt, and bringing all armes hereafter into his majesties magazines england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a32019 of text r39021 in the english short title catalog (wing c2544). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a32019 wing c2544 estc r39021 18206524 ocm 18206524 107088 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a32019) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 107088) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 1629:41) by the king, a proclamation against the spoyling and loosing of armes by the souldiers of his majesties army, for the keeping of them fixt, and bringing all armes hereafter into his majesties magazines england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. by leonard lichfield ..., printed at oxford : 1642. "given at our court at oxford this tenth day of march, in the eighteenth yeare of our reigne." reproduction of original in the bodleian library. eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649. a32019 r39021 (wing c2544). civilwar no by the king. a proclamation against the spoyling and loosing of armes by the souldiers of his majesties army, for the keeping of them fixt, england and wales. sovereign 1643 673 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-02 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-03 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-03 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion c r honi soit qvi mal y pense royal blazon or coat of arms by the king . ❧ a proclamation against the spoyling and loosing of arm 's by the souldiers of his majesties army , for the keeping of them fixt , and bringing all armes hereafter into his majesties magazines . whereas we have not received that satisfaction we expected ( notwithstanding our many proclamations and orders made for the government of our army , and particularly against the loosing , selling away , and spoyling of our armes , by the common-souldiers , and for the keeping them fixt ) but on the contrary finding those abuses and neglects still to continue , and encrease ; we are therefore once more enforced , and doe hereby straitly require and command all colonells , lieutenant-colonells , serjeant-majors , captains , and other officers of our army , whom it may concerne , forthwith , or within four daies after the publication hereof , to returne to us , our councell of warre , or to the serjeant-major-generall of our army , a true accompt of the number and quantity of armes in each company and regiment of our army attested by the colonell , lieutenant-colonell , serjeant-major , or captain of each company , and if any armes , shall hence forward be found unfixt , by the negligence of the souldier , the reparation thereof shall be made good out of his or their entertainments , and this course we will constantly to be continued and put in practice , the care and oversight whereof to be committed to the respective quartermaster of each regiment ( or some other fit person appointed by the colonell ) whom we command , once in fourteen daies , to take a view of all the armes of the regiment , and to see our commands therein fully obeyed ; and for the more speedy execution thereof , our will is , that each colonell make choyce of two able gunsmiths to be imployed therein , on whom we intend to settle an allowance fitting for the same . and to the end the losse of armes may not be so frequent ( to the prejudice of our service ) as formerly , our farther pleasure is , that each captain upon the returne of the certificate of the number & quantity of the armes of his company , stand charged to us by indenture ( in the office of our ordinance ) for such numbers certified , which armes are to be made good out of his entertainment , if hereafter they shall be wilfully or negligently made away by his souldiers . lastly , our will and command is , that all armes bought , or provided by us , or by any person for our service , as likewise all armes borrowed in any counties hereafter , or taken from the rebells , or persons disaffected to our service , be first brought into our magazines , and from thence , as we shall direct , be destributed , and given out for our service . to our pleasure herein declared , we require full and speedy obedience to be given by all officers and souldiers of our army , and that it may be the more fully put in execution , our farther pleasure & command is , that this be read within foure daies after the publication , at the head of every regiment and company , that so all our officers and souldiers , whom it may concerne , may take notice of it , and observe the same , as they and every of them will avoyd our high displeasure for their neglect , of any the least particular herein mentioned . given at our court at oxford , this tenth day of march , in the eighteenth yeare of our raigne . god save the king . printed at oxford by leonard lichfield , printer of the university . 1642. eikōn basilikē, the pourtraicture of his sacred majestie in his solitudes and sufferings eikon basilike. 1648 approx. 344 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 140 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a38258 wing e268 estc r18840 12283619 ocm 12283619 58806 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a38258) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 58806) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 182:16) eikōn basilikē, the pourtraicture of his sacred majestie in his solitudes and sufferings eikon basilike. charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. gauden, john, 1605-1662. [8], 269 p., 1 folded leaf of plates : ill. s.n.], [london : 1648. title transliterated from greek. variously attributed to charles i and john gauden. cf. bm. first edition, second issue. printed by john grismond for richard royston. "this issue appeared within a few days of the death the king, probably about 4 february." cf. madan, f.f. new bibl. of the eikon basilike. place of publication from wing. errata: p. [8]. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649. 2002-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-04 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-05 tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread 2002-05 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-06 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion immota triumphans clarior é tenebris crescit sub pondere virtus coe●i ●●pecto asperam at levem . gratia christi tracto in verbo tuo spes mea . beatam et eternam gloria splendidam at gravem vanitas mundi 〈◊〉 guil●● marshall sculpsit εικων βασιλικη . the povrtraictvre of his sacred maiestie in his solitvdes and svfferings . rom . 8. more then conquerour , &c. bona agere , & mala pati , regium est . m. dc . xlviii . the contents . 1. upon his majesties calling this last parliament . p. 1. 2. vpon the earle of strafford's death . 6. 3. vpon his majesties going to the house of commons . 12. 4. vpon the insolency of the tumults . 17. 5. vpon his majesties passing the bill for the trienniall parliaments : and after setling this , during the pleasure of the two houses . 26. 6. vpon his majesties retirement from vvestminster . 34. 7. vpon the queens departure , and absence out of england . 41. 8. vpon his majesties repulse at hull , and the fates of the hothams . 47. 9. vpon the listing , and raising armies against the king. 54. 10. vpon their seizing the kings magazines , forts , navy , and militia . 66. 11. vpon the 19. propositions first sent to the king ; and more afterwards . 75. 12. vpon the rebellion , and troubles in ireland . 89. 13. vpon the calling in of the scots , and their comming . 100. 14. vpon the covenant . 110. 15. vpon the many iealousies raised , and scandals cast upon the king , to stirre up the people against him. 122. 16. vpon the ordinance against the common-prayer-booke . 138. 17. of the differences between the king , and the 2 houses , in point of church-government . 147. 18. vpon vxbridge-treaty , and other offers made by the king. p. 166. 19. vpon the various events of the war ; victories , and defeats . 172. 20. vpon the reformations of the times . 181. 21. vpon his majesties letters , taken , and divulged . 189. 22. vpon his majesties leaving oxford , and going to the scots . 197. 23. vpon the scots delivering the king to the english ; and his captivity at holmeby . 201. 24. vpon their denying his majesty the attendance of his chaplaines . 206. 25. penitentiall meditations and vowes in the king's solitude at holmeby . 218. 26. vpon the armies surprisall of the king at holmeby , and the ensuing distractions in the two houses , the army , and the city . 223. 27. to the prince of vvales . 232. meditations upon death , aft●r the votes of non-addresses , and his majesties closer imprisonment in carisbrooke-castle . p. 252. errata . pag. 12. l. 11. r. o make me . l. 12. r. of joy . p. 14. l. 9. r. attended me . p. 21. l. 16. r. in any man. p. 28. l. 10. r. honour . p. 33. l. 13. r. for my sins . p. 34. l. 4. r. to sea by a storme . p. 37. l. 20. r. obtrusions p. 51. l. 21. r. perpetrations . p. 52. l. 1. r. for as his death . p. 58. l. 27. r. was the bill . p. 61. l. 24. r. knew . p. 68. l. 17. r. power , so . p. 87. l. 19. for thy r. the. p. 112. l. 5. r. populacy . p. 114. l. 24. r. crosse not their . p. 131. l. 18. r. no me● . p. 142. l. 1● . r. b● expected . p. 186. l. 19. r. ever will. p. 205. l. 27. r. saviours . p. 233. l. 27. r. le bon. εικων βασιλικη . 1. vpon his majesties calling this last parliament . this last parliament i called , not more by others advise , and necessity of my affaires , then by my owne choice and inclination ; who have alwaies thought the right way of parliaments most safe for my crowne , and best pleasing to my people : and although i was not forgetfull of those sparks , which some mens distempers formerly studied to kindle in parliaments , ( which by forbearing to convene for some yeares , i hoped to have extinguished ) yet resolving with my self to give all just satisfaction to modest and sober desires , and to redresse all publique grievances in church & state ; i hoped by my ( freedome and their moderation ) to prevent all misunderstandings , and miscarriages in this : in which as i feared affaires would meet with some passion and prejudice in other men , so i resolved they should find least of them in my selfe ; not doubting , but by the weight of reason i should counterpoize the over-ballancings of any factions . i was , indeed , sorry to heare , with what partiality and popular heat elections were carried in many places ; yet hoping that the gravity and discretion of other gentlemen would allay and fix the commons to a due temperament , ( guiding some mens wel-meaning zeale by such rules of moderation as are best both to preserve and restore the health of all states and kingdomes : ) no man was better pleased with the convening of this parliament , then my self ; who knowing best the largenesse of my owne heart toward my peoples good and just contentment , pleased my self most in that good and firme understanding , which would hence grow between me and my people . all jealousies being laid aside , my owne and my childrens interests gave me many obligations to seek and preserve the love and welfare of my subjects . the onely temporall blessing that is left to the ambition of just monarchs , as their greatest honour and safety , next gods protection ; i cared not to lessen my selfe in some things of my wonted prerogative ; since i knew i could be no loser , if i might gaine but a recompence in my subjects affections . i intended not onely to oblige my friends , but mine enemies also : exceeding even the desires of those , that were factiously discontented , if they did but pretend to any modest and sober sense . the odium and offences which some mens rigour or remissnesse in church , and state , had contracted upon my government , i resolved to have expiated by such lawes , and regulations for the future , as might not onely rectif●e what was amisse in practise , but supply what was defective in the constitution : no man having a greater zeale to see religion setled , and preserved in truth , unity , and order , then my selfe ; whom it most concernes both in piety , and policy ; as knowing , that , no flames of civil dissentions are more dangerous then those which make religious pretensions the grounds of factions . i resolved to reforme , what i should by free and full advice in parliament be convinced to be amisse ; and to grant whatever my reason & conscience told me , was fit to be desired ; i wish i had kept my self within those bounds , and not suffered my owne judgment to have been over-borne in some things , more by others importunities , than their arguments ; my confidence had lesse betrayed my selfe , and my kingdomes , to those advantages , which some men sought for , who wanted nothing but power , and occasion to do mischief . but our sinnes being ripe , there was no preventing of gods justice , from reaping that glory in our calamities , which we robb'd him of in our prosperity . for thou ( ô lord ) hast made us see , that resolutions of future reforming doe not alwaies satisfie thy iustice , nor prevent thy vengeance for former miscarriages . our sinnes have overlaid our hopes ; thou hast taught us to depend on thy mercies to forgive , not on our purpose to amend . when thou hast vindicated thy glory by thy iudgments , and hast shewed us , how unsafe it is to offend thee , upon presumptions afterwards to please thee ; then i trust thy mercies will restore those blessings to us , which we have so much abused , as to force thee to deprive us of them . for want of timely repentance of our sinnes , thou givest us cause to repent of those remedies we too late apply . yet i doe not repent of my calling this last parliament ; because , ô lord , i did it with an upright intention , to thy glory , and my peoples good . the miseries which have ensued upon me and my kingdomes , are the iust effects of thy displeasure upon us ; and may be yet ( through thy mercy ) preparatives of us to future blessings , and better hearts to enjoy them . o lord , though thou hast deprived us of many former comforts ; yet grant me and my people the benefit of our afflictions , and thy chastisements ; that thy rod as well as thy staffe may comfort us : then shall we dare to account them the strokes not of an enemy , but a father : when thou givest us those humble affections , that measure of patience in repentance , which becomes thy children ; i shall have no cause to repent the miseries this parliament hath occasioned , when by them thou hast brought me and my people , unfeignedly to repent of the sinnes we have committed . thy grace is infinitely better with our sufferings , then our peace could be with our sinnes . o thou soveraigne goodnesse and wisdome , who over-rulest all our counsels ; over-rule also all our hearts ; that the worse things we suffer by thy iustice , the better we may be by thy mercy . as our sinnes have turned our antidotes into poyson , so let thy grace turne our poysons into antidotes . as the sins of our peace disposed us to this unhappy warre , so let this warre prepare us for thy blessed peace . that although i have but troublesome kingdoms here , yet i may attaine to that kingdome of peace in my heart , and in thy heaven , which christ hath purchased , and thou wilt give to thy servant ( though a sinner ) for my saviours sake , amen . 2. vpon the earle of straffords death . i looked upon my lord of strafford , as a gentleman , whose great abilities might make a prince rather afraid , then ashamed to employ him , in the greatest affaires of state. for those were prone to create in him great confidence of undertakings , and this was like enough to betray him to great errours , and many enemies : whereof he could not but contract good store , while moving in so high a spheare , and with so vigorous a lustre , he must needs ( as the sun ) raise many envious exhalations , which condensed by a popular odium , were capable to cast a cloud upon the brightest merit , and integrity . though i cannot in my judgment approve all he did , driven ( it may be ) by the necessities of times , and the temper of that people , more then led by his owne disposition to any height and rigour of actions : yet i could never be convinced of any such criminousnesse in him , as willingly to expose his life to the stroke of justice , and malice of his enemies . i never met with a more unhappy conjuncture of affaires , then in the businesse of that unfortunate earle : when between my owne unsatisfiednesse in conscience , and a necessity ( as some told me ) of satisfying the importunities of some people ; i was perswaded by those , that i think wished me well , to chuse rather what was safe , then what seemed just ; preferring the outward peace of my kingdoms with men , before that inward exactnesse of conscience before god. and indeed i am so farre from excusing or denying that complyance on my part ( for plenary consent it was not ) to his destruction , whom in my judgment i thought not , by any cleare law , guilty of death : that i never bare any touch of conscience with greater regret : which , as a signe of my repentance , i have often with sorrow confessed both to god and men , as an act of so sinfull frailty , that it discovered more a feare of man , than of god , whose name and place on earth no man is worthy to beare , who will avoid inconveniences of state , by acts of so high injustice , as no publique convenience can expiate or compensate . i see it a bad exchange to wound a mans owne conscience , thereby to salve state sores ; to calme the stormes of popular discontents , by stirring up a tempest in a mans owne bosome . nor hath gods justice failed in the event and sad consequences , to shew the world the fallacy of that maxime , better one man perish ( though unjustly ) then the people be displeased , or destroyed . for , in all likelyhood , i could never have suffred , with my people , greater calamities , ( yet with greater comfort ) had i vindicated strafford's innocency , at least by denying to signe that destructive bill , according to that justice , which my conscience suggested to me , then i have done since i gratified some mens unthankfull importunities with so cruell a favour . and i have observed , that those , who counselled me to signe that bill , have been so farre from receiving the rewards of such ingratiatings with the people , that no men have been harassed and crushed more than they : he onely hath been least vexed by them , who counselled me , not to consent against the vote of my owne conscience ; i hope god hath forgiven me and them , the sinfull rashnesse of that businesse . to which being in my soule so fully conscious , those judgements god hath pleased to send upon me , are so much the more welcome , as a meanes ( i hope ) which his mercy hath sanctified so to me , as to make me repent of that unju●t act , ( for so it was to me ) and for the future to teach me , that the best rule of policy is to preferre the doing of justice , before all enjoyments , and the peace of my conscience before the preservation of my kingdomes . nor hath any thing more fortified my resolutions against all those violent importunities , which since have sought to gaine alike consent from me , to acts , wherein my conscience is unsatisfied , then the sharp touches i have had for what passed me , in my lord of strafford's businesse . not that i resolved to have employed him in my affaires , against the advise of my parliament , but i would not have had any hand in his death , of whose guiltlesnesse i was better assured , then any man living could be . nor were the crimes objected against him so cleare , as after a long and faire hearing to give convincing satisfaction to the major part of both houses ; especially that of the lords , of whom scarce a third part were present , when the bill passed that house : and for the house of commons , many gentlemen , disposed enough to diminish my lord of straffords greatnesse and power , yet unsatisfied of his guilt in law , durst not condemne him to die : who for their integrity in their votes , were by posting their names , exposed to the popular calumny , hatred , and fury ; which grew then so exorbitant in their clamours for iustice , ( that is , to have both my selfe and the two houses vote , and doe as they would have us ) that many ( 't is thought ) were rather terrified to concurre with the condemning party , then satisfied that of right they ought so to doe . and that after act vacating the authority of the precedent , for future imitation , sufficiently tells the world , that some remorse touched even his most implacable enemies , as knowing he had very hard measure , and such as they would be very loath should be repeated to themselves . this tendernesse and regret i find in my soul , for having had any hand ( and that very unwillingly god knowes ) in shedding one mans bloud unjustly , ( though under the colour and formalities of justice , and pretences of avoyding publick mischeifes ) which may ( i hope ) be some evidence before god and man , to all posterity , that i am far from bearing justly the vast load & guilt of all that bloud which hath been shed in this unhappy warre ; which some men will needs charge on me , to ease their own soules , who am , and ever shall be , more afraid to take away any mans life unjustly , then to lose my owne . but thou , o god of infinite mercies , forgive me that act of sinfull compliance , which hath greater aggravations upon me then any man. since i had not the least temptation of envy , or malice against him , and by my place should , at least so farre , have been a preserver of him , as to have denied my consent to his destruction . o lord , i acknowledge my transgression , and my sin is ever before me . deliver me from bloud guiltinesse o god , thou god of my salvation , and my tongue shall sing of thy righteousnesse . against thee have i sinned , and done this evill in thy sight , for thou sawest the contradiction between my heart and my hand . yet cast me not away from thy presence , purge me with the blood of my redeemer , and i shall be clean ; wash me with that pretious effusion , and i shall be writer then snow . teach me to learn righteousnesse by thy iudgments , and to see my frailty in thy iustice : while i was perswaded by shedding one mans bloud to prevent after-troubles , thou hast for that , among other sinnes , brought upon me , and upon my kingdomes , great , long , and heavy troubles . make me to prefer iustice , which is thy will , before all contrary clamours , which are but the discoveries of mans injurious will. it is too much that they have once overcome me , to please them by displeasing thee : o never suffer me for any reason of state , to goe against my reason of conscience , which is highly to sinne against thee , the god of reason , and iudge of our consciences . what ever , o lord , thou seest fit to deprive me of , yet restore unto me the joy of thy salvation , and ever uphold me with thy free spirit ; which subjects my will to none , but thy light of reason , iustice , and religion , which shines in my soul , for thou desirest truth in the inward parts , and integrity in the outward expressions . lord hear the voice of thy sons , and my saviours bloud , which speaks better things ; of make me , and my people , to hear the voyce and ioy and gladnesse , that the bones which thou hast broken , may rejoyce in thy salvation . 3. vpon his majesties going to the house of commons . my going to the house of commons to demand justice upon the 5 members , was an act , which my enemies loaded with all the obloquies and exasperations they could . it filled indifferent men with great jealousies and feares ; yea , and many of my friends resented it as a motion rising rather from passion then reason , and not guided with such discretion , as the touchinesse of those times re-required . but these men knew not the just motives , and pregnant grounds , with which i thought my self so furnished , that there needed nothing to such evidence , as i could have produced against those i charged , save only a free and legall triall , which was all i desired . nor had i any temptation of displeasure , or revenge against those mens persons , further then i had discovered those ( as i thought ) unlawfull correspondencies they had used , and engagements they had made , to embroyle my kingdomes : of all which i missed but little to have produced writings under some mens own hands , who were the chief contrivers of the following innovations . providence would not have it so , yet i wanted not such probabilities as were sufficient to raise jealousies in any kings heart , who is not wholly stupid and neglective of the publick peace , which to preserve by calling in question half a dozen men , in a fair and legall way ( which god knowes was all my design ) could have amounted to no worse effect , had it succeeded , then either to do me , and my kingdom right , in case they had been found guilty ; or else to have cleared their innocency , and removed my suspicions ; which , as they were not raised out of any malice , so neither were they in reason to be smothered . what flames of discontent this sparke ( though i ●ought by all speedy and possible means to quench it ) soone kindled , all the world is witnesse : the aspersion which some men cast upon that action , as if i had designed by force to assault the house of commons , and invade their priviledge , is so false , that as god best knowes , i had no such intent ; so none that attended could justly gather from any thing i then said , or did , the least intimaon of any such thoughts . that i went attended with some gentlemen , as it was no unwonted thing for the majesty and safety of a king so to be attended , especially in discontented times ; so were my followers at that time short of my ordinary guard , and no way proportionable to hazard a tumultuary conflict . nor were they more scared at my comming , then i was un-assured of not having some affronts cast upon me , if i had none with me to preserve a reverence to me ; for many people had ( at that time ) learned to think those hard thoughts , which they have since aboundantly vented against me , both by words and deeds . the summe of that businesse was this . those men , and their adherents were then looked upon by the affrighted vulgar , as greater protectors of their lawes and liberties , then my self , and so worthier of their protection . i leave them to god , and their own consciences , who , if guilty of evill machinations ; no present impunity , or popular vindications of them will be subterfuge sufficient to rescue them from those exact tribunalls . to which , in the obstructions of justice among men , we must religiously appeal , as being an argument to us christians of that after un-avoidable judgement , which shall rejudge , what among men is but corruptly decided , or not at all . i endeavoured to have prevented , if god had seen fit , those future commotions , which i fore-saw , would in all likelyhood follow some mens activity ( if not restrained ) and so now hath done to the undoing of many thousands ; the more is the pitty . but to over-awe the freedome of the houses , or to weaken their just authority by any violent impressions upon them , was not at all my designe : i thought i had so much justice and reason on my side , as should not have needed so rough assistance ; and i was resolved rather to bear the repulse with patience , then to use such hazardous extremities . but thou , o lord , art my witnesse in heaven , and in my heart : if i have purposed any violence or oppression against the innocent : or if there were any such wickednesse in my thoughts . then let the enemy persecute my soule , and tread my life to the ground , and lay mine honour in the dust . thou that seest not as man seeth , but lookest beyond all popular appearances , searching the heart , and trying the reines , and bringing to light the hidden things of darknesse , shew thy selfe . let not my afflictions be esteemed ( as with wise and godly men they cannot be ) any argument of my sin , in that matter : more then their impunity among good men is any sure token of their innocency . but forgive them wherein they have done amisse , though they are not punished for it in this world . save thy servant from the privy conspiracies , and open violence of bloody and unreasonable men , according to the uprightnesse of my heart , and the innocency of my hands in this matter . plead my cause , and maintain my right , o thou that sittest in the throne , judging rightly , that thy servant may ever rejoyce in thy salvation . 4. vpon the insolency of the tumults . i never thought any thing ( except our sins ) more ominously presaging all these mischeifes , which have followed , then those tumults in london and westminster , soone after the convening of this parliament ; which were not like a storm at sea , ( which yet wants not its terror ) but like an earth-quake , shaking the very foundations of all ; then which nothing in the world hath more of horrour . as it is one of the most convincing arguments that there is a god , while his power ●ets bounds to the raging of the sea : so t is no lesse , that he restraines the madnesse of the people . nor doth any thing portend more gods displeasure against a nation , then when he suffers the confluence and clamours of the vulgar , to passe all boundaries of lawes , and reverence to authority . which those tumults did to so high degrees of insolence , that they spared not to invade the honour and freedome of the two houses , menacing , reproaching , shaking , yea , & assaulting some members of both houses , as they fancyed , or disliked them : nor did they forbear most rude and unseemly deportments both in contemptuous words and actions , to my selfe and my court. nor was this a short fit or two of shaking , as an ague , but a quotidian feaver , alwaies encreasing to higher inflammations , impatient of any mitigation , restraint , or remission . first , they must be a guard against those feares , which some men scared themselves and others withall ; when indeed nothing was more to be feared and lesse to be used by wise men , then those tumultuary confluxes of meane and rude people , who are taught first to petition , then to protect , then to dictate , at last to command and overawe the parliament . all obstructions in parliament ( that is , all freedome of differing in votes , and debating matters with reason and candour ) must be taken away with these tumults : by these must the houses be purged , and all rotten members ( as they pleased to count them ) cast out : by these the obstinacy of men resolved to discharge their consciences must be subdued , by these all factious , seditious , and schismaticall proposalls against government ecclesiasticall or civil , must be backed and abetted , till they prevailed . generally , who ever had most mind to bring forth confusion and ruine upon church and state , used the midwifery of those tumults : whose riot and impatience was such , that they would not stay the ripening and season of counsels , or fair production of acts , in the order , gravity , and deliberatenesse befitting a parliament ; but ripped up with barbarous cruelty , and forcibly cut out abortive votes , such as their inviters and incouragers most fancyed . yea , so enormous and detestable were their outrages , that no sober man could be without an infinite shame and sorrow to see them so tolerated , and connived at by some , countenanced , incouraged , and applauded by others . what good man had not rather want any thing he most desired , for the publique good , then obtaine it by such unlawfull and irreligious meanes ? but mens passions and gods directions seldome agree ; violent designes and motions must have sutable engines , such as too much attend their owne ends , seldome confine themselves to gods meanes . force must crowd in what reason will not lead . who were the chief demagogues and patrones of tumults , to send for them , to flatter and embolden them , to direct and tune their clamorous importunities , some men yet living are too conscious to pretend ignorance : god in his due time will let these see , that those were no fit meanes to be used for attaining his ends . but , as it is no strange thing for the sea to rage , when strong winds blow upon it ; so neither for multitudes to become insolent , when they have men of some reputation for parts and piety to set them on . that which made their rudenesse most formidable , was , that many complaints being made , and messages sent by my selfe and some of both houses ; yet no order for redresse could be obtained with any vigour and efficacy , proportionable to the malignity of that now far-spread disease , and predominant mischiefe . such was some mens stupidity , that they feared no inconvenience ; others petulancy , that they joyed to see their betters shamefully outraged , and abused , while they knew their only security consisted in vulgar flattery : so insensible were they of mine , or the two houses common safety and honours . nor could ever any order be obtained , impartially to examine , censure , and punish the knowne boutefeus , and impudent incendiaries , who boasted of the influence they had , and used to convoke those tumults as their advantages served . yea , some ( who should have been wiser states-men ) owned them as friends , commending their courage , zeale , & industry ; which to sober men could seem no better then that of the devil , who goes about seeking whom he may deceive , and devoure . i confesse , when i found such a deafnesse , that no declaration from the bishops , who were first fouly insolenced and assaulted ; nor yet from other lords and gentlemen of honour ; nor yet from my self could take place for the due repression of these tumul●s ; and securing not onely our freedome in parliament , but our very persons in the streets ; i thought my selfe not bound by my presence , to provoke them to higher boldnesse and contempts ; i hoped by my withdrawing to give time , both for the ebbing of their tumultuous fury , and others regaining some degrees of modesty and sober sense . some may interpret it as an effect of pusillanimity for any man for popular terrours to desert his publique station . but i think it a hardinesse , beyond true valour , for a wise man to set himself against the breaking in of a sea ; which to resist , at present , threatens imminent danger ; but to withdraw , gives it space to spend its fury , and gaines a fitter time to repaire the breach . certainly a gallant man had rather fight to great disadvantages for number and place in the field , in an orderly way , then skuffle with an und●sciplined rabble . some suspected and affirmed that i meditated a warre , ( when i went from whitehall onely to redeem my person , and conscience from violence ) god knowes i did not then think of a warre . nor will any prudent man conceive that i would by so many former , and some after acts , have so much weakned my selfe , if i had purposed to engage in a warre , which to decline by all meanes , i denyed my self in so many particulars : 't is evident i had then no army to flie unto , for protection , or vindication . who can blame me , or any other , for a withdrawing our selves from the daily baitings of the tumults , not knowing whether their fury and discontent might not flie so high , as to worry and teare those in pieces , whom as yet they but played with in their pawes ? god , who is my sole judge , is my witnesse in heaven , that i never had any thoughts of going from my house at whitehall , if i could have had but any reasonable faire quarter ; i was resolved to beare much , and did so , but i did not think my self bound to prostitute the majesty of my place and person , the safety of my wife and children , to those , who are prone to insult most , when they have objects and opportunity most capable of their rudenesse and petulancy . but this businesse of the tumults ( whereof some have given already an account to god , others yet living know themselves desperately guilty ) time and the guilt of many hath so ●mothered up , and buried , that i think it best to leave it , as it is ; onely i believe the just avenger of all disorders , will in time make those men , and that city , see their sinne in the glasse of their punishment . 't is more then an even-lay that they may one day see themselves punished by that way they offended . had this parliament , as it was in its first election and constitution , sate full and free , the members of both houses being left to their freedome of voting , as in all reason , honour , and religion , they should have been ; i doubt not but things would have been so carried , as would have given no lesse content to all good men , then they wished or expected . for , i was resolved to heare reason in all things , and to consent to it so farre as i could comprehend it : but as swine are to gardens and orderly plantations , so are tumults to parliaments , and plebeian concourses to publique councels , turning all into disorders and sordid confusions . i am prone sometimes to think , that had i called this parliament to any other place in england ( as i might opportunely enough have done ) the sad consequences in all likelyhood , with gods blessing , might have been prevented . a parliament would have been welcome in any place ; no place afforded such confluence of various and vitious humours , as that where it was unhappily convened . but we must leave all to god , who orders our disorders , and magnifies his wisdome most , when our follies and miseries are most discovered . but thou o lord art my refuge and defence , to thee i may safely flie , who rulest the raging of the sea , and the madnesse of the people . the flouds , o lord , the flouds are come in upon me , and are ready to overwhelme me . i looke upon my sinnes , and the sinnes of my people , ( which are the tumults of our soules against thee o lord ) as the just cause of these popular inundations which thou permittest to over-beare all the banks of loyalty , modesty , lawes , iustice , and religion . but thou that gatheredst the waters into one place , and madest the dry land to appeare , and after did'st asswage the floud which drowned the world , by the word of thy power ; rebuke those beasts of the people , and deliver me from the rudenesse and strivings of the multitude . restore , we beseech thee , unto us , the freedomes of our councels and parliaments , make us unpassionately to see the light of reason , and religion , and with all order , and gravity to follow it , as it becomes men and christians ; so shall we praise thy name , who art the god of order and co●nsell . what man cannot , or will not represse , thy omnipotent iustice can and will. o lord , give them that are yet living , a timely sense and sorrow for their great sinne , whom thou knowest guilty of raising or not suppressing those disorders : let shame here , and not suffering hereafter be their punishment . set bounds to our passions by reason , to our errours by truth , to our seditions by lawes duely executed , and to our schismes by charity , that we may be , as thy jerusalem , a city at unity in it selfe . this grant , o my god , in thy good time for iesus christs sake , amen . 5. vpon his majesties passing the bill for the trienniall parliaments : and after setling this , during the pleasure of the two houses . that the world might be fully confirmed in my purposes at first , to contribute , what in justice , reason , honour , and conscience , i could , to the happy successe of this parliament , ( which had in me no other designe but the generall good of my kingdomes ) i willingly passed the bill for trienniall parliaments : which , as gentle and seasonable physick , might ( if well applied ) prevent any distempers from getting any head or prevailing ; especially , if the remedy proved not a disease beyond all remedy . i conceived , this parliament would find worke with convenient recesses for the first three years ; but i did not imagine that some men would thereby have occasioned more worke then they found to doe , by undoing so much as they found well done to their hands . such is some mens activity that they wil needs make worke rather then want it ; and chuse to be doing amisse , rather then doe nothing . when that first act seemed too scanty to satisfie some mens feares , and compasse publique affaires ; i was perswaded to grant that bill of sitting during the pleasure of the houses , which amounted in some mens sense to as much as the perpetuating this parliament . by this act of highest confidence , i hoped for ever to shut out , and lock the dore upon all present jealousies , and future mistakes : i confesse i did not thereby intend to shut my self out of dores , as some men have now requited me . true , it was an act unparalell'd by any of my predecessours ; ●et cannot in reason admit of any worse interpretation then this , of an extreame confidence i had , that my subjects would not make ill use of an act , by which i declared so much to trust them , as to deny my self in so high a point of my prerogative . for good subjects will never think it just or fit that my condition should be worse by my bettering theirs : nor indeed would it have been so in the events , if some men had known as well with moderation to use , as with earnestnesse to desire advantages of doing good , or evill . a continuall parliament ( i thought ) would but keep the common-weale in tune , by preserving lawes in their due execution and vigour , wherein my interest lies more than any mans , since by those lawes , my rights as a king , would be preserved no lesse than my subjects ; which is all i desired . more than the law gives me i would not have , and lesse the meanest subject should not . some ( as i have heard ) gave it out , that i soon repented me of that setling act : and many would needs perswade me , i had cause so to doe ; but i could not easily nor suddenly suspect such ingratitude in men of honors . that the more i granted them , the lesse i should have , and enjoy with them . i still counted my self undiminished by my largest concessions , if by them i might gaine and confirm the love of my people . of which , i doe not yet dispaire , but that god will still blesse me with increase of it : when men shall have more leisure , and lesse prejudice ; that so with unpassionate representations they may reflect upon those , ( as i think ) not more princely then friendly contributions , which i granted towards the perpetuating of their happinesse , who are now onely miserable in this , that some mens ambition will not give them leave to enjoy what i intended for their good . nor doe i doubt , but that in gods due time , the loyal and cleared affections of my people will strive to returne such retributions of honour , and love to me , or my posterity , as may fully compensate both the acts of my confidence and my sufferings for them ; which ( god knowes ) have been neither few , nor small , nor short ; occasioned chiefly by a perswasion i had , that i could not grant too much , or distrust too little , to men , that being professedly my subjects , pretented singular piety , and religious strictnesse . the injury of all injuries is , that which some men will needs load me withall ; as if i were a wilfull and resolved occasioner of my owne and my subjects miseries ; while ( as they confidently , but ( god knows ) falsly divulge ) i repining at the establishment of this parliament , endeavoured by force and open hostility to undoe what by my royall assent i had done . sure it had argued a very short sight of things , and extreame fatuity of mind in me , so farre to bind my owne hands at their request , if i had shortly meant to have used a sword against them . god knows , though i had then a sense of injuries ; yet not such , as to think them worth vindicating by a war : i was not then compelled , as since , to injure my self by their not using favours , with the same candour wherewith they were confer●ed . the tumults indeed threatned to abuse all acts of grace , and turne them into wantonn●sse ; but i thought at length their owne feares , whose black arts first raised up those turbulent spirits would force them to conjure them downe againe . nor if i had justly resented any indignities put upon me , or others , was i then in any capacity to have taken just revenge in an hostile and warlike way upon those , whom i knew so well fortified in the love of the meaner sort of the people , that i could not have given my enemies greater , and more desired advantages against me , then by so unprincely inconstancy , to have assaulted them with armes , thereby to scatter them , whom but lately i had solemnly setled by an act of parliament . god knowes i longed for nothing more then that my self , and my subjects might quietly enjoy the fruits of my many condescendings . it had been a course full of sinne , as well as of hazard , and dishonour for me to goe about the cutting up of that by the sword , which i had so lately planted , so much ( as i thought ) to my subjects content , and mine own too , in all probability : if some men had not feared where no fear was , whose security consisted in scaring others . i thank god i know so well the sincerity and uprightnesse of my owne heart , in passing that great bill , which exceeded the very thoughts of former times ; that although i may seeme lesse a polititian to men , yet i need no secret distinctions or evasions before god. nor had i any reservations in my own soule , when i passed it ; nor repentings after , till i saw that my letting some men go up to the pinnacle of the temple , was a temptation to them to cast me down head-long . concluding , that without a miracle , monarchy it selfe , together with me , could not but be dashed in pieces , by such a precipitious fall as they intended . whom god in mercy forgive , and make them see at length , that as many kingdomes as the devill shewed our saviour , and the glory of them , ( if they could be at once enjoyed by them ) are not worth the gaining , by wayes of sinfull ingratitude and dishonour , which hazards a soule worth more worlds then this hath kingdomes . but god hath hitherto preserved me , and made me to see , that it is no strange thing for men , left to their owne passions , either to doe much evill themselves , or abuse the overmuch goodnesse of others , whereof an ungratefull surfet is the most desperate and incurable disease . i cannot say properly that i repent of that act , since i have no reflexions upon it as a sin of my will , though an error of too charitable a judgement : onely i am sorry other mens eyes should be evill , because mine were good . to thee ( o my god ) doe i still appeale , whose all-discerning iustice sees through all the disguises of mens pretensions , and deceitfull darknesses of their hearts . thou gavest me a heart to grant much to my subjects ; and now i need a heart fitted to suffer much from some of them . thy will be done , though never so much to the crossing of ours , even when we hope to doe what might be most conformable to thine and theirs too ; who pretended they aimed at nothing else . let thy grace teach me wisely to enjoy as well the frustratings , as the fulfillings of my best hopes , and most specious desires . i see while i thought to allay others feares , i have raised mine owne ; and by setling them , have unsetled my selfe . thus have they requited me evil for good , and hatred for my good will towards them . o lord be thou my pilot in this dark and dangerous storme , which neither admits my returne to the port whence i set out , nor my making any other , with that safety and honour which i designed . t is easie for thee to keep me safe in the love and confidence of my people ; nor is it hard for thee to preserve me amidst the unjust hatred and jealousies of too many , which thou hast suffered so far to prevaile upon me , as to be able to pervert and abuse my acts of greatest indulgence to them , and assurance of them . but no favo●rs from me can make others more guilty then my selfe may be , of misusing thos● many and great ones , which thou , o lord , hast conferred on me. i beseech thee give me and them such repentance , as thou wilt accept , and such grace as we may not abuse . make me so far happy as to make a right use of others abuses , and by their failings of me , to reflect , with a reforming displeasure , upon my offences against thee . so , although by my sins i am by other mens sins deprived of thy temporall blessings , yet i may be happy to enjoy the comfort of thy mercies , which often raise the greatest sufferers to be the most glorious saints . 6. vpon his majesties retirement from vvestminster . with what unwillingnesse i withdrew from westminster , let them judge , who , unprovided of tackling , and vi●tuall , are forced by sea to a storm ; yet better do so , then venture splitting or sinking on a lee shore . i stayed at whitehall , till i was driven away by shame more than feare ; to see the barbarous rudenesse of those tumults who resolved they would take the boldnesse to demand any thing , and not leave either my self , or the members of parliament the liberty of our reason , and conscience to deny them any thing . nor was this intolerable oppression my case alone , ( though chiefly mine ) for the lords and commons might be content to be over-voted by the major part of their houses , when they had used each their owne freedome . whose agreeing votes were not by any law or reason conclusive to my judgment ; nor can they include , or carry with them my consent , whom they represent not in any kind ; nor am i further bound to agree with the votes of both houses , then i see them agree with the will of god , with my just rights , as a king , and the generall good of my people . i see that as many men they are seldome of one mind ; and i may oft see , that the major part of them are not in the right . i had formerly declared to sober and moderate mindes , how de●irous i was to give all just content , when i agreed to so many bills , which had been enough to secure and satisfie all : if some mens hydropick in●atiablenesse had not learned to thirst the more by how much more they drank ; whom no fountain of royall bounty was able to overcome ; so resolved they seemed , either utterly to exhaust it , or barbarously to obs●ruct it . sure it ceases to be councell ; when not reason is used , as to men to perswade ; but force and terrour as to beasts , to drive and compell men to assent to what ever tumultuary patrones shall project . he deserves to be a slave without pitty , or redemption , that is content to have the rationall soveraignty of his soul , and liberty of his will , and words so captivated . nor do i think my kingdomes so considerable as to preserve them with the forfeiture of that freedome ; which cannot be denied me as a king● because it belongs to me as a man , and a christian ; owning the dictates of none , but god , to be above me , as obliging me to consent . better for me to die enjoying this empire of my soul , which subjects me only to god , so farre as by reason or religion he directs me , then live with the title of a king , if it should carry such a vassalage with it , as not to suffer me to use my reason and conscience , in which i declare as a king , to like or dislike . so farre am i from thinking the majesty of the crown of england to be bound by any coronation oath , in a blind and brutish formality , to consent to what ever its subjects in parliament shall require ; as some men will needs inferre ; while denying me any power of a negative voice as king , they are not ashamed to seek to deprive me of the liberty of using my reason with a good conscience , which themselves , and all the commons of england enjoy proportionable to their influence on the publick ; who would take it very ill to be urged , not to deny , whatever my self , as king , or the house of peeres with me should , not so much desire as enjoyn them to passe . i think my oath fully discharged in that point by my governing only by such lawes , as my people with the house of peeres have chosen , and my self have consented to . i shall never think my self conscientiously tied to goe as oft against my consci●nce , as i should consent to such new proposalls , which my reason , in justice , honour , and religion bids me deny . yet so tender i see some men are of their being subject to arbitrary government , ( that is , the law of anothers will , to which themselves give no consent ) that they care not with how much dishonour and absurdity they make their king the onely man , that must be subject to the will of others , without having power left him , to use his own reason , either in person , or by any representation . and if my dissentings at any time were ( as some have suspected , and uncharitably avowed out of error , opinion , activenesse , weaknesse , or wilfulnesse , and what they call obstinacy in me ( which not true judgement of things , but some vehement prejudice or passion hath fixed on my mind ; ) yet can no man think it other then the badge and method of slavery , by savage rudenesse , and importunate detrusions of violence , to have the mist of his errour and passion dispelled , which is a shadow of reason , and must serve those that are destitute of the substance . sure that man cannot be blameable to god or man , who seriously endeavours to see the best reason of things , and faithfully followes what he takes for reason : the uprightnesse of his intentions will excuse the possible failings of his understanding ; if a pilot at sea cannot see the pole-star , it can be no fault in him to steere his course by such stars as do best appear to him . it argues rather those men to be conscious of their defects of reason , and convincing arguments , who call in the assistance of meer force to carry on the weaknesse of their councells , and proposalls . i may , in the truth and uprightnesse of my heart , protest before god and men ; that i never wilfully opposed , or denied any thing , that was in a fair way , after full and free debates propounded to me , by the two houses , further then i thought in good reason i might , and was bound to do . nor did any thing ever please me more , then when my judgment so concurred with theirs , that i might with good conscience consent to them : yea , in many things where not absolute and morall necessity of reason , but temporary convenience on point of honour was to be considered . i chose rather to deny my self , then them ; as preferring that which they thought necessary for my peoples good , before what i saw but convenient for my self . for i can be content to recede much from my own interests , and personall rights , of which i conceive my self to be master ; but in what concernes truth , justice , the rights of the church , and my crown , together with the generall good of my kingdomes ; ( all which i am bound to preserve as much as morally lies in me ; ) here i am , and ever shall be fixt and resolute , nor shall any man gain my consent to that , wherein my heart gives my tongue or hand the lie ; nor will i be brought to affirme that to men , which in my conscience i denied before god. i will rather chuse to wear a crown of thornes with my saviour , then to exchange that of gold ( which is due to me ) for one of lead , whose embased flexiblenesse shall be forced to bend , and comply to the various , and oft contrary dictates of any factions ; when instead of reason , and publick concernments , they obtrude nothing but what makes for the interest of parties , and flowes from the partialities of private wills and passions . i know no resolutions more worthy a christian king , then to prefer his conscience before his kingdomes . o my god , preserve thy servant in this native , rationall and religious freedome ; for this i believe is thy will , that we should maintaine : who , though thou dost justly require us , to submit our understandings and wills to thine ; whose wisdom and goodnesse can neither erre , nor misguide us , and so farre to deny our carnall reason , in order to thy sacred mysteries , and commands , that we should believe and obey rather then dispute them ; yet dost thou expect from us , only such a reasonable service of thee , as not to doe any thing for thee , against our consciences ; and as to the desires of men , enjoynest us to try all things by the touch-stone of reason and lawes , which are the rules of civill iustice ; and to declare our consents to that only which our iudgements approve . thou knowest , ô lord , how unwilling i was to desert that place , in which thou hast set me , and whereto the affaires of my kingdoms at present did call me . my people can witnesse how far i have been content for their good , to deny my self , in what thou hast subjected to my disposall . o let not the unthankfull importunities , & tumultuary violence of some mens immoderate demands , ever betray me to that degenerous & unmanly slavery , which should make me strengthen them by my consent in those things which i think in my conscience to be against thy glory , the good of my subjects , and the discharge of my own duty to reason and iustice. make me willing to suffer the greatest indignities , and injuries they presse upon me , rather then commit the least sinne against my conscience . let the just liberties of my people be ( as well they may ) preserved in faire , and equall wayes● without the slavery of my soul. thou that hast invested me by thy favours , in the power of a christian king , suffer me not to subject my reason to other mens passions , and designes , which to me seeme unreasonable , unjust , and irreligious : so shall i serve thee in the truth and uprightnesse of my heart , though i cannot satisfie these men . though i be driven from among them , yet give me grace to walk alwayes uprightly before thee . lead me in the way of truth and iustice , for these , i know , will bring me at last to peace and happinesse with thee ; though for these i have much trouble among men . this i beg of thee for my saviours sake . 7. vpon the queenes departure , and absence out of england . although i have much cause to be troubled at my wifes departure from me , and out of my dominions ; yet not her absence , so much , as the scandall of that necessity , which drives her away , doth afflict me. that she should be compelled by my owne subjects , and those pretending to be protestants , to withdraw for her safety : this being the first example of any protestant subjects , that have taken up arms against their king , a protestant : for i look upon this now done in england , as another act of the same tragedie which was lately begun in scotland ; the brands of that fire being ill quenched , have kindled the like flames here . i fear such motions ( so little to the adorning of the protestant profession ) may occasion a farther alienation of mind , and divorce of affections in her , from that religion , which is the only thing wherein me differ . which yet god can , and i pray he would in time take away ; and not suffer these practises to be any obstruction to her judgement● since it is the motion of those men , ( for the most part ) who are yet to seek and settle their religion for doctrine , government , and good manners , and so not to be imputed to the true english protestants ; who continue firme to their former setled principles and lawes . i am sorry my relation to so deserving a lady , should be any occasion of her danger and affliction ; whose merits would have served her for a protection among the savage indians ; while their rudenesse and barbarity knowes not so perfectly to hate all vertues , as some mens subtilty doth ; among whom i yet thinke few are so malicious as to hate her for her selfe . the fault is , that she is my wife . all justice then as well as affection commands me , to study her security , who is only in danger for my sake ; i am content to be tossed , weather-beaten , and shipwrackt , so as she may be in safe harbour . this comfort i shall enjoy by her safety in the midst of my personall dangers , that i can perish but halfe , if she be preserved : in whose memory , and hopefull posterity , i may yet survive the malice of my enemies , although they should be satiated with my bloud . i must leave her , and them , to the love and loyalty of my good subjects ; and to his protection , who is able to punish the faults of princes , and no lesse severely to revenge the injuries done to them , by those who in all duty and allegiance , ought to have made good that safety , which the lawes chiefly provide for princes . but common civility is in vaine expected from those , that dispute their loyalty : nor can it be safe ( for any relation ) to a king , to tarry among them who are shaking hands with their allegiance , under pretence of laying faster hold on their religion . t is pitty so noble and peacefull a soule should see , much more suffer , the rudenesse of those who must make up their want of justice , with inhumanity , and impudence . her sympathy with me in my afflictions , will make her vertues shine with greater lustre , as stars in the darkest nights ; and assure the envious world , that she loves me , not my fortunes . neither of us but can easily forgive , since we do not much blame the unkindnesse of the generality , and vulgar ; for we see god is pleased to try both our patience , by the most selfe-punishing sin , the ingratitude of those , who having eaten of our bread , and being enriched with our bounty , have scornfully lift up themselves against us ; and those of our owne houshold are become our enemies . i pray god lay not their sin to their charge : who thinke to satisfy all obligations to duty , by their corban of religion : and can lesse endure to see , then to sin against their benefactours as well as their soveraignes . but even that policy of my enemies is so farre veniall , as it was necessary to their de●●gnes , by scandalous articles , and all irreverent demeanour , to seeke to drive her out of my kingdomes ; lest by the influence of her example , eminent for love as a wife , and loyalty , as a subject , she should have converted to , or retayned in their love , and loyalty , all those whom they had a purpose to pervert . the lesse i may be blest with her company , the more i will retire to god , and my owne heart , whence no malice can banish her. my enemies may envy , but they can never deprive me of the enjoyment of her vertues , while i enjoy my self . thou o lord , whose iustice at present sees fit to scatter us , let thy merc●● in thy due time , reunite us , on earth , if it be thy will ; however bring us both at last , to thy heavenly kingdome . preserve us from the hands of our despitefull and deadly enemies ; and prepare us by our sufferings for thy presence . though we differ in some things , as to religion , ( which is my greatest temporall infelicity ) yet lord give , and accept the sincerity of our affections , which desire to seek , to find , to embrace every truth of thine . let both our hearts agree in the love of thy selfe , and christ crucified for us . teach us both what thou wouldst have us to know , in order to thy glory , our publique relations , and our soules eternall good , and make us carefull to doe what good we know . let neither ignorance of what is necessary to be knowne , nor unbelief , or disobedience to what we know , be our misery or our wilfull default . let not this great scandall of those my subjects , which professe the same religion with me , be any hindrance to her love of any truth thou wouldst have her to learne , nor any hardning of her , in any errour thou wouldst have cleared to her . let mine , and other mens constancy be an antidote against the poyson of their example . let the truth of that religion i professe , be represented to her iudgment , with all the beauties of humility , loyalt●● charity , and peaceablenesse ; which are the proper fruits , and ornaments of it : not in the odious disguises of levity , schisme , heresie , novelty , cruelty , and disloyalty , which some mens practises have lately put upon it . let her see thy sacred and saving truths , as thine ; that she may believe , love and obey them as thine , cleared from all rust and drosse of humane mixtures . that in the glasse of thy truth she may see thee , in those mercies which thou hast offered to us , in thy sonne iesus christ , our onely saviour , and serve thee in all those holy duties , which most agree with his holy doctrine , and most imitable example . the experience we have of the vanity , and uncertainty of all humane glory , and greatnesse in our scatterings and eclypses , let it make us both so much ●he more ambitious to be invested in those durable honours , and perfections , which are onely to be found in thy self , and obtained through iesus christ. 8. vpon his majesties repulse at hull , and the fates of the hothams . my repulse at hull seemed at the first view an act of so rude disloyalty , that my greatest enemies had scarce confidence enough to abe●t , or owne it : it was the first overt essay to be made , how patiently i could beare the losse of my kingdomes . god knows , it affected me more with shame and sorrow for others , then with anger for my selfe ; nor did the affront done to me trouble me so much as their sinne , which admitted no colour o● excuse . i was resolved how to beare this , and much more , with patience : but i foresaw they could hardly conteine themselves within the compasse of this one unworthy act , who had effrontery enough to commit , or countenance it . this was but the hand of that cloud , which was ●oone after to overspread the whole kingdome , and cast all into disorder and darknesse . for t is among the wicked maximes of bold and disloyall undertakers : that bad actions must alwayes be seconded with worse , and rather not be begun then not carried on , for they think the retreat more dangerous then the assault , and hate repentance more then perseverance in a fault . this gave me to see clearly through all the pious disguises , and soft palliations of some men ; whose words were sometime smoother then oyle , but now i saw they would prove very swords . against which i having ( as yet ) no defence , but that of a good conscience , thought it my best policy ( with patience ) to bear what i could not remedy : and in this ( i thank god ) i had the better of hotham , that no disdain , or emotion of passion transported me , by the indignity of his carriage , to doe or say any thing , unbeseeming my self , or unsutable to that temper , which , in greatest injuries , i think , best becomes a christian , as comming nearest to the great example of christ. and indeed , i desire alwaies more to remember i am a christian , then a king ; for what the majesty of one might justly abhor , the charity of the other is willing to bear ; what the height of a king tempteth to revenge , the humility of a christian teacheth to forgive . keeping in compasse all those impotent passions , whose excesse injures a man , more then his greatest enemies can ; for these give their malice a full impression on our souls , which otherwaies cannot reach very far , nor doe us much hurt . i cannot but observe how god not long after so pleaded , and avenged my cause , in the eye of the world , that the most wilfully blind cannot avoid the displeasure to see it , & with some remorse and fear to own it as a notable stroke , and prediction of divine vengeance . for , sir iohn hotham unreproached , unthreatned , uncursed by any language or secret imprecation of mine , onely blasted with the conscience of his owne wickednesse , and falling from one inconstancy to another , not long after paies his owne and his eldest sons heads , as forfeitures of their disloyalty , to those men , from whom surely he might have expected another reward then thus to divide their heads from their bodies , whose hearts with them were divided from their king . nor is it strange that they who imployed them at first in so high a service , and so successfull to them , should not find mercy enough to forgive him , who had so much premerited of them : for , apostacy unto loyalty some men account the most unpardonable sinne . nor did a solitary vengeance serve the turne , the cutting off one head in a family is not enough to expiate the affront done to the head of the cōmon-weale . the eldest son must be involved in the punishment , as he was infected with the sinne of the father , against the father of his country : root and branch god cuts off in one day . these observations are obvious to every fancy : god knows , i was so farre from rejoycing in the hotham's ruine , ( though it were such as was able to give the grea●est thirst for revenge a full drought , being executed by them who first employed him against me ) that i so farre pitied him ; as i thought he at first acted more against the light of his conscience , then i hope many other men doe in the same cause . for , he was never thought to be of that superstitious sowrenesse , which some men pretend to , in matters of religion ; which so darkens their judgment that they cannot see any thing of sinne and rebellion in those meanes , they use , with intents to reforme to their models , of what they call religion , who think all is gold of piety , which doth but glister with a shew of zeale and fervency . sir iohn hotham was ( i think ) a man of another temper , and so most liable to those downright temptations of ambition , which have no cloake or cheat of religion to impose upon themselves or others . that which makes me more pity him is , that after he began to have some inclinations towards a repentance for his sinne , and reparation of his duty to me , he should be so unhappy as to fall into the hands of their justice , and not my mercy , who could as willingly have forgiven him , as he could have asked that favour of me. for i think clemency a debt , which we ought to pay to those that crave it , when we have cause to believe they would not after abuse it , since god himself suffer us not to pay any thing for his mercy but onely prayers and praises . poor gentleman , he is now become a noteable monument of unprosperous disloyalty , teaching the world by so sad and unfortunate a spectacle , that the rude carriage of a subject towards his soveraigne carries alwaies its own vengeance , as an unseperable shadow with it , and those oft prove the most fatall , and implacable executioners of it , who were the first imployers in the service . after-times will dispute it , whether hotham were more infamous at hull , or at tower-hill ; though 't is certain that no punishment so stains a mans honour , as wilfull preparations of unworthy actions ; which besides the conscience of the sinne , brands with most indelible characters of infamy , the name and memory to posterity , who not engaged in the factions of the times , have the most impartiall reflections on the actions . but thou , o lord , who hast in so remarkable a way avenged thy servant , suffer me not to take any secret pleasure in it , for his death hath satisfied the injury he did to me , so let me not by it gratifie any passion in me , lest i make thy vengeance to be mine , and consider the affront against me , more than the sin against thee . thou indeed , without any desire or endeavour of mine , hast made his mischief to returne on his owne head , and his violent dealing to come down on his owne pate . thou hast pleaded my cause , even before the sonnes of men , and taken the matter into thine own hands ; that men may know it was thy work , and see that thou , lord , hast done it : i do not , i dare not say , so let mine enemies perish o lord ! yea lord , rather give them repentance , pardon , and impunity , if it be thy blessed will. let not thy justice prevent the objects and opportunities of my mercy ; yea , let them live and amend who have most offended me in so high a nature ; that i may have those to forgive , who beare most proportion in their offences to those trespasses against thy majesty , which i hope thy mercy hath forgiven me . lord lay not their sins ( who yet live ) to their charge for condemnation , but to their consciences for amendment : let the lighting of this thunderbolt , which hath been so severe a punishment to one , be a terrour to all . discover to them their sinne , who know not they have done amisse , and scare the● from their sinne , that sinne of malicious wickednesse . that preventing thy judgments by their true repentance , they may escape the strokes of ●●●ne eternall vengeance . and doe thou , o lord , establish the thro●e of thy servant in mercy , and truth meeting ●●●●●gether ; let my crowne ever flourish in rig●●●●ousnesse , and peace , kissing each other . heare my prayer , o lord , who hast taught us to pray for , to doe good to , and to love our enemies , for thy sake ; who hast prevented us with offertures of thy love , even when we were thine enemies , and hast sent thy sonne iesus christ to die for us , when we were disposed to crucifie him . 9. vpon the listing , and raising armies against the king . i find that i am at the same point and posture i was , when they forced me to leave white-hall : what tumults could not doe , an army must ; which is but tumults lifted , and enrolled to a better order , but as bad an end : my recesse hath given them confidence that i may be conquered . and so i easily may as to any outward strength , which , god knowes , is little or none at all : but i have a soule invincible through gods grace enabling me ; here i am sure to be conquerour , if god will give me such a measure of constancy , as to feare him more than man : and to love the inward peace of my conscience , before any outward tranquillity . and must i be opposed with force , because they have not reason wherewith to convince me ? o my soule ! be of good courage , they confesse their knowne weaknesse , as to truth , and justice , who chose rather to contend by armies , than by arguments . is this the reward and thanks that i am to receive for those many acts of grace i have lately passed , and for those many indignities i have endured ? is there no way left to make me a glorious king but by my sufferings ? it is a hard and disputable choice for a king , that loves his people , and desires their love , either to kill his owne subjects , or to be killed by them . are the hazards and miseries of civil war in the bowels of my most flourishing kingdome , the fruits i must now reap after 17 years living and reigning among them , with such a measu●e of justice , peace , plenty , and religion , as all nations about either admired , or envied ? notwithstanding some miscarriages in government , which might escape ; rather through ill counsell of some men driving on their private ends , or the peevishnesse of others envying the publique should be managed without them , or the hidden and insuperable necessities of state , then any propensity , i hope , of my self either to injuriousness or oppression . whose innocent bloud during my reigne have i shed , to satisfie my lust , anger , or covetousnesse ? what widowes or orphans tears can witnesse against me ; the just cry of which must now be avenged with my owne bloud ? for the hazards of warre are equall , nor doth the cannon know any respect of persons . in vaine is my person excepted by a parenthesis of words , when so many hands are armed against me with swords . god knowes how much i have studied to see what ground of justice is alledged for this warre against me ; that so i might ( by giving just satisfaction ) either prevent , or soone end so unnaturall a motion ; which ( to many men ) seemes rather the productions of a surfeit of peace , and wantonnesse of mindes , or of private discontents , ambition and faction ( which easily find , or make causes of quarrell ) then any reall obstructions of publick justice , or parliamentary priviledge . but this is pretended , and this i must be able to avoid and answer before god in my owne conscience , however some men are not willing to beleeve me , lest they should condemne themselves . when i first withdrew from white-hall , to see if i could allay the insolency of the tumults , ( the not suppressing of which , no account in reason can be given , ( where an orderly guard was granted but only to oppresse both mine and the two houses freedome of declaring and voting according to every mans conscience ) what obstructions of justice were there further then this , that what seemed just to one man , might not seeme so to another ? whom did i by power protect against the justice of parliament ? that some men withdrew , who feared the partiality of their tryall , ( warned by my lord of straffords death ) while the vulgar threatned to be their oppressors , and judgers of their judges , was from that instinct , which is in all creatures to preserve themselves . if any others refused to appear , where they evidently saw the current of justice and freedom so stopped and troubled by the rabble , that their lawfull judges either durst not come to the houses , or not declare their sense with liberty and safety ; it cannot seem strange to any reasonable man when the sole exposing them to publick odium was enough to ruine them , before their cause could be heard or tryed . had not factious tumults overborne the freedome and honour of the two houses ; had they asserted their justice against them , and made the way open for all the members quietly to come and declare their consciences : i know no man so deare to me , whom i had the least inclination to advise either to withdraw himself , or deny appearing upon their summons , to whose sentence according to law ( i think ) every subject bound to stand . distempers ( indeed ) were risen to so great a height , for want of timely●repressing the vulgar insolencies ; that the greatest guilt of those which were voted and demanded as delinquents was this , that they would not suffer themselves to be over-aw'd with the tumults , and their patrones ; nor compelled to abet by their suffrages , or presence ; the designes of those men who agitated innovations , and ruine , both in church and state. in this point i could not but approve their generous constancy and cautiousnesse ; further then this i did never allow any mans refractorinesse against the priviledges and orders of the houses ; to whom i wished nothing more , then safety , fulnesse , and freedome . but the truth is , some men , and those not many , despairing in faire and parliamentary wayes by free deliberations , and votes to gain the concurrence of the major part of lords and commons , betook themselves ( by the desperate activity of factious tumults ) to sift and terrifie away all those members whom they saw to be of contrary minds to their purposes . how oft was the businesse of the bishops enjoying their ancient places , and undoubted priviledges in the house of peeres , carried for them by farre the major part of lords . yet after five repulses , contray to all order and custome , it was by tumultuary , instigations obtruded again , and by a few carried , when most of the peeres were forced to absent them-themselves . in like manner , as the bill against root and branch , brought on by tumultuary clamours , and schismaticall terrours , which could never passe , till both houses were sufficiently thinned and over-awed . to which partiality , while in all reason , justice and religion , my conscience forbids me by consenting to make up their votes to acts of parliament ; i must now be urged with an army , and constrained either to hazard my owne , and my kingdomes ruine , by my defence ; or prostrate my conscience to the blind obedience of those men , whose zealous superstition thinks , or pretends , they cannot do god and the church a greater service , than utterly to destroy that primitive , apostolicall , and anciently universall government of the church by bishops . which if other mens judgements bind them to maintain , or forbids them to consent to the abolishing of it ; mine much more ; who , besides the grounds i have in my judgement , have also a most strickt and indispensable oath upon my conscience , to preserve that order , and the rights of the church ; to which , most sacrilegious and abhorred perjury , most un-beseeming a christian king , should i ever by giving my consent be betrayed , i should account it infinitely greater misery , then any hath , or can befall me● in as much as the least sinne hath more evill in it then the greatest affliction . had i gratified their anti-episcopall faction at first in this point , with my consent , and sacrificed the ecclesiasticall government , and revenues , to the fury of their covetuousnesse , ambition , and revenge , i believe they would then have found no colourable necessity of raising an army to fetch in , and punish delinquents . that i consented to the bill of putting the bishops out of the house of peers , was done with a firm perswasion of their contentednes to suffer a present diminution in their rights , and honour for my sake , and the common-weals , which i was confident they would readily yeeld unto , rather then occasion ( by the least obstruction on their part ) any dangers to me , or to my kingdome . that i cannot adde my consent for the totall extirpation of that government ( which i have often offered to all fit regulations ) hath so much further tie upon my conscience , as what i think religious and apostolicall ; and so very sacred and divine , is not to be dispensed with , or destroyed , when what is only of civill favor , and priviledge of honour granted to men of that order , may with their consent , who are concerned in it be annulled . this is the true state of those obstructions pretended to be in point of justice and authority of parliament ; when i call god to witnesse , i knew none of such consequence as was worth speaking of a warre , being only such as justice , reason , and religion had made in my owne and other mens consciences . afterwards indeed a great shew of delinquents was made ; which were but consequences necessarily following upon mine , or others withdrawing from , or defence against violence : but those could not be the first occasion of raising an army against me. wherein i was so far from preventing them , ( as they have declared often , that they might seeme to have the advantage and justice of the defensive part , and load me with all the envy and injuries of first assaulting them ) that god knows , i had not so much as any hopes of an army in my thoughts . had the tumults been honourably and effectually repressed by exemplary justice , and the liberty of the houses so vindicated , that all members of either house might with honour and freedome , becomming such a senate , have come and discharged their consciences , i had obtained all that i designed by my withdrawing , and had much more willingly , and speedily returned then i retired ; this being my necessity driving , the other my choise desiring . but some men know , i was like to bring the same judgement and constancy , which i carryed with me , which would never fit their designes : and so while they invited me to come , and grievously complained of my absence , yet they could not but be pleased with it : especially when they had found out that plausible and popular pretext of raising an army to fetch in delinquents : when all that while they never punished the greatest and most intolerable delinquencie of the tumults , and their exciters , which drave my selfe , and so many of both houses from their places , by most barbarous indignities , which yet in all reason and honour , they were as loath to have deserted , as those others were willing they should , that so they might have occasion to persecute them with the injuries of an army , for not suffering more tamely the injuries of the tumults . that this is the true state , and first drift and designe in raising an army against me , is by the sequell so evident , that all other pretences vanish . for when they declared by propositions , or treaties , what they would have to appease them ; there was nothing of consequence offered to me , or demanded of me , as any originall difference in any point of law , or order of justice . but among other lesser innovations , this chiefly was urged , the abolition of episcopall , and the establishment of presbyterian government . all other things at any time propounded were either impertinent as to any ground of a war , or easily granted by me , and onely to make up a number , or else they were meerly consequentiall , and accessary , after the war was by them unjustly began . i cannot hinder other mens thoughts , whom the noise and shew of piety , and heat for reformation and religion , might easily so fill with prejudice , that all equality and clearnesse of judgement might be obstructed . but thi● was , and is , as to my best observation , the true state of affaires betweene us , when they first raised an army , with this designe , either to stop my mouth , or to force my consent : and in this truth , as to my conscience , ( who was ( god knowes ) as far from meditating a war , as i was in the eye of the world from having any preparation for one ) i find that comfort , that in the midst of all the unfortunate successes of this war , on my side , i doe not think my innocencie any whit prejudiced or darkned ; nor am i without that integrity , and peace before god , as with humble confidence to addresse my prayer to him. for thou , o lord , seest clearly through all the cloudings of humane affaires ; thou judgest without prejudice : thy omniscience eternally guides thy unerrable iudgement . o my god , the proud are risen against me , and the assemblies of violent men have sought after my soule , and have not set thee before their eyes . consider my enemies , o lord , for they are many , and they hate me with a deadly hatred without a cause . for thou knowest , i had no passion , designe or preparation to embroyle my kingdomes in a civill warre ; whereto i had least temptation ; as knowing i must adventure more then any , and could gaine least of any by it . thou , o lord , art my witnesse how oft i have deplored , and studied to divert the necessity thereof , wherein i cannot well be thought so prodigally thirsty of my subjects blood , as to venture my own life , which i have been oft compelled to doe in this unhappy warre ; and which were better spent to save then to destroy my people . o lord , i need much of thy grace , with patience to bear the many afflictions thou hast suffered some men to bring upon me ; but much more to bear the unjust reproaches of those , who not content that i suffer most by the warre , will needs perswade the world that i have raised first , or given just cause to raise it . the confidence of some mens false tongues is such , that they would make me almost suspect my own innocency : yea , i could be content ( at least by my silence ) to take upon me so great a guilt before men , if by that i might allay the malice of my enemies , and redeeme my people from this miserable warre ; since thou o lord knowest my innocency in this thing . thou wilt finde out bloudy and deceitfull men ; many of whom have not lived out half their daies , in which they promised themselves the enjoyment of the fruits of their violent and wicked counsells . save , o lord , thy servant , as hitherto thou hast , and in thy due time scatter the people that delight in warre . arise o lord , lift up thy self , because of the rage of mine enemies , which encreaseth more and more . behold them that have conceived mischief , travelled with iniquity , and brought forth falshood . thou knowest the chief designe of this warre is , either to destroy my person , or force my iudgment , and to make me renege my conscience and thy truth . i am driven to crosse davids choise and desire , rather to fall into the hands of men , by denying them , ( though their mercies be cruell ) then into thy hands by sinning against my conscience , and in that against thee , who art a consuming fire ; better they destroy me , then thou shouldst damne me. be thou ever the defence of my soul , who wilt save the upright in heart . if nothing but my bloud will satisfie my enemies , or quench the flames of my kingdomes , or thy temporall iustice , i am content , if it be thy will , that it be shed by mine owne subjects hands . but ô let the bloud of me , though their king , yet a sinner , be washed with the bloud of my innocent and peace-making redeemer , for in that thy iustice will find not only a temporary expiation , but an eternall plenary satisfaction ; both for my sins , and the sins of my people ; whom i beseech thee still own for thine , and when thy wrath is appeased by my death , o remember thy great mercies toward them , and forgive them ! o my father , for they know not what they doe . 10. vpon their seizing the kings magazines , forts , navy , and militia . how untruly i am charged with the first raising of an army , and beginning this civill warre , the eyes that only pitty me , and the loyall hearts that durst only pray for me , at first , might witnesse , which yet appear not so many on my side , as there were men in arms listed against me ; my unpreparednesse for a war may well dis-hearten those that would help me ; while it argues ( truly ) my unwillingnes to fight ; yet it testifies for me , that i am set on the defensive part ; having so little hopes or power to offend others , that i have none to defend my self , or to preserve what is mine own from their proreption . no man can doubt but they prevented me in their purposes , as well as their injuries , who are so much before-hand in their preparations against me , and surprisalls of my strength . such as are not for them , yet dare not be for me ; so over-aw'd is their loyalty by the others numbers and terrours . i believe my innocency , and unpreparednesse to assert my rights and honour , makes me the more guilty in their esteeme ; who would not so easily have declared a war against me , if i had first assaulted them . they knew my chiefest armes left me , were those only , which the ancient christians were wont to use against their persecutors , prayers and teares . these may serve a good mans turne , if not to conquer as a souldier , yet to suffer as a martyr . their preventing of me , and surprizing my castles , forts , armes , and navy , with the militia , is so farre best for me , that it may drive me from putting any trust in the arme of flesh , and wholly to cast my self into the protection of the living god , who can save by few , or none , as well as by many . he that made the greedy ravens to be elias caterers , and bring him food , may also make their surprisall of outward force and defence , an opportunity to shew me the speciall support of his power and protection . i thank god i reckon not now the want of the militia so much in reference to my own protection as my peoples . their many and sore oppressions grieve me , i am above my owne , what i want in the hands of force and power , i have in the wings of faith and prayer . but this is the strange method these men will needs take to resolve their riddle of making me a glorious king , by taking away my kingly power : thus i shall become a support to my friends , and a terrour to my enemies by being unable to succour the one , or suppresse the other . for thus have they designed , and proposed to me , the new modelling of soveraignty and kingship , as without any reality of power , or without any necessity of subjection and obedience : that the majesty of the kings of england might hereafter , hang like mahomets tomb , by a magnetique charme , between the power and priviledges of the two houses , in an aiery imagination of regality . but i believe the surfeit of too much power , which some men have greedily seized on , and now seek wholly to devour , will ere long make the common-wealth sick both of it and them , since they cannot well digest it ; soveraigne power in subjects seldome agreeing with the stomacks of fellow subjects . yet i have even in this point of the constant militia sought , by satisfying their feares , and importunities , both to secure my friends , and overcome mine enemies , to gaine the peace of all , by depriving my selfe of a sole power to help , or hurt any : yeilding the militia ( which is my undoubted right no lesse than the crowne ) to be disposed of as the two houses shall think fit , during my time . so willing am i to bury all jealousies in them , of me , and to live above all jealousies of them , as to my self ; i desire not to be safer than i wish them and my people ; if i had the sole actuall disposing of the militia , i could not protect my people , further than they protected me , and themselves : so that the use of the militia is mutuall . i would but defend my self so far , as to be able to defend my good subjects from those mens violence and fraud , who conscious to their owne evill merits and designes , will needs perswade the world , that none but wolves are fit to be trusted with the custody of the shepherd and his flock . miserable experience hath taught my subjects , since power hath been wrested from me , and imployed against me & them ! that neither can be safe if both be not in such a way as the law hath entrusted the publique safety and welfare . yet even this concession of mine as to the exercise of the militia , so vast and large , is not satisfactory to some men ; which seem to be enemies not to me onely , but to all monarchy ; and are resolved to transmit to posterity such jealousies of the crowne , as they should never permit it to enjoy its just and necessary rights , in point of power ; to which ( at last ) all law is resolved , while thereby it is best protected . but here honour and justice due to my successors , forbid me to yeild to such a totall alienation of that power from them , which civility & duty ( no lesse then justice and honour ) should have forbad them to have asked of me. for , although i can be content to eclypse my owne beames , to satisfie their feares ; who think they must needs be scorched or blinded , if i should shine in the full lustre of kingly power , wherewith god and the lawes have invested me : yet i will never consent to put out the sun of soveraignty to all posterity , and succeeding kings ; whose just recovery of their rights from unjust usurpations and extortions , shall never be prejudiced or obstructed by any act of mine , which indeed would not be more injurious to succeeding kings , than to my subjects ; whom i desire to leave in a condition not wholly desperate for the future ; so as by a law to be ever subjected to those many factious distractions , which must needs follow the many-headed hydra of government ; which as it makes a shew to the people to have more eyes to foresee ; so they will find it hath more mouthes too , which much be satisfied : and ( at best ) it hath rather a monstrosity , than any thing of perfection , beyond that of right monarchy ; where counsell may be in many as the senses , but the supreme power can be but in one as the head. happily where men have tried the horrours and malignant influence which will certainly follow my enforced darknesse and eclypse , ( occasioned by the interposition and shadow of that body , which as the moone receiveth its chiefest light from me ) they will at length more esteeme and welcome the restored glory and blessing of the suns light . and if at present i may seem by my receding so much from the use of my right in the power of the militia , to come short of the discharge of that trust to which i am sworne for my peoples protection ; i conceive those men are guilty of the enforced perjury , ( if so it may seeme ) who compell me to take this new and strange way of discharging my trust , by seeming to desert it ; of protecting my subjects by exposing my self to danger or dishonour , for their safety and quiet . which in the conflicts of civill warre and advantages of power cannot be effected but by some side yeilding ; to which the greatest love of the publique peace , and the firmest assurance of gods protection ( arising from a good conscience ) doth more invite me , than can be expected from other mens fears ; which arising from the injustice of their actions ( though never so successfull ) yet dare not adventure their authours upon any other way of safety then that of the sword and militia ; which yet are but weak defences against the stroaks of divine vengeance , which will overtake ; or of mens owne consciences , which alwaies attend injurious perpetrations . for my self , i doe not think that i can want any thing which providentiall necessity is pleased to take from me , in order to my peoples tranquillity and gods glory , whose protection is sufficient for me ; and he is able by his being with me , abundantly to compensate to me , as he did to iob , what ever honour , power , or liberty the caldeans , the sabeans , or the devill himself can deprive me of . although they take from me all defence of armes and militia , all refuge by land , of forts , and castles , all flight by sea in my ships , and navy ; yea , though they study to rob me of the hearts of my subjects , the greatest treasure and best ammunition of a king , yet cannot they deprive me of my own innocency , or gods mercy , nor obstruct my way to heaven . therefore , o my god , to thee i flie for help , if thou wilt be on my side , i shall have more with me then can be against me . there is none in heaven , or in earth , that i desire in comparison of thee : in the losse of all , be thou more than all to me : make hast to succour me , thou that never failest them , that put their trust in thee . thou seest i have no power to oppose them that come against me , who are encouraged to fight under the pretence of fighting for me : but my eyes are toward thee . thou needest no help , nor shall i , if i may have thine ; if not to conquer , yet at least to suffer . if thou delightest not in my safety , and prosperity , behold here i am willing to be reduced to what thou wilt have me ; whose iudgments oft begin with thy owne children . i am content to be nothing , that thou mayst be all . thou hast taught me , that no king can be saved by the multitude of an host ; but yet thou canst save me by the multitude of thy mercies , who art the lord of hosts , and the father of mercies . help me , o lord , who am sore distressed on every side , yet be thou on my side , and i shall not feare what man can doe unto mee . i will give thy iustice the glory of my distresse . o let thy mercy have the glory of my deliverance from them that persecute my soule ! by my sinnes have i fought against thee , and robbed th●e of thy glory , who am thy subject , and justly mayst thou , by my owne subjects , strip me of my strength , and eclypse my glory . but shew thy self , o my hope , and onely refuge ! let not mine enemies say , there is no help for him in his god. hold up my goings in thy paths , that my footsteps slip not . keep me as the apple of thine eye , hide me under the shadow of thy wings . shew thy marveilous loving kindnesse , o thou that savest by thy right hand them that put their trust in thee , from those that rise up against them . from the wicked that oppresse me , from my deadly enemies that compasse me about . shew me the path of life . in thy presence is fulnesse of joy , at thy right hand there are pleasures for evermore . 11. vpon the 19. propositions first sent to the king ; and more afterwards . although there be many things , they demand , yet if these be all , i am glad to see at what price they set my owne safety , and my peoples peace ; which i cannot think i buy at too deare a rate save onely the parting with my conscience & honour . if nothing else will satisfie , i must chuse rather to be as miserable , and inglorious , as my enemies can make or wish me . some things here propounded to me have been offered by me ; others are easily granted ; the rest ( i think ) ought not to be obtruded upon me , with the point of the sword ; nor urged with the injuries of a war ; when i have already declared that i cannot yeild to them , without violating my conscience : 't is strange , there can be no method of peace , but by making warre upon my soule . here are many things required of me , but i see nothing offer'd to me , by the way of gratefull exchange of honour ; or any requitall for those favours , i have , or can yet grant them . this honour they doe mee , to put mee on the giving part , which is more princely and divine . they cannot aske more than i can give , may i but reserve to my self the incommunicable jewell of my conscience ; and not be forced to part with that , whose losse nothing can repaire or requite . some things ( which they are pleased to propround ) seeme unreasonable to me , and while i have any mastery of my reason , how can they think i can consent to them ? who know they are such as are inconsistent with being either a king , or a good christian. my yeilding so much ( as i have already ) makes some men confident i will deny nothing . the love i have of my peoples peace , hath ( indeed ) great influence upon me ; but the love of truth , and inward peace hath more . should i grant some things they require , i should not so much weaken my outward state of a king ; as wound that inward quiet of my conscience , which ought to be , is , and ever shall be ( by gods grace ) dearer to me then my kingdomes . some things which a king might approve , yet in honour and policy are at some time to be denied , to some men , lest he should seeme not to dare to deny any thing ; and give too much incouragement to unreasonable demands , or importunities . but to bind my self to a generall and implicite consent , to what ever they shall desire , or propound , ( for such is one of their propositions ) were such a latitude of blind obedience , as never was expected from any free-man , nor fit to be required of any man , much lesse of a king , by his own subjects ; any of whom he may possibly exceed as much in wisdome , as he doth in place and power . this were as if sampson should have consented , not only to binde his own hands , and cut off his haire , but to put out his own eyes , that the philistins might with the more safety mock , and abuse him ; which they chose rather to doe , then quite to destroy him , when he was become so tame an object , and fit occasion for their sport and scorne . certainly , to exclude all power of deniall , seemes an arrogancy , least of all becomming those who pretend to make their addresses in an humble and loyall way of petitioning ; who by that sufficiently confesse their owne inferiority , which obligeth them to rest , if not satisfied , yet quieted with such an answer as the will and reason of their superiour thinkes fit to give ; who is acknowledged to have a freedome and power of reason , to consent , or dissent , else it were very foolish and absurd to ask , what another having not liberty to deny , neither hath power to grant . but if this be my right belonging to me , in reason , as a man , and in honour as a soveraign king , ( as undoubtedly it doth ) how can it be other then extream injury to confine my reason to a necessity of granting all they have a mind to ask , whose minds may be as differing from mine both in reason & honour , as their aims may be , and their qualities are ; which last god & the laws have sufficiently distinguish● , making me their soveraign , and them my subjects : whose propositions may soon prove violent oppositions , if once they gain to be necessary impositions upon the regall authority . since no man seekes to limit and confine his king , in reason , who hath not a secret aime to share with him , or usurp upon him in power and dominion . but they would have me trust to their moderation , & abandon mine own discretion ; that so i might verifie what representations some have made of me to the world , that i am fitter to be their pupill then their prince . truly i am not so confident of my own sufficiency , as not willingly to admit the counsell of others : but yet i am not so diffident of my selfe , as bru●ishly to submit to any mens dictates , and at once to betray the soveraignty of reason in my soul , and the majesty of my own crown to any of my subjects . least of all have i any ground of credulity , to induce me fully to submit to all the desires of those men , who will not admit or doe refuse , and neglect to vindicate the freedome of their own and others , sitting and voting in parliament . besides , all men that know them , know this , how young states-men ( the most part ) of these propounders are ; so that , till experience of one seven years hath shewed me , how well they can governe themselves , and so much power as is wrested from me , i should be very foolish indeed , and unfaithfull , in my trust , to put the reins of both reason and government , wholly out of my own , into their hands , whose driving is already too much like iehues ; and whose forwardnesse to ascend the throne of supremacy pretends more of phaeton then of phebus ; god divert the omen if it be his will. they may remember , that at best they sit in parliament , as my subjects , not my superiours ; called to be my counsellours , not dictatours : their summons extends to recommend their advice , not to command my duty . when i first heard of propositions to be sent me , i expected either some good lawes , which had been antiquated by the course of time , or overlayd by the corruption of manners , had been desired to a restauration of their vigour and due execution ; or some evill customes preterlegall , and abuses personall had been to be removed : or some injuries done by my selfe , and others , to the common-weale , were to be repaired : or some equable offertures were to be tendred to me , wherein the advantages of my crowne being considered by them , might fairly induce me to condiscend , to what tended to my subjects good , without any great diminution of my selfe , whom nature , law , reason , and religion , bind me ( in the first place ) to preserve : without which , 't is impossible to preserve my people according to my place . or ( at least ) i looked for such moderate desires of due reformation of what was ( indeed ) amisse in church and state , as might still preserve the foundation and essentialls of government in both ; not shake and quite overthrow either of them , without any regard to the lawes in force , the w●sdome and piety of former parliaments , the ancient and universall practise of christian churches ; the rights and priviledges of particular men : nor yet any thing offered in lieu , or in the roome of what must be destroyed , which might at once reach the good end of the others institution , and also supply its pretended defects , reforme its abuses , and satisfie sober and wise men , not with soft and specious words , pretending zeale and speciall piety , but with pregnant and solid reasons both divine and humane , which might justifie the abruptnesse and necessity of such vast alterations . but in all their propositions i can observe little of these kinds , or to these ends : nothing of any laws dis●jointed , which are to be restored ; of any right invaded ; of any justice to be un-obstructed ; of any compensations to be made ; of any impartiall reformation to be granted ; to all , or any of which , reason , religion , true policy , or any other humane motives , might induce me . but as to the maine matters propounded by them at any time , in which is either great novelty , or difficulty . i perceive that what were formerly look'd upon as factions in the state , and sch●smes in the church , and so● punishable by the lawes , have now the confidence , by vulgar clamours , and assistance ( chiefly ) to demand not onely tolerations of themselves , in their vanity , novelty , and confusion ; but also abolition of the lawes against them : and a totall extirpation of that government , whose rights they have a mind to invade . this , as to the maine ; other proposi●ions are ( for the most part ) but as waste paper in which those are wrapped up to present them somewhat more handsomely . nor doe i so much wonder at the variety , and horrible novelty of some propositions , ( there being nothing so monstrous , which some fancies are not prone to long for . ) this casts me into , not an admiration , but an extasie , how such things should have the fortune to be propounded in the name of the two houses of the parliament of england : among whom , i am very confident , there was not a fourth part of the members of either house , whose judgments free , single , and apart did approve or desire such destructive changes in the government of the church . i am perswaded there remaines in farre the major part of both houses , ( if free , and full ) so much learning , reason , religion , and just moderation , as to know how to sever between the u●e and the abuse of things ; the institution , and the corruption , the government and the mis-government , the primitive patterns , and the aberrations or blottings of after copies . sure they could not all , upon so little , or no reason ( as yet produced to the contrary ) so soon renounce all regard to the laws in force , to antiquity , to the piety of their reforming progenitors , to the prosperity of former times in this church and state , under the present government of the church . yet , by a strange fatality , these men suffer , either by their absence , or silence , or negligence , or supine credulity ( believing that all is good , which is guilded with shewes of zeale and reformation ) their private dissenting in judgement to be drawne into the common sewer or streame of the present vogue and humour ; which hath its chief rise and abetment from those popular clamours and tumults : which served to give life and strength to the infinite activity of those men , who studied with all diligence , and policy , to improve to their innovating designes , the present distractions . such armies of propositions having so little , in my judgment , of reason , justice , and religion on their side , as they had tumult and faction for their rise , must not go alone , but ever be backt and seconded , with armies of soldiers : though the second should prevaile against my person , yet the first shall never overcome me , further than i see cause ; for , i look not at their number and power so much , as i weigh their reason and justice . had the two houses first sued out their livery , and once effectually redeemed themselves from the wardship of the tumults , ( which can be no other than the hounds that attend the cry , and hollow of those men , who hunt after factious , and private designes , to the ruine of church and state. ) did my judgment tell me , that the propositions sent to me were the results of the major part of their votes , who exercise their freedome , as well as they have a right to sit in parliament : i should then suspect my own judgment , for not speedily and fully concurring with every one of them . for , i have charity enough to think , there are wise men among them : and humility to think , that , as in some things i may want ; so 't is fit i should use their advise , which is the end for which i called them to a parliament . but yet i cannot allow their wisdome such a compleatnesse and inerrability as to exclude my self ; since none of them hath that part to act , that trust to discharge , nor that estate and honour to preserve as my selfe ; without whose reason concurrent with theirs ( as the suns influence is necessary in all natures productions ) they cannot beget , or bring forth any one compleat and authoritative act of publique wisdome , which makes the lawes . but the nnreasonablenesse of some propositions is not more evident to me than this is , that they are not the joynt and free desires of those in their major number , who are of right to sit and vote in parliament . for , many of them savour very strong of that old leaven of innovations , masked under the name of reformation ; ( which in my two last famous predecessours daies , heaved at , and sometime threatned both prince and parliaments : ) but , i am sure was never wont so far to infect the whole masse of the nobility and gentry of this kingdome ; however it dispersed among the vulgar : nor was it likely so suddenly to taynt the major part of both houses , as that they should unanimously desire , and affect so enormous and dangerous innovations in church and state , contrary to their former education , practise , and judgement . not that i am ignorant , how the choice of many members was carried by much faction in the countries ; some thirsting after nothing more , than a passionate revenge of what ever displeasure they had conceived against me , my court , or the clergy . but all reason bids me impute these sudden and vast desires of change to those few , who armed themselves with the many-headed , and many-handed tumults . no lesse doth reason , honour , and safety both of church and state command me , to chew such morsels , before i let them downe ; if the straitnesse of my conscience will not give me leave to swallow down such camels , as others doe of sacriledge , and injustice both to god and man , they have no more cause to quarrell with me , than for this , that my throat is not so wide as theirs . yet by gods help i am resolved , that nothing of passion , or peevishnesse , or list to contradict , or vanity to shew my negative power , shall have any byas upon my judgment , to make me gratifie my will , by denying any thing , which my reason and conscience commands me not . nor on the other side , will i consent to more than reason , justice , honour , and religion perswade me , to be for gods glory , the churches good , my peoples welfare , and my owne peace . i will study to satisfie my parliament , and my people ; but i will never , for feare , or flattery , gratifie any faction , how potent soever ; for this were to nourish the disease , & oppresse the body . although many mens loyalty and prudence are terrified from giving me , that free , and faithfull counsell , which they are able and willing to impart , and i may want ; yet none can hinder me from craving of the counsell of that mighty counsellour , who can both suggest what is best , and incline my heart stedfastly to follow it . o thou first and eternall reason , whose wisdome is fortified with omnipotency , furnish thy servant , first with cleare discoveries of truth , reason , and iustice , in my understanding : then so confirme my will and resolution to adhere to them , that no terrours , injuries , or oppressions of my enemies may ever inforce me against those rules , which thou by them hast planted in my conscience . thou never madest me a king , that i should be lesse than a man ; and not dare to say , yea , or nay , as i see cause ; which freedome is not denied to the meanest creature , that hath the use of reason , and liberty of speech . shall that be blameable in me , which is commendable veracity and constancy in others● thou seest , o lord , with what partiality , and injustice , they deny that freedome to me their king , which thou hast given to all ●en ; and which themselves pertinaciously challenge to themselves ; while they are so tender of the least breach of their priviledges . to thee i make my supplication , who canst guide us by an unerring rule , through thy perplexed labyrinths of our owne thoughts , and other mens proposalls ; which , i have some cause to suspect , are purposely cast as snares , that by my granting or denying them , i might be more entangled in those difficulties , wherewith they lie in wait to afflict me. o lord , make thy way plaine before me. let not my owne sinfull passions cloud , or divert thy sacred suggestions . let thy glory be my end , thy word my rule , and then thy will be done . i cannot please all , i care not to please some men ; if i may be happy to please thee , i need not feare whom i displease . thou that makest the wisdome of the world foolishnesse , and takest in their owne devices , such as are wise in their owne conceits , make me wise by thy truth , for thy honour , my kingdoms generall good , and my owne soules salvation , and i shall not much regard the worlds opinion , or diminution of me . the lesse wisdome they are willing to impute to me , the more they shall be convinced of thy wisdome directing me , while i deny nothing fit to be granted , out of crosnesse , or humour ; nor grant any thing which is to be denied , out of any feare , or flattery of men . suffer me not to be guilty , or unhappy , by willing or inconsiderate advancing any mens designes , which are injurious to the publique good , while i confirme them by my consent . nor let me be any occasion to hinder or defraud the publique of what is best , by any morose or perverse d●ssentings . make me so humbly charitable , as to follow their advise , when it appeares to be for the publ●que good , of whose affections to me , i have yet but few evidences to assure me. thou canst as well blesse honest errours , as blast fraudulent counsells . since we must give an account of every evill and idle word in private , at thy tribunall ; lord make me carefull of those solemne declarations of my mind which are like to have the greatest influence upon the publique , either for woe , or weale . the lesse others con●ider what they aske , make me the more solicitous what i answer . though mine owne , and my peoples pressures are grievous , and peace would be very pleasing ; yet lord , never suffer me to avoid the one , or purchase the other , with the least expense or wast of my conscience ; whereof thou o lord onely art deservedly more master than my self . 12. vpon the rebellion , and troubles in ireland . the commotions in ireland were so sudden , and so violent , that it was hard at first either to discerne the rise , or apply a remedy to that precipitant rebellion . indeed , that sea of bloud , which hath there been cruelly and barbarously shed , is enough to drowne any man in eternall both infamy and misery , whom god shall find the malicious authour or instigator of its effusion . it fell out , as a most unhappy advantage to some mens malice against me ; that when they had impudence enough to lay any thing to my charge , this bloudy opportunity should be offered them , with which i must be aspersed . although there was nothing which could be more adhorred to me , being so full of sin against god , disloyalty to my selfe , and destructive to my subjects . some men took it very ill not to be believed , when they affirmed , that what the irish rebels did , was done with my privity ( at least ) if not by my commission : but these knew too well , that it is no news for some of my subjects to fight , not onely without my commission , but against my command , and person too ; yet all the while to pretend , they fight by my authority , and for my safety . i would to god the irish had nothing to alledge for their imitation against those , whose blame must needs be the greater , by how much protestant principles are more against all rebellion against princes , then those of papists . nor will the goodnesse of mens intentions excuse the scandall , and contagion of their examples . but who ever faile of their duty toward me , i must bear the blame ; this honour my enemies have alwaies done me , to think moderate injuries not proportionate to me , nor competent trialls , either of my patience under them , or my pardon of them . therefore with exquisite malice they have mixed the gall and vinegar of falsity and contempt , with the cup of my affliction ; charging me not only with untruths , but such , as wherein i have the greatest share of losse and dishonour by what is committed ; whereby ( in all policy , reason , and religion , having least cause to give the least consent , and most grounds of utter de●estation ) i might be represented by them to the world the more inhumane and barbarous : like some cyclopick monster , whom nothing will serve to eat and drink , but the flesh and blood of my own subjects ; in whose common welfare my interest lies as much as some mens doth in their perturbations : who think they cannot doe well but in evill times , nor so cunningly as in laying the odium of those sad events on others , wherewith themselves are most pleased , and whereof they have been not the least occasion . and certainly , t is thought by many wise men , that the preposterous rigour , and unreasonable severity , which some men carried before them in england , was not the least incentive , that kindled , and blew up into those horrid flames , the sparkes of discontent , which wanted not pre-disposed fewell for rebellion in ireland ; where despaire being added to their former discontents , and the feares of utter extirpation to their wonted oppressions , it was easie to provoke to an open rebellion , a people prone enough , to break out to all exorbitant violence , both by some principles of their religion , and the naturall desires of liberty ; both to exempt themselves from their present restraints , and to prevent those after rigours , wherewith they saw themselves apparently threatned , by the covetous zeal , and uncharitable fury of some men , who think it a great argument of the truth of their religion , to endure no other but their own . god knowes , as i can with truth wash my hands in innocency , as to any guilt in that rebellion ; so i might wash them in my teares , as to the sad apprehensions i had , to see it spread so farre , and make such waste . and this in a time , when distra●●ions , and jealousies here in england , made most men rather intent to their own safety , or designes they were driving , then to the relief of those , who were every day inhumanely butchered in ireland : whose teares and bloud might , if nothing else , have quenched , or at least for a time , repressed and smothered those sparks of civill dissentions , and jealousies , which in england some men most industriously scattered . i would to god no man had been lesse affected with irelands sad estate then my self ; i offered to goe my self in person upon that expedition ; but some men were either afraid i should have any one kingdome quieted ; or loath they were to shoot at any mark here lesse then my self ; or that any should have the glory of my destruction but themselves . had my many offers been accepted , i am confident neither the ruine had been so great , nor the calamity so long , nor the remedy so desperate . so that , next to the sin of those , who began that rebellion , theirs musts needs be : who either hindred the speedy suppressing of it by domestick dissentions , or diverted the aides , or exasperated the rebells to the most desperate resolutions and actions , by threatning all extremities , not only to the known heads , and chief incendiaries , but even to the whole community of that nation ; resolving to destroy root and branch , men , women and children ; without any regard to those usuall pleas for mercy , which conquerours , not wholly barbarous , are wont to hear from their own breasts , in behalf of those , whose oppressive faces , rather then their malice , engaged them ; or whose imbecility for sex and age was such , as they could neither lift up a hand against them , nor distinguish between their right hand and their left : which preposterous , and ( i think ) un-evangelicall zeal is too like that of the rebuked disciples , who would goe no lower in their revenge , then to call for fire from heaven upon whole cities , for the repulse or neglect of a few ; or like that of iacobs sons , which the father both blamed and cursed : chusing rather to use all extremites , which might drive men to desperate obstinacy , then to apply moderate remedies ; such as might punish some with exemplary justice , yet disarme others , with tenders of mercy upon their submission , and our protection of them , from the fury of those , who would soon drown them , if they refused to swim down the popular stream with them . but some kind of zeale counts all mercifull moderation , luke-warmnesse ; and had rather be cruell then counted cold , and is not seldome more greedy to kill the bear for his skin , then for any harme he hath done . the confiscation of mens estates being more beneficiall , then the charity of saving their lives , or reforming their errours . when all proportionable succours of the poor protestants in ireland ( who were daily massacred , and overborne with numbers of now desperate enemies ) was diverted and obstructed here ; i was earnestly entreated , and generally advised by the chief of the protestant party there , to get them some respite and breathing by a cessation , without which they saw no probability ( unlesse by miracle ) to preserve the remnant that had yet escaped : god knowes with how much commiseration and solicitous caution i carried on that businesse , by persons of honour and integrity , that so i might neither incourage the rebells insolence , nor discourage the protestants loyalty and patience . yet when this was effected in the best sort , that the necessity and difficulty of affaires would then permit , i was then to suffer again in my reputation and honour , because i suffered not the rebels utterly to devour the remaining handfuls of the protestants there . i thought , that in ●ll re●son , the gaining of that respite could not be so much to the rebels advantages ( which some have highly calumniated against me ) as it might have been for the protestants future , as well as present safety ; if during the time of that cessation , some men had had the grace to have laid irelands sad condition more to heart ; and laid aside those violent motions , which were here carried on by those , that had better skill to let bloud than to stanch it . but in all the misconstructions of my actions , ( which are prone to find more credulity in men to what is false , and evill , than love or charity to what is true and good ) as i have no judge but god above me , so i can have comfort to appeale to his omniscience , who doth not therefore deny my innocence , because he is pleased so far●e to try my patience , as he did his servant iob's . i have enough to doe to look to my owne conscience , and the faithfull discharge of my trust as a king ; i have scarce leisure to consider those swarmes of reproaches , which issue out of some mens mouthes and hearts , as easily as smoke , or sparks doe out of a fornace ; much lesse to make such prolix apologies , as might give those men satisfaction : who conscious to their owne depth of wickednesse , are loath to believe any man not to be as bad as themselves . 't is kingly to doe well , and heare ill : if i can but act the one , i shall not much regard to beare the other . i thank god i can heare with patience , as bad as my worst enemies can falsly say . and i hope i shall still doe better than they desire , or deserve i should . i believe it will at last appear , that they who first began to embroyle my other kingdomes , are in great part guilty , if not of the first letting out , yet of the not-timely stopping those horrid effusions of bloud in ireland . which ( whatever my enemies please to say , or thinke ) i looke upon , as that of my other kingdomes , exhausted out of my owne veins ; no man being so much weakned by it , as my selfe ; and i hope , though mens unsatiable cruelties never will , yet the mercy of god will at length say to his justice , it is enough : and command the sword of civill warres to sheath it self : his mercifull justice intending , i trust , not our utter confusion , but our cure : the abatement of our sinnes , not the desolating of these nations . o my god , let those infinite mercies prevent us once againe , which i and my kingdomes have formerly abused , and can never deserve , should be restored . thou seest how much cruelty among christians is acted under the colour of religion ; as if we could not be christians , unlesse we crucifie one another . because we have not more loved thy truth , and practiced in charity , thou hast suffered a spirit of errour and bitternesse , of mutuall and mortall hatred to rise among us . o lord , forgive wherein we have sinned , and sanctifie what we have suffered . let our repentance be our recovery , as our great sinnes have been our ruine . let not the miseries i and my kingdomes have hitherto suffered seeme small to thee : but make our sins appeare to our consciences , as they are represented in the glasse of thy judgments ; for thou never punishest small failings with so severe afflictions . o therefore , according to the multitude of thy great mercies , pardon our sinnes , and remove thy judgements which are very many , and very heavy . yet let our sinnes be ever more grievous to us , than thy judgments ; and make us more willing to repent , than to be relieved ; first give us the peace of penitent consciences , and then the tranquillity of united kingdomes . in the sea of our saviours bloud drowne our sinnes , and through this red sea of our own bloud bring us at last to a state of piety , peace , and plenty . as my publique relations to all , make me share in all my subjects suff●rings ; so give me such a pious sense of them , as becomes a christian king , and a loving father of my people . let the scandalous and unjust reproaches cast upon me , be as a breath , more to kindle my compassion ; give me grace to heap charitable coles of fire upon their heads to melt them , whose malice or cruell zeale hath kindled , or hindred the quenching of those flames , which have so much wasted my three kingdomes . o resc●e and assist those poore protestants in ireland , whom thou hast hitherto preserved . and lead those in the waies of thy saving truths , whose ignorance or errours have filled them with rebelli●us and destrustive principles ; wh●ch they act under an opinion , that they do● thee good service . let the hand of thy justice be against those , who maliciously and despitefully have raised , or fomented those cruell and desperate warres . thou that art far from destroying the innocent with the guilty , and the erroneous with the malicious ; thou that hadst pity on niniveh for the many children that were therein , give not over the whole stock of that populous and seduced nation , to the wrath of those , whose covetousnesse makes them cruell ; nor to their anger , which is too fierce , and therefore justly cursed . preserve , if it be thy will , in the midst of the fornace of thy severe justice a posterity , which may praise thee for thy mercy . and deale with me , not according to mans unjust reproaches , but according to the innocency of my hands in thy sight . if i have desired , or delighted in the wofull day of my kingdomes calamities , if i have not earnestly studied , and faithfully endeavoured the preventing and composing of these bloudy distractions● then let thy hand be against me , and my fathers house . o lord , thou seest i have e●emies enough of men ; as i need not , so i should not dare thus to imprecate thy curse on me and mine , if my conscience did not witnesse my integrity , which thou o lord knowest right well ; but i trust not to my owne merit , but thy mercies● spare us o lord , and be not angry with us for ●ver● 13. vpon the calling in of the scots , and their comming . the scots are a nation , upon whom i have not onely common ties of nature , soveraignty , and bounty , with my father of blessed memory ; but also speciall and late obligations of favours , having gratified the active spirits among them so farre , that i seemed to many , to prefer the desires of that party , before my owne interest and honour . but , i see , royall bounty emboldens some men to aske , and act beyond all bounds of modesty and gratitude . my charity , and act of pacification , forbids me to reflect on former passages ; wherein i shall ever be farre from letting any mans ingratitude , or inconstancy , make me repent of what i granted them , for the publique good : i pray god it may so prove . the comming againe of that party into england , with an army , onely to conforme this church to their late new modell , cannot but seeme as unreasonable , as they would have thought the same measure offered from hence to themselves . other errand i could never understand , they had , ( besides those common and vulgar flourishes for religion and liberty ) save only to confirme the presbyterian copy they had set , by making this church to write after them , though it were in bloudy characters . which designe and end , whether it will justifie the use of such violent meanes , before the divine justice : i leave to their consciences to judge , who have already felt the misery of the meanes , but not reaped the benefit of the end , either in this kingdome , or that . such knots and crosnesse of grain being objected here , as will hardly suffer that forme which they cry up , as the only just reformation , and setling of government and discipline in churches , to go on so smoothly here , as it might doe in scotland ; and was by them imagined would have done in england , when so many of the english clergy , through levity , or discontent , if no worse passion , suddenly quitted their former engagements to episcopacy , and faced about to their presbytery . it cannot but seeme either passion , or some self-seeking , more then true zeal , and pious discretion , for any forraigne state or church to prescribe such medicines only for others , which themselves have used , rather successefully then commendably ; not considering that the same physick on different constitutions , will have different operations ; that may kill one , which doth but cure another . nor do i know any such tough and malignant humours in the constitution of the english church , which gentler applications then those of an army , might not easily have removed : nor is it so proper to hew out religious reformations by the sword , as to polish them by faire and equall disputations among those that are most concerned in the differences , whom not force , but reason ought to convince . but their design now , seemed rather to cut off all disputation here , then to procure a fair and equall one : for , it was concluded there , that the engl●sh clergy must conforme to the scots patterne before ever they could be heard , what they could say for themselves , or against the others way . i could have wished fairer proceedings both for their credits , who urge things with such violence ; and for other mens consciences too , who can receive little satisfaction in these points which are maintained rather by souldiers fighting in the field , than schollars disputing in free and learned synods . sure in matters of religion those truths gain most on mens judgements and consciences , which are least urged with secular violence , which weakens truth with prejudices ; and is unreasonable to be used , till such meanes of rationall conviction hath been applied , as leaving no excuse for ignorance , condemnes mens obstinacy to deserved penalties . which no charity will easily suspect of so many learned and pious church-men in england ; who being alwayes bred up , and conformable to the government of episcopacy , cannot so soon renounce both their former opinion and practise , only because that party of the scots will needs , by force assist a like party here , either to drive all ministers , as sheep into the common fold of presbytery , or destroy them ; at least fleece them , by depriving them of the benefit of their flocks . if the scotch sole presbytery were proved to be the only institution of jesus christ , for all churches government ; yet i believe it would be hard to prove that christ had given those scots , or any other of my subjects , commission by the sword to set it up in any of my kingdomes , without my consent . what respect and obedience christ and his apostles pay'd to the cheif governours of states , where they lived is very clear in the gospell ; but that he , or they ever commanded to set up such a parity of presbyters , and in such a way as those scots endeavour ; i think is not very disputable . if presbytery in such a supremacy be an institution of christ ; sure it differs from all others ; and is the first and only po●nt of christianity , that was to be planted and watered with so much christian bloud ; whose effusions run in a stream so contrary to that of the primitive planters , both of christianity and episcopacy , which was with patient shedding of their own bloud , not violent drawing o●her mens ; sure there is too much of man in it , to have much of christ , none of whose institutions were carried on , or begun with the temptations of covetousnesse or ambition ; of both which this is vehemently suspected . yet was there never any thing upon the point , which those scots had by army or commissioners to move me with , by their many solemne obtestations , and pious threatnings , but only this ; to represent to me the wonderfull necessity of setting up their presbyt●ry in england , to avoid the further miseries of a warre ; which some men cheifly on this designe at first had begun , and now further engaged themselves to continue . what hinders that any sects , schismes , or heresies , if they can get but numbers , strength and opportunity , may not , according to this op●nion and patterne , set up their wayes ●y the like methods of violence ? all which pre●bytery seekes to suppresse , and render odious under those names ; when wise and learned men think , that nothing hath more marks of schisme , and sectarisme , then this presbyterian way , both as to the ancient , and still most universall way of the church-government , and specially as to the particular lawes and constitutions of this english church , which are not yet repealed , nor are like to be for me , till i see more rationall and religious motives , then souldiers use to carry in their knapsacks . but we must leave the successe of all to god , who hath many wayes ( having first taken us off from the folly of our opinions , and fury of our passion ) to teach us those rules of true reason , and peaceable wisdome , which is from above , tending most to gods glory , & his churches good ; which i think my self so much the more bound in conscience to attend , with the most judicious zeal and ●are , by how much i esteem the church above the state , the glory of christ above mine own ; and the salvation of mens soules above the preservation of their bodies and estates . nor may any men , i think , without sinne and presumption , forcibly endeavour to cast the churches under my care and tuition , into the moulds they have fancied , and fashioned to their designes , till they have first gained my consent , and resolved , both my own and other mens consciences by the strength of their reasons . other violent motions , which are neither manly , christian , nor loyall , shall never either shake or settle my religion ; nor any mans else , who knowes what religion means : and how farre it is removed from all faction , whose proper engine is force ; the arbitrator of beasts , not of reasonable men , much lesse of humble christians , and loyall subjects , in matters of religion . but men are prone to have such high conce●ts of themselves , that they care not what cost they lay out upon their opinions ; especially those , that have some temptation of gain , to recompence their losses and hazards . yet i was not more scandalized at the scots armies comming in against my will , and their forfeiture of so many obligations of duty , and gratitude to me : then i wondered , how those here , could so much distrust gods assistance ; who so much pretended gods cause to the people , as if they had the certainty of some divine revelation ; considering they were more then competently furnished with my subjects armes and ammunition ; my navie by sea , my forts , castles , and cities by land. but i find , that men jealous of the justifiablenesse of their doings , and designes before god , never think they have humane strength enough to carry their worke on , seem it never so plausible to the people ; what cannot be justified in law or religion , had need be fortified with power . and yet such is the inconstancy that attends all minds engaged in violent motion , that whom some of them one while earnestly invite to come into their assistance ; others of them soone after are weary of , and with nauseating cast them out : what one party thought to rivet to a setledness by the strength and influence of the scots , that the other rejects and contemnes ; at once , despising the kirk government , and discipline of the scots , and frustrating the successe of so chargable , more then charitable assistance : for , sure the church of england might have purchased at a farre cheaper rate , the truth and happinesse of reformed government and discipline ( if it had been wanting ) though it had entertained the best div●nes of chr●stendome for their advice in a full and free synod ; which , i was ever willing to , and desirous of , that matters being impartially setled , might be more satisfactory to all , and more durable . but much of gods justice , and mans folly will at length be discovered , through all the filmes and pretensions of religion , in which politicians wrap up their designes ; in vaine do men hope to build their piety on the ruines of loyalty . nor can those considerations or designs be durable , when subjects make bankrupt of their allegiance , under pretence of setting up a quicker trade for religion . but , as my best subjects of scotland never deserted me , so i cannot think that the most are gone so far from me , in a prodigality of their love and respects toward me , as to make me to despaire of their returne ; when besides the bonds of nature and conscience , which they have to me , all reason and true policy will teach them , that their chiefest interest consists in their fidelity to the crowne , not in their serviceablenesse to any party of the people , to a neglect and betraying of my safety and honour for their owne advantages : however the lesse cause i have to trust to men , the more i shall apply my self to god. the troubles of my soule are enlarged , o lord , bring thou me out of my distresse . lord direct thy servant in the waies of that pious simplicity , which is the best policy . deliver me from the combined strength of those , who have so much of the serpents subtilty , that they forget the doves innocency . though hand joyne in hand , yet let them not prevaile against my soule , to the betraying of my conscience , and honour . thou , o lord , canst turne the hearts of those parties in both nations , as thou didst the men of judah and israel , to restore david with as much loyall zeale , as they did with inconstancy and eagernesse pursue him. preserve the love of thy truth and uprightnesse in me , and i shall not despaire of my subjects affections returning towards me. thou canst soone cause the overflowing seas to ebbe , and retire back again to the bounds which thou hast appointed for them . o my god , i trust in thee ; let me not be ashamed ; let not my enemies triumph over me. let them be ashamed who transgresse without a cause ; let them be turned back that persecute my soule . let integrity and uprightnesse preserve me , for i wait on thee o lord. redeeme thy church , o god , out of all its troubles . 14. vpon the covenant . the presbyterian scots are not to be hired at the ordinary rate of auxiliaries ; nothing will induce them to engage , till those that call them in , have pawned their soules to them , by a solemne league and covenant : where many engines of religious and faire pretensions are brought chiefly to batter , or rase episcopacy ; this they make the grand evill spirit , which , with some other imps purposely added , to make it more odious , and terrible to the vulgar , must by so solemne a charm & exorcism be cast out of this church , after more than a thousand yeares possession here , from the first plantation of christianity in this island , and an universall prescription of time and practise in all other churches since the apostles times till this last century . but no antiquity must plead for it , presbytery , like a young heyre , thinks the father hath lived long enough , and impatient not to be in the bishops chaire & authority ( though lay-men go away with the revenues ) all art is used to sink episcopacy , and lanch presbytery in england ; which was lately boyed up in scotland by the like artifice of a covenant . although i am unsatisfied with many passages in that covenant ( some referring to my selfe with very dubious and dangerous limitations ) yet i chiefly wonder at the designe and drift touching the discipline and government of the church ; and such a manner of carrying them on to new waies , by oaths & covenants , where it is hard for men to be engaged by no lesse , then swearing for , or against those things , which are of no cleare morall necessity ; but very disputable , and controverted among learned and godly men : whereto the application of oaths can hardly be made and enjoyned with that judgment , and certainty in ones selfe , or that charity and candour to others of different opinion , as i think religion requires , which never refuses faire and equable deliberations ; yea , and dissentings too , in matters onely probable . the enjoyning of oaths upon people must needs in things doubtfull be dangerous , as in things unlawfull , damnable● and no lesse superfluous , where former religious and legall engagements , bound men sufficiently , to all necessary duties . nor can i see how they will reconcile such an innovating oath and covenant , with that former protestation which was so lately taken , to maintaine the religion established in the church of england : since they count discipline so great a part of religion . but ambitious minds never think they have laid snares and ginnes enough to catch and hold the vulgar credulity : for by such politicke and seemingly pious stratagems , they think to keep the popularity fast to their parties under the terrour of perjury : whereas certainly all honest and wise men ever thought themselves sufficiently bound by former ties of religion , allegiance , and lawes , to god and man. nor can such after-contracts , devised and imposed by a few men in a declared party , without my consent , and without any like power or president from gods or mans laws , be ever thought by judicious men sufficient either to absolve or slacken those morall and eternall bonds of duty which lie upon all my subjects consciences both to god and me. yet as things now stand , good men shall least offend god or me , by keeping their covenant in honest and lawfull waies ; since i have the charity to think , that the chief end of the covenant in such mens intentions , was , to preserve religion in purity , and the kingdoms in peace : to other then such ends and meanes they cannot think themselves engaged ; nor will those , that have any true touches of conscience endeavour to carry on the best designes , ( much lesse such as are , and will be daily more apparently factious and ambitious ) by any unlawfull meanes , under that title of the covenant : unlesse they dare preferre ambiguous , dangerous and un-authorized novelties , before their knowne and sworne duties , which are indispensable , both to god and my selfe . i am prone to believe and hope , that many who took the covenant , are yet firme to this judgment , that such later vowes , oaths , or leagues , can never blot out those former gravings , and characters , which by just and lawfull oaths were made upon their soules . that which makes such confederations by way of solemn leagues & covenants more to be suspected , is , that they are the cōmon road , used in all factious & powerfull perturbations of state or church : when formalities of extraordinary zeal and piety are never more studied and elaborate , then , when politicians most agitate desperate designes against all that is setled , or sacred in religion , and laws , which by such s●rues are cunningly , yet forcibly wrested by secret steps , and lesse sensible degrees , from their known rule and wonted practise , to comply with the humours of those men , who ayme to subdue all to their owne will and power , under the disguises of holy combinations . which cords and wythes will hold mens consciences no longer , then force attend● and twists them : for every man soone growes his owne pope , and easily absolves himselfe of those ties , which , not the commands of gods word , or the lawes of the land , but onely the subtilty and terrour of a party casts upon him ; either superfluous and vaine , when they were sufficiently tied before ; or fraudulent and injurious , if by such after-ligaments they find the imposers really ayming to dissolve , or suspend their former , just , and necessary obligations . indeed , such illegall waies seldome , or never , intend the engaging men more to duties , but onely to parties ; therefore it is not regarded how they keep their covenants in point of piety pretended , provided they adhere firmly to the party and designe intended . i see the imposers of it are content to make their covenant like manna ( not that it came from heaven , as this did ) agreeable to every mans palate and relish , who will but swallow it : they admit any mens senses of it , the diverse or contrary ; with any salvoes , cautions , and reservations , so as they crosse not though chiefe designe which is laid against the church , and me. it is enough if they get but the reputation of a seeming encrease to their party ; so little doe men remember that god is not mocked . in such latitudes of sense , i believe many that love me , and the church well , may have taken the covenant , who yet are not so fondly and superstitiously taken by it , as now to act clearly against both all piety and loyalty : who first yeilded to it , more to prevent that imminent violence and ruine , which hung over their heads in case they wholly refused it , than for any value of it , or devotion to it . wherein , the latitude of some generall clauses may ( perhaps ) serve somewhat to relieve them , as of doing and endeavouring what lawfully they may , in their places and callings , and according to the word of god : for , these ( indeed ) carry no man beyond those bounds of good conscience , which are certaine and fixed , either in gods lawes , as to the generall ; or the lawes of the state and kingdome , as to the particular regulation and exercise of mens duties . i would to god such as glory most in the name of covenanters , would keep themselves within those lawfull bounds , to which god hath called them : surely it were the best way to expiate the rashnesse of taking it : which must needs then appeare , when besides the want of a full and lawfull authority at first to enjoyne it , it shall actually be carried on beyond and against those ends which were in it specified and pretended . i willingly forgive such mens taking the covenant , who kee● it within such bounds of piety , law , and loyalty , as can never hurt either the church , my self , or the publique peace : against which , no mans lawfull calling can engage him . as for that reformation of the church , which the covenant pretends , i cannot think it just or comely , that by the partiall advise of a few divines , ( of so soft and servile tempers , as disposed them to so sudden acting and compliance , contrary to their former judgments , profession , and practise ) such foule scandals and suspitions should be cast upon the doctrine and government of the church of england , as was never done ( that i have heard ) by any that deserved the name of reformed churches abroad , nor by any men of learning and candour at home : all whose judgments i cannot but prefer before any mens now factiously engaged . no man can be more forward than my self to carry on all due reformations , with mature judgement , and a good conscience , in what things i shall ( after impartiall advise ) be , by gods word , and right reason , convinced to be amisse , i have offered more than ever the fullest , freest , and w●sest parliaments did desire . but the sequele of some mens actions makes it evident , that the maine reformation intended , is the abasing of episcopacy into presbytery , and the robbing the church of its lands and revenues : for , no men have been more injuriously used , as to their legall rights than the bishops , and church-men . these , as the fattest deare , must be destroyed ; the other rascal-herd of schismes , heresies , &c. being leane , may enjoy the benefit of a toleration : thus naboth's vineyard made him the onely blasphemer of his city , and fit to die . still i see , while the breath of religion fills the sailes , profit is the compasse , by which factious men steer their course in all seditious commotions . i thank god , as no men lay more open to the sacrilegious temptation of usurping the churches lands , and revenues , ( which issuing chiefly from the crowne , are held of it , and legally can revert onely to the crowne with my consent ) so i have alwaies had such a perfect abhorrence of it in my soule , that i never found the least inclination to such sacrilegious reformings : yet no man hath a greater desire to have bishops and all church-men so reform●d , that they may best deserve and use , not onely what the pious munificence of my predecessours hath given to god and the church , but all other additions of christian bounty . but no necessity shall ever , i hope , drive me or mine to invade or sell the priests lands , which both pharaoh's divinity , and ioseph's true piety abhorred to doe : so unjust i think it both in the eye of reason and religion , to deprive the most sacred employment of all due incouragements ; and like that other hard-hearted pharaoh , to withdraw the straw , and encrease the taske ; so pursuing the oppressed church , as some have done , to the red sea of a civill warre , where nothing but a miracle can save either it , or him , who esteems it his greatest title to be called , and his chiefest glory to be the defender of the church , both in its true faith , and its just fruitions ; equally abhorring , sacriledge , and apostacy . i had rather live as my predecessour henry 3. sometime did , on the churches almes , then violently to take the bread out of bishops and ministers mouths . the next work will be ieroboam's reformation , consecrating the meanest of the people to be priests in israel , to serve those golden calves who have enriched themselves with the churches patrimony & dow●y ; which how it thrived both with prince , priests , & people , is well enough known : and so it will be here , when from the tuition of kings and queens , which have beene nursing fathers and mothers of this church , it shall be at their allowance , who have already discovered , what hard fathers , and stepmothers they will be . if the poverty of scotland might , yet the plenty of england cannot excuse the envy and rapine of the churches rights and revenues . i cannot so much as pray god to prevent those sad consequences , which will inevitably follow the parity and poverty of ministers , both in church and state ; since i think it no lesse than a mocking and tempting of god , to desire him to hinder those mischiefs whose occasions and remedies are in our owne power ; it being every mans sinne not to avoid the one , and not to use the other . there are waies enough to repaire the breaches of the state without the ruines of the church ; as i would be a restorer of the one , so i would not be an oppressour of the other , under the pretence of publique debts : the occasions contracting them were bad enough , but such a discharging of them would be much worse ; i pray god neither i , nor mine , may be accessary to either . to thee , o lord , doe i addresse my prayer , beseeching thee to pardon the rashnesse of my subjects swearings , and to quicken their sense and observation of those just , morall , and indispensable bonds , which thy word , and the lawes of this kingdome have laid upon their consciences ; from which no pretensions of piety and reformation are sufficient to absolve them , or to engage them to any contrary practises . make them at length seriously to consider , that nothing violent and injurious can be religious . thou allowest no mans committing sacriledge under the zeale of abhorring idols . suffer not sacrilegious designes to have the countenance of religious ties . thou hast taught us by the wisest of kings , that it is a snare to take things that are holy , and after vowes to make enquiry . ever keep thy servant from consenting to perjurious and sacrilegious rapines , that i may not have the brand and curse to all posterity of robbing thee and thy church , of what thy bounty hath given us , and thy clemency hath accepted from us , wherewith to encourage learning and religion . though my treasures are exhausted , my revenues diminished , and my debts encreased , yet never suffer me to be tempted to use such profane reparation● ; lest a coal from thine altar set such a fire on my throne and conscience as wil be hardly quenched . let not the debts and engagements of the publique , which some mens folly and prodigality hath contracted , be an occasion to impoverish thy church . the state may soone recover , by thy blessing of peace upon us ; the church is never likely , in times , where the charity of most men is growne so cold , and their religion so illiberall . continue to those that serve thee and thy church all those incouragements , which by the will of the pious donours , and the justice of the lawes are due unto them ; and give them grace to deserve and use them aright to thy glory , and the relief of the poore ; that thy priests may be cloathed with righteousnesse , and the poore may be satisfied with bread . let not holy things be given to swine ; nor the churches bread to dogs ; rather let them go about the city , grin like a dog , and grudge that they are not satisfied . let those sacred morsels , which some men have already by violence devoured never digest with them , nor theirs ; let them be as naboth's vineyard to ahab , gall in their mouths , rottennesse to their names , a moth to their families , and a sting to their consciences . break in sunder , o lord , all violent and sacrilegious confederations , to doe wickedly and injuriously . divide their hearts and tongues who have bandyed together against the church and state , that the folly of such may be manifest to all men , and proceed no further . but so favour my righteous dealing , o lord , that in the mercies of thee , the most high , i may never miscarry . 15. vpon the many iealousies raised , and scandals cast upon the king , to stirre up the people against him. if i had not my own innocency , and gods protection , it were hard for me to stand out against those stratagems & conflicts of malice , which by falsities seek to oppresse the truth ; and by jealousies to supply the defect of reall causes , which might seem to justifie so unjust engagements against me. and indeed , the worst effects of open hostility come short of these designes : for , i can more willingly loose my crownes , than my credit ; nor are my kingdomes so deare to me , as my reputation and honour . those must have a period with my life ; but the●e may survive to a glorious kind of immortality , when i am dead & gone : a good name being the embalming of princes , and a sweet consecrating of them to an eternity of love and gratitude among posterity . those soule and false aspersions were secret engines at first employed against my peoples love of me : that undermining their opinion and value of me , my enemies , and theirs too , might at once blow up their affections , and batter downe their loyaltie . wherein yet , i thanke god , the detriment of my honour is not so afflictive to me , as the ●in and danger of my peoples soules , whose eyes once blinded with such mists of suspicions , they are soone mis-led into the most desperate precipices of actions : wherein they doe not onely , not consider their sin and danger , but glory in their zealous adventures ; while i am rendred to them so fit to be destroyed , that many are ambitious to merit the name of my destroyers , imagining they then feare god most , when they least honour their king. i thanke god , i never found but my pity was above my anger ; no● have my passions ever so prevailed against me , as to exclude my most compassionate prayers for them , whom devout errours more than their own malice have betrayed to a most religious rebellion . i had the charity to interpret , that most part of my subjects fought against my ●upposed errours , not my person ; and intended to mend me , not to end me : and i hope that god pardoning their errours , hath so farre accepted and answered their good intentions , that as he hath yet preserved me , so he hath by these afflictions prepared me , both to doe him better service , and my people more good , than hitherto i have done . i doe not more willingly forgive their seductions , which occasioned their loyall injuries , then i am ambitious by all princely merits to redeem them from their unjust suspicions , and reward them for their good intentions . i am too conscious to my own affections toward the generality of my people , to suspect theirs to me ; nor shall the malice of my enemies ever be able to deprive me of the comfort , which that confidence gives me ; i shall never gratifie the spightfulnesse of a few with any sinister thoughts of all their allegiance , whom pious frauds have seduced . the worst some mens ambition can do , shall never perswade me , to make so bad interpretations of most of my subjects actions ; who possibly may be erroneous , but not hereticall in point of loyalty . the sense of the injuries done to my subjects is as sharp , as those done to my self ; our welfares being inseparable ; in this only they suffer more then my self , that they are animated by some seducers to injure at once both themselves and me. for this is not enough to the malice of my enemies , that i be afflicted ; but it must be done by such instruments , that my afflictions grieve me not more , then this doth , that i am afflicted by those , whose prosperity i earnestly desire , and whose seduction i heartily deplore . if they had been my open and forraigne enemies , i could have borne it ; but they must be my own subjects , who are next to my children , dear to me : and for the restoring of whose tranquillity , i could willingly be the ionah ; if i did not evidently foresee , that by the divided interests of their and mine enemies , as by contrary winds the storm of their miseries would be rather encreased then allayed . i had rather prevent my peoples ruine then rule over them ; nor am i so ambitious of that dominion which is but my right , as of their happinesse ; if it could expiate , or countervail such a way of obtaining it , by the highest injuries of subjects committed against their soveraign . yet i had rather suffer all the miseries of life , and die many deaths , then shamefully to desert , or dishonourably to betray my own just rights and soveraignty ; thereby to gratifie the ambition , or justifie the malice of my enemies ; between whose malice , & other mens mistakes , i put as great a difference , as between an ordinary ague and the plague ; or the itch of novelty , and the leprosie of disloyalty . as liars need have good memories , so malicious persons need good inventions ; that their calumnies may fit every mans fancy ; and what their reproaches want of truth , they may make up with number and shew . my patience ( i thank god ) will better serve me to bear , and my charity to forgive , then my leisure to answer the many false aspersions which some men have cast upon me. did i not more consider my subjects satisfaction , then my own vindication ; i should never have given the malice of some men that pleasure , as to see me take notice of , or remember what they say , or object . i would leave the authors to be punished by their own evill manners , and seared consciences , which will , i believe , in a shorter time then they be aware of , both confute and revenge all those black and false scandalls , which they have cast on me ; and make the world see , there is as little truth in them , as there was little worth in the broaching of them , or civility , ( i need not say loyalty ) in the not-suppressing of them ; whose credit and reputation , even with the people , shall ere long be quite blasted by the breath of that same fornace of popular obloquy , and detraction , which they have studied to heat and inflame to the highest degree of infamy , and wherein they have sought to cast and consume my name and honour . first , nothing gave me more cause to suspect , and search my own innoce●●y ; then when i observed so many forward to engage against me , who had made great professions of singular piety ; for this gave to vulgar mindes so bad a reflection upon me , and my cause , as if it had been impossible to adhere to me , and not withall part from god ; to think or speak well of me , and not to blaspheme him ; so many were perswaded that these two were utterly inconsistent , to be at once loyall to me , and truly religious toward god. not but that i had ( i thank god ) many with me , which were both learned and religious , ( much above that ordinary size , and that vulgar proportion , wherein some men glory so much ) who were so well satisfied in the cause of my sufferings , that they chose rather to suffer with me , then forsake me. nor is it strange that so religious pretensions as were used against me , should be to many well-minded men a great temptation to oppose me ; especially , being urged by such popular preachers , as think it no sin to lie for god , and what they please to call gods cause , cursing all that will not curse with them ; looking so much at , and crying up the goodnesse of the end propounded , that they consider not the lawfulnesse of the means used , nor the depth of the mischeif , chiefly plotted and inten●ed . the weakness of these mens judgments must be made up by their clamours and activity . it was a great part of some mens religion to scandalize me and mine , they thought theirs could not be true , if they cried not downe mine as false . i thank god , i have had more triall of his grace , as to the constancy of my religion in the protestant profession of the church of england , both abroad , and at home , than ever they are like to have . nor doe i know any exception , i am so liable to , in their opinion , as too great a fixednesse in that religion , whose judicious and solid grounds , both from scripture , and antiquity , will not give my conscience leave to approve or consent to those many dangerous and divided innovations , which the bold ignorance of some men would needs obtrude upon me , and my people . contrary to those well tried foundations both of truth , and order , which men of far greater learning , and clearer zeal , have setled in the confession and constitution of this church in england , which many former parliaments in the most calme , and unpassionate times , have oft confirmed ; in which i shall ever , by gods help , persevere , as believing it hath most of primitive truth and order . nor did my using the assistance of some papists , which were my subjects , any way fight against my religion , as some men would needs interpret it : especially those who least of all men cared whom they imployed , or what they said , and did , so they might prevaile . 't is strange that so wise men , as they would be esteemed , should not conceive , that differences of perswasion in matters of religion may easily fall out , where there is the samenesse of duty , allegiance , and subjection . the first they owne as men , and christians to god ; the second , they owe to me in common , as their king ; different professions in point of religion cannot ( any more than in civill trades ) take away the community of relations either to parents , or to princes : and where is there such an oglio or medley of various religions in the world again , as those men entertain in their service ( who find most fault with me ) without any scruple , as to the diversity o● their sects and opinions ? it was , indeed , a foule and indelible shame , for such as would be counted protestants , to enforce me , a declared protestant , their lord and king , to a necessary use of papists , or any other , who did but their duty to help me to defend my self . nor did i more than is lawfull for any king , in such exigents to use the aide of any his subjects . i am sorry the papists should have a greater sense of their allegiance , than many protestant professours ; who seem to have learned , and to practise the worst principles of the worst papists . indeed , it had been a very impertinent and unseasonable scruple in me , ( and very pleasing no doubt to my enemies ) to have been then disputing the points of different beliefs in my subjects when i was disputed with by swords points : and when i needed the help of my subjects as men , no lesse then their prayers as christians . the noise of my evill counsellours was another usefull device for those , who were impatient any mens counsels but their owne , should be followed in church or state ; who were so eager in giving me better counsell that they would not give me leave to take it with freedome , as a man ; or honour , as a king ; making their counsels more like a drench that must be powred downe , than a draught which might be fairly and leisurely dranke , if i liked it . i will not justifie beyond humane errours and frailties my selfe , or my counsellours● they m●ght be subject to some miscarriages , yet such as were farre more reparable by second and better thoughts , than those enormious extravagances , wherewith some men have now even wildred , and almost quite lost both church and state. the event of things at last will make it evident to my subjects , that had i followed the worst counsels , that my worst counsellours ever had the boldnesse to offer to me , or my self any inclination to use ; i could not so soon have brought both church and sta●e in three flourishing kingdomes , to such a chaos of confusions , and hell of miseries● as some have done ; out of which th●y cann●t● or will not in the midst of their many 〈◊〉 advantages , redeeme either me , or my subjects . no even were more willing to compl●in , than i was to redresse what i saw in reas●n was either done or advised am●●se ; and th●s i thought i had done , even beyond the expectation of moderate men : who were sorry to see me prone even to injure my self , out of a zeal to relieve my sub●ects . but other mens insatiable desire of revenge upon me , my court , and my clergy ; hath wholly beguiled both church and state , of the benefit of all my , either retractations , or concessions ; and withall , hath deprived all those ( now so zealous persecutors ) both of the comfort and reward of their former pretended persecutions , wherein they so much gloried among the vulgar ; and which , indeed , a truly humble christian will so highly prize , as rather not be relieved , then be revenged , so as to be bereaved of that crown of christian patience , which attends humble and injured sufferers . another artifice used to withdraw my peoples affections from me , to their designes , was , the noise and o●tentation of liberty , which men are not more prone to desire , then unapt to bear in the popular sense ; which is to doe what every man liketh best . if the divinest liberty be to will what men should , and to do what they so will , according to reason , lawes , and religion ; i envie not my subjects that liberty , which is all i de●ire to enjoy my self ; so farre am i from the desire of oppressi●● theirs : nor were those lords and gentlemen which assisted me so prodigall of their liberties , as with their lives and fortunes to help on the enslaving of themselves and their posterities . as to civill immunities , none but such as desire to drive on their ambitious and covetous designes over the ruines of church and state , prince , peeres , and people , will ever desire greater freedomes then the lawes allow ; whose bounds good men count their ornament and protection ; others their menacles and oppression . nor is it just any man should expect the reward and benefit of the law , who despiseth his rule and direction ; losing justly his safety while he seekes an unreasonable liberty . time will best informe my subjects , that those are the best preservers of their true liberties , who allow themselves the least licentiousnesse against , or beyond the lawes . they will feel it at last to their cost , that it is impossible those men should be really tender of their fellow-subjects liberties , who have the hardinesse to use their king with so severe restraints ; against all lawes , both divine and humane , under which , yet , i will rather perish , then complain to those , who want nothing to compleat their mirth , and triumph , but such musick . in point of true conscientious tendernesse ( attended with humility and meeknesse , not with proud and arrogant activity , which seekes to hatch every egge of different opinion to a faction or schisme ) i have oft declared , how little i desire my lawes and scepter should intrench on gods soveraignty , which is the only king of mens consciences ; and yet he hath laid such restraints upon men , as commands them to be subject for conscience sake , giving no men l●berty to break the law established , further then with meeknesse and patience , they are content to suffer the penalties annexed , rather then perturb the publick peace . the truth is , some mens thirst after novelties , others despair to relieve the necessities of their fortunes , or satisfie their ambition , in peaceable times , ( distrusting gods providence , as well as their own merits ) were the secret ( but principall ) impulsives to these popular commotions , by wh●ch subjects have been perswaded to expend much of those plentifull estates they got , and enjoyed under my government , in peaceable times ; which yet must now be blasted with all the odious reproaches , which impotent malice can invent ; and my self exposed to all those contempts , which may most diminish the majesty of a king , and encrease the ungratefull insolencies of my people . for mine honour , i am well assured , that as mine innocency is clear before god , in point of any calumnies they object ; so my reputation shall like the sun ( after owles and bats have had their freedome in the night and darker times ) rise and recover it self to such a degree of splendour , as those ferall birds shall be grieved to behold , and unable to bear . for never were any princes more glorious , than those whom god hath suffer'd to be tried in the fornace of afflictions , by their injurious subjects . and who knows but the just and mercifull god will doe me good , for some mens hard , false , and evill speeches against me ; wherein they speak rather what they wish , than what they believe , or know . nor can i suffer so much in point of honour , by those rude and scandalous pamphlets ( which like fire in great conflagrations , flie up and downe to set all places on like flames ) than those men doe , who pretending to so much piety , are so forgetfull of their duty to god and me : by no way ever vindicating the majesty of their king against any of those , who contrary to the precept of god , and precedent of angels● speake evill of dignities , and bring railing accusations against those , who are honoured with the name of gods. but 't is no wonder if men not fearing god , should not honour their king . they will easily contemne such shadowes of god , who reverence not that supreme , and adorable majesty , in compar●son of whom all the glory of men and angels is but obscurity ; yet hath he graven such characters of divine authority , and sacred power upon kings , as none may without sinne seek to blot them out . no●●hall their black veiles be able to hide the sh●ning of my face , while god gives me a heart frequently and humbly to converse with him , from whom alone are all the traditions of true glory and majesty . thou , o lord , knowest my reproach , and my dishonour , my adversaries are all before thee . my soule is among lyons , among them that are set on fire , even the sons of men ; whose teeth are spears and arrows ; their tongue a sharp sword . mine enemies reproach me all the day long , and those that are mad against me are sworne together . o my god , how long shall the sonnes of men turne my glory into shame ? how long shall they love vanity , and seek after lies ? thou hast heard the reproaches of wicked men on every side . hold not thy peace , lest my e●emies prevaile against me , and lay mine honour in the dust . thou , o lord , shalt destroy them that speak l●es ; the lord will abhorre both the bloud-thirsty , and deceitfull men . make my righteousnesse to appeare as the light , and mine innocency to shine forth as the sun at noone day . suffer not my silence to betray mine innocence , ●or my displeasure , my patience ; that after my saviours example , being reviled , i may not revile againe ; and being cursed by them , ● may blesse them . thou that wouldst not suffer shimei's tongue to go unpunished ; when by thy judgements on david he might seem to justi●●e his disdainfull reproaches , give me grace to intercede with thy mercy for these my enemies , that the reward of false and lying tongues , even hot burning coals of eternall fire , may not be brought upon them . let my prayers , and patience , be as water to coole and quench their tongues , who are already set on fire with the fire of hell , and tormented with those malicious flames . let me be happy to refute , and put to silence their evill-speaking by well-doing ; and let them enjoy not the fruit of their lips , but of my prayer for their repentance , and thy pardon . teach me davids patience and hezekiah's devotion , that i may look to thy mercy through mans malice , and see thy justice in their sin . let sheba's seditious speeches , rabshekah's railing , and shimei's cursing , provoke , as my humble prayer to thee , so thy renewed blessing toward me . though they curse , doe thou blesse , and i shall be blessed ; and made a blessing to my people . that the stone , which some builders refuse , may become the head-stone of the corner . looke downe from heaven , and save me , from the reproach of them that would swallow me up . hide me in the secret of thy presence , from the prid● of man , and keep me from the strife of tongues . 16. vpon the ordinance against the commo● prayer-booke . it is no news to have all innovations ushered in with the name of reformations in church and state , by those , who seeking to gaine reputation with the vulgar for their extraordinary parts , and piety , must needs undoe whatever was formerly setled never so well and wisely . so hardly can the pride of those that study novelties , allow former times any share or degree of wisdome or godlinesse . and because matter of prayer and devotion to god justly beares a great part in religion , ( being the soules more immediate converse with the divine majesty ) nothing could be more plausible to the people than to tel them , they served god amisse in that point . hence our publique liturgy , or formes of constant prayers must be ( not amended , in what upon free and publique advice might seem to sober men inconvenient for matter or manner , to which i should easily consent , but ) wholly cashiered , and abolished , and after many popular contempts offered to the booke , and those that used it according to their consciences , and the lawes in force , it must be crucified by an ordinance , the better to please either those men , who gloried in their extemporary veyne and fluency : 〈◊〉 others , who conscious to their owne formality in the use of it , thought they fully expiated their sin of not using it aright , by laying all the blame upon it , & a totall rejection of it as a dead letter , thereby to excuse the deadnesse of their hearts . as for the matter contained in the booke , sober and learned men have sufficiently vindicated it against the cavils and exceptions of those , who thought it a part of piety to make what pro●ane objections they could against it ; especially for popery & superstition ; whereas no doubt the liturgy was exactly conformed to the doctrine of the church of england ; and this by all reformed churches is confessed to be most sound and orthodox . for the manner of using set and prescribed formes , there is no doubt but that wholsome words being knowne and fitted to mens understandings , are soonest received into their hearts , and aptest to excite and carry along with them judicious and fervent affections . nor doe i see any reason why christians should be weary of a wel-composed liturgy ( as i hold this to be ) more than of all other things , wherein the constancy abates nothing of the excellency and usefulnesse . i could never see any reason , why any christian should abhorre , or be forbidden to use the ●ame formes of prayer , since he praies to the same god , b●lieves in the same saviour , professeth the same truths , reads the same scriptures , hath the same duties upon him , and feels the same daily wants for the most part , both inward and outward , which are common to the whole church . sure we may as wel before-hand know what we pray , as to whom we pray ; and in what words , as to what sense ; when we desire the same things , what hinders we may not use the same words ? our appetite and disgestion too may be good when we use , as we pray for , our daily bread . some men , i heare , are so impatient not to use in all their devotions their owne invention , and gifts , that they not onely disuse ( as too many ) but wholly cast away and contemn the lords prayer ; whose great guilt is , that it is the warrant and originall patterne of all set liturgies , in the christian church . i ever thought that the proud ostentation of mens abilities for invention , and the vaine affectations of variety for expressions , in publique prayer , or any sacred administrations , merits a greater brand of sin , than that which they call coldnesse and barrennesse : nor are men in those novelties lesse subject to formall and superficiall tempers ( as to their hearts ) than in the use of constant formes , where not the words , but mens hearts are too blame . i make no doubt but a man may be very formall in the most extemporary variety ; and very fervently devout in the most wonted expressions : nor is god more a god of variety , than of constancy : nor are constant formes of prayers more likely to flat , and hinder the spirit of prayer , and devotion , than un-premeditated and confused variety to distract , and lose it . though i am not against a grave , modest , discreet , and humble use of ministers gifts , even in publique , the better to fit , and excite their owne , and the peoples affections to the present occasions ; yet i know no necessity why private and single abilities should quite justle ou● , and deprive the church of the joynt abilities and concurrent gifts of many learned and godly men ; such as the composers of the service-booke were ; who may in all reason be thought to have more of gifts and graces enabling them to compose with serious deliberation & concurrent advise , such forms of prayers , as may best fit the churches common wants , informe the hearers understanding , and stirre up that fiduciary and fervent application of their spirits ( wherein consists the very life and soule of prayer , and that so much pretended spirit of prayer ) than any private man by his solitary abilities can be presumed to have ; which , what they are many times ( even there , where they make a great noise and shew ) the affectations , emptinesse , impertinency , rudenesse , confusions , flatnesse , levity , obscurity , vain , and ridiculous repetitions , the senslesse , and oft-times blasphemous expressions ; all these burthened with a most tedious and intolerable length , do sufficiently convince all men , but those who glory in that pharisaick way . wherein men must be strangely impudent , & flatterers of themselves , not to have an infinite shame of what they so do and say , in things of so sacred a nature , before god and the church , after so ridiculous , and indeed , profane a manner . nor can it expected , but that in duties of frequent performance , as sacramentall administrations , and the like , which are still the same ; ministers must either come to use their own formes constantly , which are not like to be so sound , or comprehensive of the nature of the duty , as formes of publick composure ; or else they must every time affect new expressions when the subject is the same ; which can hardly be presumed in any mans greatest sufficiencies not to want ( many times ) much of that compleatnesse , order , and gravity , becomming those duties ; which by this means are exposed at every celebration to every ministers private infirmities , indispositions , errours , disorders , and defects , both for judgment and expression . a serious sense of which inconvenience in the church unavoidably following every mans severall manner of officiating , no doubt , first occasioned the wisdome and piety of the ancient churches , to remedy those mischiefs , by the use of constant liturgies of publick composure . the want of which i believe this church will sufficiently feel , when the unhappy fruits of many mens un-governed ignorance , and confident defects , shall be discovered in more errours , schimes , disorders , and uncharitable distractions in religion , which are already but too many , the more is the pity . however , if violence must needs bring in , and abett those innovations , ( that men may not seeme to have nothing to do ) which law , reason , and religion forbids , at least to be so obtruded , as wholly to justle out the publick liturgie . yet nothing can excuse that most unjust and partiall severity of those men , who either lately had subscribed to , used and maintained the service-book ; or refused to use it , cried out of the rigour of lawes and bishops , which suffered them not to use the liberty of their consciences , in not using it . that these men ( i say ) should so suddenly change the lyturgie into a directory , as if the spirit needed help for invention , though not for expressions ; or as if matter prescribed did not as much stint and obstruct the spirit , as if it were cloathed in , and confined to , fit words : ( so slight and easie is that legerdemain which will serve to delude the vulgar . ) that further , they should use such severity as not to suffer without penalty , any to use the common-prayer-book publickly , although their consciences bind them to it , as a duty of piety to god , and obedience to the lawes . thus i see , no men are prone to be greater tyrants , and more rigorous exacters upon others to conform to their illegall novelties , then such , whose pride was formerly least disposed to the obedience of lawfull constitutions ; and whose licentious humours most pretended conscientious liberties , which free●dome , with much regret they now allow to me , and my chaplains , when they may have leave to serve me , whose abilities , even in their ex●emporary way comes not short of the others , but their modesty and learning far exceeds the most of them . but this matter is of so popular a nature , as some men knew it would not bear learned and sober debates , lest being convinced by the evidence of reason , as well as lawes , they should have been driven either to sin more against their knowledge , by taking away the liturgie ; or to displease some faction of the people by continuing the use of it . though i beleeve they have offended more considerable men , not onely for their numbers and estates , but for their weighty and judicious piety , than those are , whose weaknesse or giddinesse they sought to gratifie by taking it away . one of the greatest faults some men found with the common-prayer-book , i beleeve , was this , that it taught them to pray so oft for me ; to which petitions they had not loyaltie enough to say amen , nor yet charity enough to forbeare reproaches , and even cursings of me in their owne formes , instead of praying for me. i wish their repentance may be their onely punishment ; that seeing the mischiefs which the disuse of publique liturgies hath already produced , they may restore that credit , use , and reverence to them , which by the ancient churches were given to set formes of sound and wholsome words . and thou , o lord , which art the same god , blessed for ever : whose mercies are full of variety , and yet of constancy ; thou deniest us not a new and fresh sense of our old and daily wants ; nor despisest renewed affections joyned to constant expressions . let us not want the benefit of thy churches united and wel-advised devotions . let the matters of our prayers be agreeable to thy will , which is alwaies the same , and the fervency of our spirits to the motions of thy holy spirit in us . and then we doubt not , but thy spirituall perfections are such , as thou art neither to be pleased with affected novelties for matter or manner , nor offended with the pious constancy of our petitions in them both . whose variety or constancy thou hast no where either forbidden or commanded , but left them to the piety and prudence of thy church , that both may be used , neither despised . keep men in that pious moderation of their judgments in matters of religion ; that their ignorance may not offend others , nor their opinion of their owne abilities tempt them to deprive others of what they may lawfully and devoutly use , to help their infirmities . and since the advantage of errour consists in novelty and variety , as truths in unity and constancy : suffer not thy church to be pestered with errours , and deformed with undecencies in thy service , under the pretence of variety and novelty . nor to be deprived of truth , unity , and order , under this fallacy , that constancy is the cause of formality . lord keep us from formall hypocrisie in our owne hearts , and then we know that praying to thee , or praising of thee ( with david , and other holy men ) in the same formes cannot hurt us . give us wisdome to amend what is amisse within us , and there will be lesse to mend without us . evermore defend and deliver thy church from the effects of blind zeale , and over-bold devotion . 17. of the differences between the king and the two houses , in point of church-government . touching the government of the church by bishops , the common jealousie hath been , that i am earnest and resolute to maintaine it , not so much out of piety , as policy , and reason of state. wherein so far indeed reason of state doth induce me to approve that government above any other , as i find it impossible for a prince to preserve the state in quiet , unlesse he hath such an influence upon church-men ; and they such a dependance on him , as may best restraine the seditious exorbitancies of ministers tongues ; who with the keyes of heaven have so farre the keys of the peoples hearts , as they prevaile much by their oratory to let in , or shut out , both peace and loyalty . so that i being ( as king ) intrusted by god , and the lawes , with the good both of church and state ; i see no reason i should give up , or weaken by any change , that power and influence which in right and reason i ought to have over both . the moving bishops out of the house of peers ( of which i have elswhere given an account ) was sufficient to take off any suspicion , that i encline to them for any use to be made of their votes in state affaires : though indeed i never thought any bishop worthy to sit in that house , who would not vote according to his conscience . i must now in charity be thought desirous to preserve that government in its right constitution , as a matter of religion ; wherein both my judgment is fully satisfied , that it hath of all other the fullest scripture grounds , and also the constant practise of all christian churches ; till of late yeares , the tumultuarinesse of people , or the factiousnesse and pride of presbyters , or the covetousnesse of some states and princes , gave occasion to some mens wits to invent new models , and propose them under specious titles of christs government , scepter , and kingdome ; the better to serve their turns , to whom the change was beneficiall . they must give me leave , having none of their temptations to invite me to alter the government of bishops , ( that i may have a title to their estates ) not to believe their pretended grounds to any new waies : contrary to the full , and constant testimony of all histories , sufficiently convincing unbiased men ; that as the primitive churches were undoubtedly governed by the apostles and their immediate successours the first and best bishops ; so it cannot in reason or charity be supposed , that all churches in the world should either be ignorant of the rule by them prescribed , or so soon deviate from their divine and holy patterne : that since the first age , for 1500 years not one example can be produced of any setled church , wherein were many ministers and congregations , which had not some bishop above them , under whose jurisdiction and government they were . whose constant and universall practise agreeing with so large , and evident scripture-directions , and examples , are set down in the epistles to timothy and titus , for the setling of that government , not in the persons onely of timothy and titus , but in the succession ; ( the want of government being that , which the church can no more dispense with , in point of wel-being , than the want of the word and sacraments , in point of being . ) i wonder how men came to looke with so envious an eye upon bishops power and authority , as to oversee both the ecclesiasticall use of them , and apostolicall constitution : which to me seems no lesse evidently set forth as to the maine scope and designe of those epistles , for the setling of a peculiar office , power , and authority in them as president-bishops above others , in point of ordination , censures , and other acts of ecclesiasticall discipline ; then those shorter characters of the qualities and duties of presbyter-bishops , and deacons , are described in some parts of the same epistles ; who in the latitude and community of the name were then , and may now not improperly be call'd bishops ; as to the oversight and care of single congregations , committed to them by the apostles , or those apostolicall bishops , who ( as timothy and titus ) succeeded them in that ordinary power , there assigned over larger divisions , in which were many presbyters . the humility of those first bishops avoiding the eminent title of apostles , as a name in the churches stile appropriated from its common notion ( of a messenger , or one sent ) to that speciall dignity which had extraordinary call , mission , gifts , and power immediately from christ : they contented themselves with the ordinary titles of bishops and presbyters , untill use , ( the great arbitrator of words , and master of language ) finding reason to distinguish by a peculiar name those persons , whose power and office were indeed distinct from , and above all other in the church , as succeeding the apostles in the ordinary and constant power of governing the churches , the honour of ( whose name they moderately , yet commendably declined ) all christian churches ( submitting to that speciall authority ) appropriated also the name of bishop , without any suspicion or reproach of arrogancy , to those , who were by apostolicall propagation rightly descended & invested into that highest and largest power of governing even the most pure and primitive churches : which , without all doubt had many such holy bishops , after the pattern of timothy and titus ; whose speciall power is not more clearly set down in those epistles ( the chief grounds and limits of all episcopall claime , as from divine right ) then are the characters of these perilous times , and those men that make them such ; who not enduring sound doctrine , and cleare testimonies of all churches practise , are most perverse disputers , and proud usurpers , against true episcopacy : who , if they be not traytours and boasters , yet they seem to be very covetous , heady , high-minded ; inordinate and fierce , lovers of themselves , having much of the forme , little of the power of godlinesse . who , by popular heaps of weak , light , and unlearned teachers , seek to over-lay and smother the pregnancy & authority of that power of episcopall government , which , beyond all equivocation and vulgar fallacy of names , is most convincingly set forth , both by scripture , and all after histories of the church . this i write rather like a divine , than a prince , that posterity may see ( if ever these papers be publique ) that i had faire grounds both from scripture-canons , & ecclesiastical examples , whereon my judgement was stated for episcopall government . nor was it any policy of state , or obstinacy of will , or partiality of affection , either to the men , or their function which fixed me : who cannot in point of worldly respects be so considerable to me as to recompence the injuries and losses i , and my dearest relations with my kingdomes have sustained , and hazarded , chiefly at first upon this quarrell . and not onely in religion , of which , scripture is the best rule , and the churches universall practise the best commentary , but also in right reason , and the true nature of government , it cannot be thought that an orderly subordination among presbyters , or ministers , should be any more against christianity , then it is in all secular and civill governments , where parity breeds confusion and faction● i can no more beleeve , that such order is inconsistent with true religion , then good features are with beauty , or numbers with harmony . nor is it likely that god , who appointed severall orders , & a prelacie , in the government of his church , among the jewish priests , should abhor or forbid them among christian ministers ; who have as much of the principles of schisme and division as other men ; for preventing and suppressing of which , the apostolicall wisdome ( which was divine ) after that christians were multiplied so many congregations , and presbyters with them , appointed this way of government , which might best preserve order and union w●th authority . so that i conceive it was not the favour of princes , or ambition of presbyters , but th● wisdome and piety of the apostles , that first setled bishops in the church ; which authority they constantly used , and injoyed in those times , which were purest for religion , though sharpest for persecution . not that i am against the managing of this presidency and authority in one man , by the joynt counsell and consent of many presbyters : i have offered to restore that , as a fit meanes to avoid those errours , corruptions , and partialities , which are incident to any one man ; also to avoid tyranny , which becomes no christians , least of all church-men ; be●ides , it will be a meanes to take away that burden , and odium of affaires , which may lie too heavy on one mans shoulders , as indeed i think it formerly did on the bishops here . nor can i see what can be more agreeable both to reason and religion , then such a frame of government which is paternall , not magisteriall ; and wherein not only the necessity of avoiding faction and confusion , emulations and contempts , which are prone to arise among equals in power and function ; but also the differences of some ministers gifts , and aptitudes for government above others , doth invite to imploy them , in reference to those abilities , wherein they are eminent . nor is this judgement of mine touching episcopacy , any pre-occupation of opinion , which will not admit any oppositions against it : it is well known i have endeavoured to satisfie my self in what the chief patrons for other wayes can say against this , or for theirs : and i find they have , as farre lesse of scripture grounds , and of reason ; so for examples , and practice of the church , or testimonies of histories , they are wholly destitute , wherein the whole stream runs so for episcopacy , that there is not the least rivulet for any others . as for those obtruded examples of some late reformed churches , ( for many retain bishops still ) whom necessity of times and affaires rather excuseth , then commendeth for their inconformity to all antiquity ; i could never see any reason why churches orderly reformed and governed by bishops should be forced to conform to those few , rather then to the catholick example of all ancient churches , which needed no reformation : and to those churches at this day , who governed by bishops in all the christian world , are many more then presbyterians or independents can pretend to be ; all whom the churches in my three kingdomes lately governed by bishops , would equalize ( i think ) if not exceed . nor is it any point of wisdom or charity , where christians differ , ( as many do in some points ) there to widen the differences , and at once to give all the christian world ( except a handfull of some protestants ) so great a scandall in point of church-government ; whom , though you may convince of their errrours in some points of doctrine , yet you shall never perswade them , that to compleat their reformation , they must necessarily desert , and wholly cast off that government , which they , and all before them have ever owned as catholick , primitive , and apostolicall : so far , that never schismaticks , nor hereticks ( except those arians ) have strayed from the unity , and conformity of the church in that point ; ever having bishops above presbyters . besides , the late generall approbation and submission to this government of bishops , by the clergy , as well as the laity of these kingdomes , is a great confirmation of my judgment ; and their inconstancy is a great prejudice against their novelty ; i cannot in charity so far doubt of their learning or integrity , as if they understood not what heretofore they did ; or that they did conform contrary to their consciences ; so that their facility and levity is never to be excused , who , before ever the point of church-government had any free & impartiall debate , contrary to their former oathes and practice , against their obedience to the lawes in force , and against my consent , have not only quite cryed down the government by bishops ; but have approved and incouraged the violent and most illegall stripping all the bishops , and many other church-men , of all their due authority and revenues , even to the selling away , and utter alienation of those church-lands from any ecclesiasticall uses : so great a power hath the stream of times , and the prevalency of parties over some mens judgements ; of whose so sudden and so totall change , little reason can be given , besides the scots army comming into england . but the folly of these men will at last punish it self , and the desertors of episcopacy will appeare the greatest enemies to , and betrayers of their owne interest : for presbytery is never so considerable or effectuall , as when it is joyned to , and crowned with episcopacy . all ministers wil find as great a difference in po●nt of thriving , between the favour of the people , and of princes , as plants doe between being watered by hand , or by the sweet and liberall dews of heaven . the tenuity and contempt of clegy-men will soone let them see , what a poore carcasse they are , when parted from the influence of that head , to whose supremacy they have been sworne . a little moderation might have prevented great mischiefs ; i am firme to primitive episcopacy , not to have it extirpated , ( if i can hinder it . ) discretion without passion might easily reforme , whatever the rust of times , or indulgence of laws , or corruption of manners have brought upon it . it being a grosse vulgar errour to impute to , or revenge upon the function , the faults of times , or persons ; which seditious and popular principle , and practise , all wise men abhorre . for those secular additaments and ornaments of authority , civill honour and estate , which my predecessours , and christian princes in all countries have annexed to bishops and church-men ; i look upon them , but as just rewards of their learning , and piety , who are fit to be in any degree of church-government ; also enablements to works of charity , & hospitality , meet strengthenings of their authority in point of respect , and observance ; which in peacefull times is hardly payed to any governours by the measure of their vertues , so much , as by that of their estates ; poverty and meannesse exposing them and their authority to the contempt of licentious minds , and manners , which persecuting times much restrained . i would have such men bishops , as are most worthy of those incouragements , and best able to use them : if at any time my judgment of men failed my good intention made my errour veniall : and some bishops , i am sure , i had , whose learning , gravity , and piety , no men of any worth or forehead can deny : but , of all men , i would have church-men , especially the governours to be redeemed from that vulgar neglect ; which ( besides an innate principle of vitious opposition , which is in all men against those that seem to reprove , or restraine them ) will necessarily follow both the presbyterian parity , which makes all ministers equall ; and the independent inferiority , which sets their pastors below the people . this for my judgment touching episcopacy , wherein ( god knows ) i doe not gratifie any designe or passion with the least perverting of truth . and now i appeale to god above , and all the christian world , whether it be just for subjects , or pious for christians , by violence , and infinite indignities , with servile restraints to seek to force me their king and soveraigne , as some men have endeavoured to doe , against all these grounds of my judgment , to consent to their weak and divided novelties . the greatest pretender of them desires not more than i doe , that the church should be governed , as christ hath appointed , in true reason , and in scripture ; of which , i could never see any probable shew for any other waies : who either content themselves with the examples of some churches in their infancy & solitude ; when one presbyter might serve one congregation , in a city or countrey ; or else they deny these most evident truths , that the apostles were bishops over those presbyters they ordained , as well as over the churches they planted ; and that , government being necessary for the churches wel-being , when multiplied and sociated , must also necessarily descend from the apostles to others , after the example of that power and superiority , they had above others ; which could not end with their persons ; since the use and ends of such government still continue . it is most sure , that the purest primitive and best churches flourished under episcopacy ; and may so still , if ignorance , superstition , avarice , revenge , and other disorderly and disloyall passions had not so blowne up some mens minds against it , that what they want of reasons or primitive patterns , they supply with violence and oppression ; wherein some mens zeale for bishops lands , houses , and revenues hath set them on worke to eate up episcopacy : which ( however other men esteem ) to me is no lesse sin , than sacriledge ; or a robbery of god ( the giver of all we have ) of that portion which devout mindes have thankfully given againe to him , in giving it to his church and prophets ; through whose hands he graciously accepts even a cup of cold water , as a libation offered to himselfe . furthermore , as to my particular engagement above other men , by an oath agreeable to my judgement , i am solemnly obliged to preserve that government , and the rights of the church . were i convinced of the unlawfullnesse of the function , as antichristian , ( which some men boldly , but weakly calumniate ) i could soone , with judgment , break that oath , which erroneously was taken by me. but being daily by the best disquisition of truth , more confirmed in the reason and religion of that , to which i am sworn ; how can any man that wisheth not my damnation , perswade me at once to so notorious and combined sins , of sacriledge and perjury ? besides the many personall injustices i must doe to many worthy men , who are as legally invested in their estates , as any , who seek to deprive them ; and they have by no law , been convicted of those crimes , which might forfeit their estates and lively-hoods . i have oft wondred how men pretending to tendernesse of conscience , and reformation , can at once tell me , that my coronation oath binds me to consent to whatsoever they shall propound to me , ( which they urge with such violence ) though contrary to all that rationall and religious freedome which every man ought to preserve ; & of which they seem so tender in their own votes ; yet at the same time these men will needs perswade me , that i must , and ought to dispence with , and roundly break that part of my oath , which binds me agreeable to the best light of reason and religion i have ) to maintain the government , and legall rights of the church . 't is strange my lot should be valid in that part , which both my self , and all men in their own case , esteem injurious & unreasonable , as being against the very naturall and essentiall liberty of our soules ; yet it should be invalid , and to be broken in another clause , wherein i think my selfe justly obliged , both to god and man. yet upon this rack chiefly have i been held so long , by some mens ambitious covetousnesse , and sacrilegious cruelty ; torturing ( with me ) both church and state , in civill distentions ; till i shall be forced to consent , and declare that i doe approve , what ( god knowes ) i utterly dislike , and in my soul abhor ; as many wayes highly against reason , justice , and religion : and whereto , if i should shamefully , and di●honourably give my consent ; yet should i not by so doing , satisfie the d●vided interests and opinions of those parties , which contend with each other , as well as both against me and epi●copacy . nor can my late condescending to the scots in point of church-government , be rightly objected against me , as an inducement for me , to consent to the like in my other kingdoms , for it should be considered that episcopacy was not so rooted and setled there , as 't is here ; nor i ( in that respect ) so strictly bound to continue it in that kingdom as in this ; for what i think in my judgment best , i may not think so absolutely necessary for all places , & at all times . if any shall impute my yeilding to them , as my failing and sin , i can easily acknowledge it ; but that is no argument to do so again , or much worse ; i being now more convinced in that point : nor indeed hath my yeilding to them been so happy and successefull as to incourage me to grant the like to others . did i see any thing more of christ , as to meeknesse , justice , or●er , charity , and loyalty in those that pretend to other modes of government , i might suspect my judgment to be biassed , or fore●stalled with some prejudice and wontednesse of opinion ; but i have hitherto so much cause to suspect the contrary in the manners of many of those men , that i cannot from them gain the least reputation for their new wayes of government . nor can i find that in any reformed churches ( whose paternes are so cryed up , and obtruded upon the churches under my dominion ) that e●ther learning , or religion , workes of p●ety or charity , have so flourished beyond what they have done in my kingdomes ( by gods blessing ) which might make me believe either presbytery or independency have a more benigne influence upon the church and mens hearts and lives , than episcopacy in its right constitution . the abuses of which , deserve to be extirpated , as much as the use retained ; for i think it farre better to hold to primitive and uniforme antiquity , than to comply with divided novelty . a right episcopacy would at once satisfie all just desires and interests of good bishops , humble presbyters , and sober people ; so as church affaires should be managed neither with tyrannie , parity , nor popularity ; neither bishops ejected , nor presbyters despised , nor people oppressed . and in this integrity both of my judgment and conscience , i hope god will preserve me. for thou , o lord , knowest my uprightnesse , and tendernesse , as thou hast set me to be a defender of the faith , and a protectour of thy church , so suffer me not by any violence , to be overborne against my conscience . arise o lord , maintaine thine owne cause , let not thy church be deformed , as to that government , which derived from thy apostles , hath been retained in purest and primitive times , till the revenues of the church became the object of secular envy ; which seeks to rob it of all the incouragements of learning and religion . make me , as the good samaritan , compassionate , and helpfull to thy afflicted church ; which some men have wounded and robbed ; others passe by without regard , either to pity , or relieve . as my power is from thee , so give me grace to use it for thee . and though i am not suffered to be master of my other rights as a king , yet preserve me in that liberty of reason , love of religion , and thy churches welfare , which are fixed in my conscience as a christian. preserve , from sacrilegious invasions , those temporall blessings , which thy providence hath bestowed on thy church for thy glory . forgive their sinnes and errours , who have deserved thy just permission , thus to let in the wild boare , and subtill foxes , to wast and deform thy vineyard , which thy right hand hath planted , and the dew of heaven so long watered to a happy and flourishing estate . o let me not beare the infamous brand to all posterity of being the first christian king in this kingdome , who should consent to the oppression of thy church , and the fathers of it ; whose errours i would rather , with constantine , cover with silence , and reforme with meeknesse , than expose their persons , and sacred functions , to vulgar contempt . thou , o lord , seest how much i have suffered with , and for thy church , make no long tarrying o my god , to deliver both me , and it , from unreasonable men ; whose counsels have brought forth , and continue such violent confusions , by a precipitant destroying the ancient boundaries of thy churches peace ; thereby letting in all manner of errours , schismes , and disorders . o thou god , of order , and of truth , in thy good ●ime , abate the malice , aswage the rage , and confound all the mischievous devices of thine , mine , and thy churches enemies . that i , and all that love thy church , may sing praises to thee , and ever magnifie th● salvation , even be●ore the sons of men . 18. vpon vxbridge-treaty , and other offers made by the king . i look upon the way of treaties , as a retiring from fighting like beasts , to arguing like men ; whose strength should be more in their understandings , than in their limbs . and though i could seldome get opportunities to treat , yet i never wanted either desire or disposition to it ; having greater confidence of my reason , than my sword : i was so wholly resolved to yeild to the first , that i thought neither my selfe , nor others , should need to use the second , if once we rightly understood each other . nor did i ever think it a diminution of me , to prevent them with expresses of my desires , and even importunities to treat : it being an office , not onely of humanity , rather to use reason , than force ; but also of christianity to seek peace and ensue it . as i am very unwillingly compelled to defend my self with armes , so i very willingly embraced any thing tending to peace . the events of all warre by the sword being very dubious , and of a civill warre uncomfortable ; the end hardly recompencing , and late repairing the mischief of the means . nor did any successe i had ever enhaunce with me the price of peace , as earnestly desired by me as any man ; though i was like to pay dearer for it than any man : all that i sought to reserve was , mine honour , and my conscience ; the one i could not part with as a king , the other as a christian. the treaty at uxbridge gave the fairest hopes of an happy composure ; had others applied themselves to it with the same moderation , as i did , i am confident the war had then ended . i was willing to condescend , as farre as reason , honour , and conscience , would g●ve me leave ; nor were the remaining differences so essentiall to my peoples happinesse ; or of such consequence ; as in the least kind to have hindred my subjects either security , or prosperity ; for they better enjoyed both● many years , before ever those demands were made , some of which , to deny , i think the greatest justice to my self , and favour to my subjects . i see , jealousies are not so easily allayed , as they are raised : some men are more afraid to retreat from violent engagements , than to engage : what is wanting in equity , must be made up in pertinacy . such as had little to enjoy in peace , or to lose in warre , studied to render the very name of peace odious and suspected . in church affaires , where i had least liberty of prudence , having so many strict ties of conscience upon me ; yet i was willing to condescend so farre to the setling of them , as might have given fair satisfaction to all men , whom faction , covetousnesse , or superstition had not engaged more , than any true zeale , charity , or love of reformation . i was content to yeild to all that might seem to advance true piety ; i onely sought to continue what was necessary in point of order , maintenance , and authority to the churches government ; and what i am perswaded ( as i have elswhere set downe my thoughts more fully ) is most agreeable to the true principles of all government , raised to its full stature and perfection , as also to the primitive apostolicall patterne , and the practise of the universall church conforme thereto . from which wholly to recede , without any probable reason urged or answered , onely to satisfie some mens wills and fantasies ( which yet agree not among themselves in any point , but that of extirpating episcopacy , and fighting against me ) must needs argue such as softnesse , and infirmity of mind in me , as will rather part with gods truth , than mans peace , and rather lose the churches honour , than crosse some mens factious humours . god knowes , and time will discover , who were most too blame for the un-succesfulnesse of that treaty , and who must bear the guilt of after-calamities . i believe , i am very excusable both before god , and all unpassionate men , who have seriously weighed those transactions , wherein i endeavoured no lesse the restauration of peace to my people , than the preservation of my own crowns to my posterity . some men have that height , as to interpret all faire condescendings , as arguments of feeblenesse , and glory most in an unflexible stifnesse , when they see others most ●upple and inclinable to them . a grand maxime with them was alwaies to aske something , which in reason and honour must be denied , that they might have some colour to refuse all that was in other things granted ; setting peace at as high a rate , as the worst effects of warre ; endeavouring first to make me destroy my selfe by dishonourable concessions , that so they might have the lesse to doe . this was all which that treaty , or any other produced , to let the world see , how little i would deny , or they grant , in order to the publique peace . that it gave occasion to some mens further restivenesse , is imputable to their owne depraved tempers , not to any concessions or negations of mine : i have alwaies the content of what i offered , and they the regret , and blame , for what they refused . the highest tide of successe set me not above a treaty , nor the lowest ebbe below a fight : though i never thought it any signe of true valour , to be prodigall of mens lives , rather then to be drawne to produce our owne reasons , or subscribe to other mens . that which made me for the most part presage the unsuccesfulnesse of any treaty , was , some mens unwillingnesse to treat : which implied some things were to be gained by the sword , whose unreasonablenesse they were loath to have fairly scanned , being more proper to be acted by souldiers , than by counsellours . i pray god forgive them that were guilty of that treaties breaking ; and give them grace to make their advantages gotten by the sword a better opportunity to use such moderation , as was then wanting ; that so though peace were for our sins justly deferred , yet at last it may be happily obtain'd ; what we could not get by our treaties , we may gaine by our prayers . o thou , that art the god of reason , and of peace , who disdainest not to treat with sinners , preventing them with offers of attonement , and bese●ching them to be reconciled with thy selfe : who wantest not power , or justice , to destroy them ; yet aboundest in mercy to save : soften our hearts by the bloud of our redeemer , and perswade us to accept of peace with thy self , and both to procure and preserve peace among our selves , as men and christians , how oft have i intreated for peace , but when i speak thereof , they make them ready to warre . condemne us not to our passions● which are destructive , both of our selves , and of others . cleare up our understandings , to see thy truth , both in reason , as men ; and in religion , as christians : and encline all our hearts ●o hold the unity of the spirit , in the bond of peace . take from us that enmity which is now in our hearts against thee : and give us that charity which should be among our selves . remove the evils of warre we have deserved , and bestow upon us that peace , which only christ our great peace-maker can merit . 19. vpon the various events of the warre ; victories , and defeats . the various successes of this unhappy war , have at least , afforded me variety of good meditations : sometimes god was pleased to trie me with victory , by worsting my enemies , that i might know how with moderation and thanks to owne , and use his power , who is onely the true lord of hosts ; able when he pleases to represse the confidence of those , that fought against me , with so great advantages for power and number . from small beginnings on my part he let me see , that i was not wholly forsaken by my peoples love , or his protection . other times god was pleased to exercise my patience , and teach me not to trust in the arme of flesh , but in the living god. my sins sometimes prevailed against the justice of my cause : & those that were with me wanted not matter and occasion for his just chastisement both of them , and me : nor were my enemies lesse punished by that prosperity , which hardened them to continue that injustice by open hostility , which was began by most riotous and unparliamentary tumults . there is no doubt but personall and private sins may oft-times over-balance the justice of publick engagements ; nor doth god account every gallant man ( in the worlds esteem ) a fit instrument to assert in the way of war a righteous cause ; the more men are prone to arrogate to their own skill , valour and strength , the lesse doth god ordinarily work by them for his own glory . i am sure the event or successe can never state the justice of any cause , nor the peace of mens consciences , nor the eternall fate of their soules . those with me had ( i think ) clearly and undoubtedly , for their justification the word of god , and the lawes of the land , together with their own oathes ; all requiring obedience to my just commands ; but to none other under heaven without me , or against me , in the point of raising armes . those on the other side are forced to flie to the shifts of some pretended feares , and wild fundamentals of state ( as they call them ) which actually overthrow the present fabrick , both of church and state ; being such imaginary reasons for self-defence as are most impertinent for those men to alledge , who being my subjects , were manifestly the first assaulters of me and the lawes : first by unsuppressing the tumults , after by listed forces : the same allegations they use , will fit any faction that hath but power and confidence enough to second with the sword , all their demands against the present lawes & governours ; which can never be such as some side or other will not find fault with , so as to urge what they call a reformation of them to a rebellion against them , some parasitick preachers have dared to call those martyrs , who died fighting against me , the lawes , their oathes , and the religion established . but sober christians know , that glorious title , can with truth be applied only to those , who sincerely preferred gods truth , and the●r duty in all these particulars before their lives , and all that was dear to them in this world ; who having no advantageous designes by any innovation , were religiously sensible of those ties to god , the church , and my self , which lay upon their souls , both for obedience and just assistance . god could , and i doubt not but he did through his mercy , crown many of them with eternall life , whose lives were lost in so just a cause ; the destruction of their bodies being sanctified , as a means to save their soules . their wounds , and temporall ruine serving as a gracious opportunity for their eternall health and happinesse ; while the evident approach of death did , through gods grace , effectually dispose their hearts to such humility , faith , and repentance , which together with the rectitude of their present engagement , would fully prepare them for a better life then that , which their enemies brutish and disloyall fiercenesse could deprive them of ; or without repentance hope to enjoy . they have often indeed , had the better against my side in the field , but never , i believe , at the barre of gods tribunall , or their own consciences ; where they are more afraid to encounter those many pregnant reasons , both from law , allegiance , and all true christian grounds , which conflict with , and accuse them in their own thoughts , then they oft were in a desperate bravery to fight against those forces , which sometimes god gave me. whose condition conquered , and dying , i make no question , but is infinitely more to be chosen by a sober man , ( that duly values his duty , his soul , and eternity , beyond the enjoyments of this present life ) then the most triumphant glory , wherein their and mine enemies supervive ; who can hardly avoid to be daily tormented by that horrid guilt , wherewith their suspicious , or now convicted consciences do pursue them , especially since they and all the world have seen , how false and un-intended those pretensions were , which they first set forth , as the only plausible ( though not justifiable ) grounds of raising a war , and continuing it thus long against me , and the lawes established ; in whose safety and preservation all honest men think the welfare of their country doth consist . for , and with all which , it is farre more honourable and comfortable to suffer , then to prosper in their ruine and subversion . i have often prayed , that all on my side might joyn true piety with the sense of their loyalty ; and be as faithfull to god and their own soules , as they were to me. that the defects of the one might not blast the endeavours of the other . yet i cannot think , that any shewes , or truth of piety on the other side were sufficient to dispence with , or expiate the defects of their duty and loyalty to me , which have so pregnant convictions on mens consciences , that even profaner men are moved by the sense of them to venture their lives for me. i never had any victory which was without my sorrow , because it was on mine owne subjects , who , like absolom , died many of them in their sinne : and yet i never suffered any defeat , which made me despaire of gods mercy and defence . i never desired such victories , as might serve to conquer , but onely restore the lawes and liberties of my people ; which i saw were extreamly oppressed , together with my rights by those men , who were impatient of any just restraint . when providence gave me , or denied me victory , my desire was neither to boast of my power , nor to charge god foolishly ; who i believed at last would make all things to work together for my good . i wished no greater advantages by the war , then to bring my enemies to moderation , and my friends to peace . i was afraid of the temptation of an absolute conquest , and never prayed more for victory over others , than over my self . when the first was denied , the second was granted me , which god saw best for me. the different events were but the methods of divine justice , by contrary winds to winow us : that , by punishing our sinnes , he might purge them from us ; and by deferring peace , he might prepare us more to prize , and better to use so great a blessing . my often messages for peace shewed , that i delighted not in warre : as my former concessions sufficiently testified , how willingly i would have prevented it ; and my totall unpreparednesse for it , how little i intended it . the conscience of my innocency forbade me to feare a warre ; but the love of my kingdomes commanded me ( if possible ) to avoid it . i am guilty in this warre of nothing , but this , that i gave such advantages to some men , by confirming their power , which they knew not to use with that modesty , and gratitude , which became their loyalty and my confidence . had i yeilded lesse , i had been opposed lesse ; had i denied more , i had been more obeyed . 't is now too late to review the occasions of the warre ; i wish onely a happy conclusion , of so unhappy beginnings : the unevitable fate of our sinnes was ( no doubt ) such , as would no longer suffer the divine justice to be quiet : we having conquered his patience , are condemned by mutuall conquerings , to destroy one another : for , the most prosperous successes on either side , impaire the welfare of the whole . those victories are still miserable , that leave our sinnes un-subdued ; flushing our pride , and animating to continue injuries . peace it self is not desireable , till repentance have prepared us for it . when we fight more against our selves , and lesse against god , we shall cease fighting against one another ; i pray god these may all meet in our hearts , and so dispose us to an happy conclusion of these civil warres ; that i may know better to obey god , and govern my people , and they may learn better to obey both god and me. nor doe i desire any man should be further subject to me , then all of us may be subject to god. o my god , make me content to be overcome , when thou wilt have it so . teach me the noblest vistory over my self , and my enemies by patience ; which was christs conquest , a●d may well become a christian king. between both thy hands , the right sometimes supporting , and the left afflicting ; fashion us to that frame of piety thou likest best . forgive the pride that attends our prosperous , and the repinings , which follow our disastrous events ; when going forth in our owne strength thou withdrawest thine , and goest not forth with our armies . be thou all , when we are something , and when we are nothing ; that thou mayst have the glory , when we are in a victorious , or inglorious condition . thou o lord knowest , how hard it is for me to suffer so much evill from my subjects , to whom i intend nothing but good ; and i cannot but suffer in those evils which they compell me to inflict upon them ; punishing my selfe in their punishments . since therefore both in conquering , and being conquered , i am still a sufferer ; i beseech thee to give me a double portion of thy spirit , and that measure of grace , which onely can be sufficient for me . as i am most afflicted , so make me most reformed : that i may be not onely happy to see an end of these civill distractions , but a chiefe instrument to restore and establish a firme , and blessed peace to my kingdomes . stirre up all parties pious ambitions to overcome each other with reason , moderation , and such self-deniall , as becomes those , who consider , that our mutuall divisions are our common distractions , and the union of all is every good mans chiefest interest . if o lord , as for the sinnes of our peace , thou hast brought upon us the miseries of warre ; so for the sinnes of warre ●hou shouldst see fit still to deny us the blessing of peace , and so to keep us in a circulation of miseries ; yet give me thy servant , and all loyall , though afflicted subjects , to enjoy that peace which the world can neither give to us , nor take from us . impute not to me the bloud of my subjects , which with infinite unwillingnesse and griefe , hath been shed by me , in my just and necessary defence ; but wash me with that pretious bloud , which hath been shed for me , by my great peace-maker , iesus christ. who will , i trust , redeem me shortly out of all my troubles : for , i know the triumphing of the wicked is but short , and the joy of hypocrites is but for a moment . 20. vpon the reformations of the times . no glory is more to be envied than that , of due reforming either church or state , when deformities are such , that the perturbation and novelty are not like to exceed the benefit of reforming . although god should not honour me so farre , as to make me an instrument of so good a worke , yet i should be glad to see it done . as i was well pleased with this parliaments first intentions to reform what the indulgence of times , and corruption of manners might have depraved ; so i am sorry to see after the freedome of parliament was by factious tumults oppressed , how little regard was had to the good laws established , and the religion setled ; which ought to be the first rule and standard of reforming : with how much partiality , and popular compliance the passions , and opinions of men have been gratified , to the detriment of the publique , and the infinite scandall of the reformed religion . what dissolutions of all order , and government , in the church ; what novelties of schismes , and corrupt opinions ; what undecencies and confusions in sacred administrations ; what sacrilegious invasions upon the rights and revenues of the church ; what contempt & oppressions of the clergy ; what injurious diminutions and persecutings of me , have followed , ( as showres do warm gleames ) the talke of reformation , all sober men are witnesses , and with my self , sad spectators hith●rto . the great miscarriage i think is , that popular clamours and fury , have been allowed the reputation of zeale , and the publique sense ; so that the study to please some parties hath indeed injured all . freedome , moderation , and impartiality are sure the best tempers of reforming councels , and endeavours : w●●t is acted by factions , cannot but offend more , than it pleaseth . i have offered to put all differences in church affaires and religion to the free consultation of a synod or convocation rightly chosen ; the results of whose counsels as they would have included the votes of all , so its like they would have given most satisfaction to all . the assembly of divines , whom the two houses have applyed ●in an unwonted way ) to advise of church affaires , i dislike not further , then that they are not legally convened and chosen ; nor act in the name of all the clergy of england ; nor with freedome and impartiality can doe any thing , being limited and confined , if not over-awed , to do and declare what they do . for i cannot think so many men cryed up for learning and piety , who formerly allowed the liturgy and government of the church of england , as to the maine , would have so suddenly agreed quite to abolish both of them , ( the last of which , they knew to be of apostolicall institution , at least ; as of primitive and universall practice ) if they had been left to the liberty of their own suffrages , and if the influence of contrary factions had not by secret encroachments of hopes , and feares , prevailed upon them , to comply with so great and dangerous innovations in the church ; without any regard to their own former judgment and practice , or to the common interest and honour of all the clergy , and in them of order , learning , and religion against examples of all ancient churches ; the lawes in force , and my consent ; which is never to be gained , aga●nst so pregnant light , as in that point shines on my understanding . for i conceive , that where the scripture is not so clear and punctuall in precepts , there the constant and universall practice of the church , in things not contrary to reason , faith , good manners , or any positive command , is the best rule that ch●istians can follow . i was willing to grant , or restore to presbitery , what with reason or discretion it can pretend to , in a conjuncture with episcopacy ; but for that wholly to invade the power , and by the sword to arrogate , and quite abrogate the authori●y of that ancient order , i think neither just , as to episcopacy , nor safe for presbitery ; nor yet any way convenient for this church or state. a due reformation had easily followed moderate counsells ; and such ( i believe ) as would have given more content , even to the most of those divines , who have been led on with much gravity and formality , to carry on other mens designes : which no doubt many of them by this time discover , though they dare not but smother their frustrations , and discontents . the specious and popular titles , of christs government , throne , scepter , and kingdome ( which certainly is not divided , nor hath two faces , as their parties now have , at least ) also the noise of a through reformation , these may as easily be fined on new models , as fair colours may be put to ill-favoured figures . the breaking of church-windowes , which time had suffic●ently defaced ; pulling down of crosses , which were but civill , not religious marks ; defacing of the monuments , and inscriptions of the dead , which served but to put posterity in mind , to thank god , for that clearer light , wherein they live ; the leaving of all ministers to their liberties , and private abilities , in the publick service of god , where no christian can tell to what he may say amen ; nor what adventure he may make , of seeming , at least , to consent to the errours , blasphemies , and ridiculous undecencies , which bold and ignorant men li●t to vent in their prayers , preaching , and other offices . the setting forth also of old catechismes , and confessions of faith new drest , importing as much , as if there had been no sound or clear doctrine of faith in this church , before some four or five yeares consultation had matured their thoughts , touching their first principles of religion . all these , and the like are the effects of popular , specious , and deceitfull reformations , ( that they might not seem to have nothing to do ) and may give some short flashes of content to the vulgar , ( who are taken with novelties , as children with babies , very much , but not very long ) but all this amounts not to , nor can in justice merit the glory of the churches thorow reformation ; since they leave all things more deformed , disorderly , and discontented , then when they began , in point of piety , morality , charity , and good order . nor can they easily r●compense or remedy the inconveniences and mischiefs , which they have purchased so dearly , and which have , and every will necessarily ensue , till due remedies be applied . i wish they would at last , make it their unanimous work , to doe gods work , and not their own : had religion been first considered ( as it merited ) much trouble might have been prevented . but some men thought , that the government of this church and state , fixed by so many lawes , and long customes , would not run into their new moulds , till they had first melted it in the fire of a civill warre ; by the advantages of which they resolved , if they prevailed , to make my self & all my subjects fall down , and worship the images they should form and set up : if there had been as much of christs spirit , for meeknesse , wisdome , and charity , in mens hearts , as there was of his name used in the pretensions , to reform all to christs rule , it would certainly have obtained more of gods blessing , and produced more of christs glory , the churches good , the honour of religion , and the unity of ch●istians . publick reformers had need first act in private , and practise that on their own hearts , which they purpose to ●rie on others ; for deformities within , will soon betray the pretenders of publick reformations , to such private designes as must needes hinder the publick good . i am sure the right methods of reforming the church cannot consist with that of perturbing the civill state , nor can religion be justly advanced by depressing loyalty , which is one of the chiefest ingredients , and orn●ments of true religion , for next to fear god , is , honour the king. i doubt not but christs kingdome may ●e ●et up without pulling down mine ; nor wil any men in impartiall times appear good christians , that approve not themselves good subjects . christ's government will confirme mine , not overthrow it , since as i owne mine from him , so i desire to rule for his glory , and his churches good . had some men truly intended christ's government , or knew what it meant , in their hearts , they could never have been so ill governed in their words , and actions , both against me , and one another . as good ends cannot justifie evill means , so nor will evil beginnings ever bring forth good conclusions ; unlesse god , by a miracle of mercy , create light out of darknesse , order out of our confusions , and peace out of our passions . thou , o lord , who onely canst give us beauty for ashes , and truth for hypocrisie ; suffer us not to be miserably deluded with pharisaicall washings , instead of christian reformings . our greatest deformities are within , make us the severest censurers , and first reformers of our owne soules . that we may in clearnesse of judgment , and uprightnesse of heart be meanes to reforme what is indeed amisse in church and state. create in us cleane hearts , o lord , and renew right spirits within us ; that we may doe all by thy directions , to thy glory , and with thy blessing . pity the deformities , which some rash and cruell reformers have brought upon this church and state ; quench the fires which factions have kindled , under the pretence of reforming . as thou hast shewed the world by their divisions , and confusions , what is the pravity of some mens intentions , and weaknesse of their judgements ; so bring us at last more refined out of these fires , by the methods of christian and charitable reformations ; wherein nothing of ambition , revenge , covetousnesse , or sacriledge , may have any influence upon their counsels , whom thy providence in just and lawfull waies shall entrust with so great , good , and now most necessary worke . that i and my people may be so blest with inward piety , as may best teach us how to use the blessing of outward peace . 21. vpon his majesties letters taken and divulged . the taking of my letters was an opportunity , which , as the malice of mine enemies could hardly have expected ; so they know not how with honour and civility to use it : nor doe i think with sober and worthy minds any thing in them , could tend so much to my reproach , as the odious divulging of them did to the infamy of the divulgers : the greatest experiments of vertue and noblenesse being discovered in the greatest advantages against an enemy , and the greatest obligations being those , which are put upon us by them , from whom we could least have expected them . and such i should have esteemed the concealing of my papers ; the freedome and secresie of which , commands a civility from all men , not wholly barbarous ; nor is there any thing more inhumane than to expose them to publique view . yet since providence will have it so , i am content so much of my heart ( which i study to approve to gods omniscience ) should be discovered to the world , without any of those dresses , or popular captations , which some men use in their speeches , and expresses ; i wish my subjects had yet a clearer sight into my most retired thoughts : where they might discover , how they are divided between the love and care i have , not more to preserve my owne rights , than to procure their peace and happinesse , and that extreame grief to see them both deceived and destroyed . nor can any mens malice be gratified further by my letters , than to see my constancy to my wife , the lawes , and religion . bees will gather honey where the spider sucks poison . that i endeavour to avoid the pressures of my enemies , by all fair and just correspondencies ; no man can blame , who loves me , or the common-wealth , since my subjects can hardly be happy if i be miserable , or enjoy their peace and liberties while i am oppressed . the world may see how soon mens design , like absoloms , is by enormous actions to widen differences , and exasperate all sides to such distances , as may make all reconciliation desperate . yet i thank god i can not only with patience bear this , as other indignities , but with charity forgive them . the integrity of my intentions is not jealous of any injury , my expressions can do them , for although the confidence of privacy may admit greater freedom in writing such letters , which may be liable to envious exceptions ; yet the innocency of my chief purposes cannot be so obtained , or mis-interpreted by them , as not to let all men se● , that i wish nothing more then an happy composure of differences with justice and honour , not more to my own , then my peoples content , who have any sparks of love or loyalty left in them : who , by those my letters may be convinced , that i can both mind and act my own , and my kingdomes affaires , so as becomes a prince ; which mine enemies have alwayes been very loath should be bel●eved of me , as if i were wholly confined to the dictates and directions of others ; whom they please to brand with the names of evill counsellours . it s probable some men will now look upon me as my own counsellour , and having none else to quarrell with under that notion , they will hereafter confine the●r anger to my self : although i know they are very unwilling i should enjoy the liberty of my own thoughts , or follow the light of my own conscience , which they labour to bring into an absolute captivity to themselves ; not allowing me to think their counsels to be other then good for me , which have so long maintained a war against me. the victory they obtained that day , when my letters became their prize , had been enough to have satiated the most ambitious thirst of popular glory among the vulgar ; with whom prosperity gaines the greatest esteem and applause ; as adversity exposeth to their greatest slighting and dis-respect : as if good fortune were alwayes the shadow of vertue and justice , and did not oftner attend vitious and injurious actions , as to this world . but i see no secular advantages seeme sufficient to that cause , which began with tumults , and depends chiefty upon the reputation with the vulgar . they think no victories so effectuall to their designes as those , that most rout and waste my credit with my people ; in whose hearts they seek by all meanes to smother and extinguish all sparks of love , respect and loyalty to me , that they may never kindle again , so as to recover mine , the lawes , and the kingdomes liberties , which some men seek to overthrow : the taking away of my credit is but a necessary preparation to the taking away of my life , and my kingdomes ; first i must seem neither fit to live , nor worthy to reign ; by exquisite methods of cunning and cruelty , i must be compelled , first to follow the funeralls of my honour , and then be destroyed : but i know gods un-erring and impartiall justice can , and will over-rule the most perverse wills and designes of men ; he is able , and ( i hope ) will turn even the worst of mine enemies thoughts and actions to my good . nor doe i think , that by the surprize of my letters , i have lost any more then so many papers : how much they have lost of that reputation , for civility and humanity ( which ought to be pay'd to all men , and most becomes such as pretend to religion ) besides that of respect and honour , which they owe to their king , present , and after-times will judge . and i cannot think that their owne consciences are so stupid , as not to inflict upon them some secret impressions of that shame and dishonour , which attends all unworthy actions , have they never so much of publique flattery , and popular countenance . i am sure they can never expect the divine approbation of such indecent actions , if they doe but remember how god blest the modest respect and filiall tendernesse , which noah's sonnes bare to their father ; nor did his open infirmity justifie chams impudency , or exempt him from that curse of being servant of servants ; which curse must needs be on them who seek by dishonourable actions to please the vulgar , and confirme by ignoble acts , their dependance upon the people . nor can their malitious intentions be ever either excusable , or prosperous ; who thought by this means to expose me , to the highest reproach and contempt of my people ; forgetting that duty of modest concealment , which they owed to the father of their country , in case they had discovered any reall uncomelinesse ; which , i thank god they did not ; who can , and i believe hath made me more respected in the hearts of many ( as he did david ) to whom they thought , by publishing my private letters , to have rendred me as a vile person , not fit to be trusted or considered , under any notion of majesty . but thou , o lord , whose wise and all-disposing providence , ordereth the greatest contingences of humane affaires ; make me to see the constancy of thy mercies to me , in the greatest advantages thou seemest to give the malice of my enemies against me . as thou didst blast the counsel of achitophel , turning it to davids good , and his owne ruine : so canst thou defeat their designe , who intended by publishing my private letters , nothing else , but to render me more odious and contemptible to my people . i must first appeale to thy omniscience , who canst witnesse with my integrity , how unjust and false those scandalous misconstructions are , which my enemies endeavour by those papers of mine to represent to the world . make the evill they imagined , and displeasure they intended thereby against me , so to returne on their owne heads , that they may be ashamed , and covered with their owne confusion , as with a cloake . thou seest how mine enemies use all meanes to cloud mine honour , to pervert my purposes , and to slander the footsteps of thine anoynted . but give me an heart content to be dishonoured for thy sake , and thy churches good . fix in me a purpose to honour thee , and then i know thou wilt honour me , either by restoring to me the enjoyment of that power and majesty , which thou hast suffered some men to seek to deprive me of ; or by bestowing on me that crowne of christian patience , which knows how to serve thee in honour , or dishonour , in good report or evill . thou , o lord , art the fountaine of goodnesse , and honour ; thou art clothed with excellent majesty ; make me to partake of thy excellency for wisdome , justice , and mercy , and i shall not want that degree of honour , and majesty , which becomes the place in which thou hast set me ; who art the lifter up of my head , and my salvation . lord , by thy grace , lead me to thy glory , which is both true and eternall . 22. vpon his majesties leaving oxford , and going to the scots . although god hath given mee three kingdomes , yet in these he hath not now left me any place , where i may with safety & honour rest my head : shewing me that himself is the safest refuge , and the strongest tower of defence , in which i may put my trust. in these extremities , i look not to man so much as to god , he will have it thus ; that i may wholly cast my self , and my now distressed affaires upon his mercy , who hath both hearts and hands of all men in his dispose . what providence denies to force , it may grant to prudence : necessity is now my counsellour , and commands me to study my safety by a disguised withdrawing from my chiefest strength , and adventuring upon their loyalty , who first began my troubles . happily god may make them a means honourably to compose them . this my confidence of them , may dis-arme and overcome them ; my rendring my person to them , may engage their affections to me , who have oft professed , they fought not against me , but for me. i must now resolve the riddle of their loyalty : and give them opportunity to let the world see , they meane not what they doe , but what they say . yet must god be my chiefest guard ; and my conscience both my counsellour and my comforter : though i put my body into their hands , yet i shall reserve my soule to god , and my selfe ; nor shall any necessities compel me , to desert mine honour , or swerve from my judgment . what they sought to take by force , shall now be given them in such a way of unusuall confidence of them , as may make them ashamed not to be really such , as they ought , and professed to be . god sees it not enough to desert me of all military power to defend my self ; but to put me upon using their power , who seem to fight against me , yet ought in duty to defend me. so various are all humame affaires , and so nece●sitous may the state of princes be , that their greatest danger may be in their supposed safety , and their safety in their supposed danger . i must now leave those , that have adhered to me , and apply to those that have opposed me ; this method of peace may be more prosperous , than that of warre , both to stop the effusion of bloud , and to close those wounds already made : and in it i am no lesse solicitous for my friends safety , than mine owne ; chusing to venture my selfe upon further hazards , rather than expose their resolute loyalty to all extremities . it is some skill in play to know when a game is lost ; better fairly to goe over , than to contest in vaine . i must now study to re-inforce my judgement , and fortifie my mind with reason and religion ; that i may not seem to offer up my souls liberty , or make my conscience their captive ; who ought at first to have used arguments , not armes , to have perswaded my consent to their new demands . i thank god no successe , darkens or disguises truth to me ; and i shall no lesse conforme my words to my inward dictates now , than if they had been , as the words of a king ought to be among loyall subjects , full of power . reason is the divinest power . i shall never think my self weakned while i may make full and free use of that . no eclypse of outward fortune shall rob me of that light ; what god hath denied of outward strength , his grace , i hope , will supply with inward resolutions ; not morosity to deny , what is fit to be granted ; but not to grant any thing , which reason and religion bids me deny . i shall never think my self lesse than my self while i am able thus to preserve the integrity of my conscience , the onely jewell now left me , which is worth keeping . o thou soveraigne of our soules , the onely commander of our consciences ; though i know not what to doe , yet mine eyes are toward thee : to the protection of thy mercy i still commend my selfe . as thou hast preserved me in the day of battaile , so thou canst still shew me thy strength in my weaknesse . be thou unto me in my darkest night , a pillar of fire , to enlighten and direct me ; in the day of my hottest affliction , be also a pillar of cloud to overshadow and protect me ; be to me , both a sun and a shield . thou knowest , that it is not any perversnesse of will , but just perswasions of honour , reason , and religion , which have made me thus farre to hazard my person , peace , and safety , against those , that by force have sought to wrest them from mee . suffer not my just resolutions to abate with my outward forces ; let a good conscience alwaies accompany me , in my solitude and desertions . suffer me not to betray the powers of reason , and that fortresse of my soule , which i am intrusted to keep for thee . lead me in the paths of thy righteousnesse , and shew me thy salvation . make my waies to please thee , and then thou wilt make mine enemies to be at peace with me. 23. vpon the scots delivering the king to the english ; and his captivity at holmeby . yet may i justifie those scots to all the world in this , that they have not deceived me ; for i never trusted to them further , than to men : if i am sold by them , i am onely sorry they should doe it ; and that my price should be so much above my saviours . these are but further essays , which god will have me make of mans uncertainty , the more to fix me on himself ; who never faileth them that trust in him ; though the reeds of aegypt break under the hand of him that leans on them : yet the rock of israel will be an everlasting stay and defence . gods providence commands me to retire from all to himself , that in him i may enjoy my self , which i lose , while i let out my hopes to others . the solitude and captivity , to which i am now reduced , gives me leisure ●nough to study the worlds vanity , and inconstancy . god sees 't is fit to deprive me of wife , children , army , friends , and freedome , that i may be wholly his , who alone is all . i care not much to be reckoned among the unfortunate , if i be not in the black list of irreligious , and sacrilegious princes● no restraint shall ensnare my soule in sin ; nor gaine that of me , which may make my enemies more insolent , my friends ashamed , or my name accursed . they have no great cause to triumph , that they have got my person into their power ; since my soule is still my owne : nor shall they ever gaine my consent against my conscience . what they call obstinacy , i know god accounts honest constancy , from which reason and religion , as well as honour , forbid me to recede . 't is evident now , that it was not evil counsellours with me , but a good conscience in me , which hath been fought against ; nor did they ever intend to bring me to my parliament , till they had brought my mind to their obedience . should i grant what some men desire , i should be such as they wish me ; not more a king , and farre lesse both man and christian. what tumults and armies could not obtaine , neither shall restraint ; which though it have as little of safety to a prince , yet it hath not more of danger . the feare of men shall never be my snare ; nor shall the love of any liberty entangle my soule : better others betray me , than my self : and that the price of my liberty should be my conscience ; the greatest injuries my enemies seek to inflict upon me , cannot be without my owne consent . while i can deny with reason , i shall defeat the greatest impressions of their malice , who neither know how to use worthily , what i have already granted ; nor what to require more of me but this , that i would seem willing to help them to destroy my self & mine . although they should destroy me , yet they shall have no cause to despise me . neither liberty nor life are so deare to me , as the peace of my conscience , the honour of my crownes , and the welfare of my people ; which my word may injure more than any warre can doe ; while i gratifie a few to oppresse all . the lawes will , by gods blessing , revive , with the love and loyalty of my subjects ; if i bury them not by my consent , and cover them in that grave of dishonour , and injustice , which some mens violence hath digged for them . if my captivity or death must be the price of their redemption , i gr●dge not to pay it . no condition can make a king miserable , which carries not with it , his souls , his peoples , and posterities thraldome . after-times may see , what the blindnesse of this age will not ; and god may at length shew my subjects , that i chuse rather to suffer for them , than with them ; happily i might redeem my selfe to some shew of liberty , if i would consent to enslave them : i had rather hazard the ruine of one king , than to confirme many tyrants over them ; from whom i pray god deliver them , whatever becomes of me , whose solitude hath not left me alone . for thou , o god , infinitely good , and great , art with me , whose presence is better than life ; and whose service is perfect freedome . owne me for thy servant , and i shall never have cause to complaine for want of that liberty , which becomes a man , a christian , and a king. blesse me still with reason , as a man ; with religion , as a christian ; and with co●stancy in iustice , as a king. though thou sufferest me to be stript of all outward ornaments , yet preserve me ever in those enjoyments , wherein i may enjoy thy selfe ; and which , cannot be taken from me against my will. let no fire of affliction boyle ●ver my passion to any impatience , or sordid feares . there be many say of me , there is no help for me : doe thou lift up the light of thy countenance , upon me , and i shall neither want safety , liberty , nor majesty . give me that measure of patience and const●ncy , which my condition now requires . my strength is scattered , my expectation fro● men defeated , my person restrained : o be not thou farre from me , lest my enemies prevaile too much against me. i am become a wonder , and a scorne to many : o be thou my helper and defender . shew some token upon me for good , that they that hate me may be ashamed , because thou lord hast holpen and comforted me : establish me with thy free spirit , that i may do , and suffer thy will , as thou wouldst have me . be mercifull to me , o lord , for my soule trusteth in thee : yea and in the shadow of thy wings will i make my refuge untill these calamities be overpast . arise to deliver me , make no long ●arrying , o my god. though thou killest me , yet will i trust in thy mercy , and my saviour merit . i know that my redeemer liveth ; though thou leadest me through the vayl and shadow of death , yet shall i feare none ill . 24. vpon their denying his majesty the attendance of his chaplaines . when providence was pleased to deprive me of all other civill comforts and secular attendants , i thought the absence of them all might best be supplyed by the attendance of some of my chaplaines ; whom for their function i reverence , and for their fidelity i have cause to love . by their learning , piety , and prayers , i hoped to be either better enabled to sustaine the want of all other enjoyments , or better fitted for the recovery and use of them in gods good time : so reaping by their pious help a spirituall harvest of grace amidst the thornes , and after the plowings of temporall crosses . the truth is , i never needed or desired more the service and assistance of men judiciously pious , and soberly devout . the solitude they have confined me unto , adds the wildernesse to my temptations ; for the company they obtrude upon me , is more sad than any solitude can be . if i had asked my revenues , my power of the militia , or any one of my kingdomes , it had been no wonder to have been denyed in those things , where the evill policy of men forbids all just restitution , lest they should confesse an injurious usurpation : but to deny me the ghostly comfort of my chaplaines seemes a greater rigour and barbarity , then is ever used by christians to the meanest prisoners , and greatest malefactors ; whom though the justice of the law deprive of worldly comforts , yet the mercy of religion allows them the benefit of their clergy , as not ayming at once to destroy their bodies , and to damne their soules . but my agony must not be relieved with the presence of any one good angell ; for such i account a lear●ed , godly , and discreet divine : and such i would have all mine to be . they that envy my being a king , are loath i should be a christian ; while they seek to deprive me of all things else , they are afraid i should save my soul. other sense , charity it self can hardly pick out of those many harsh repulses i received , as to that request so often made for the attendance of some of my chaplaines . i have sometime thought the unchristiannesse of those denialls might arise from a displeasure some men had to see me prefer my own divines before their ministers : whom , though i respect for that worth and piety which may be in them ; yet i cannot thinke them so proper for any present comforters or physitians ; who have ( some of them at least ) had so great an influence in occasioning these calamities , and inflicting these wounds upon me. nor are the soberest of them so apt for that devotionall complyance , and juncture of hearts , which i desire to bear in those holy offices , to be performed with me , and for me ; since their judgements standing at a distance from me , or in jealousie of me , or in opposition against me , their spirits cannot so harmoniously accord with mine , or mine with theirs , either in prayer , or other holy duties , as is meet , and most comfortable ; whose golden rule , and bond of perfection consists in that of mutuall love and charity . some remedies are worse then the diseas● , and some comforters more miserable then misery it self ; when like iobs friends , they seek not to fortifie ones mind with patience ; but perswade a man by betraying his own innocency , to despair of gods mercy ; and by justifying their injuries , to strengthen the hands , and harden the hearts of insolent enemies . i am so much a friend to all church-men , that have any thing in them beseeming that ●acred function , that i have hazarded my owne interests , chiefly upon conscience and constancy to maintaine their rights ; whom the more i looked upon as orphans , and under the sacrilegious eyes of many cruell and rapacious reformers ; so i thought it my duty the more to appeare as a father , and a patron for them and the church . although i am very unhandsomly requited by some of them ; who may live to repent no lesse for my sufferings , than their own ungratefull errours , and that injurious contempt and meannesse , which they have brought upon their calling and persons . i pity all of them , i despise none : onely i thought i might have leave to make choice of some for my speciall attendants , who were best approved in my judgment , and most sutable to my affection . for , i held it better to seem undevout , and to heare no mens prayers , than to be forced , or seem to comply with those petitions , to which the heart cannot consent , nor the tongue say amen , without contradicting a mans owne understanding , or belying his owne soule . in devotions , i love neither profane boldnesse , nor pious non-sense● but such an humble and judicious gravity as shews the speaker to be at once considerate both of gods majesty , the churches honour , and his owne vilenesse ; both knowing what things god allows him to ask , and in what manner it becomes a sinner to supplicate the divine mercy for himself , and others . i am equally scandalized with all prayers , that sound either imperiously , or rudely , and passionately ; as either wanting humility to god , or charity to men , or respect to the duty . i confesse i am better pleased , as with studied and premeditated sermons , so with such publique formes of prayer , as are fitted to the churches and every christians daily & common necessities ; because i am by them better assured , what i may joyn my heart unto , than i can be of any mans extemporary sufficiency ; which as i doe not wholly exclude from publique occasions , so i allow its just liberty and use in private and devout retirements ; where neither the solemnity of the duty , nor the modest regard to others , doe require so great exactnesse as to the outward manner of performance . though the light of understanding , and the fervency of affection , i hold the maine and most necessary requisites both in constant , and occasionall , solitary , and sociall devotions . so that i must needs seem to all equal minds with as much reason to prefer the service of my own chaplains before that of their ministers , as i do the liturgy before their directory . in the one , i have been alwaies educated and exercised ; in the other , i am not yet catechized , nor acquainted : and if i were , yet should i not by that , as by any certain rule and canon of devotion , be able to follow or find out the indirect extravagancies of most of those men , who highly cry up that as a piece of rare composure and use ; which is already as much despised and disused by many of them , as the common-prayer sometimes was by those men ; a great part of whose piety hung upon that popular pin of rayling against , and contemning the government , and liturgy of this church . but , i had rather be condemned to the woe of vae soli , than to that of vae vobis hypocritis , by seeming to pray what i doe not approve . it may be , i am esteemed by my denyers sufficient of my selfe to discharge my duty to god as a priest , though not to men as a prince . indeed , i think both offices , regall and sacerdotall , might well become the same person ; as anciently they were under one name , & the united rights of primogeniture : nor could i follow better presidents , if i were able , than those two eminent kings , david , and solomon ; not more famous for their scepters and crownes , than one was for devout psalmes and prayers ; the other for his divine parables and preaching : whence the one merited and assumed the name of a prophet , the other of a preacher . titles indeed of greater honour , where rightly placed , than any of those the roman emperours affected from the nations they subdued : it being infinitely more glorious to convert soules to gods church by the word , than to conquer men to a subjection by the sword. yet since the order of gods wisdome and providence hath , for the most part , alwaies distinguished the gifts and offices of kings , of priests , of princes and preachers ; both in the jewish and christian churches : i am sorry to find my selfe reduced to the necessity of being both , or enjoying neither . for such as seek to deprive me of kingly power and soveraignty ; would no lesse enforce me to live many months without all prayers , sacraments , and sermons , unlesse i become my owne chaplaine . as i owe the clergy the protection of a christian king , so i desire to enjoy from them the benefit of their gifts and prayers ; which i look upon as more prevalent than my owne , or other mens ; by how much they flow from minds more enlightned , and affections lesse distracted , than those , which are encombred with secular affaires : besides , i think a greater blessing and acceptablenesse attends those duties , which are rightly performed , as proper to , and within the limits of that calling , to which god and the church have specially designed and consecrated some men : and however , as to that spirituall government , by which the devout soule is subject to christ , and through his merits daily offers it self and its services to god , every private believer is a king and priest , invested with the honour of a royall priesthood ; yet as to ecclesiasticall order , and the outward polity of the church , i think confusion in religion will as certainly follow every mans turning priest or preacher , as it will in the state , where every one affects to rule as king. i was alwaies bred to more modest , and i think more pious principles : the consciousnesse to my spirituall defects makes me more prize and desire those pious assistances , which holy and good ministers , either bishops or presbyters , may afford me ; especially in these extremities , to which god hath been pleased to suffer some of my subjects to reduce me ; so as to leave them nothing more , but my life to take from me : and to leave me nothing to desire , which i thought might lesse provoke their jealousie and offence to deny me , than this of having some mean●s afforded me for my soules comfort and support . to which end i made choice of men , as no way ( that i know ) scandalous , so every way eminent for their learning and piety , no lesse than for their loyalty : nor can i imagine any exceptions to be made against them , but only this , that they may seem too able and too well affected toward me and my service . but this is not the first service ( as i count it the best ) in which they have forced me to serve my self ; though i must confesse i beare with more grief & impatience the want of my chaplaines , than of any other my servants ; and next ( if not beyond in some things ) to the being sequestred from my wife and children , since from these indeed more of humane and temporary affections , but from those more of heavenly and eternall improvements may be expected . my comfort is , that in the inforced ( not neglected ) want of ordinary meanes , god is wont to afford extraordinary supplies of his gifts and graces . if his spirit will teach me and help my infirmities in prayer , reading and meditation ( as i hope he will ) i shall need no other , either oratour or instructer . to thee therefore , o my god , doe i direct my now solitary prayers ; what i want of others help , supply with the more immediate assistances of thy spirit , which alone can both enlighten my darknesse , and quicken my dulnesse . o thou sun of righteousnesse , thou sacred fountaine of heavenly light and heat , at once cleare and warme my heart , both by instructing of me , and interceding for me : in thee is all fulnesse : from thee all-sufficiency : by thee is all acceptance . thou art company enough , and comfort enough : thou art my king , be also my prophet and my priest. rule me , teach me , pray in me , for me ; and be thou ever with me . the single wrestlings of jacob prevailed with thee , in that sacred duell , when he had none to second him but thy selfe ; who didst assist him with power to overcome thee , and by a welcome violence to wrest a blessing from thee . o look on me thy servant , in infinite mercy , whom thou didst once blesse with the joynt and sociated devotions of others , whose fervency might inflame the coldnesse of my affections towards thee ; when we went to , or met in thy house with the voice of joy and gladnesse , worshipping thee in the unity of spirits , and with the bond of peace . o forgive the neglect , and not improving of those happy opportunities . it is now thy pleasure that i should be as a pelican in the wildernesse , as a sparrow on the house top , and as a coale scattered from all those pious glowings , and devout reflections , which might best kindle , preserve , and encrease the holy fire of thy graces on the altar of my heart , whence the sacrifice of prayers , and incense of praises , might be duly offered up to thee . yet o thou that breakest not the bruized reed , nor quenchest the smoaking flax , doe not despise the weaknesse of my prayers , nor the smotherings of my soule in this uncomfortable lonenesse ; to which i am constrained by some mens uncharitable denialls of those helps , which i much want , and no lesse desire . o let the hardnesse of their hearts occasion the softnings of mine to thee , and for them. let their hatred kindle my love , let their unreasonable denials of my religious desires the more excite my prayers to thee . let their inexorable deafnesse encline thine eare to me ; who art a god easie to be entreated ; thine eare is not heavy , that it cannot , nor thy heart hard , that it will not heare ; nor thy hand shortned , that it cannot help me thy desolate supplyant . thou permittest men to deprive me of those outward means , which thou hast appointed in thy church ; but they cannot debarre me from the communion of that inward grace , which thou alone breathest into humble hearts . o make me such , and thou wilt teach me ; thou wilt heare me , thou wilt help me : the broken and contrite heart i know thou wilt not despise . thou , o lord canst at once make me thy temple , thy priest , thy sacrifice , and thine altar ; while from an humble heart i ( alone ) daily offer up in holy meditations , fervent prayers , and unfeigned teares my self to thee ; who preparest me for thee , dwellest in me , and acceptest of me . thou o lord didst cause by secret supplies and miraculous infusions , that the handfull of meale in the vessell should not spend , nor the little oyle in the cruise fayle the widow during the time of drought and dearth . o look on my soul , which as a widow , is now desolate & forsaken : let not those saving truths i have formerly learned now fail my memory ; nor the sweet effusions of thy spirit , which i have sometime felt , now be wanting to my heart in this famine of ordinary and wholsome food for the refreshing of my soule . which yet i had rather chuse than to feed from those hands who mingle my bread with ashes , and my wine with gall ; rather tormenting , than teaching me ; whose mouths are proner to bitter reproaches of me , than to hearty prayers for me . thou knowest , o lord of truth , how oft they wrest thy holy scriptures to my destruction , ( which are cleare for their subjection , and my preservation ) o let it not be to their damnation . thou knowest how some men ( under colour of long prayers ) have sought to devoure the houses of their brethren , their king , and their god. o let not those mens balmes break my head , nor their cordialls oppresse my heart , i will evermore pray against their wickednesse . from the poyson under their tongues , from the snares of their lips , from the fire , and the swords of their words ever deliver me , o lord , and all those loyall and religious hearts , who desire and delight in the prosperity of my soul , and who seek by their prayers to relieve this sadnesse , and solitude of thy servant , o my king and my god. 25. penitentiall meditations and vowes in the king's solitude at holmeby . give ear to my words ô lord , consider my meditation , and hearken to the voice of my cry , my king and my god , for unto thee will i pray . i said in my haste i am cast out of the sight of thine eyes ; neverthelesse thou hearest the voice of my supplication , when i cry unto thee . if thou lord shouldst be extream to mark what is done amisse , who can abide it ? but there is mercy with thee , that thou mayest be feared ; therefore shall sinners fly unto thee . i acknowledg my sins before thee , which have the aggravation of my condition ; the eminency of my place adding weight to my offences . forgive , i beseech thee , my personall , and my peoples sinnes ; which are so farre mine , as i have not impr●ved the power thou gavest me , to thy glory , and my subjects good : thou hast now brought me from the glory and freedome of a king , to be a prisoner to my own subjects : iustly , ô lord , as to thy over-ruling hand , because in many things i have rebelled against thee . though thou hast restrained my person , yet enlarge my heart to thee , and thy grace towards me. i come far short of davids piety ; yet since i may equall davids afflictions , give me also the comforts and the sure mercies of david . let the penitent sense i have of my sins , be an evidence to me , that thou hast pardoned them . let not the evils , which i and my kingdomes have suffered , seem little unto thee ; though thou hast not punished us according to our sins . turne thee ( o lord ) unto me ; have mercy upon me , for i am desolate and afflicted . the sorrowes of my heart are enlarged ; o bring thou me out of my troubles . hast thou forgotten to be gracious , and shut up thy loving kindnesse in displeasure ? o remember thy compassions of old , and thy loving kindnesses , which have been for many generations . i had utterly fainted , if i had not beleeved to see thy goodnesse in the land of the living . let not the sinnes of our prosperity deprive us of the benefit of thy afflictions . let this fiery triall consume the drosse , which in long peace and plenty we had contracted . though thou continuest miseries , yet withdraw not thy grace ; what is wanting of prosperity , make up in patience and repentance . and if thy anger be not to be yet turned away , but thy hand of justice must be stretched out still ; let it i beseech thee be against me , and my fathers house ; as for these sheep , what have they done ? let my sufferings satiate the malice of mine , and thy churches enemies . but let their cruelty never exceed the measure of my charity . banish from me all thoughts of revenge , that i may not lose the reward , nor thou the glory of my patience . as thou givest me a heart to forgive them , so i beseech thee doe thou forgive what they have done against thee and me . and now , ô lord , as thou hast given me an heart to pray unto thee ; so hear and accept this vow , which i make before thee . if thou wilt in mercy remember me , and my kingdomes ; in continuing the light of thy gospell , and setling thy true religion among us . in restoring to us the benefit of the lawes , and the due execution of iustice. in suppressing the many schismes in church , and factions in state. if thou wilt restor● me and mine to the ancient rights and glory of my predecessours . if thou wilt turne the he●rts of my people to thy self in piety , to me in loyalty , and to one another in charity . if thou wilt quench the flames , and withdraw the fewell of these civill warres . if thou wilt blesse us with the freedome of publick counsels , and deliver the honour of parliaments from the insolencie of the vulgar . if thou wilt keep me from the great offence of enacting any thing against my conscience ; and especially from consenting to sacrilegious rapines , and spoilings of thy church . if thou wilt restore me to a capacity to glorifie thee in doing good , both to the church and state. then shall my soul praise thee , and magnifie thy name before my people . then shall thy glory be dearer to me then my crownes ; and the advancement of true religion both in purity and power be my chiefest care . then will i rule my people with iustice , and ●y kingdomes with equity . to thy more immediate hand shall i ever own as the rightfull succession , so the mercifull restauration of my kingdomes , and the glory of them . if thou wilt bring me again with peace , safety , and ●onour , to my chiefest city , and my parliament . if thou wilt againe put the sword of iustice into my hand to punish and protect . then will i make all the world to see , and my very enemies to enjoy the benefit of this vow and resolution of christian charity , which i now make unto thee o lord. as i doe freely pardon for christ's sake those that have offended me in any kind ; so my hand shall never be against any man to revenge what is past , in regard of any particular injury done to me . we have been mutually punished in our unnaturall divisions ; for thy sake o lord , and for the love of my redeemer , have i purposed this in my heart , that i will use all means in the waies of amnesty , and indempnity , which may most fully remove all feares , and bury all jealousies in forgetfulnesse . let thy mercies be toward me and mine , as my resolutions of truth and peace are toward my people . heare my prayer o lord , which goeth not out of fayned lips . blessed be god , who hath not turned away my prayer ; nor taken his mercy from me . o my soule , commit thy way to the lord , trust in him , and he shall bring it to passe . but if thou wilt not restore me and mine , what am i that i should charge thee foolishly ? thou o lord hast given , and thou hast taken , blessed be thy name . may my people and thy church be happy , if not by me , yet without me . 26. vpon the armies surprisall of the king at holmeby , and the ensuing distractions in the two houses , the army , and the city . what part god will have me now to act or suffer in this new and strange scene of affaires , i am not much solicitous ; some little practise will serve that man , who onely seeks to represent a part of honesty and honour . this surprize of me tells the world , that a king cannot be so low , but he is considera●le ; adding weight to that party where he appeares . this motion , like others of the times , seems excentrique and irregular , yet not well to be resisted or quieted : better swim down such a stream , than in vain to strive against it . these are but the struglings of those twins , which lately one womb enclosed , the younger striving to prevaile against the elder ; what the presbyterians have hunted after , the independents now seek to catch for themselves . so impossible is it for lines to be drawn from the center , and not to divide from each other , so much the wider , by how much they go farther from the point of union . that the builders of babel should from division fall to confusion , is no wonder ; but for those that pretend to build ierusalem , to divide their tongues and hands , is but an ill ●men ; and sounds too like the fury of those zealots , whose intestine bitternesse and divisions were the greatest occasion of the last fatall destruction of that city . well may i change my keepers and prison , but not my captive condition , onely with this hope of bettering , that those who are so much professed patrons for the peoples liberties , cannot be utterly against the liberty of their king ; what they demand for their owne consciences , they cannot in reason deny to mine . in this they seem more ingenuous , than ●●e presbyterian rigour , who , sometimes complaining of exacting their conformity to laws , are become the greatest exactors of other mens submission to their novell injunctions , before they are stamped with the authority of lawes , which they cannot well have without my con●ent . 't is a great argument , that the independents think themselves manumitted from their rivals service , in that they carry on a businesse of such consequence , as the assuming my person into the armies custody , without any commission , but that of their owne will and power . such as will thus adventure on a king , must not be thought over-modest , or timerous to carry on any designe they have a mind to . their next motion menaces , and scares both the two houses and the city : which soone after acting over again that former part of tumultuary motions , ( never questioned , punished , or repented ) must now suffer for both ; and see their former sinne in the glasse of the present terrours and distractions . no man is ●o blind as not to see here●n the hand of divine justice ; they that by tumults first occa●ioned the raising of armies , must now be chastened by their owne army for new tumults . ●o ha●dly can men be content with one ●in , but adde sin to sin , till the latter punish the former ; such as were content to see me and many members of both houses driven away by the first unsuppressed tumults , are now forced to flie to an army , or defend themselves against them . but who can unfold the riddle of some mens justice ? the members of both houses who at first withdrew , ( as my self was forced to doe ) from the rudenesse of the tumults , were counted desertors , and outed of their places in parliament . such as stayed then , and enjoyed the benefit of the tumults , were asserted for the onely parliament-men : now the fliers from , and forsakers of their places , carry the parliamentary power along with them ; complaine highly against the tumults , and vindicate themselves by an army : such as remained and kept their stations , are looked upon as abettors of tumultuary insolencies , and betrayers of the freedome and honour of parliament . thus is power above all rule , order , and law ; where men look more to present advantages than their consciences , and the unchangeable rules of justice ; while they are judges of others , they are forced to condemn themselves . now the plea against tumults holds good , the authours and abbettors of them are guilty of prodigious insolencies ; when as before , they were counted as friends and necessary a●sistants . i see vengeance pursues and overtakes ( as the mice and rats are said to have done a bishop in germany ) them that thought to have escaped and fortified themselves most impregnably against it , both by their multitude and compliance . whom the laws cannot , god will punish , by their owne crimes and hands . i cannot but observe this divine justice , yet with sorrow and pity ; for , i alwaies wished so well to parliament and city , that i was sorry to see them doe , or suffer , any thing unworthy such great & considerable bodies in this kingdome . i was glad to see them onely scared and humbled , not broken by that shaking : i never had so ill a thought of those cities as to despaire of their loyalty to me ; which mistakes might eclipse , but i never believed malice had quite put out . i pray god the storme be yet wholly passed over them ; upon whom i look , as christ did sometime over ierusalem , as objects of my prayers and teares , with compassionate griefe , foreseeing those severer ●catterings which will certainly befall such as wantonly refuse to be gathered to their duty : fatall blindnesse frequently attending and punishing wilfulnesse , so that men shall not be able at last to prevent their sorrows who would not timely repent of their sins ; nor shall they be suffered to enjoy the comforts , who securely neglect the counsels belonging to their peace . they will find that brethren in iniquity are not farre from becomming insolent enemies , there being nothing harder then to keep ill men long in one mind . nor is it possible to gaine a faire period for those notions which go rather in a round and circle of fansie , than in a right line of reason tending to the law , the onely center of publique consistency ; whither i pray god at last bring all sides . which will easily be done , when we shall fully see how much more happy we are , to be subject to the knowne laws , than to the various wils of any men , seem they never so plausible at first . vulgar compliance with any illegall and extravagant waies , like violent motions in nature , soon grows weary of it self , and ends in a refractory ●ullennesse : peoples rebounds are oft in their faces , who first put them upon those violent strokes . for the army ( which is so far excusable , as they act according to souldiers principles , and interests , demanding pay and indempnity ) i think it necessary , in order to the publike peace that they should be satisfied , as far as is just ; no man being more prone to consider them than my self : though they have fought against me , yet i cannot but so farre esteem that valour & gallantry they have sometime shewed , as to wish i may never want such men to maintain my selfe , my lawes , and my kingdoms , in such a peace , as wherein they may enjoy the●r share and proportion as much as any men . but thou , o lord , who art perfect unity in a sacred trinity , in mercy behold those , whom thy iustice hath divided . deliver me from the strivings of my people , and make me to see how much they need my prayers and pity , who agreed to fight against me , and yet are now ready to fight against one another● to the continuance of my kingdomes distractions . discover to all sides the waies of peace , from which they have swarved : which consists not in the divided wills of parties , but in the poin● and due observation of the lawes . make me willing to go whither thou wilt lead me by thy providence ; and be thou ever with me , that i may see thy constancy in the worlds var●ety and changes . make me even such as thou wouldst have me , that i may at last enjoy that safety and tranquillity which thou alone canst give me. divert , i pray thee , o lord , thy heavy wrath justly hanging over those populous cities , whose plenty is prone to adde fewell to their luxury , their wealth to make them wanton , their multitudes tempting them to security , & their security exposing them to unexpected miseries . give them eyes to see , hearts to consider , wils to embrace , and courage to act those things which belong to thy glory and the publique peace , lest their calamity come upon them as an armed man. teach them , that they cannot want enemies who abound in sinne , nor shall they be long undisarmed and un●destroyed , who with a high hand persisting to fight against thee and the cleare convictions of their owne consciences , fight more against themselves , than ever they did against me. their sinnes exposing them to thy iustice , their riches to others injuries , their number to tumults , and their tumults to confusion . though they have with much forwardnesse helped to destroy me , yet let not my fall be their ruine● let me not so much consider , either what they have done , or i have suffered , ( chiefly at first by them ) as to forget to imitate my crucified redeemer , to plead their ignorance for their pardon ; and in my dying extremities to pray to thee o father to forgive them , for they knew not what they did . the teares they have denied me in my saddest condition , give them grace to bestow upon themselves , who the lesse they were for me , the more cause they have to weep for themselves . o let not my bloud be upon them and their children , whom the fraud and faction of some , not the malice of all , have excited to crucifie me. but thou , o lord , canst , and wilt ( as thou didst my redeemer ) both exalt and perfect me by my sufferings , which have mo●e in them of thy mercy , than of mans cruelty or thy owne justice . 27. to the prince of vvales . son , if these papers , with some others , wherein i have set down the private reflections of my conscience , and my most impartiall thoughts , touching the chiefe passages , which have been most remarkable , or disputed in my late troubles , come to your hands , to whom they are chiefly designed ; they may be so far usefull to you , as to state your judgement aright in what hath passed ; whereof , a pious is the best use can be made ; and they may also give you some directions , how to remedy the present distempers , and prevent ( if god will ) the l●ke for time to come . it is some kind of deceiving and lessening the injury of my long restraint , when i find my leisure and solitude have produced something worthy of my self , and usefull to you ; that neither you , nor any other , may hereafter measure my cause by the successe ; nor my judgment of things by my misfortunes ; which i count the greater by farre , because they have so farre lighted upon you , and some others , whom i have most cause to love as well as my self ; and of whose unmerited sufferings i have a greater sense then of mine own . but this advantage of wisedome you have above most princes ; that you have begun , and now spent some yeares of discretion , in the experience of troubles , and exercise of patience , wherein piety , and all vertues , both morall and politicall , are commonly better planted to a thriving ( as trees set in winter ) then in the warmth , and serenity of times ; or amidst those delights , which usually attend princes courts in times of peace and plenty ; which are prone , either to root up all plants of true vertue and honour ; or to be contented only with some leaves , and withering formalities of them , without any reall fruits , such as tend to the publick good ; for which princes should alwayes remember they are born and by providence desig●ed . the evidence of which different education the holy writ affords us in the contemplation of david and rehoboam : the one prepared , by many afflictions for a flourishing kingdom , the other softned by the unparalel'd prosperity of solomons court ; and so corrupted to the great diminution , both for peace , honour , and kingdome , by those flatteries , which are as unseparable from prosperous princes , as flies are from fruit in summer ; whom adversity , like cold weather , drives away . i had rather you should be charles le bow , then le grand , good , then great ; i hope god hath designed you to be both , having so early put you into that exercise of his graces , and gifts bestowed upon you , which may best weed out all vicious inclinations , and dispose you to those princely endowments , and employments , which will most gain the love , and intend the welfare of those , over whom god shall place you . with god i would have you begin and end , who is king of kings ; the soveraign disposer of the kingdomes of the world , who pulleth downe one , and setteth up another . the best government , and highest soveraignty you can attain to is , to be subject to him , that the scepter of his word and spirit may rule in your heart . the true glory of princes consists in advancing gods glory in the maintenance of true religion , and the churches good ; also in the dispensation of civill power , with justice and honour to the publick peace . piety will make you prosperous ; at least it will keep you from being miserable ; nor is he much a loser , that loseth all , yet saveth his owne soule at last . to which center of true happinesse god , i trust , hath and will graciously direct all these black lines of affliction , which he hath been pleased to draw on me , and by which he hath ( i hope ) drawn me nearer to himself . you have already tasted of that cup whereof i have liberally drank , which i look upon as gods physick , having that in healthfulnesse which it wants in pleasure . above all , i would have you , as i hope you are already ; well-grounded and setled in your religion : the best profession of which , i have ever esteemed that of the church of england , in which you have been educated ; yet i would have your own judgement and reason now seal to that sacred bond which education hath written , that it may be judiciously your own religion , and not other mens custome or tradition , which you professe . in this i charge you to persevere , as comming nearest to gods word for doctrine , and to the primitive examples for government , with some little amendment , which i have other where expressed , and often offered , though in vain . your fixation in matters of religion will not be not more necessary for your soules then your kingdomes peace , when god shall bring you to them . for i have observed , that the devill of rebellion , doth commonly turn h●mself into an angell of reformation ; and the old serpent can pretend new lights : when some mens consciences accuse them for sedition and faction , they stop its mouth with the name and noise of religion ; when piety pleads for peace and patience , they cry out zeale . so that , unlesse in this point you be well setled , you shall never want temptations to destroy you and yours , under pretensions of reforming matters of religion ; for that seemes , even to worst men , as the best and most auspicious beginning of their worst designes . where , besides the novelty which is taking enough with the vulgar , every one hath an affectation , by seeming forward to an outward reformation of religion , to be thought zealous ; hoping to cover those irreligious deformities , whereto they are conscious by aseverity of censuring other mens opinions or actions . take heed of abetting any factions , or applying to any publick discriminations in matters of religion , contrary to what is in your judgement , and the church well setled ; your partiall adhering , as head , to any one side , gaines you not so great advantages in some mens hearts ( who are prone to be of their kings religion ) as it los●th you in others ; who think themselves , and their profession first despised , then persecuted by you : take such a course as may either w th calmnes & charity quite remove the seeming differences and offences by impartiality , or so order affaires in point of power that you shal not need to fear or flatter any faction . for if ever you stand in need of them , or must stand to their courtesie , you are undone : the serpent will devour the dove : you may never expect lesse of loyalty , justice , or humanity , than from those , who engage into religious rebellion ; their interest is alwaies made gods ; under the colours of piety , ambitious policies march , not onely with greatest security , but applause , as to the populacy ; you may heare from them iacob's voice , but you shall feele they have esau's hands . nothing seemed lesse considerable than the presbyterian faction in england , for many yeares ; so compliant they were to publique order : nor indeed was their party great either in church , or state , as to mens judgments : but as soone as discontents drave men into sidings ( as ill humours fall to the disaffected mart , which causes inflamations ) so did all , at first , who affected any novelties , adhere to that side , as the most remarkable and specious note of difference ( then ) in point of religion . all the lesser factions at first were o●ficious servants to presbytery their great master : till time and military successe discovering to each their peculiar advantages , invited them to part stakes , and leaving the joynt stock of uniforme religion , pretended each to drive for their party the trade of profits and pre●erments , to the breaking and undoing not onely of the church and state , but even of presbytery it self , which seemed and hoped at first to have ingrossed all . let nothing seem little or despicable to you in matters which concerne religion and the churches peace , so as to neglect a speedy reforming and effectuall suppressing errours & schismes , which seem at first but as a hand-bredth , by seditious spirits , as by strong winds are soon made to cover and darken the whole heaven . when you have done justice to god , your owne soule and his church , in the profession and preservation both of truth and unity in religion : the next main hinge on which your prosperity will depend , and move , is , that of civill justice , wherein the setled laws of these kingdomes , to which you are rightly heire , are the most excellent rules you can governe by ; which by an admirable temperament give very much to subjects industry , liberty , and happinesse ; and yet reserve enough to the majesty and prerogative of any king , who ownes his people as subjects , not as slaves ; whose subjection , as it preserves their property , peace , and safety , so it will never diminish your rights , nor their ingenuous liberties ; which consists in the enjoyment of the fruits of their industry , and the benefit of those lawes to which themselves have consented . never charge your head with such a crowne , as shall by its heavinesse oppresse the whole body , the weaknesse of whose parts cannot returne any thing of strength , honour , or safety , to the head , but a necessary debilitation and ruine . your prerogative is best shewed , and exercised in remitting , rather than exacting the rigor of the lawes ; there being nothing worse than legall tyranny . in these two points , the preservation of established religion , and lawes , i may ( without vanity ) turne the reproach of my sufferings , as to the worlds censure , into the honour of a kind of martyrdome , as to the testimony of my owne conscience ; the troublers of my kingdomes having nothing else to object against me but this , that i preferre religion , and lawes established before those alterations they propounded . and so indeed i doe , and ever shall , till i am convinced by better arguments , than what hitherto have been chiefly used towards me , tumults , armies , and prisons . i cannot yet learne that lesson , nor i hope ever will you , that it is safe for a king to gratifie any faction with the perturbation of the lawes , in which is wrapt up the publique interest , and the good of the community . how god will deale with me , as to the removall of these pressures , & indignities , which his justice by the very unjust hands of some of my subjects , hath been pleased to lay upon me , i cannot tell : nor am i much solicitous what wrong i suffer from men , while i retaine in my soule , what i believe is right before god. i have offered all for reformation and safety , that in reason , honour , and conscience i can ; reserving onely what i cannot consent unto , without an irreparable injury to my own soule , the church , and my people , and to you also , as the next and undoubted heire of my kingdomes . to which if the divine providence , to whom no difficulties are insuperable , shall in his due time after my decease bring you , as i hope he will ; my counsell and charge to you , is , that you seriously consider the former , reall , or objected miscarriages , which might occasion my troubles , that you may avoid them . never repose so much upon any mans single counsell , fidelity , and discretion , in managing affaires of the first magnitude , ( that is , matters of religion and justice ) as to create in your selfe , or others , a diffidence of your owne judgment , which is likely to be alwaies more constant & impartiall to the interests of your crowne and kingdome than any mans . next , beware of exasperating any factions by the crosnesse , and asperity of some mens passions , humours , or private opinions , imployed by you , grounded onely upon the differences in lesser matters , which are but the skirts and suburbs of religion . wherein a charitable connivence and christian toleration often dissipates their strength , whom rougher opposition fortifies ; and puts the despised and oppressed party , into such combinations , as may most enable them to get a full revenge on those they count their persecutors , who are commonly assisted by that vulgar commiseration , which attends all , that are said to suffer under the notion of religion . provided the differences amount not to an insolent opposition of lawes , and government , or religion established , as to the essentials of them , such motions and minings are intolerable . alwaies keep up solid piety , and those fundamentall truths ( which mend both hearts and lives of men ) with impartiall favour and justice . take heed that outward circumstances and formalities of religion devoure not all , or the best incouragements of learning , industry , and piety ; but with an equall eye , and impartiall hand , distribute favours and rewards to all men , as you find them for their reall goodnesse both in abilities and fidelity worthy and capable of them . this will be sure to gaine you the hearts of the best , and the most too ; who , though they be not good themselves , yet are glad to see the severer waies of virtue at any time sweetned by temporall rewards . i have , you see , conflicted with different and opposite factions ; ( for so i must needs call and count all those , that act not in any conformity to the lawes established , in church and state ) no sooner have they by force subdued what they counted their common enemy , ( that is , all those that adhered to the lawes , and to me ) and are secured from that feare , but they are divided to so high a rivalry , as sets them more at defiance against each other , than against their first antagonists . time will dissipate all factions , when once the rough hornes of private mens covetous and ambitious designes , shall discover themselves ; which were at first wrapt up & hidden under the soft and smooth pretensions of religion , reformation , and liberty : as the wolfe is not lesse cruell , so he will be more justly hated , when he shall appeare no better than a wolfe under sheeps cloathing . but as for the seduced traine of the vulgar , who in their simplicity follow those disguises ; my charge and counsell to you , is , that as you need no palliations for any designes , ( as other men ) so that you study really to exceed ( in true and constant demonstrations of goodnesse , piety , and virtue , towards the people ) even all those men , that make the greatest noise and ostentations of religion ; so you shall neither feare any detection , ( as they doe , who have but the face and maske of goodnesse ) nor shall you frustrate the just expectations of your people ; who cannot in reason promise themselves so much good from any subjects novelties , as from the vertuous constancy of their king● when these mountaines of congealed factions shall by the sunshine of gods mercy , and the splendor of your virtues be thawed and dissipated ; and the abused vulgar shall have learned , that none are greater oppressours of their estates , liberties , and consciences , than those men , that entitle themselves , the patrones and vindicators of them , onely to usurp power over them ; let then no passion betray you to any study of revenge upon those , whose owne sinne and folly will sufficiently punish them in due time . but as soone as the forked arrow of factious emulations is drawn out , use all princely arts , and clemency to heale the wounds ; that the smart of the cure may not equall the anguish of the hurt . i have offered acts of indempnity , and oblivion ; to so great a latitude , as may include all , that can but suspect themselves to be any way obnoxious to the laws ; and which might serve to exclude all future jealousies and insecurities . i would have you alwaies propense to the same way , when ever it shall be desired and accepted , let it be granted , not onely as an act of state-policy and necessity , but of christian charity and choice . it is all i have now left me , a power to forgive those , that have deprived me of all ; and i thanke god , i have a heart to doe it ; and joy as much in this grace , which god hath given me , as in all my former enjoyments ; for this is a greater argument of gods love to me , than any prosperity can be . be confident ( as i am ) that the most of all sides , who have done amisse , have done so , not out of malice , but mis-information , or mis-apprehension of things . none will be more loyall and faithfull to me and you , than those subjects , who sensible of their errours , and our injuries , will feel in their owne soules most vehement motives to repentance ; and earnest desires to make some reparations for their former defects . as your quality sets you beyond any duell with any subject ; so the noblenesse of your mind must raise you above the meditating any revenge , or executing your anger upon the many . the more conscious you shall be to your owne merits , upon your people , the more prone you will be to expect all love and loyalty from them ; and to inflict no punishment upon them for former miscarriages : you will have more inward complacency in pardoning one , than in punishing a thousand . this i write to you , not despairing of gods mercy , and my subjects affections towards you ; both which , i hope you will study to deserve , yet we cannot merit of god , but by his owne mercy . if god shall see fit to restore me , and you after me , to those enjoyments , which the lawes have assigned to us ; and no subjects without an high degree of guilt and sinne can devest us of ; then may i have better opportunity , when i shall be so happy to see you in peace , to let you more fully understand the things that belong to gods glory , your ow● honour , and the kingdoms peace . but if you never see my face againe , and god will have me buried in such a barbarous imprisonment & obscurity , ( which the perfecting some mens designs require ) wherein few hearts that love me are permitted to exchange a word , or a look with me ; i doe require and entreat you as your father , and your king , that you never suffer your heart to receive the least check against , or disaffection from the true religion established in the church of england . i tell you i have tried it , and after much search , and many disputes , have concluded it to be the best in the world ; not onely in the community , as christian , but also in the speciall notion , as reformed ; keeping the middle way between the pomp of superstitious tyranny , and the meannesse of fantastique anarchy . not but that ( the draught being excellent as to the maine , both for doctrine and government , in the church of england ) some lines , as in very good figures , may happily need some sweetning , or polishing ; which might ●ere have easily been done by a safe and gentle hand ; if some mens precipitancy had not ●●olently demanded such rude alterations , as w●●ld have quite destroyed all the beauty and proportions of the whole . the scandall of the late troubles , which some may object , and urge to you against the protestant religion established in england , is easily answered to them , or your owne thoughts in this , that scarce any one who hath been a beginner , or an active prosecutor of this late warre against the church , the lawes , and me , either was , or is a true lover , embracer , or practiser of the protestant religion , established in england : which neither gives such rules , nor ever before set such ●xamples . 't is true , some heretofore had the boldnesse to present threatning petitions to their princes and parliaments , which others of the same faction ( but of worse spirits ) have now put in execution : but let not counterfeit and disorderly zeale abate your value and esteem of true piety , both of them are to be knowne by their fruits ; the sweetnesse of the wine & fig-tree is not to be despised , though the brambles and thornes should pretend to beare figs and grapes , thereby to rule over the trees . nor would i have you to entertain any aver●ation , or dislike of parliaments ; which in their right constitution with freedome and honour , will never injure or diminish your greatnesse , but will rather be as interchangings of love , loyalty , and confidence , between a prince , and his people . nor would the events of this black parliament have been other than such ( however much biassed by factions in the elections ) if it had been preserved from the insolencies of popular dictates , and tumultuary impressions : the sad effects of which will no doubt , make all parliaments after this more cautious to preserve that freedome , and honour , which belongs to such assemblies ( when once they have fully shaken off this yoke of vulgar encroachment ) since the publique interest consists in the mutuall and common good both of prince and people . nothing can be more happy for all , than in faire , grave , and honourable waies to contribute their counsels in common● enacting all things by publique consent ; without tyranny or tumults . we must not starve our selves , because some men have ●urfeited of wholsome food . and if neither i , nor you , be ever restored to our rights , but god in his severest justice , w●ll punish my subjects with continuance in their sinne , and suffer them to be deluded with the prosperity of their wickednesse ; i hope god will give me , and you , that grace , which will teach and enable us , to want , as well as to weare a crowne , which is not worth taking up , or enjoying upon ●ordid , dishonourable , and irreligious tearms . keep you to true principles of piety , vertue , and honour , you shall never want a kingdome . a principall point of your honour will consist in your deferring all respect , love , and protection to your mother , my wife ; who hath many waies deserved well of me , and chiefly in this , that ( having been a means to bless● me with so many hopefull children ; ( all which , with their mother , i recommend to your love , and care ) she hath been content with incomparable magnanimity and patience to suffer both for , and with me , and you. my prayer to god almighty is● ( whatever becomes of me , who am , i thank god , wrapt up and fortified in my own innocency , and his grace ) that he would be pleased to make you an anchor , or harbour rather , to these tossed and weather-beaten kingdomes ; a repairer by your wisdome , justice , piety , and valour , of what , the folly and wickednesse of some men have so farre ruined , as to leave nothing entire in church or state ; to the crown , the nobility , the clergy , or the commons ; either as to lawes , liberties , estates , order , honour , conscience , or lives . when they have destroyed me , ( for i know not how farre god may permit the malice and cruelty of my enemies to proceed , and such apprehensions some mens words and actions have already given me ) as i doubt not but my bloud will cry aloud for vengeance to heaven ; so i beseech god not to poure out his wrath upon the generality of the people , who have either deserted me , or engaged against me , through the artifice and hypocrisie of their leaders , whose inward horrour will be their first tormenter , nor will they escape exemplary judgments . for those that loved me , i pray god , they may have no misse of me , when i am gone ; so much i wish and hope , that all good subjects may be satisfied with the blessings of your presence and virtues . for those that repent of any defects in their duty toward me , as i freely forgive them in the word of a christian king , so i believe you will find them truly zealous , to repay with interest that loyalty and love to you , which was due to me. in summe , what good i intended , doe you performe ; when god shall give you power : much good i have offered , more i purposed to church & state , if times had been capable of it . the deception will soone vanish , and the v●zards will fall off apace ; this maske of religion on the face of rebellion ( for so it now plainly appears , since my restraint and cruell usage , that they sought not for me , as was pretended ) will not long serve to hide some mens deformities . happy times , i hope , attend you , wherein your subjects ( by their miseries ) will have learned , that religion to their god , and loyalty to their king , cannot be parted without both their sin and their infelicity . i pray god blesse you , and establish your kingdomes in righteousnesse , your soule in true religion , and your honour in the love of god and your people . and if god will have disloyalty perfected by my destruction ; let my memory ever , with my name , live in you ; as of your father , that loves you : and once a king of three flourishing kingdomes ; whom god thought fit to honour , not onely with the scepter and government of them , but also with the suffering many indignities , and an untimely death for them ; while i studied to preserve the rights of the church , the power of the lawes , the honour of my crowne , the priviledge of parliaments , the liberties of my people , and my owne conscience , which , i thank god , is dearer to me than a thousand kingdomes . i know god can , i hope he yet will restore me to my rights . i cannot despaire either of his mercy , or of my peoples love and pity . at worst , i trust i shall but go before you to a better kingdome , which god hath prepared for me , and me for it , through my saviour jesus christ , to whose mercies i commend you and all mine . farewell , till we meet , if not on earth , yet in heaven . meditations upon death , after the votes of non-addresses , and his majesties closer imprisonment in carisbrooke-castle . as i have leisure enough , so i have cause more than enough , to meditate upon , and prepare for my death : for i know , there are but few steps between the prisons and graves of princes . it is gods indulgence , which gives me the space , but mans cruelty , that gives me the sad occasions for these thoughts . for , besides the common burthen of mo●tality , which lies upon me , as a man ; i now bear the heavy load of other mens ambitions , fears , jealousies , and cruell passions , whose envy or enmity against me makes their owne lifes seem deadly to them , while i enjoy any part of mine . i thank god , my prosperity made me not wholly a stranger to the contemplations of mortality : those are never unseasonable , since this is alwaies uncertaine : death being an eclipse , which oft happeneth as well in clear , as cloudy daies . but my now long and sharp adversity hath so reconciled in me those naturall antipathies between life and death , which are in all men , that i thank god , the common terrors of it are dispelled ; and the speciall horrour of it , as to my particular , much allayed : for , although my death at present may justly be represented to me with all those terrible aggravations , which the policy of cruell and implacable enemies can put upon it , ( affaires being drawn to the very dregs of malice ) yet i blesse god , i can look upon all those stings , as unpoysonous , though sharp ; since my redeemer hath either pulled them out , or given me the antidote of his death against them ; which as to the immaturity , unjustice , shame , scorne , and cruelty of it exceeded , whatever i can feare . indeed , i never did find so much , the life of religion , the feast of a good conscience , and the brazen wall of a judicious integrity and constancy , as since i came ●o these closer conflicts with the thoughts of death . i am not so old , as to be weary of life ; nor ( i hope ) so bad , as to be either afraid to die , or ashamed to live : true , i am so afflicted , as might make me sometime even desire to die ; if i did not consider , that it is the greatest glory of a christians life to daily● in conquering by a lively faith , and patient hopes of a better life , those partiall and quotidian deaths , which kill us ( as it were ) by piece-meales , and make us overlive our owne fates ; while we are deprived of health , honour , liberty , power , credit , safety , or estate ; and those other comforts of dearest relations , which are as the life of our lives . though , as a king , i think my self to live in nothing temporall so much , as in the love and good-will of my people ; for which , as i have suffered many deaths , so i hope i am not in that point as yet wholly dead : notwithstanding , my enemies have used all the poyson of falsity and violence of hostility to destroy , first the love and loyalty , which is in my subjects ; and then all that content of life in me , which from these i chiefly enjoyed . indeed , they have left me but little of life , and only the husk and shell ( as it were ) which their further malice and cruelty can take from me ; having bereaved me of all those worldly comforts , for which life it self seems desirable to men . but , o my soule ! think not that life too long , or tedious , wherein god gives thee any opportunities , if not to doe , yet to suffer with such christian patience and magnanimity in a good cause , as are the greatest honour of our lives , and the best improvement of our deaths . i know that in point of true christian valour , it argues pusillanimity to desire to die out of wearinesse of life ; and a want of that heroick greatnesse of spirit which becomes a christian in the patient and generous sustaining those afflictions , which as shadows necessarily attend us , while we are in this body ; and which are lessened or enlarged as the sun of our prosperity moves higher , or lower : whose totall absence is best recompensed with the dew of heaven . the assaults of affliction may be terrible , like sampson's lyon , but they yeild much sweetnesse to those , that dare to encounter and overcome them ; who know how to overlive the witherings of their gourds without discontent or peevishnesse , while they may yet converse with god. that i must die as a man , is certain ; that i may die a king , by the hands of my own subjects , a violent , sodain , and barbarous death ; in the strength of my years ; in the midst of my kingdoms ; my friends and loving subjects being helplesse spectators ; my enemies insolent revilers and triumphers over me , living , dying , and dead , is so probable in humane reason , that god hath taught me not to hope otherwise , as to mans cruelty ; however , i despaire not of gods infinite mercy . i know my life is the object of the devils & wicked mens malice ; but yet under gods sole custody & disposall : whom i do not think to flatter for longer life by seeming prepared to die ; but i humbly desire to depend upon him , & to submit to his will both in life & death , in what order soever he is pleased to lay them out to me. i confesse it is not easie for me to contend with those many horrours of death , wherewith god suffers me to be tempted ; which are equally horrid , either in the suddennesse of a barbarous assasination ; or in those greater formalities , whereby my enemies ( being more solemnly cruell ) will , it may be , seeke to adde ( as those did , who crucified christ ) the mockery of justice , to the cruelty of malice : that i may be destroyed , as with greater pomp and artifice , so with lesse pity , it will be but a necessary policy to make my death appeare as an act of ●ustice , done by subjects upon their soveraigne ; who know that no law of god or man invests them with any power of judicature without me , much lesse against me : and who , being sworn and bound by all that is sacred before god and man , to endeavour my preservation , must pretend justice to cover their perjury . it is , indeed , a sad fate for any man to have his enemies to be accusers , parties , and judges ; but most desperate , when this is acted by the insolence of subjects against their soveraigne ; wherein those , who have had the chiefest hand , and are most guilty of contriving the publique troubles , must by shedding my bloud seem to wash their own hands of that innocent bloud , whereof they are now most evidently guilty before god and man ; and i believe in their owne consciences too , while they carried on unreasonable demands , first by tumults , after by armies . nothing makes meane spirits more cowardly-cruell in managing their usurped power against their lawfull superiours , than this , the guilt of their unjust usurpation ; notwithstanding , those specious and popular pretensions of justice against delinquents , applied onely to disguise at first the monstrousnesse of their designes , who despaired , indeed , of possessing the power and profits of the vineyard , till the heire , whose right it is , be cast out and slaine . with them , my greatest fault must be , that i would not either destroy my selfe with the church and state by my word , or not suffer them to doe it unresisted by the sword ; whose covetous ambition no concessions of mine could ever yet , either satisfie , or abate . nor is it likely they will ever think , that kingdome of brambles , which some men seek to erect ( at once , weak , sharp , and fruitlesse , either to god or man ) is like to thrive till watered with the royall bloud of those , whose right the kingdome is . well , gods will be done , i doubt not but my innocency will find him both my protectour , and my advocate , who is my onely judge , whom i owne as king of kings , not onely for the eminency of his power and majesty above them ; but also for that singular care and protection , which he hath over them : who knows them to be exposed to as many dangers ( being the greatest patrones of law , justice , order , and religion on earth ) as there be either men or devils , which love confusion . nor will he suffer those men long to prosper in their babel , who build it with the bones and cement it with the bloud of their kings . i am confident they will find avengers of my death among themselves : the injuries i have sustained from them shall be first punished by them , who agreed in nothing so much as in opposing me. their impatience to beare the loud cry of my bloud , shall make them think no way better to expiate it , than by shedding theirs , who with them , most thirsted after mine . the sad confusions following my destruction , are already presaged and confirmed to me by those i have lived to see since my troubles ; in which , god alone ( who onely could ) hath many waies pleaded my cause ; not suffering them to go unpunished , whose confederacy in sinne was their onely security ; who have cause to feare that god will both further divide , and by mutuall vengeance , afterward destroy them . my greatest conquest of death is from the power and love of christ , who hath swallow'd up death in the victory of his resurrection , and the glory of his ascension . my next comfort is , that he gives me not onely the honour to imitate his example in suffering for righteousnesse sake , ( though obscured by the foulest charges of tyranny and injustice ) but also , that charity , which is the noblest revenge upon , and victory over my destroyers : by which , i thank god , i can both forgive them , and pray for them , that god would not impute my bloud to them further then to convince them , what need they have of christs bloud to wash their soules from the guilt of shedding mine . at present , the will of my enemies seems to be their onely rule , their power the measure , and their successe the exactor , of what they please to call justice ; while they flatter themselves with the fancy of their owne safety by my danger , and the security of their lives designes by my death : forgetting , that as the greatest temptations to sinne are wrapped up in seeming prosperities , so the severest vengeances of god are then most accomplished , when men are suffered to compleat their wicked purposes . i blesse god , i pray not so much , that this bitter cup of a violent death may passe from me , as that of his wrath may passe from all those , whose hands by deserting me , are sprinkled , or by acting and consenting to my death are embrued with my bloud . the will of god hath confined , and concluded mine ; i shall have the pleasure of dying , without any pleasure of desired vengeance . this i think becomes a christian toward his enemies , and a king toward his subjects . they cannot deprive me of more than i am content to lose , when god sees fit by their hands to take it from me ; whose mercy i believe , will more then infinitely recompence what ever by mans injustice he is pleased to deprive me of . the glory attending my death will farre surpasse all i could enjoy , or conceive in life . i shall not want the heavy and envied crownes of this world , when my god hath mercifully crowned and consummated his graces with glory ; and exchanged the shadows of my earthly kingdomes among men , for the substance of that heavenly kingdome with himself . for the censures of the world ; i know the sharp and necessary tyranny of my destroyers will sufficiently confute the calumnies of tyranny against me ; i am perswaded i am happy in the judicious love of the ablest and best of my subjects , who doe not onely pity and pray for me , but would be content even to die with me , or for me . these know , how to excuse my failings , as a man , and yet to retaine , and pay their duty to me as their king ; there being no religious necessity binding any subjects by pretending to punish , infinitely to exceed , the faults and errours of their princes ; especially there , where more then sufficient satisfaction hath been made to the publike ; the enjoyment of which , private ambitions have hitherto frustrated . others , i believe , of sof●er tempers , and lesse advantaged by my ruine , doe already feel sharp convictions , and some remo●se in their consciences ; where they cannot but see the proportions of their evill dealings against me in the measure of gods retaliations upon them , who cannot hope long to enjoy their owne thumbs and toes , having under pretence of paring others nailes been so cruell as to cut off their chiefest strength . the punishment of the more insolent and obstinate may be l●ke that of korah & his complices ( at once mutining against both prince & priest ) in such a method of divine justice , as is not ordinary ; the earth of the lowest and meanest people opening upon them , and swallowing them up in a just disdaine of their ill-gotten and worse-used authority : upon whose support and strength they chiefly depended for their building and establishing their designes against me , the church , and state. my chiefest comfort in death consists in my peace , which i trust , is made with god ; before whose exact tribunal i shall not feare to appeare , as to the cause so long disputed by the sword , between me and my causlesse enemies : where i doubt not , but his righteous judgment will confute their fallacy , who from worldly successe ( rather like sophisters , than sound christians ) draw those popular conclusions for gods approbation of their actions ; whose wise providence ( we know ) oft permits many events , which his revealed word ( the onely cleare , safe and fixed rule of good actions and good consciences ) in no sort approves . i am confident the justice of my cause , and clearness of my conscience before god & toward my people will carry me , as much above them in gods decision , as their successes have lifted them above me in the vulgar opinion : who consider not , that many times those undertakings of men are lifted up to heaven in the prosperity and applause of the world , whose rise is from hell , as to the injuriousnesse and oppression of the designe . the prosperous winds which oft fill the sayles of pirats , doth not justifie their piracy and rapine . i look upon it with infinite more content and quiet of soule , to have been worsted in my enforced contestation for , and vindication of the laws of the land , the freedome and honour of parliaments , the rights of my crown , the just liberty of my subjects , and the true christian religion in its doctrine , government and due encouragements , then if i had , with the greatest advantages of successe , overborne them all ; as some men have now evidently done , whatever designes they at first pretended . the prayers and patience of my friends and loving subjects will contribute much to the sweetning of this bitter cup , which i doubt not but i shall more cheerfully take , and drink as from gods hand ( if it must be so ) than they can give it to me , whose hands are unjustly and barbarously lifted up aga●nst me . and , as to the last event , i may seem to owe more to my enemies , than my friends ; while those will put a period to the sinnes and sorrows attending this miserable life ; wherewith these desire , i might still contend . i shall be more than conquerour through christ enabling me ; for whom i have hitherto suffered : as he is the authour of truth , order , and peace ; for all which , i have been forced to contend against errour , faction , and confusion . if i must suffer a violent death , with my saviour , it is but mortality crowned with martyrdome● where the debt of death , which i owe for sinne to nature , shall be raised , as a gift of faith and patience offered to god. which i humbly beseech him mercifully to accept ; and although death be the wages of my owne sinne , as from god , and the effect of others sinnes , as men , both against god and me ; yet as i hope my own sinnes are so remitted , that they shall be no ingredients to imbitter the cup of my death , so i desire god to pardon their sins , who are most guilty of my destruction . the trophees of my charity will be more glorious and durable over them , than their ill-managed victories over me . though their sin be prosperous , yet they had need to be penitent , that they may be pardoned : both which , i pray god they may obtain ; that my temporall death unjustly inflicted by them , may not be revenged by gods just inflicting eternall death upon them : for i look upon the temporall destruction of the greatest king , as far lesse deprecable , than the eternall damnation of the meanest subject . nor do i wish other , than the safe bringing of the ship to shore , when they have cast me overboard ; though it be very strange , that mariners can find no other means to appease the storme , themselves have raised , but by drowning their pilot. i thank god , my enemies cruelty cannot prevent my preparation ; whose malice in this i shall defeat , that they shall not have the satisfaction to have destroyed my soul with my body ; of whose salvation , while some of them have themselves seemed , and taught others to despaire , they have only discover'd this , that they do not much desire it . whose uncharitable and cruell restraints , denying me even the assistance of any of my chaplains , hath rather enlarged , than any way obstructed my accesse to the throne of heaven . where thou dwellest , o king of kings ; who fillest heaven and earth , who art the fountaine of eternall life , in whom is no shadow of death . thou o god art both the just afflicter of death upon us , and the mercifull saviour of us in it , and from it . yea , it is better for us to be dead to our selves , ●nd live in thee ; than by living in our selves to be deprived of thee . o make the many bitter aggravations of my death as a man , and a king , the opportunities and advantages of thy speciall graces and comf●rts in my soule , as a christian. if thou lord wilt be with me , i shall neither feare nor feel any evill , though i walke through the valley of the shadow of death . to cont●nd with death is the worke of a weake and mortall m●n ; to overcome it , is the grace of thee alone , who art the almighty and immortall god. o my saviour , who knowest what it is to die with me , as a man ; make me to know what it is to passe through death to life with thee my god. though i die , yet i know , that thou my redee●er livest for ever : though thou slayest me , yet thou hast incouraged me to trust in thee for eternall life . o withdraw not thy favour from me , which is ●●tter than life . o be not farre from me , for i know not how neer a violent and cruell death is to me . as thy omniscience , o god , discovers , so thy omnipotence can defeat the designes of those , who have , or shall conspire my destruction . o shew me the goodnesse of thy will , through the wickednesse of theirs . thou givest me leave ●s a man to pray , that this cup may passe from me ; but thou hast taught me as a christian by the example of christ t● adde , not my will , but thine be done . yea lord , let our wills be one , by wholly resolving mine into thine : let not the desire ●f life in me be so great , as that of doing or suffering thy ●ill in either life or death . as i believe thou hast forgiven all the errours of my life , so i hope thou wilt save me from the terrours of my death . make me content to leave the worlds nothing , that i may come really t● enjoy all in thee , wh● hast made christ unto me in life , gaine ; and in death , advantage . though my destroyers forget their duty t● thee and me , yet doe not thou , o l●rd , forget to be mercifull to them . for , what profit is there in my bloud , or in their gaining my kingdomes , if they lose their owne s●ules ? such as have not onely resisted my just power , but wholly usurped and turned it against my self , though they may deserve , yet let them not receive to themselves damna●ion . thou madest thy sonne a saviour to many , that crucified him , while at once he suffered violently by them , and yet willingly for them . o let the voice of his bloud be heard for my murtherers , louder than the cry of mine against them . prepare them for thy mercy by due convicti●ns of their sinne , and let them not at once deceive and damne thei● owne soules by fallacious pretensions of iustice in destroying me , while the conscience of their unjust usurpation of power against me , chiefly tempts them to use all extremities against me . o lord , thou knowest i have found their mercies to me as very false , so very cruell ; who pretending to preserve me , have meditated nothing but my ruine . o deale not with them as bloud-thirsty and de●eitfull men ; but overcome their cruelty with thy compassion and my charity . and when thou makest inquisition for my bloud , o sprinkle their polluted , yet penitent soules with the bloud of thy sonne , that thy destroying angel may passe over them . though they think my kingdomes on earth too little to entertaine at once both them and me , yet let the capacious kingdome of thy infinite mercy at last receive both me and my enemies . when being reconciled to thee in the bloud of the same redeemer , we shall live farre above these ambitious desires , which beget such mortall enmities . when their hands shall be heaviest , and cruellest upon me , o let me fall into the armes of thy tender and eternall mercies . that what is cut off my life in this miserable moment , may be repaied in thy ever-blessed eternity . lord , let thy servant depart in peace , for my eyes have seen thy salvation . vota dabunt , quae bella negârunt . finis . charls by the grace of god, king of scotland ... for-sa-meikle as we are not ignorant of the great disorders which haue happened of late within this our ancient kingdome of scotland, occasioned, as is pretended, vpon the introduction of the service booke, booke of canons, and high commission, thereby fearing innovation of religion and laws ... scotland. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) 1638 approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a11707 stc 21997 estc s2325 23273560 ocm 23273560 26489 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a11707) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 26489) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1803:27) charls by the grace of god, king of scotland ... for-sa-meikle as we are not ignorant of the great disorders which haue happened of late within this our ancient kingdome of scotland, occasioned, as is pretended, vpon the introduction of the service booke, booke of canons, and high commission, thereby fearing innovation of religion and laws ... scotland. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. e. raban, [aberdeen : 1638] second pt. of title from text. imprint suggested by stc (2nd ed.). "given at our court of greenwich, the twentie eyght day of june, and of our reygne the thirteenth yeare. 1638." reproduction of original in the town house (aberdeen, scotland). charter room. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng scotland -history -charles i, 1625-1649. scotland -church history -17th century. scotland -proclamations. 2007-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-09 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-09 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion crown charls , by the grace of god , king of scotland , england , france , and ireland , defender of the fayth , to our lovits , heraulds , messengers , our shyreffs , in that part , conjunctlie and severallie , speciallie constitute greeting . for-sa-meikle as we are not ignorant of the great disorders , which haue happened of late within this our ancient kingdome of scotland , occasioned , as is pretended , vpon the introduction of the service booke , booke of canons , and high commission , thereby fearing innovation of religion and laws . for satisfaction of which feares , we well hoped , that the two proclamations of the eleventh of december , and nineteenth of februarie , had beene aboundantlie fufficient : neverthelesse , finding that disorders haue daylie so increased , that a powerfull rather than perswasiue way , might haue beene justlie expected from us : yet wee out of our innatiue indulgence to our people , grieving to see them run themselues so headlong into ruine , are graciouslie pleased to trye , if by a fayre way wee can reclayme them from their faults , rather than to let them perish in the same . and therefore , once for all , wee haue thought fit to declare , and hereby to assure all our good people , that we neyther were , are , nor by the grace of god ever shall bee stained with popish superstition : but by the contrarie , are resolved to maintaine the true protestant christian religion alreadie profest within this our ancient kingdome . and for farther clearing of scruples , wee doe heereby assure all men , that wee will neither now nor heereafter presse the practice of the foresayde canons and service booke , nor anie thing of that nature , but in such a faire and legall way , as shall satisfie all our loving subjects , that wee neyther intende innovation in religion or laws . and to this effect haue given order , to discharge all acts of counsell made thereanent . and for the high commission , we shall so rectifie it with the helpe of advice of our privie counsell , that it shall never impugne the lawes , nor bee a just grievance to our loyall subjects . and what is farder fitting to be agitate in generall assemblies and parliament , for the good and peace of the kirke , and peaceable government of the same , in establishing of the religion presently profest , shall likewise be taken into our royal consideration , in a free assemblie & parliament , which shall be indicted & called with our best conveniencie . and we hereby take god to witnesse , that our true meaning and intention is , not to admit of anie innovations eyther in religion or lawes , but carefullie to mayntayne the puritie of religion alreadie profest and established , and nowayes to suffer our lawes to be infrindged . and although we cannot bee ignorant , that there may be some disaffected persons , who will stryue to possesse the hearts of our good subjects , that this our gracious declaration is not to be regarded : yet we doe expect , that the behaviour of all our good and loyall subjects will be such , as may giue testimonie of their obedience , and how sensible they are of our grace and favour , that thus passeth over their misdemeanors ; and , by their future carriage , make appeare , that it was onlie feare of innovation , that hath caused the disorders which haue happened of late within this our ancient kingdome : and are confident , that they will not suffer themselues to bee seduced , and missled , to misconstrue us , or our actions ; but rest heartilie satisfied with our pious and reall intentions , for mayntenance of the trve religion , and lawes of this kingdome . wherefore , wee requyre , and heartilie wish all our good people , carefullie to advert to these dangerous suggestions ; and not to permit themselues , blindlie , vnder pretext of religion , to be led in disobedience , and draw on , infinitelie to our griefe , their owne ruine ; which wee haue , and still shall stryue , to saue them from , so long as we see not royall authoritie shaken off : and most vnwillinglie shall make vse of that power which god hath endewed us with , for reclayming of disobedient people . our will is herefore , and we charge you straytlie , and command , that incontinent these our letters seene , you passe to the market-crosse of our burgh of edinbvrgh , and all other places needfull ; and there , by open proclamation , make publication hereof , to all and sundrie our good subjects , wherethrough none pretend ignorance of the same . the which to doe , wee commit to you conjunctlie and severallie , our full power , by these our letters ; delivering the same , by you duelie executed and indorced , agayne to the bearer . given at our court of greenwich , the twentie eyght day of june , and of our reygne the thirteenth yeare . 1638. per regem . two letters of his sacred maiesty, one, in vindication of him, touching the irish affaires; the other, concerning the late mis-interpretation of one maine passage in his late letters. bristol, george digby, earl of, 1612-1677. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a67885 of text r200243 in the english short title catalog (wing c2851). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 7 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a67885 wing c2851 estc r200243 99861049 99861049 113176 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a67885) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 113176) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 49:e298[31]) two letters of his sacred maiesty, one, in vindication of him, touching the irish affaires; the other, concerning the late mis-interpretation of one maine passage in his late letters. bristol, george digby, earl of, 1612-1677. charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. [2], 6 p. printed by leonard lichfield, printer to the universitie., oxford: [i.e. london] : 1645. although attributed to charles i, the first letter is in fact by lord george digby, who has signed it in "two remarkable letters concerning the kings correspondence with the irish rebels" (wing b4785; madan 1810); the second, addressed to nicholas, is signed: c.r. the imprint is false; "issued in london, .. a counterfeit"--madan. annotation on thomason copy: "sept: 3d". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng charles -i, -king of england, 1600-1649 -early works to 1800. ireland -history -1625-1649 -early works to 1800. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649. great britain -religion -17th century. a67885 r200243 (wing c2851). civilwar no two letters of his sacred maiesty, one, in vindication of him, touching the irish affaires; the other, concerning the late mis-interpretatio bristol, george digby, earl of 1645 1148 1 0 0 0 0 0 9 b the rate of 9 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2000-00 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2001-11 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2001-12 tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread 2001-12 tcp staff (michigan) text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion two letters of his sacred maiesty , one , in vindication of him , touching the irish affaires ; the other , concerning a late mis-interpretation of one maine passage in his late letters . oxford : printed by leonard lichfield , printer to the universitie . 1645. two letters of his sacred maiestie , &c. my lords and gentlemen . his majestie having long expected a conclusion of a happie peace within that kingdome , and his affaires having highly suffered by the faylure of his expectations from thence , cannot chuse but wonder what cause is of it ; calling to mind those faire professions and promises which you made unto him , when you were imployed here as agents , and knowing well what powers and instructions he hath long since given my lord lieutenant to comply with you for your satisfaction , as farre forth as with any reason or honour his majestie could in civill things , or with prudence , or conscience , in matters of religion ; and in this latter , as to the utmost of what for any wordly consideration , hee will ever be induced unto : so did he conceive it nothing lesse , then what you declared unto him , you were perswaded the catholiques would be satisfied withall ; nay , ought not in their owne interests , to seeke more in the present condition his majestie was in , lest any further concessions might by confirming former scandalls cast upon his majestie in matters of religion , so alienate the hearts of his faithfull and loyall adherents , as to make them abandon him , which as yet would draw inevitable ruine upon him ; so were you rightly apprehensive , that when the rebells should by that meanes have prevailed here , it must soone after bring a certaine destruction upon your selves ; what your change of principles , or resolutions are , his majestie knowes not : but he findes , by the not concluding of a peace there , that your partie ( it seemes ) is not satisfied with the utmost that his majestie can grant in matters of religion ; that is , the taking away of the penall lawes against roman catholiques within that kingdome : and his majestie heares that you insist upon the demands of churches , for the publique exercise of your religion , which is the occasion that his majestie hath commanded me to write thus frankly unto you , and to tell you , that he cannot believe it possible , that rationall and prudent men ( had there beene no propositions made to the contrary ) can insist upon that , which must needs be so destructive to his majestie at the present , and to your selves , in the consequences of his ruine ; that is , inevitably to be made a prey to the rebells of these kingdomes , or to a forraine nation . wherefore , ( my lords and gentlemen ) to disabuse you , i am commanded by his majestie to declare unto you , that were the condition of his affaires much more desperate then it is , hee would never redeeme them by any concession of so much wrong , both to his honour , and conscience . it is for the defence of his religion principally , that he hath undergone the extremities of warre here , and hee will never redeeme his crowne by sacrificing of it there : so that to deale clearely with you , you may be happie your selves , and be happie instruments of his majesties restoring , if you will be contented with reason , and give him that speedie assistance which you well may ; and so if nothing will content you , but what must wound his honour , and conscience , you must expect , that how low soever his condition is , and how detestable soever the rebells of this kingdome are to him , hee will in that poynt joyne with them , the scots , or with any of the protestant profession , , rather then doe the least act that may hazard that religion , in which , and for which , hee will live and die . having said thus much by his majesties command , i have no more to adde , but that i shall thinke my selfe very happie , if this take any such effect as may tend to the peace of that kingdome , and make me your affectionate humble servant , 1. august , 1645. cardiffe , the 4. of august , 1645. nicholas , having commanded your fellow secretary to give you a full accompt , as well of our proceedings here as resolutions , i will neither trouble you nor my selfe with repetitions ; onely for my selfe , i must desire you to let everie one know , that no distresse● of fortune whatsoever , shall make me by the grace of god , in any thing recede from those grounds i layd downe to you , who were my commissioners at uxbridge , and which ( i thanke them ) the rebells have published in print : and though i could have wished that their paines had beene spared , yet i will neither denie that those things are mine which they have set out in my name ( onely some words here and there mistaken , and some comma's misplaced , but not much materiall ) nor as a good protestant or honest man , blush for any of those papers : indeed as a discreet man i will not justifie my selfe , and yet i would faine know him who would be willing , that the freedome of all his private letters were publikely seene as mine have now beene . however , so that one clause bee rightly understood , i care not much though the rest take their fortune ; it is concerning the mungrell parliament : the truth is , that sussex his factiousnesse at that time put mee somewhat out of patience , which made me freely vent my displeasure against those of his partie to my wife , and the intention of that phrase was , that his faction did what they could to make it come to that , by their raysing and fomenting of base propositions . this is clearely evidenced by my following excuse to her for suffering those people to trouble her , the reason being to eschew those greater inconveniencies which they had , and were more likely to cause here then there . i am now going to supper , and so i rest your most assured friend , c. r. finis . by the king, a proclamation for the avoyding of all intercourse betweene his maiesties royall court and the cities of london and westminster, and places adioyning england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) 1625 approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a22389 stc 8804.7 estc s2605 24358174 ocm 24358174 27572 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a22389) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 27572) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1850:44) by the king, a proclamation for the avoyding of all intercourse betweene his maiesties royall court and the cities of london and westminster, and places adioyning england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. by i.l. and w.t. for bonham norton and iohn bill ..., printed at oxford : 1625. "giuen at our court at salisbury the seuenteenth day of october, in the first yeare of our raigne of great brittaine, france, and ireland." reproduction of original in the harvard university. library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng plague -england. proclamations -great britain. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. great britain -politics and government -1625-1649. 2003-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-05 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-06 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2003-06 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-08 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion by the king . a proclamation for the avoyding of all intercourse betweene his maiesties royall court , and the cities of london and vvestminster , and places adioyning . his maiesty hauing taken a resolution that himselfe and his royall consort the queene and their courts shall very shortly remoue first to his castle of vvindsor , and after to his honour of hampton-court , and there to settle : and foreseeing that the vicinity of those places to the cities of london and westminster , and the suburbs thereof , and the borough of southwarke & towne of lambeth , which long haue been , and yet are so grievously infected with the plague , is apt to draw an intercourse betweene those cities and places & the court , which may bring extreame perill to the sacred persons of their royall maiesties , vnlesse it be very carefully avoyded . for the preventing therfore of so great & so apparant a danger , wherin all his maiesties good and louing subiects haue so large an interest . his maiesty doth straitly charge and command , that no person or persons of what degree or quality soeuer doe presume to goe or repaire directly or indirectly from the said citie of london or westminster , or either of them , or the suburbs of them , or the borrough of southwarke or towne of lambeth vnto the court , or to goe from the court vnto the said cities of london or westminster , or the suburbs of them , or the said borrough of southwarke , or towne of lambeth , or either , or any of them , and returne backe to the court againe vpon paine of his maiesties heavy displeasure , and of such further punishment as can by law or by his maiesties prerogatiue royall be inflicted vpon them for so high a contempt . and if any servant to his maiesty , or to the queene his royall consort in any office or place whatsoeuer , shall offend herein , and either in their owne person haue recourse to and fro , or wittingly suffer any other to haue recourse or accesse vnto them from those cities or suburbs thereof , or places aforesaid , his maiesty doth hereby signifie and publish his determinate purpose and resolution , that euery such offender shall not onely ipso facto forfeit and loose the office or place he holdeth , without any hope or expectation of favour now or at any time hereafter , but shall also incurre the heaviest and severest punishment which can be inflicted vpon them . and his maiesty doth straitly charge and command all his louing subiects to be carefull in the due execution of his royall will and pleasure herein , not onely in their owne persons , but in all others as much as in them lieth , and this to be strictly observed and continued vntill his maiesty shall see cause to inlarge this restraint againe , giuen at our court at salisbury the seuenteenth day of october , in the first yeare of our raigne of great brittaine , france , and ireland . god saue the king. printed at oxford by i. l. and w. t. for bonham norton and iohn bill , printers to the kings most excellent maiestie . 1625. a view of the nevv directorie and a vindication of the ancient liturgie of the church of england in answer to the reasons pretended in the ordinance and preface, for the abolishing the one, and establishing the other. hammond, henry, 1605-1660. 1646 approx. 323 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 61 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2006-06 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a70321 wing h614b estc r2266 12412051 ocm 12412051 61555 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a70321) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 61555) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 741:3, 892:2 or 1702:2) a view of the nevv directorie and a vindication of the ancient liturgie of the church of england in answer to the reasons pretended in the ordinance and preface, for the abolishing the one, and establishing the other. hammond, henry, 1605-1660. charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i). proclamation commanding the use of the booke of common prayer. the third edition. [12], 106 p. printed by henry hall ..., oxford [oxfordshire] : 1646. attributed to henry hammond. cf. nuc pre-1956. caption title: by the king, a proclamation commanding the use of the booke of common-prayer ... p. [3]-[6] this item is incorrectly identified in the reel guides at reels 741:3 and 892:2 as wing h614. reproduction of originals in union theological seminary library, new york and huntington library. includes bibliographical references. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng westminster assembly (1643-1652). -directory for the publique worship of god. church of england. -book of common prayer. church of england -liturgy -controversial literature. 2005-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-12 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-01 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2006-01 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a view of the new directorie , and a vindication of the ancient liturgie of the church of england . in answer to the reasons pretended in the ordinance and preface , for the abolishing the one , and establishing the other . the third edition . oxford , printed by henry hall , printer to the university . 1646. by the king . a proclamation commanding the use of the booke of common-prayer according to law , notwithstanding the pretended ordinances for the new directory . whereas by a printed paper , dated the third of ianuary last past , intituled , an ordinance of parliam●●t for taking away the book of common-prayer , and for establishing and putting in execution of the directory for the publique worship of god ; it is said to be ordained among other things , that the book of common-prayer should not remain , or be from thenceforth used in any church , chappell or place of publique worship within the kingdome of england or dominion of wales ; and that the directory for publique worship in that printed paper set forth , should be from thenceforth used , pursued , and observed in all exercises of publique worship of god in every congregation , church , chappell , and place of publique worship . and by another printed paper , dated the 23. day of august last past , intituled , all ordinance of the lords and commons assembled in parliament , for the more effectuall putting in execution the directory for publique worship , &c. particular directions are set down for the dispersing , publishing , and use of the said directory , in all parishes , chappelries , and donatives , and for the calling in and suppressing of all books of common-prayer , under severall forfeitures and penalties to be levyed and imposed upon conviction before iustices of assize , or of over and terminer , and of the peace , as by the said two printed papers may appeare . and taking into our consideration , that the book of common prayer , which is endeavoured thus to be abolished , was compiled in the times of reformation , by the most learned and pious men of that age , and defended and confirmed with the martyrdome of many ; and was first established by act of parliament in the time of king edward the sixth , and never repealed or laid aside , save only in that short time of queen maries reign , upon the returne of popery and superstition ; and in the first yeare of queen elizabeth , it was again revived and established by act of parliament , and the repeale of it then declared by the whole parliament , to have béen to the great decay of the due honour of god , and discomfort to the professors of the truth of christs religion : and ever since it hath béen used and observed for above fourescore yeares together , in the best times of peace and plenty that ever this kingdome enjoyed ; and that it conteines in it an excellent forme of worship and service of god , grounded upon holy scriptures , and is a singular meanes and helpe to devotion in all congregation , and that , or some other of the like forme , simply necessary in those many congregations , which cannot be otherwise supplyed by learned and able men , and kéeps up an uniformity in the church of england ; and that the directory , which is sought to be introduced , is a meanes to open the way , and give the liberty to all ignorant factious or evill men , to broach their own fancies and conceits , be they never so wicked and erroneous ; and to mis , lead people into sin and rebellion , and to utter those things , even in that which they make for their prayer in their congregations as in gods presence , which no conscientious man can assent or say amen to . and be the minister never so pious and religious , yet it will breake that uniformity which hitherto hath béen held in gods service , and be a meanes to raise factions and divisions in the church ; and those many congregations in this kingdome , where able and religious ministers cannot be maintained , must be left destitute of all helpe or meanes for their publique worship and service of god : and observing likewise , that no reason is given for this alteration , but only inconvenience alleadged in the generall ( and whether pride and avarice be not the ground , whether rebellion and destruction of monarchy be not the intention of some , and sacriledge and the churches possessions the aymes and hopes of others , and these new directories , the meanes to prepare and draw the people in for all , wée leave to him who searches and knowes the hearts of men , ) and taking into our further consideration , that this alteration is introduced by colour of ordinances of parliament made without and against our consent , and against an expresse act of parliament still in force , and the same ordinances made as perpetuall binding lawes , inflicting penalties and punishments , which was never , before these times , so much as pretended to have been the use or power of ordinances of parliament , without an expresse act of parliament , to which wée are to be parties . now lest our silence should be interpreted by some as a connivance or indifferency in us , in a matter so highly concerning the worship and service of god , the peace and unity of the church and state , and the establish'd lawes of the kingdome , wée have therefore thought fit to publish this our proclamation ; and wée do hereby require and command all and singular ministers in all cathedrall and parish-churches , and other places of publique worship , within our kingdome of england or dominion of wales ; and all other to whom it shall appertaine , that the said booke of common-prayer be kept and used in all churches , chappels , and places of publique worship , according to the said statute made in that behalfe in the said first yeare of the said late quéen elizabeth ; and that the said directory be in no sort admitted , received , or used , the said pretended ordinances , or any thing in them conteined to the contrary notwithstanding . and wee do hereby let them know , that whensoever it shall please god to restore us to peace , and the lawes to their due course ( wherein wée doubt not of his assistance in his good time ) wée shall require a strict account and prosecution against the breakers of the said law , according to the force thereof . and in the meane time , in such places where wée shall come , and find the booke of common-prayer supprest and laid aside , and the directory introduced , wée shall account all those that shall be ayders , actors or contrivers therein , to be persons disaffected to the religion and lawes established : and this they must expect , besides that greater losse which they shall sustain by suffering themselves thus to be deprived of the use and comfort of the said booke . given at our court at oxford this thirteenth day of november , in the one and twentieth yeare of our raigne . 1645. god saue the king . a preface to the ensuing discou●se . sect 1 that the liturgy of the church of england , which was at first as it were written in bloud , at the least sealed , and delivered downe to us by the martyrdom of most of the compilers of it , should ever since be daily solicited , and call'd to the same stage and theatre , to fill up what was behinde of the sufferings of those fathers , is no strange or new piece of oeconomy in the church of god. this proposition i shall take liberty briefly to prove by way of introduction to the ensuing discourse , and shall hope that you will acknowledge it with me , if you but consider these severalls . sect 2 1. that there is not a surer evidence and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by which to discerne the great excellency of moderation in that booke , and so the apportionatenesse of it , to the end to which it was designed , then the experience of those so contrary fates , which it hath constantly undergone , betwixt the persecutors on both extreame parts , the assertors of the papacy on the one side , and the consistory on the other , the one accusing it of schisme , the other of complyance , the one of departure from the church of rome , the other of remaining with it , like the poore greeke church , our fellow martyr , devoured by the turke for too much christian profession ; and damn'd by the pope for too little , it being the dictate of naturall reason in aristotle , ( whose rules have seldome failed in that kinde since hee observed them ) that , the middle vertue is most infallibly knowne by this , that it is accused by either extreame as guilty of the other extreame : that the true liberality of mind is by this best exemplified , that it is defamed by the prodigall for parsimony , and by the niggard for prodigality , by which ( by the way ) that great blocke of offence , which hath scandalized so many , will be in part removed , and the reproaches so continually heaped upon this booke , will to every discerning judge of things , passe for as weake an unconcluding argument of guilt in it , as the scarres of a military man doth of his cowardice , or the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the every topicke of rayling rhetorick , mal. 5. of the unchristiannesse of the person on whom they are powred out . sect 3 2. that ever since the reproaches of men have taken confidence to vent themselves against this booke , there hath nothing but aire and vapour been vomited out against it , objections of little force to conclude any thing , but onely the resolute contumacious , either ignorance , or malice of the objectors , which might at large be proved , both by the view of all the charges that former pamphlets have produced , all gathered together and vindicated by mr. hooker , and that no one charge of any crime , either against the whole , or any part of it , which this directory hath offered ; which as it might in reason , make such an act of malice more strange , so will it to him that compares this matter with other practises of these times , ( whose great engine hath beene the calumniari fortiter the gaining credit by the violence of the cry , when it could not be had by the validity of the proofes , most men being more willing to believe a calumnie , then to examine it ) make it but unreasonable to wonder at it ; it being an experiment of daily observation , that those which have no crime of which they are accusable , are therefore not the lesse , but the more vehemently accused , prosecuted , and dragg'd to execution , that the punishment may prove them guilty , which nothing else could , it being more probable in the judgement of the multitude , ( who especially are considered now adaies , as the instruments to act our great designes ) that a nocent person should plead not guilty , then an innocent bee condemned , which prejudice , as it might bee pardon'd from the charity wherein 't is grounded , that they who are appointed to punish vilenesses , will not be so likely to commit them , so being applyed to usurping judges , ( whose very judging is one crime , and that no way avowable , but by making use of more injustices ) will prove but a piece of turcisme , which concludes all things honest , that prove successefull , or of the moderne divinity in the point of scandall , which makes it a sufficient exception against any indifferent usage , that it is by some excepted against , a competent cause of anger , that men are angry as it though never so without a cause . sect 4 3. that it hath been constantly the portion , and prerogative of the best things ( as of the best men ) to be under the crosse , to have their good things of this world 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , with persecutions , mar. 10. 30. and so no strange thing that that which is alwaies a dealing with the crosse , should be sometimes a panting , and gasping under it ; there was never any surer evidence of the cleannesse of a creature amongst the jewes , then that it was permitted to be sacrificed , the lamb , and the turtle emblemes of innocence , and charity , and the other christian virtues , were daily slaughter'd and devoured , while the swine , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and all the uncleaner creatures were denied that favour , placed under a kind of anathema , or excommunication sentence , of such it was not lawfull , no not to eate ; and so it must be expected in the anti-type , that all the heat of the satanicall impression , all the fire of zeale , the sentence to be sacrificed , and devoted , should fall as now it doth , on this lambe-like , dove-like creature , of a making not apt to provoke any man to rage , or quarrell , or any thing , but love of communion , and thankesgiving to god for such an inestimable donative . sect 5 4. that a liturgy being found by the experience of all ancient times , as a necessary hedge , and mound to preserve any profession of religion , and worship of god in a nationall church , it was to be expected that the enemy and his instruments , which can call destruction mercy , embroyling of our old church the founding of a new ( we know who hath told one of the houses of this parliament so , that they have laid a foundation of a church among us , which if it signify any thing , imports that there was no church in this kingdome before that session ) should also think the destroying of all liturgy , the only way of security to gods worship , the no-forme being as fitly accommodated to no-church , as the no-hedge , no-wall to the common , or desert , the no-inclosure to the no-plantation . sect 6 5. that the eradication of episcopacy , first voted , then acted , by the ordination of presbyters by presbyters without any bishop , which begun to be practised in this kingdome , about the end of the last year , was in any reason to be accounted prooemiall and preparatory to some farther degree of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or disorder , and to be attended by the abolition of the liturgy in the beginning of this new year , ( episcopacy and liturgy being like the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , among the aegyptians , this daughter to attend that mother , as among the barbarians when their prince dyed , some of the noblest were constantly to bear him company out of the world , not to mourn for , but to dye with him . ) a thing that the people of this kingdome could never have been imagined low or servile enough to bear or endure ( i am sure within few years they that sate at the sterne of action conceived so , and therefore we fain by declaration , to disavow all such intention of violence ) till by such other assayes and practises and experiments , they were found to be , satis ad servitutem parati , sufficiently prepared for any thing that was servile , almost uncapable of the benefit or reliefe of a jubilee , like the slave in exodus , that would not go out free , but required to be bored thorow the eare by his master , to be a slave for ever . sect 7 6. that it is one profest act of gods secret wisedome , to make such tryalls as this , of mens fidelity , and sense , and acknowledgment of his so long indulged favours , to see who will sincerely mourn for the departing of the glory from israel , whether there be not some that ( with the captive trojan women in homer , who wept so passionatly at the fall of patroclus , but made that publike losse the season to powre out their private griefes ) are sensible of those sufferings of the church only wherein their interests are involved , and more neerly concerned ; whether not some that count the invasion of the revenues of the church a sacriledge , a calamity , and sinne unparallell'd , but think the abolition of the liturgy unconsiderable , a veniall sin and misery ? whether that wherein gods glory is joyned with any secular interest of our own , that which makes the separation betwixt christ and mammon , may he allowed any expression of our passion or zeale , i. e. in effect ? whether we powre out one drop for christ in all this deluge of tears , or whether like uncompounded selfe-lovers , whose only centre and principle of motion is our selves , we have passion to no spectacle but what the looking-glasse presents to us , with a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , making god the pretence , and apology , for that kindnesse which is paid and powred out unto another shrine . for of this there is no doubt , that of all the changes of late designed and offered to authority , there is none for which flesh and bloud , passions and interests of men can allow so free a suffrage , so regretlesse a consent , as this of the abolition of the liturgy , ( the sluggishnesse of unguifted men , the only thing that is affirmed to be concerned in , or to gain by it , is perfectly mistaken as shall anon appear ) and were there not a god in heaven , the care of whose honour obliged us to endeavour the preservation of it , were not a future growth of atheisme and prophanenesse the feared consequent of such abolition , and notorious experience ready to avow the justnesse of this fear , i have reason to be confident that no advocate would offer libell , no disputer put in exception , against this present directory ; i am privy to my own sense , that i should not , i have rather reason to impute it to my selfe , that the want of any such carnall motive to stir me up to this defence , might be the cause that i so long defer'd to undertake it , and perhaps should have done so longer , if any man else had appear'd in that argument . and therefore unlesse it be strange for men , when there be so many tempters abroad , to be permitted to temptations , sure gods yeelding to this act of the importunity of satan ( who hath desir'd in this new way to explore many ) will not bee strange neither . sect 8 lastly , that our so long abuse of this so continued a mercy , our want of diligence , in assembling our selves together ( the too ordinary fault of too many of the best of us ) our generall , scandalous , unexcusable disobedience to the commands of our church , which requires that service to be used constantly in publike every day , the vanity of prurient tongues and itching ears , which are still thirsting newes and variety , but above all , the want of ardor and fervency in the performance of this prescribed service , the admitting of all secular company ( i mean worldly thoughts ) into its presence , preferring all secular businesse before it , the generall irreverence and indifference in the celebrations , may well be thought to have encouraged satan to his expetivit , to the preferring his petition to god , and his importunity at length to have provoked god to deliver up our liturgy to him and his ministers , to oppose and maligne , to calumniate and defame , and at last to gain the countenance of an ordinance , to condemne and execute it as at this day . the lord be mercifull to them that have yeelded to be instrumentall to that great destroyer in this businesse . sect 9 i have thus far laboured to presse home that part of saint peters exhortation 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not to think the calamity strange which hath befallen this church in this matter , on no other purpose , but to discharge that duty which we owe to gods secret providence , of observing the visible works of it , that discerning our selves to be under his afflicting hand , we may , 1. joyn in the use of all probable means to remove so sad a pressure , by humbling our selves , and reforming those sinnes which have fitted us for this captivity , then 2. that we may compassionate and pardon , and blesse , and pray for those whose hands have been used in the execution of this vengeance and reproach upon the land : and lastly , that we may endeavour , if it be possible , to disabuse and rectify those , who are capable , by more light , of safer resolutions ; to which purpose these following animadversions being designed in the bowells of compassion to my infatuated country-men , and out of a sincere single desire that our sins may have some end or allay , though our miseries have not , ( and therefore framed in such a manner , as i conceived , might prove most usefull , by being most proportionable to them , who stood most in need of them , without any oblation provided for any other shrine , any civility for the more curious reader ) are here offered to thee , to be dealt with as thou desirest to be treated at that last dreadfull tribunall , which sure then will be with acceptation of pardon , and with that charity ( the but just return to that which mixt this antidote for thee ) which will cover a multitude of sinnes . chap. i. in the ordinance prefixt to the directory ( being almost wholly made up of formes of repeale ) there are only two things worthy of any stay or consideration . sect 1 1. the motives upon which the houses of parliament have been inclined to think it necessary to abolish the book of common-prayer , and establish the directory , and those are specified to be three . first the consideration of the manifold inconveniencies that have risen by the book in this kingdome . 2. the resolution according to their covenant , to reforme religion according to the word of god , and the best reformed churches . 3. their having consulted with the learned , and pious ; and reverend divines to that purpose , from whence they conclude it necessary to abolish the booke . sect 2 to this conclusion infer'd upon these premises , i shall confidently make this return , 1. that the conclusion is as illogicall as any that an assembly of wise men have ever acknowledged themselves to be guilty of , no one of the three motives being severally of strength to beare such a superstructure , and therefore all together being as unsufficient ; for if the conclusion were only of the prudence , or expedience , of taking it away , somewhat might be pretended for that inference from the premises , supposing them true : but when 't is of necessity ( and that twice repeated and so not casually fallen from them ) there must then be somewhat of precept divine in the premises to induce that necessity , or else it will never be induced : for i shall suppose it granted by them with whom i now dispute , that nothing is necessary in the worship of god , but what god hath prescribed , the necessity of precept being the only one that can have place in this matter , and the necessitas medii , being most improper to be here pleaded . but that there is no such direct precept , so much as pretended to by those three motives , it is clear , and as clear , that all together do not amount to an interpretative precept . for that a lawfull thing though prest with manifold inconveniences should be removed , is no where commanded the lawfull magistrate , but left to his prudence to judge whether there be not conveniences on the other side , which may counterballance those inconveniences ; much lesse is it commanded the inferiour courts in despight of king and standing law. for what ever of expedience , and so of prudence might be supposed to interpose , that may be sufficient to incline a wise magistrate to make a law , but not any else , either to usurpe the power of a law-maker , or to do any thing contrary to establish'd lawes ; there being nothing that can justify the least disobedience of subjects to their prince , or the lawes of the kingdom , but that obligation to that one superiour law of that higher prince , our father which is in heaven , which being supposed , 't is not all the resolutions and covenants in the world that can make it lawfull for any so to disobey , much lesse necessary , any more , then the saying corban in the gospell , i. e. pretending a vow will free the child from the obligation of honouring or relieving his father , or then herod's vow made it lawfull to cut off the head of john the baptist : and then how far the consultation with those divines may induce that necessity , will upon the same ground also be manifest to any , especially that shall remember , with what caution that assembly was by the houses admitted to consult , and with what restraints on them , and professions , that they were call'd only to be advisers , when they were required , but not to conclude any thing , either by a generall concurrence , or by that of a major part , any farther then the reasons which they should offer them might prevaile with them ; to which purpose it was so ordered , that if any one man dissented from the rest of their divines , his opinions and reasons were as much to be represented to the houses , as that other of the rest of the assembly . sect 3 by this i conceive it appears , that i have not quarrell'd causelesly with the logick of this conclusion , the premises pretending at most but motives of expedience , and so as unable to infer a necessity , as a topicall argument is to demonstrate , or a particular to induce an universall . that which i would in charity guesse of this matter , as the cause of this mistake , is my not groundlesse suspition , that when the presbyterians had prepared the premises , the independents framed the conclusion , the former of these joyning at last with the other in a resolution of taking away the book , but only on prudentiall considerations ; not out of conscience of the unlawfulnesse , and proportionably setting down those reasons but prudentiall reasons ; and the latter though restrained from putting conscience into the premises , yet stealing it secretly into the conclusion , so each deceiving and being deceived by each other , i am not sure that my conjecture is right in this particular , yet have i reason to insert it . 1. because i find in many places of the directory certain footsteps of this kind of composition and compliance , and mixture of those so distant sorts of reformers . 2. because the presbyterians which have sformerly appeared both in other and in this kingdome ( whose copy these present reformers of that party hath transcribed ) have constantly avowed the lawfulnesse of liturgy , and so cannot affirme any necessity of abolishing ; witnesse calvin himselfe ( whom we shall anon have occasion to produce ) and the practise of his church of geneva , and neerer to our selves , witnesse those foure classes , which in q. elizabeths daies , had set themselves up in this kingdome . these had made complaint to the lord burleigh against our liturgy , and entertained hopes of obtaining his favour in that businesse about the year 1585. he demanded of them , whether they desired the taking away of all liturgy , they answered , no , he then required them to make a better , such as they would desire to have settled in the stead of this . the first classis did accordingly frame a new one , somewhat according to the geneva forme : but this the second classis disliked , and altered in 600. particulars ; that again had the fate to be quarrell'd by the third classis , and what the third resolved on , by the fourth ; and the dissenting of those brethren , as the division of tongues at babel , was a faire means to keep that tower then from advancing any higher . nay even for our neighbours of scotland themselves , what ever some of them of late have thought fit to do , since they became covenanteers , ( in animosity perhaps and opposition to that terrible mormo , the liturgy , sent to them from hence ) we know that they were presbyterians formerly , without seeing any necessity of abolishing liturgy . sect 4 't is no newes to tell you that m. knox wrote a liturgy , wherein there is frequent mention of the daies of common-prayer ; and among many other particulars , these ensuing , worthy your remarke . 1. plain undisguised confessions of such faults , which this age , though as notoriously guilty of as they , will not put into publike formes , or leave upon record against themselves , as , that for the pleasure and defence of the french they had violated their faith , of breaking the leagues of unity and concord , which their kings and governours had contracted with their neighbours , and again , that for the maintenance of their friendship , they have not feared to break their solemne oathes made unto others . to which i might adde , from another confession , that whoredome and adultery are but pastimes of the flesh , crafty dealing deceit and oppression is counted good conquest , &c. but that it would looke too like a satyre against some part of that nation at this time thus to specifie . 2. their great sense and acknowledgment of obligations from this kingdome of england , and not only prayers for continuance of peace between england and scotland , but even execrations on all ( and so sure on those their successours of this age ) which should continue or contribute ought toward the breaking of it , the words are these . seeing when we by our power were altogether unable , &c. thou didst move the hearts of our neighbours ( of whom we had deserved no such favour ) to take upon them the common burthen with us , and for our deliverance , not only to spend the lives of many , but also to hazard the estate and tranquillity of their realme , grant unto us that with such reverence we may remember thy benefits received , that after this in our default , we never enter into hostility against the nation of england , suffer us never to fall into that ingratitude and detestable unthankfulnesse , that we should seek the destruction nnd death of those whom thou hast made instruments to deliver us from the tyranny of mercilesse strangers , [ the french. ] dissipate thou the counsells of such as deceitfully travaile to stirre the hearts of either realme against the other , let their malitious practises be their own confusion , and grant thou of thy mercy , that love , and concord , and tranquillity may continue and encrease among the inhabitants of this island , even to the coming of our lord jesus christ . 3. that some of their formes of words are directly all one with ours , others with some small additions retaining our formes , as in the prayer for the king , and the exhortation before the sacrament , and the adjuration of the parties to be married will appeare . 4. that on their day of fast ( though that be with great care provided and ordered to be the sunday twice together , quite contrary to the canons and custome of the primitive church , yet ) 't is then appointed , that the minister with the people shall prostrate themselves , &c. a posture of most humble bodily adoration , made to reproach those who will not so much as recommend or direct any one kind of corporall worship or gesture of humiliation in all their directory . the inlarging to this mention of particulars i acknowledge to be a digression . but the presenting to your knowledge or remembrance this scottish liturgy is not ; by which superadded to the former , and by much more which might from other churches be added to that , it briefly appears what is or hath been the uniforme judgment of the presbyterians in this matter , directly contrary to the concluded necessity of abolishing . sect 5 which necessity on the other side the independents have still asserted , and for that and other such differences have avowed their resolutions to be the like scourges to them as they have been to us , professing ( and ad homines , unanswerably proving the reasonablenesse of it ) to reforme the geneva reformation ( as a first rude and so imperfect draught just creeping out of popery there , and therefore not supposeable to be compleat at the first assay ) as the presbyterians upon the same pretences have design'd and practised on our english reformation . sect 6 all this i have said against the concluded necessity in case , or on supposition that the premises were true , but now i must add the falsenesse of those also , and then if the necessity will still remain , i must pronounce it a piece of stoicall fatality , an insuperable unruly necessity indeed , that will acknowledge no lawes , or bounds , or limits to confine it . sect 7 and first for the manifold inconveniences , if that phrase denote those severalls which in the preface to the directory are suggested , i shall in due place make it appear . 1. that there are no such inconveniencies . 2. that greater then those may easily , and hereafter shall be produced against their directory , and consequently that , although true inconveniencies were supposed sufficient to inferre a necessity of abolition , yet such only pretended names of inconveniency , such chimaera's and mormo's ( especially over-ballanced with reall ones in the other scale ) would be abundantly insufficient to do it . but if the manifold inconveniences have a larger prospect to referre to , we shall conclude it very uncharitable not to mention those , which might possibly have had the same effect with us as with them , convinced us also to be their proselytes , and in the mean time very unjust to put so uncertain an equivocall phrase into a law , which we have no criterion , or nomenclature to interpret ; but beyond all , very imprudent to mention and lay weight on such sleight and such no inconveniencies afterward specified , when others might have been produced better able to bear the envy of the accusation . sect 8 as for your resolution , if it went no higher then the covenant , and that but to reforme religion , according to the word of god , and the example of the best reformed churches , i am sure it cannot oblige or so much as incline you to take away that book , there being nothing in it , 1. contrary to designe of reformation . 2. contrary to the word of god , or 3. contrary to the example of the best reformed churches . sect 9 not 1. to reformation , for reformation is as contrary to abolition of what should be reformed , as cure to killing ; and if it be replyed , that the abolition of liturgy , as unlawfull may be necessary to the reforming of religion , i shall yeeld to that reply on that supposition , but then withall adde , that liturgy must first be proved unlawfull , and that testified from divine infallible principles ; which because it is not thorow this whole book so much as pretended , both that and the second suggestion from the word of god must necessarily be disclaimed , and then the example of the best reformed churches will soon follow , not only because all other reformed churches ordinarily known by that title , have some kind of liturgy , and that is as contrary to abolition , as the continuing of ours without any change , but because no reformation is to be preferr'd before that which cuts off no more then is necessary to be cut off , and which produces the scripture rule , the sword of the spirit for all such amputations ; and therefore the church of england , as it stands established by law is avowable against all the calumniators in the world , to be the best and most exemplary reformed ; so farre , that if i did not guesse of the sense of the covenant more by the temper then words of the covenanteers , i should think all men , that have covenanted to reforme after the example of the best reformed churches , indispensably obliged to conforme to the king edward , or queen elizabeth-english reformation , the most regular perfect pattern that europe yeeldeth . sect 10 as for the truth of the last affirmation that they have consulted with the divines called together to that purpose , although i have no reason to doubt of it , yet this i know , that very many of the learned'st there present , were , immediately before their imbarking in that imployment , otherwise minded , and that therefore so suddain an universall change of minds savours either of some strong charme , or strange inconstancy , and i shall make bold to aske this question of that whole number of divines , whether i should do them wrong in affirming , that there yet are not ten divines in that number that think all liturgy unlawfull , and consequently that it was necessary ( not to reforme , but ) to abolish our booke , which is the stile of the ordinance . if this challenge of mine may not be answer'd with a plain punctuall subscription of so many to the condemnation of all liturgy as unlawfull , i am sure this is an argument , ad homines , unanswerable . and the ground of my challenge , and of my specifying that number , is the relation we have oft had of the but seven dissenting brethren , i. e. the but so many of the independent party among them , which upon my former ground i now suppose the only mortall enemies to all liturgy . but if i am mistaken , and this be the common sense of those assemblers ; then have i reason to add to my former complaints this other of their so over-cautious expressions , which through this whole book hath not once intimated either the whole or any part to be unlawfull , but only quarrel'd the inconveniencies , which suppose it otherwise to be lawfull . sect 11 and this much might suffice of the first observable in the ordinance , the concluding this abolition to be necessary . but because i would foresee and prevent all possible rejoynder , and because i would here interpose some considerations which would otherwise take up a larger place , i shall suppose the presbyterians may have another motion of the word necessary , of a lower importance then this under which we have hitherto proceeded against them ( though still the independents , whose judgment is not wont to be despised in the framing of ordinances , cannot be imagined to take it in any other ) and that is , that it shall signifie only a politicall necessity , or that which is necessary , if not to the being , yet to the well being , i. e. to the peace and prosperity of this kingdome . now because there be two parts of every christian kingdome , a state and a church , and so two branches of policy , civill and ecclesiasticall , i shall not undertake to be so far master of their sense , as to pitch upon either as that wherein they affirme this abolition necessary , but say somewhat to both , and to shew that it is not necessary in either sense of politicall necessity . sect 11 and first that the abolition of liturgy cannot have so much as a benigne influence on the state , much lesse be necessary to the prosperity of it , i shall inferre only by this vulgar aphorisme , that any notable or grand mutation , if from some higher principle it appear not necessary to be made , will be necessary not to be made , at least not to be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , altogether , but only by degrees and prudent dispensings . i shall not any farther enlarge on so plain a theme , then to mention one proportion or resemblance of this truth in the naturall body observed by the physitians in the cure of an hydropicall patient , who , when the body lyes covered with such a deluge of water , that it proves necessary to make some sluce to let out the burthenous superfluity , do not yet proceed by any loose way of letting out all at once , because the violent effluvium , or powring out of spirits constantly consequent to that , would certainly destroy the patient , and endanger him on dry ground , as much , or more , then in the midst of those waters ; but the method is a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the making so small a hole in the skin , that shall drain the body by insensible degrees by drawing out a little at once , and never above a pint at a time , though many gallous are designed to passe by this way of evacuation . i shall adde no more to this resemblance , but that the totall violent illegall abolition of liturgy in a setled church , is certainly of this nature , and being superadded to the change of the government into a forme quite contrary to that which for 1600 years hath prevailed in the universall church of christ , there setled by the apostles , may be allow'd the stile of insignis mutatio ; a mutation of some considerable importance to a christian state , which being admitted altogether without any preparative alleviating steps , will ( by the rapid suddain motion at least , if there were nothing else ) have a dangerous influence upon the whole body , of which the cunningest diviner cannot at this instance foresee the effects , or prevent the emergent mischiefes which succeeding times may discover . if it be said , that this abolition is now necessary to conclude the present warre , and that be affirmed to be the politick necessity here meant , i answer , that if it were able to do that , i should acknowledge it the strongest argument that could be thought on to prove it politically necessary , this warre being so unnecessarily destructive , and any thing that could rid us of that , so strongly convenient , that if conscience would permit the use of it , i should allow it the title of necessary . but to make short of this , no man can believe that these armies were raised or continued to subdue the common prayer-booke , for , besides that there was a time when 't was found necessary for the houses to declare , that they had no design to take away that book , for feare the people should be disobliged by it , and another when the earle of essex his army exprest some kindnesse to it ; 't is now confest by the pretenders of both perswasions , presbyterians and independents , one that they doe not , the other that they must not take up armes for religion , and so that kind of politicall necessity of abolishing the book is , and by themselves must be disclaimed also . sect 12 now for the second branch of this necessity , that which is in order to ecclesiasticall or church-policy , we shall take liberty in this place to consider this matter at large , because it may perhaps save us some pains hereafter , and because their pretending of this necessity of doing what they do , is a tentation , if not a challenge to us to do so , and then we shall leave it to the reader to judge what grounds may hence be fetcht for this pretended necessity . and this must be done by laying together the severall things that are in our liturgy , and are purposely left out in the directory , and so are as it were the characteristicall note , by which the directory is by the assemblers designed to differ from our liturgy , as so much food from poyson , christian from antichristian ( if necessity be properly taken , ) or ( if improperly for that which is necessary only to the well being ) as a more perfect and more profitable , from that which , if it be so at all , is not either ( in their opinion ) in so high a degree . sect 13 now the severalls of our liturgy which are purposely avoyded in this directory , i have observed to be principally these ; of those that are more extrinsecall , sixe . 1. the prescribing of formes , or liturgy it selfe . 2. outward or bodily worship . 3. vniformity in performing gods service . 4. the peoples bearing some part in the service . 5. the dividing the prayers into severall collects , and not putting them all into one continued prayer . 6. the ceremonies of kneeling in the communion , of crosse in baptisme , of ring in marriage , &c. then of those that are intrinsecall , and parts of the service . 1. the absolution , in the beginning of the service next after the confession , and before the communion , and in the visitation of the sicke . 2. the hymnes , the introite , the te deum , &c. 3. the use of the doxology or giving glory to god. 4. the confession of the faith in the creeds . 5. the frequent repeating of the lords prayer , and the prayers for the king. 6. the observation of the divers feasts commemorative , not only of christ , but of saints departed , and assigning services , lessons , epistles , and gospels , and collects to them . 7. the reading the commandements , and the prayers belonging to that service . 8. the order of the offertory . 9. private baptisme . 10. a prescript forme of catechisme . 11. confirmation . 12. the solemnities of burying the dead . 13. thankesgiving after child-birth . 14. communion of the sick . 15. the service containing the commination . 16. the observation of lent , and the rogation , and i would add also of the ember weekes . this may seem too loose a taske , to enlarge on each of these , and yet we are in justice to this book , and for an answer to the pretended necessity of abolishing it , obliged to do so , as briefly as it may , only so farre as may serve to give the reader a view of the lawfulnesse at least , and withall of the usefulnesse of each of these , and consequently of no-appearance of reason why it should be thought necessary to abolish any one of them , much lesse of all the rest for that ones sake . sect 14 , and first for the prescribing of formes of prayer , or liturgy it selfe , we shall referre it to judgment whether it be necessary in ecclesiasticall policy , i. e. strongly conducing to the benefit and edification of a church to interdict or banish it out of the kingdome , when we have proposed these few things concerning it . 1. the example of god himselfe and holy men in the old testament , prescribing set formes of blessing the people to be used daily by aaron and his sonnes , numb . 6. 23. the lord blesse thee and keep thee , &c. set formes for the people to use themselves , deut. 26. 3. 5. thou shalt say before the lord , a syrian , &c. as also at the going out of their armies , deut. 20. 3. and of thankesgiving , exod. 15. 1. made by moses , and it seems learnt by heart by all the people ; and in the same words used again by miriam , v. 21. and so it appears ; isa . 38. 20. that hezekiah did not only forme a set thankesgiving , but used it all the daies of his life , and the same hezekiah , 2. chron. 29. 30. in his thankesgiving commanded the levites also to sing praises to god with the words of david and asaph , i. e. formes already prepared to his hand by those sacred pen-men . sect 15 2. the practise of the jewes since ezra's time constantly using set formes of prayer by way of liturgy ; for this i shall produce no other proofe then the testimony of a learned member of their assembly , m. selden in his notes on eutychius , vouching all his affirmations out of the ancient records of the customes of the jewish nation , from whom , that they may be of authority with you , i shall transcribe these severalls , that certain formes of praying , which were to be used by every one daily by law , or received custome , were instituted by ezra and his house , i. e. his consistory . that the jewes about the end of the babylonish captivity had their ancient manners as well as language so depraved , that without a master they either were not able to pray as they ought , or had not confidence to do so . and therefore that for the future , they might not recede either in the matter of their prayers ( through corruption ) or expression ( through ignorance ) from that forme of piety commanded them by god , this remedy was applyed by the men of the great synagogue , ezra and his 120. collegues , ( where by the way is observeable one speciall use and benefit of set forms , not only to provide for the ignorance , but to be an hedge to the true religion , to keep out all mixtures or corruptions out of a church : to which purpose also the councells in the christian church have designed severall parts which we still retain in our liturgy , a reall and a valuable benefit if it were considered . ) that of this kind there were 18. prayers or benedictions call'd in the gemarae composed or appointed prayers , that the three first of these , and the three last respected the glory of god , the twelve other intermediate were spent on those prime things that were necessary , either to the whole people or every particular man , ( proportionable to which perhaps it is , that our saviour who accommodated most institutions of his baptisme and his last supper , &c. to the customes of the church , did also designe his prayer , as it is set downe in matthew , though not according to the number of the jewish prayers , yet to the generall matter and forme of them , the three first branches of it , and the conclusion , which may passe for three branches more , referriug to the glory of god and the other intermediate to our private and publike wants . ) that these prayers were to be learnt by every man , that the prayers of the unskillfull might be as perfect as of the most eloquent . that every act or praying was begun with psal . 51. 15. o lord open thou our lips , and our mouthes shall shew forth thy praise ( the very forme of words still retain'd in saint james his liturgy , and in ours before the introite ) and concluded with psal . 19. the last verse , into thy hands , &c. that of these 18. prayers no one was to be omitted , that if any other were added , they were counted of , like free-will-offerings , as the other were answerable to the prescribed , and were called by that name . that the additions might be made only in those prayers which concern their own wants , because those were capable of variation , but not to those that concern'd god. that on sabboth and feast-daies no man might use a voluntary prayer . that about the time of the jewes destruction gamaliel and his sanhedrim added a 19. prayer , and after him others , so that at length the daily service grew to an 100. prayers . that it is likely that the pagans came to use their set formes in their sacrifice also , ( and perhaps the mahumedans too ) by the example of the jewish church , for which he there referres the reader to many books of the learned . i conceive the authority of this gentleman hath not beene despised by the house of commons , and the assemblers ( when it hath chanced to agree with their designs or interest ) and therefore i have thus farre , as an argument ad homines , insisted on it . sect 16 3. the not onely practise , but precept of christ in the new testament who did not only use himselfe a set forme of words in prayer , three times together using the same words , mat. 26. 44. and upon the crosse in the same manner , praying in the psalmists words , only changed into the syriack dialect , which was then the vulgar : but also commanded the use of those very words of his perfect forme , which it seems he meant not only as a pattern , but a forme it selfe ( as the standard weight , is not only the measure of all weights , but may it selfe be used ) luk. 11. 2. when you pray , say , our father , &c. which precept no man can with a good conscience ever obey , that holds all set formes necessary to be cast out of the church . sect 17 4. the practise , not only of john the baptist , who taught his disciples to pray , luk. 11. 1. ( which occasioned christs disciples to demand , and him to give them a forme of prayer ) but especially of the apostles , of which we find intimations 1. cor. 14. 26. when you come together every one of you hath a psalme , which sure referres to some of the psalmes of david or asaph , used then ordinarily in their devotions , ( and that as even now i said , authorized by the example of christ himselfe upon the crosse , who it is thought , repeated the whole 22. psalme , it is certaine the first verse of it , my god my god why hast thou forsaken me ) and so certainly a set forme , and that of prayer too ( of which thanksgivings and prayses are a part . ) but because every one had his severall psalme , it is therefore reprehended by the apostle , as tending to confusion , and by that consequence , saint pauls judgment is thence deducible for the joyning of all in the same form , as being the only course tending to edification in the end of that verse , and then sure 't would be hard , that that which the apostle conceived the only course for edifying , should now be necessary to be turn'd out of the church , as contrary to edification . farther yet , 't is clear by text , that the apostles when they met together , to holy duties ( such are fasting , prayer , receiving the sacrament ) continued very long time , sometimes a whole day together . this being too much to be alwaies continued in the church , and unsuteable to every mans businesse , is said to have been the occasion that s. james first made choice of some speciall prayers most frequently by them used , which was after called his liturgy , which ( or some other in the disguise of that ) the greek church still use on solemne daies . this also being of the longest for every daies use , st. basil is said to have shortned , and that again st. chrysostome ; how certain these reports are , i shall not take upon me to affirme , but only adde , that the greek church , who are most likely to know the truth of it by their records , do retain all these three liturgies , and would loudly laugh at any man that should make doubt whether st. james , s. basil , and s. chrysostome , were not the authors of them . 2. that the judgement of that church ( if they are deceived also , and may not be thought worthy to be heeded by our assemblers ) is yet an argument of great authority to any prudent man , if not that these liturgies were purely the same with those that were written by that apostle , and those holy men , yet that there were such things as liturgies of their penning . the like might be added of that short forme of st. peters , which alone they say was used in the roman church for a great while , till after by some popes it was augmented , and the same of st. marks liturgy . i am sure s. augustine speaking of some formes retained in the church , and still to be found in our liturgy , particularly that of sursum corda , lift up your hearts , &c. saith , that they are verba ab ipsis apostolorum temporibus petita , words fetcht from the times of the apostles , which supposes that they did use such formes . and for that particular mention'd by s. augustine , it is agreeable to the constitutions of the apostles , l. 8. c. 16. ( which collection if it be not so antient as it pretends , doth yet imitate apostolicall antiquity ) and so in s. james's , and basils and chrysostomes liturgy in the same words with our booke as farre as to the word [ bounden ] and for many other such particular formes used by us , we find them in cyril of hierusalems catechisme , one of the antientest authors we have , and then that it should be necessary for the church to turne out what the apostles had thus brought into it , will not easily be made good by our assemblers . sect 18 5. the practice of the universall church from that time to this , which is so notorious to any that is conversant in the writings of the antient fathers , and of which so many testimonies are gathered together for many mens satisfaction by cassander , and other writers of the liturgica , that 't were a reproach to the reader to detain or importune him with testimonies of that nature . to omit the practice of * constantine , who prescribed a forme for his souldiers ( a copy of which we have in euseb . de vit . const . l. 4. c. 20. ) i shall only mention two grand testimonies for set formes , one in the 23. canon of the third councell of carthage , quascunque sibi preces aliquis describet non iis utatur , nisi prius eas cum instructioribus fratribus contulerit , no man may use any prayers which he hath made , unlesse he first consult with other learneder christians about them , and the other more punctuall , concil . milev . c. 12. placuit ut preces quae probatae fuerint in concilio ab omnibus celebrentur . nec aliae omninò dicantur in ecclesia , nisi quae à prudentioribus tractantur , vel comprobatae in synodo fuerint , ne fortè aliquid contra fidem , aut per ignorantiam , aut per minus studium sit compositum . it was resolv'd on , that the prayers that were approv'd in the councell should be used by all , and that no other should be said in the church but those that had been weighed by the more prudent , or approv'd in a synod , lest any thing , either through ignorance or negligence should be done against the faith. instead of such citations ( and because whatsoever argument is brought from that topick of ecclesiasticall tradition , is now presently defamed with the title of popish and antichristian , because forsooth antichrist was a working early in the apostles time , and every thing that we have not a mind to in antiquity , must needs be one of those works ) i shall rather chuse to mention another , as a more convincing argument ad homines , and that is , sect 9 6. the judgement and practice of the reformed in other kingdomes , even calvin himselfe in severall ample testimonies , one in his notes upon psal . 20. 1. another in his epistle to the protector . i shall not give my selfe license to transcribe these , or multiply more such testimonies , only for the honour not only of liturgy in generall , but particularly of our liturgy , 't will be worth remembring that gilbertus a german , many years since , in a book of his , propounds our book of prayer for a sample of the formes of the ancient church ; and for the purity of it , and thorough reformation , that cranmer procured the king edwards common-prayer-book to be translated into latine , and sent it to bucer , and required his judgment of it , who answer'd , that there was nothing in it , but what was taken out of the word of god , or which was not against it , commodè acceptum , being taken in a good sense , some things indeed , saith he , quae nisi quis , &c. unlesse they be interpreted with candor , may seem not so agreeable to the word of god , and which unquiet men may wrest unto matter of contention . as may be seen at large in bucers scripta anglicana . upon this occasion that book of king edwards was again survey'd , and in those particulars , that were subject to such cavils , corrected . after which time the quarrells about that book were generally with the papists ( not so much with the opposite extreame ) and therefore john ould in queen maries daies wrote against them in defence of it , and of the king edwards reformation . and cranmer made a challenge , that if he might be permitted by the queen to take to him p. martyr , and foure or five more , they would enter the lists with any papists living , and defend the common-prayer-book to be perfectly agreeable to the word of god , and the same in effect which had been for 1500. years in the church of christ . this for the reputation of the book . then for the fruit and benefit that by the use of it redounded to christians , take an essay by m. john hullier , fellow of kings colledge in cambridge , who was martyr'd in queen maries daies , anno 1557. and being at the stake , among many other books that were thrown into the fire to him , it happened that a common-prayer-book fell between his hands , which he joyfully receiving opened , and read till the flame and smoke suffered him not to see any more , and then he fell to prayer , holding his hands up to heaven , and the book betwixt his armes next his heart , thanking god for that mercy in sending him it , the relation is m. foxes , and from thence the plea authentick , that the tree that bare wholsome fruit , should not be cut down by the law , deut. 10. 20. even when warre was to be made on a city , and as maimon : addes l. de idol . though it were worshipt for an idol , and if that which was then of so dear esteem be now so necessary to be cast out , it is an ill indication of the times into which we are fallen . sect 20 7. the reasons on which the very heathens themselves took up the same practice , which was uniuersall ( it seems ) through all the world , more catholick then the church it selfe . to this purpose beside those authors which m. selden referres to , i shall only adde these three testimonies , first of plato , l. 7. de leg . where he commands , that whatever prayer or hymnes the poets composed to the gods , they should first shew them to the priests ( as if they were in a manner leprous till then ) before they publisht them , lest they should aske evill things instead of good , ( an infirmity th●t these daies are very subject unto ) the second in thucyd. l. 6. p. 434. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . set formes for severall occasions , and a common joynt sending them up to heaven . the third in alexander ab alex. l. 4. c. 17. that the gentiles read their prayers out of a book before their sacrifices , nè quià praeposterè dicatur , aliquis ex scripto praeire & adverbum referre solitus est , that the work might not be done preposterously . which two reasons of theirs , the one lest they should stray in the matter of their prayers , the other lest offend in the manner , may passe for christian reasons , as seasonable with us , as they were among them . and no necessity that those reasons should be despised by us neither . sect 21 8. the irrationall concludings , or shortnesse of discourse of those which are against set formes , especially in two things , the first observed by d. preston ( whose memory is , i hope , not lost among these assemblers ) and made use of in a printed worke of his to the confuting of them . that while they in opposition to set formes require the minister to conceive a prayer for the congregation , they observe not , that the whole congregation is by that means as much stinted , and bound to a set forme , to wit of those words which the minister conceives , as if he read them out of a book . 2. that the persons with whom we have now to deale , though they will not prescribe any forme of prayer , yet venture to prescribe the matter of it in these words , pag. 14. the minister is to call upon the lord to this effect : now why the prescription of the matter is not the stinting of the spirit , as well as the forme of words ( unlesse the spirit , like the heathen mercury be the god of eloquence , and be thought to deale in the words only ) or why the promise of dabitur in illâ horâ , it shall be given you in that houre , should not be as full a promise for matter , as for expressions ; especially when that text forbids care or provision , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not only how , but what they should speake , and the promise is peculiarly for the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it shall be given you what you shall speak , and this is it , that is attributed to the spirit , v. 20. ( from whence if i should conclude , that the holy ghost taught the disciples onely the matter of their answer ; and they themselves were left to put it in forme of words , there is nothing in that text against that assertion ; and that it was so in their penning of the new testament , many probable arguments might be produced if it were now seasonable , ) and consequently , why the prescribing of one should not be unreasonable in them , that condemne all prescribing of the other , i confesse is one of those things , which my charity hath made me willing to impute to the shortnesse of discourse , because i am unwilling to lay any heavier charge upon it . sect 22 from all which considered , and a great deale more which might be added from the usefulnesse of known formes to those , whose understandings are not quick enough to go along with unknown , and if they have no other , are fain oft times to return without performing any part of so necessary duty of prayer in the church , from the experience of the effects of the contrary doctrine , the many scandalous passages which have fallen from ministers in their extemporary prayers ( of which meer pity and humanity , civility and mercy to enemies , restraines us from inserting a large catalogue ) and the no manner of advantage above that which set formes may also afford , but only of satisfaction to the itching eare , exercise and pleasure to the licentious tongue , and the vanity of the reputation of being able to performe that office so fluently ( which yet is no more then the rabbins allow achitophel , that he had every day three new formes of prayer ) or of having a plentifull measure of the spirit ; which is beleeved to infuse such eloquence , i shall now conclude it impossible that any humane eye should discern a necessity , in respect of ecclesiasticall policy , or edifying the church , why all liturgy should be destroyed , not wash't , not purg'd with sope , such any reformation would be , but torne and consumed with nitre , for such is abolition , why it should suffer this ostracisme , ( unlesse as aristides did for being too vertuous ) be thus vehemently first declamed , and then banish'd out of the church . sect 23 secondly , for outward bodily worship 't is particularly prohibited by the directory at one time , at the taking of our seates or places when we enter the assembly , ( directly contrary to that of isidor , si quis veniat cum lectio celebratur adoret tantùm deum , if any come in when the lesson is a reading , let him only performe adoration to god , and hearken to what is read ) and never so much as recommended at any time , nor one would think , permitted in any part of their publick service , like the persians in strabo l. 15. that never offer'd any part of the flesh to the gods in their sacrifices , kept all that to themselves , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , supposing the gods would be content with the soules , which in the blood were powred out and sacrificed to their honour , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they said that the gods wanted and desired the soules for a sacrifice , but not any thing else ; of which people herodotus l. 1. hath observed that they had neither temples nor altar , and laugh'd at them which built either , but went to the top of some hill or other , and there sacrificed , preferring such naturall altars before any other . the former of these is the avowed divinity of these men ( and might perhaps have been attended with the latter too , were it not that there be so many churches already built conveniently to their hands . ) instead of which , our liturgy hath thought fit not only to recommend but prescribe bodily worship , first by directing in the rubrick what part of service shall be performed kneeling , then by reading the venite , where all encourage and call upon the others to worship , and fall down , and kneele , &c. to worship , i. e. adore , which peculiarly notes bodily worship , and so surely the falling down , and kneeling before the lord. and of this i shall say , that it is 1. an act of obedience to that precept of glorifying god in our bodies , as well as souls . 2. atranscribing of christs copy , who kneeled , and even prostrated himselfe in prayer : of many holy men in scripture , who are affirmed to have done so ( and that affirmation written for our example ) and even of the publican , who though standing , yet by standing a far off , by not looking up , by striking his breast , did clearly joyn bodily worship to his prayer , of [ lord be mercifull to me a sinner ] used at his coming into the temple , and in that posture thrived better then the pharisee in his loftier garbe , went away more justified , saith our saviour , as a vessell at the foot of a hill , will ( say the artists ) receive and contain more water , then the same or a like vessell on the top of it would be able to do ( and he that shall do the like , that shall joyn adoration of god , and nothing but god , to the use of that or the like fervent ejaculation at his entrance into gods house , will sure have christs approbation of the publicans behaviour to justify him from any charge of superstition in so doing ) and besides 3. the most agreeable humble gesture , and so best becoming , and * evidencing and helping the inward performance of that most lowly duty of prayer , and consequently that it may be charg'd with blasphemy ; as well and as properly , as with supersition , and probably would be so , if the latter were not the more odious of the two : and indeed why kneeling or bowing should be more lyable to that censure , then either mentall or orall prayer , there is no reason imaginable , it being as possible that one may be directed to a false object ( and so become idolatrous , or superstitious in the true notion of those words ( as they denote the worship of idols , or dead men , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or superstites ) as the other , and ( for the improper notion of superstition ) the one again as much capable of being an excesse in religion ( the mind or tongue being as likely to enlarge and exceed as the body ) or of using a piece of false religion , as the other , the bodily worship duely performed to god , being the payment of a debt to god ( and no doubt acceptable , when 't is paid with a true heart ) and no way an argument of want , but a probable evidence of the presence and cooperation of inward devotion , as i remember nazianzen saith of his father , or. 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he shewed a great deale in the outside , but kept the greater treasure within in the invisible part . and on the other side , the stiffenesse of the knee , an argument of some eminent defect , if not of true piety , yet of somewhat else , and christs prediction , joh. 4. that the time should come that the worshippers should worship god in spirit and truth , ( being not set in opposition to bodily worship , but to the appropriating it to some singular places , jerusalem , or that mountain ) not producible as any apology or excuse for such omission . to these briefe intimations i shall need adde no more , when the conclusion that i am to inferre is so moderate , being only this , that it is not necessary to turn all bowing or kneeling , or bodily worship out of the church , ( were there any superstition in any one or more gestures , this were too great a severity , to mulct the church of all , above the proportion of the most unlimited arbitrary court , whose amercements must alwaies be within the compasse of salvo contenemento , which this will not be , if there be no competency of bodily worship left behind ) and that the liturgy doth better to prescribe it at fit times , then the directory to omit all mention of it at all times , unlesse by way of dislike and prohibition . which conclusion will be the more easily evinced against them , by asking them whether in their family-parlour-prayers , or in their private closet prayers , they do not approve and practice that gesture ; which as i believe in charity they do , so i must from thence inferre , that by them the house of god , is the only place thought fit to be despised . and if it be replyed , that the directory forbids not kneeling , but only commands it not , leaving it free to use or not to use , i answer , 1. that the effect of this liberty is very remarkeable among them , and equall to that of a prohibition , no man almost of their perswasion ever kneeling in their churches . 2. that the never so much as recommending it , is very near a forbidding of it . 3. that bowing or adoration is directly forbidden once ( which , by the way , is as much the defining of a ceremony , viz. that of standing or going upright , and so as contrary to the independents perswasions , and to the great clamorous complaint for liberty in ceremonies , as any prescription of kneeling or bowing can be . ) 4. that kneeling also is at the receiving of the sacrament forbidden , by necessity of consequence , sitting being prescribed , and therefore that that reply or excuse is false also . and so now what speciall advantage this is like to bring in to this church of ours , to have the bodies of negligent , or prophane , or factions men left ( without any so much as an admonition ) to their own inclinations , and so what depth of ecclesiasticall policy there was which made this change so necessary , i desire may now be judged . sect 24 thirdly , for uniformity in that service ; ( which our liturgy labours to set up , by prescribing the manner of it , but the directory hath taken away by leaving all to the chance of mens wils , which can no more be thought likely to concurre in one forme , then democritus's atomes to have met together into a world of beautifull creatures , without any hand of providence to dispose them ) it hath certainly the approbation of all wise men , and command of s. paul , 1. cor. 14. 40. in that grand place , let all things be done decently and in order . of which i conceive the clear importance to be , that all be done in the church according to custome and appointment . the former implyed in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( custome being the only rule of decency , and therfore the indecency of wearing long haire , is proved by being against nature , i. e. saith suidas in the scripture phrase , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a custome of some continuance in that place , and thereupon s. paul thinks it enough against au ecclesiasticall usage , and that which might supersede all strife about it , 1. cor. 11. 16. [ we have no such customes , &c. ] and the latter in plain words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , according to order or appointment ( for so the words literally import ) and then upon these two grounds is uniformity built , and necessarily results , where all that is done in the church , is ruled by one of these , by custome or by law , which being here commanded by saint paul , is a proofe of the more then lawfulnesse of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 prescription of ceremonies in a church , and of uniformity therein . and then what necessity there is or can be that st. pauls command shall be so neglected , all care of uniformity so disclaimed , all 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , constitution , or ordinance , for any ecclesiasticall matter ( unlesse their ordinance against all such constitutions ) so solemnly disavowed , it will be hard to imagine , or guesse , unlesse it be on purpose to observe m. prynnes rule of conforming the church to the state , to fill one as full of disorder and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and confusion as the other . i remember a saying of socrates which plato and cicero record from him , mutatâ musicâ mutantur & mores , that the change of a kind of musicke , had a great influence on mens minds , and had a generall change of manners consequent to it , i conceive uniformity in gods service to be parallell to musick , being it selfe an outward concord or harmony of the most different affections ; and that that should be not only changed , but lost , i cannot understand any necessity , unlesse it be that some such like effects may be wrought in religion also . sect 25 for the fourth , the peoples bearing some part in the service ( whether by way of response in the prayers , and hymnes , or by reading every other verse in the psalme ) mentioned in theodorets story l. 2. c. 24. where speaking of flavianus and diodorus , he saith of them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. they divided the quire of singers into two parts , and appointed them to sing the psalme successively , which custome began by them ( who saith he , were admirable men , and labour'd extreamly to stirre up all men to piety , and to that end invented this ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , prevail'd over the whole world , or by way of mutuall charity , returning a prayer for the priest , who began one peculiarly for them ; which innocentius referres to , in his letter to aurelius and augustine , calling them communes & alternas preces , to which he there attributes more force , quàm privatis , then to private , or by way of following the presbyter in confession of sinnes , both at the beginning of the service , and before the communion ; or in profession of faith in the creeds , wherein every the meanest christian is to have his part ; ) it is certainly designed by the church , from the example of pure antiquity , to very gainfull uses , to quicken devotion , which the length of continued hearing may have leave to dull and slacken , and to recall those thoughts which may , upon the like temptation , have diverted to other objects ; in a word , to engage every one to be made no idle or unprofitable spectator of the service : and as long as there is still need of that helpe to these so necessary ends , and not the least shew or pretence of objection against it , how necessary it can be to reject it wholly , and lay all the taske upon the priest , and not require so much as an amen ( which it seems was in fashion in s. pauls time ) of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or lay person , i leave to the most prejudicate reader to give sentence for me . sect 26 as for the letany , wherein the people are more exercised then in any other part of the service , 't is certainly designed to make it more proportionable to the title bestowed on it by the antients of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , earnest or intense prayer , and in methodius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , earnest petitions , ( and in the greek liturgies simply 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , intense or earnest ) from act. 12. 5. luk. 22. 44. this continuall joyning of the people in every passage of it , tending very much both to the improving and evidencing that fervor and intension , which can never be more necessary then throughout that service ; of which i shall in passing say these three things , and justify them against any gain-sayer , that there is not extant any where , 1. a more particular excellent enumeration of all the christians either private or common wants , as farre as is likely to come to the cognisance of a congregation : nor 2. a more innocent blamelesse forme , against which there lyes no just objection , and most of the unjust ones that have been made , are reproachfull to scripture it selfe , from whence the passages excepted against are fetcht , as that particularly of praying for gods mercy upon all men , from 1. tim. 2. 1. nor 3. a more artificiall composure for the raising that zeale , and keeping it up throughout , then this so defamed part of our liturgy ; for which and other excellencies undoubtedly it is , ( and not for any conjuring or swearing in it ) that the devill hath taken care that it should drink deepest of that bitter cup of calumny and reviling , which it can no way have provoked , but only as christ did the reproach of the diseased man , what have i to do with thee ? &c. when he came to exorcize and cast out the devill that possest him . and for this to be throwne out of the church , sure there is no other necessity , then there was that there should be scandals and heresies in it , onely because the devill and his factors would have it so . sect 27 5. for the dividing of prayers into divers collects or portions , and not putting all our petitions into one continued prayer , these advantages it hath to give it authority . 1. the practice of the jewes , whose liturgy was dispensed into lessons , &c. and 18. collects , or short prayers . 2. the example of christs prescribing a short forme , and in that , saith s. chrysostome , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , teaching us the me asure or length due to each prayer of ours , hom. de annâ . f. 965. and setting a mark of heathenisme , mat. 6. and of pharisaisme , mat. 23. 14. on their long prayers . 3. the advice of the antients , who tell us s. peters forme , used for a great while in the roman church , was a short one , and that christ and s. paul commanded us to make our prayers , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , short and frequent , and with little distances betweene . and so ephiphanius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : orat . c. 24. directs to offer our petitions 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , with all frequency ; and cassian , de instit . mon. l. 2. c. 10. from the universall consent of them , vtilius censent breves orationes sed creberrimas fieri , the way that is resolved to be most profitable , is to have short prayers , but very thick or frequent . and he addes a consideration which prompted them to this resolution , vt diaboli insidiantis jacula succinctà brevitate vitemur , that by that means the divells darts which he is wont to find and steale his time to shoot into our breasts , may by the brevity of our prayers be prevented . to these many more might be added , but that the no-advantage on the other side above this ( save onely the reputation of the labour and patience of speaking or hearing so much in a continued course , in one breath as it were ) will save us the paines of using more motives to perswade any , that sure it is not necessary to exchange this pleasant easie course of our liturgy , for the tedious toylsome lesse profitable course in the directory . sect 28 6. for the ceremonies used in the severall services , much might be said , as particularly for that of kneeling ( in opposition to sitting at the lords supper designed in the directory : ) 1. that it is agreeable to the practice of all antiquity , who though they kneeled not , because the canon of the councell of nice , obliged all to stand in the church between easter and whitsuntide , or on the lords day all the yeare long , ( which by the way absolutely excludes sitting , as also doth that saying of optatus l. 4. that the people may not sit in the church , and of tertullian , l. de orat. c. 12. that 't was an heathen custome to sit in the church , and therefore ought to be reprehended ; ) yet used the prayer-gesture at receiving , i. e. bowing their bodies and heads , which the fathers call adoration : kissing of the hand , is the propriety of the latine word , but but the ordinary denotation of it , bowing the body , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is more then the former , the cultus major , among the learned ; for as herodotus observes of the eastern nations , that the manner of equalls , was to kisse one another at meeting , of inferiours to kisse the hand of the superiour , but of the suppliants or petitioners , that would expresse the greatest humility to bow themselves before him , so was this last of the three continued among the primitive christians in their services of the greatest piety and humility , climacus , p. 298. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , when i receive i worship , or adore , agreeable to which the great men in the french churches , who receive it passing or going ( a meer aegyptian passe-over custome ) do first make a lowly cringe or curtesie before they take it in their hands . 2. that christs table-gesture at the delivering it , is no argument for sitting , both because it is not manifest by the text that he used that , save only at the passe-over , from which this supper of the lord was distinct , and was celebrated by blessing , and breaking , and giving the bread , &c. to which some other gesture might be more proper , and more commodious , and because christs gesture in that is no more obligingly exemplary to us , then his doing it after supper was to the apostles , who yet did it fasting , act. 13. 2. and generally took it before the agapae , and as by plinies epistle it appears , so early in the morning , that the congregation departed and met again , ad capiendum cibum promiscuum , to take their meales together . as also 3. that the contrary gesture of sitting , as it was , not many years since , by a full synod of protestants in poland forbidden , if not condemned , because they found it used by the arrians , as complying with their opinion , who hold our saviour to be a meer creature , so is it now profest by some of our late reformers writings to be a badge and cognisance of their beleeving in the infallibility of christs promise of coming to raign on this earth again , and take them into a familiar and ( a kind of ) equall conversation with him , the doctrine of the millenaries , once in some credit , but after condemn'd by the church , and though favoured by some learned men , both antiently and of late , is not yet sure cleare enough to come into our creed or liturgy : or to be profest and proclaimed by that gesture , when ever we receive the sacrament . the evidence or proofe of it being primarily that in the revelation , which by the rest of that book i am very apt to suspect may signifie any thing rather then what the letter of the words imports to us at the first view of them . but i shall not enlarge on this , nor the other ceremonies mention'd , but referre the reader to the learned satisfactory unanswer'd labour of m. hooker , on these subjects , and then aske him when he hath read him , 1. whether he repent him of that paines , 2. whether in his conscience he can thinke it necessary , or tending to edification to cast all these causelesly out of this church , or the whole liturgy for their sakes . sect 29 now for those things that are more intrinsecall to the liturgy , and parts of the service ; as 1. for the pronouncing of absolution , which christ so solemnly instated on the priest in his disciples ( by three severall acts , 1. unto peter as the mouth of the apostles , mat. 16. 19. then by way of promise to them all together , cap. 18. 18. then by way of actuall instating it on them breathing that power and the holy ghost on them together , john 20. 23. ) and which is so distinctly named by s. james , c. 5. 15. in the case of sicknesse , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( not as we render they shall be forgiven him , as if it were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and belonged only to gods act of pardoning , but ) impersonally absolution shall be given him ; and so constantly preserved and exercised in the universall church in publike and private , and approv'd ( as farre as our liturgy uses it ) even by those who affirm that power in the minister to be onely declarative , that any man conversant either in the gospell , or writings of the fathers , or modern authors , or that hath but seen knox'es scotch liturgy , and observ'd that part of it , about the receiving of penitents , would be amazed to see a directory for the publike worship of god ( which is a large phrase and containes the whole office of the priest ) and in it a title for the visitation of the sicke , and yet find never a word about absolution , no not in case of scruple , doubt , or temptation , pag. 67. or the death bed it selfe . this exercise of those keyes of of the kingdome of heaven , i. e. of the church , this pronouncing of gods pardon , and actuall giving the pardon and peace of the church to all her penitent children , especially that more particular act before the communion , and on the bed of sicknesse ; is , beside the obedience to christ , so necessary an expression of christian charity in every church to its poore members , and the denying of it , where it is due , so barbarous an inhumanity ( which yet i hope no man shall be the worse for , but those that do deny it ) that as the turning of publike censures out of this church , is a rare example of despight unto christs command , ( there being no nationall church from christs time to this to be found without it , till this of ours for these last three years ) so the sending of absolution after it , and the affirming it to be necessary to be done , and appointing all foot-steps of it to be turn'd out of the service , is a piece of disorder , as contrary to charity as to piety , to reason as religion , this being so far from the blame of an exuberancy in our service , that there is more reason to wish that there were more of this nature , then that that , which we have already , were omitted . 2. for the hymnes of the church , it will not be amisse perhaps to give you first the true notion of the word ; there being among the hebrewes three sorts of songs , 1. mizmor , a concise or short verse , 2. tehillah , praise , celebrating or depredicating of god , and 3. schir , a canticle , as the word is used in the title of that song of songs . and answerable to these three , we have col. 3. 17. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , psalmes and hymnes , and songs , where the word hymne is answerable to the second of these , a praising and magnifying of god in and for some of his most remarkeable acts of mercy and power . thus was it the dictate even of nature it selfe among the heathens , to imploy a great part of their poetry , i. e. their piety ( for so orpheus the first and most famous writer of hymnes , was called theologus poeta , a poet that was a divine also ) in framing of hymnes to their gods ; though those of musaeus and linus , the other two theologi poetae , are not now to be met with . the like we have still of homer also , and i remember galen the famous physitian , in one of his books de usu partium , describing the composure of the foot , breakes out of a suddaine into an excellent acknowledgement , which hee calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a true hymne in laud of that god which made these curious bodies of men . this duty of naturall piety , christianity certainly hath not obstructed , but elevated it to a far higher pitch by superadding that greatest obligation taken from the redemption of mankind , to that old one of the creation . and thus in all ages of the church some hymnes have been constantly retained to be said or sung in the churches , i mean not only the daily lections of the psalmes of david ( which yet this directory doth not mention , but only commands a more frequent reading of that book , then of some other parts of scripture ) nor the singing of some of those psalmes in metre , ( which yet this directory doth not prescribe neither , save onely on daies of thankesgiving , or after the sermon , if with convenience it may be done , making it very indifferent , it seems , whether it be kept at all in the church or no , unlesse on those speciall occasions . ) but the alternate reading of the psalmes both by priest and people , ( psalmi ab omnibus celebrentur , let the psalmes be said by all , in the milevit . counc . can. 12. ) the constant use of some speciall psalmes , as the introite , and of other more purely christian hymnes , either framed by holy men in the scripture in reference to christs incarnation , or by the church since on purpose to blesse and praise god for his mercies in christ , which sure deserve a daily celebration from every christian , as well and as richly as any victory over enemies , though it be one of theirs over the king himselfe , can deserve of them upon any such day of thanksgiving . of this kind is the te deum , a most divine and admirable forme , called antiently , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a triumphant song , generally thought to be composed by saint augustine and s. ambrose , on the day that s. ambrose baptized s. augustine , and fitted to that purpose with an acknowledgment of the trinity , in reference to s. augustines conversion from manichaisme . if this be true , then sure is it one of those , the repeating of which moved s. augustine to so much passion , that he faith in his confessions , l. 9. quantum flevi in hymnis & canticis ecclesiae tuae , that and the like hymnes of the church fetcht many tears from him . of which i shall only say , that to any man that hath but an humble , faithfull , thankfull fervent heart to go along with it , it is as christian a piece of praise and prayer , as any humane pen could contribute toward the publike worship of god , which he that hath had the use of in the church , and now thinkes fit to banish out of it , shewes his own former coldnesse and non-proficiency under that means of grace , and that he never joyned in it with any zeale or earnestnesse , or else his retchlesse ingratitude to the church which hath allow'd him the benefit of it . sect 31 the like might be added of those two other in the administration of the sacrament of the lords supper , the former before the sacrament beginning with lift up your hearts , and ending with the holy , holy , holy , lord god of hosts , &c. a forme to be found with little variation , both in s. jameses , s. basils , and s. chrysostomes liturgy , the other , after the sacrament , glory be to god on high , &c. called antiently hymaus angelicus , the angelicall hymne , from the first part of it which was sung by angels , and both these such ancient , pure , excellent composures in themselves , and so fitly accommodated to the present businesse , and all that i have named , so farre from any appearance of evill , so free from any the least objection of any the most petulant malicious calumniator ( as far as i yet ever heard ) so well-becoming a congregation of saints , who by praising god in the church , should practice before hand , and fit themselves for the singing of hallelujahs perpetually in heaven , and in the meane time beare the angels company here ( who saint chrysostome tells us , sing all the hymnes with us : ) that 't is little better then fury , ( savouring much of the temper of that evill spirit on saul , that was exorcized with davids musicke , and therefore may be allowed to have malice to that and the like ever since ) to think it necessary to throw this piece of heaven out of the church . sect 32 3. for the doxology so constantly annexed to many parts of our service , in these words , ( wherein the people either are to begin or answer ) glory be to the father , &c. it is an ancient piece of very great consideration , the former versicle of it being , at 't is affirmed by good authorities , composed by the first councell of nice , and appointed by them to be used in the church , as a lesser creed , or confession of the trinity , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , consubstantiality of the sonne and holy ghost , with the father ( at which it hath therefore antiently been the custome to stand up ; confession of god , being a praising of him ( as the word in other languages imports ) to which therefore that posture is most due ) which may well passe for no fable , because 't is cleare , that soon after that time , flavianus sang it aloud in the church of antioch , as appears by * zozomen , and * theodoret , ( and if we may believe * nicephorus , st. chrysostome joyn'd with him in it ; ) of this philostorgius the arrian historiographer tells us , an. 348. flavianus having gotten a congregation of monkes together , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , was the first that began that forme of doxology , others using that other forme of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , glory to the father , by the sonne , in the holy ghost , making the son inferiour to the father , and the holy ghost to the sonne , as eunomius and eudoxius did , which it seems philostorgius himself most approv'd of , ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith his epitomator of him ) others ( not as gotofred mends his copy , and reads it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but as the oxford manuscript ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , glory to the father , and the son in the holy ghost . these two severall forms , and some say a third [ in the sonne and the holy ghost ] were it seemes proposed against athanasius in the councell of antioch , an. dom. 341. and by men of severall perswasions used in the church of antioch , as a character , by which 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they exprest their severall opinions , saith zozomen , l. 3. c. 19. and l. 4. 27. & by so doing , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , every one applyed the psalme or hymne ( to the end of which , as now with us , it was , it seems , then annext ) to his opinion . in which narration of philostorgius , we have no reason to suspect any-thing , but the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that flavianus was the first that sang it , wherein his favour to the arians might make him partiall , or the truth might be , he was the first that sang it at antioch , for there athanasius was in a councell condemn'd , and so still the forme might in other places be used more antiently . this first verse being on this occasion brought into the church as a testimony , and pillar of the catholick verity against the arians , and annext by ancient custome to the end of the psalmes in the liturgy , st. jerome or some body before him , being moved by the noise of the macedonians ( who accepted against that part of it concerning the holy ghost , affirming that that doctrine of the divinity of the holy ghost was novell ) is said to have beene the author of adding the other verse or line to the former , in opposition to them , as it was in the beginning , &c. to signifie this to be the ancient catholick , no new private doctrine or opinion ; and yet that it was very near , if not as ancient as the former , may be guest by what theodoret , l. 2. c. 24. saith of leontius bishop of antioch , that he was wont to say to himselfe the arrian doxology so softly , that no word could be heard by him that stood next , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for ever and ever , ( the close of the second line ) and this saith he , while flavianus , who opposed him , was a lay-man . and if this be a time wherein such formes as these , ( which besides giving glory to god , do secure and defend the catholick doctrine of the trinity , against all antient or moderne arrians , and macedonians ) are necessarily to be cast out , as hinderances to growth and edification , sure the design is only to plant heresies in the church ( to which alone that may prove impediment ) but nothing else . sect 33 having said this , 't will not be needfull to adde concerning the fourth head , more then only the acknowledgement of my wonder and astonishment , why the same calamity and tempest that carried away this lesser creed , should also be able to raise so fierce a torrent , as to drive and hurry with it the three larger creeds also , especially that not only of the nicene fathers , but of the apostles themselves ; against the matter of which i have not heard , that the presbyterians have any objection , and sure the beads-mans divinity , that turnes the creed into a prayer , hath not only concluded the use of it to be a stinting of the spirit . what the effect of this part of reformation is likely to be , will not be hard to divine , even barbarisme and atheisme within a while , the turning god and christ , and all the articles of the creed out of mens braines also , and not ( as yet it is ) only out of their hearts ; what is the necessity of doing it , will not so easily be resolved even by him that hath imbibed the assemblers principles , unlesse it be to gratify the separatists , who are profest denyers of one article , that of the holy catholick church , resolving the end and the effect of the holy ghost's descent to have been only to constitute particular congregations , and none else . as for the great patterne of the presbyterians , the practise of geneva or scotland , that appears by knox's common prayer-book , to have allowed a set forme of confession of faith , and designed it , for the publick use as the first thing in that book of prayers , though the truth is , the apostles , or other ancient creeds being set aside , one of the geneva forming is fain to supply the place of them , which yet by the setting the severall parts of the apostles creed in the margent , both there and in the order of baptisme , appeares rather to be an interpretation of it , and so still the separatists must be the onely men in the church fit to be considered , or else apparently there is no such politicall necessity of this neither . sect 34 for the fifth thing , the so frequent repetition of the lords prayer , and prayers for the king in our service , this account may be briefly given of it . for the former , that in our common prayer-book , there be severall services for severall occasions , of the sacraments , &c. for severall dayes , as the letany ; for severall times in the day , not only morning and euening , but one part to be said earlier in the morning , and then toward noone a returne to another part , ( as the antient primitives had three services in a forenoone . 1. that for the catechumeni , consisting of prayers , psalmes , and readings ; then a 2. for the penitents , such as our letany ; and a 3. for the fideles , the faithfull , our communion service , ) and even that which is assigned to one time so discontinued by psalmes , and hymnes , and lessons , that it becomes in a manner two services , clearly two times of prayer . now our saviour commanding , when you pray , say our father ; we have accordingly so assigned it , to be once repeated in every such part of service , and i remember to have heard one of the gravest and most reverend men of the assembly , being asked his opinion about the use of the lords prayer , to have answer'd to this purpose , god forbid that i should ever be upon my knees in prayer , and rise up without adding christs forme to my imperfect petitions . and whereas this directory is so bountifull , as to recommend this prayer to be used in the prayers of the church , and yet so wary as but to recommend it , it is thereby confest that it is lawfull to retain a set forme , ( for that is surely so , and then the often using of a lawfull thing will not make it unlawfull ) but withall that christs command in points of his service shall no more oblige to obedience , then the commands of men , for if it did , this would be more then recommended . and now why that which may , say they , commendably ( must , say we , necessarily in obedience to christ ) be used in the prayers of the church , and being repeated oftner then once , shall be usefull to him who was not come at the first saying , or may be said more attentively by him who had before been too negligent , should be necessary to be used but once , when all mens zeale or understanding of so divine a forme or perhaps presence at that part of the service , shall not necessarily go along with it , i leave to more subtile divines to instruct us . this i am sure of , that god hath made a peculiar promise to importunity in prayer , to a coming often to him on the same errand , and luk. 18. 5. by a phrase in the parable seems to say , that he that comes oft to god in this manner , will at length force him to shame , if he do not grant his petition , for that is the meaning of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and from thence the fathers use a bold phrase in their liturgies , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i put thee to shame , i. e. importune thee , basil . in liturg. and in the psaltery of the greek church , which hath many prayers mixt with it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 unlesse thy owne goodnesse put thee to shame , &c. now that this will not be subject to the censure of vain repetitions , mat. 6. 7. which is the onely exception made against it , ( if the example of david , psal . 136. be not sufficient to authorize the repeating any forme often , which is as faultlesse as that was ) might largely be evidenced , 1. by the nature of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , there used , which both hesychius and suidas apply to an other matter , and explain it by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , long , idle , unseasonable formes , such as battus used in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , his long-winded hymnes so full of tautologies , which munster therefore rendreth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 do not multiply words , unprofitably or unseasonably , 2. by the customes of the heathens which christ there referres to [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , use not , &c. as the heathens ] and which are evident in their writers , especially their tragedians ; where 't is plain , that their manner was to sound , or chant , for many houres together , some few empty words to the honour of their gods , such the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in their bacchannals , from the noise of which they were call'd evantes ; such in sophocles , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. and especially in the virgins chorus of aeschylus's tragedy , called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . where there are near an hundred verses , made up of meer tautologies , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and an enumeration of the severall names of the gods with unsignificant noyses added to them , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and within two verses the same again , and much more of the same stile . two notable examples of this heathenish custome ; the scripture affords us one , 1 king. 18. 26. where the prophets of baal from morning till noon , cry o baal , hear us , and it followes , they cryed with a loud voyce , and cut themselves , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 according to their custome or rites ( that loud crying the same words so long together , was as much a heathenish rite , as the cutting of themselves . ) the other of the ephesians , act. 19. 34. who are affirm'd to have cryed with one voice for two houres space , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , great is diana of the ephesians , and 3. by the designed end that christ observes of that heathen custome , 1. that they may be heard by that long noyse , for which elius scoffes them , 1 king. 18 , 27. cry aloud , perhaps your god is a talking , or a pursuing , &c. 2. that their petitions may be more intelligible to their gods , to which christ opposes , your heavenly father knoweth what you have need of , and so needs not your tautologies to explain them to him . much more might be said for the explaining of that mistaken place , but that it would seem unnecessary to this matter , the exception being so causelesse , that the vindication would passe for an extravagance . sect 35 of the prayers for the king , the account will not bee much unlike , st. paul commands that prayers , and supplications , and intercessions , and thanksgivings be made for kings , &c. 1 tim. 2. 1 , 2. where though the mention of those severall sorts of prayers , signified by those foure words , might be matter of apology , for the making severall addresses to god for kings in one service , supposing them proportion'd to those sorts in that text , yet have we distributed the frequent prayers for him into the severall services , one solemne prayer for him , in the ordinary daily service , ( and only a versicle before as it were prooemiall to it ) another in the letany , another after the commandements ( of which though our book hath two formes together , yet both the rubrick and custome , gives us authority to interpret , it was not meant that both should be said at once , but either of the two chosen by the minister , ) another before the communion , where the necessity of the matter , being designed for the church militant , makes it more then seasonable to descend to our particular church , and the king the supreame of it ; just as herodotus relates the custome of the persians , l. 1. p. 52. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they pray for all the persians , peculiarly for the king. to this practice of ours so grounded in the apostle , we shall adde , 1. the reward promised ( by the apostles intimation ) to such prayers ( if not , as i conceive , by those words , that we may live a peaceable and quiet life , &c. that peaceable and quiet life , of all blessings the greatest , seeming to be a benefit or donative promised to the faithfull discharge of that duty , of praying , and supplicating , and interceding and giving thankes for kings , yet certainly somewhat else ) in that high declaration made concerning it in the next words , for this is good and acceptable before good our saviour , whose acceptation is reward sufficient to any action , and yet who never accepts but rewards also . 2. the practice of the antient christians , set down by tertull. sacrificamus pro salute imperatoris pura prece , our prayers are sent up a pure sacrifice for the prosperity of the emperor , and that quoties conveniebant , in another place , at every meeting or service of the church , & precantes semper pro omnibus imperatoribus , vitam prolixam , imperium securum , domum tutam , exercitus fortes , senatum fidelem , populum probum , orbem quietum , quaecunque hominis & casaris vota sunt , praying alwaies for the emperours , and begging of god for them , long life , secure reigne , the safety of his house , couragious armies , a faithfull senate , a good people , a quiet world , all those severalls , ( which would make up more prayers then our book hath assigned ) all that either as man or king they can stand in need of ; and so athenagoras and others to the same purpose , especially when they have occasion to justifie the fidelity of christians to their unchristian emperours , having no surer evidence to give of that , then the frequency of their prayers for them , which they which thinke necessary to abbridge , or supercede , must give us leave by that indication to judge of somewhat else , by occasion of that to pick to observe their other demonstrations of disloyalty to those that are set over them by god ; and to any that are not guilty of that crime , nor yet of another , of thinking all length of the publike service unsupportable , i shall refer it to be judged , whether it be necessary , that the king be prayed for in the church , no oftner then there is a sermon there . sect 36 6. the communion of saints ( which if it were no article in our creed , ought yet to be laid up , as one of the christians tasks or duties ) consists in that mutuall exchange of charity and all seasonable effects of it , between all parts of the church , that triumphant in heaven , christ and the saints there , and this on earth militant ; which he that disclaimes , by that one act of insolence , casts off one of the noblest priviledges , of which this earth is capable , to be a fellow-citizen with the saints , and a ●llow-member with christ himselfe . the effects of this charity on their parts is , in christ intercession , and in the saints suffrages , and daily prayers to god for us , but on our part thankesgivings and commemorations , which 't is apparent the primitive christians used , very early solemnizing the day of christs resurrection , &c. and rehearsing the names of the saints out of their dipticks , in time of the offertory before the sacrament ; besides this so solemne a christian duty , another act of charity there is , which the church owes to her living sonnes , the educating them in the presence of good examples , and setting a remarke of honour on all which have lived christianly , especially have died in testimony of the truth of that profession ; and again , a great part of the new testament , being story of the lives of christ and his apostles , ( and the rest but doctrine agreeable to what those lives expressed ) it must needs be an excellent compendium of that book , and a most usefull way of infusing it into the understanding , and preserving it in the memory of the people , to assigne proper portions of scripture in lessons , epistles , and gospells to every day , every sunday , every festivall in the year ( which are none in our church , but for the remembrance of christ , and the scripture-saints ) to infuse by those degrees all necessary christian knowledge , and duties into us , the use of which to the ignorant is so great , that it may well be feared , that when the festivalls , and solemnities for the birth of christ , and his other famous passages of life and death , and resurrection and ascension , and mission of the holy ghost , and the lessons , gospells ( and collects ) and sermons upon them , be turn'd out of the church , together with the creeds also , 't will not be in the power of weekly sermons on some head of religion , to keep up the knowledge of christ in mens hearts , a thing it seems observ'd by the casuists , who use to make the number of those things that are necessariò credenda , necessary to be beleeved , no more , then the festivalls of christ make known to men , and sure by antient fathers whose preaching was generally on the gospells for the day ; as appears by their sermons de tempore , and their postils . to all these ends are all these festivals , and these services designed by the church , ( and to no other that is capable of any the least brand of novell or superstitious ) and till all this antidote shall be demonstrated to be turn'd poyson , all these wholesome designes , to be perfectly noxious , till ill or no examples , uncharitablenesse , schismaticall cutting ourselves off from being fellow-members with the saints , and even with christ our head , till ingratitude , ignorance , and atheisme it selfe , be canonized for christian and saint-like , and the onely things tending to edification in a church , there will hardly appeare any so much as politick necessity to turn these out of it . sect 37 7. for the reading of the commandements , and prayer before , and the responses after each of them , though it be not antiently found in the church , as a part of the service , ( but only retain'd in the catechisme ) till king edwards second liturgy , ( and therefore sure no charge of popery to be affixt on it ) yet seemeth it to me a very profitable part of devotion , being made use of as it ought . the priest after a premised prayer for grace to love and keep gods commandements , is appointed to stand and read every of the commandements distinctly to the people , as a kind of moses , bringing them from god to them ; these are they to receive in the humblest affection of heart , and posture of body , as means to try and examine themselves , and to humble themselves in a sense of their severall failings , and thereupon implore ( every one for himselfe , and for others , even for the whole kingdome ) first gods mercy for pardon for all that hath been committed against the letter of each commandement , or what ever christ and the gospell hath set down under any , or reducible to any of those heads . 2. grace to performe for the time to come , what ever may be acceptable to christ in that particular . this being thus distinctly and leasurely done to each particular precept , the heart enlarging to every particular under that , proves an excellent forme of confession of sinnes , and of resolution ( and prayer for strength ) to forsake them . and let me tell you , were gods pardon thus fervently and often called for by each humble soule in a kingdome , for every mans personall , and the whole kingdomes nationall sins , the atheisme speculative and practicall , the impiety , infidelity , want of love and fear , and worship of god. &c. in the first commandement , and so throughout all the rest , and the grace of god , to worke all the contrary graces in every heart , in the heart of the whole kingdome ; as humbly and heartily invoked , the benefit would certainly be so great , and so illustrious , that none but satan , who is to be dethroned , and part with his kingdome by that meanes , would ever deem it necessary to cast out this part of service , and have nothing at all in exchange for it . 8. for the order of the offertory , it must first be observed , that in the primitive apostolick church , the offertory was a considerable part of the action , in the administring and receiving the sacrament ; the manner of it was thus . at their meetings for divine service , every man as he was able brought something along with him , bread , or wine , the fruits of the season , &c. of this , part was used for the sacrament , the rest kept to furnish a common table for all the brethren ( and therefore in ignatius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to celebrate the feast , is to administer that sacrament , being joyn'd there with the mention of baptisme ) rich and poor to eate together , no one taking precedence of other , or challenging a greater part to himselfe , by reason of his bringing more ; this is discernible in saint pauls words , chiding the corinthians for their defaults in this matter , 1 cor. 11. 21. every man , saith he , takes and eats before another his owne supper , ( i. e. ) the rich that brought more , eats that which he brought , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as if he were at home eating his own private meale , without respect to the nature of those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which were a common meale for all , and so while one is filled to the full , some others have little or nothing to eat , which is the meaning of that which followes , one is hungry , and another is drunken ; after the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ceased , and the bringing of the fruits of the season , which were as a kind of first-fruit offering , was out-dated , whether by canon of the church , or by contrary custome , this manner was still continued , that every receiver brought somewhat with him to offer , particularly bread , and wine mixt with water . justin. mart. apol. 2. p. 97. sets down the manner of it clearly in his time , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. the bread and the wine of the brethren , i. e. communicants , is brought to the priest or prefect , ( not as the latine interpreter reads praefecto fratrum ) as if 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were to be joyn'd with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which belongs to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) and he receiving it , gives laud and praise unto god , in the name of the sonne and the holy ghost , and all the people joyne in the amen , then do the deacons distribute that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the bread , over which he hath thus given thankes , and then , saith he , over and above , the richer sort , and every one as he shall think good contributes , and that which is so raised , is left with the priest , who out of that stock succours the orphan and widow , and becomes a common provider for all that are in want . this clearly distinguisheth two parts of the offertory , one designed for the use of all the faithfull in the sacrament , another reserved for the use of the poore ; the former called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , oblations , in the councell of laodicea , the other 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in that of gangra , and proportionably , the repository for the first called sacrarium in the fourth councell of carthage , can. 93. ( and by passidonius in the life of st. augustine , sacritarium unde altari necessaria inseruntur , where those things are laid , and from whence fetcht which are necessary to the altar ) the other gazophylacium or treasury , the first st. cyprian calls sacrificia , sacrifices , the second eleemosynae , almes , l. de op . & eleem. parallell to those which we find both together mentioned , act. 24. 17. i came to bring almes to my nation and offerings . this , saith justin martyr , is our chrestian sacrifice , which will more appeare to him that considers that the feasting of the people , their partaking of the sacrifice , having their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , was alwaies annexed to sacrifices , both among jewes and heathens , which the apostle calls partaking of the altar , and consequently that the sacrifice , and the feast together , the sacrifice in the offertory , the feast in the eating and drinking there , do compleate and make up the whole businesse of this sacrament , as farre as the people are concerned in it ; and all this blest by the priest , and god blest and praised by priest and people , and so the title of eucharist belongs to it . thus , after justin irenaeus . the offertory of the christians is accounted a pure sacrifice with god , as when st. paul , saith he , mentions the acts of the philippians liberality , he calls them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an acceptable sacrifice ( and so heb. 3. 16. to doe good and to communicate forget not , such acts of liberality to those that want , for with such sacrifices god is well pleased ) and presently defines what this sacrifice was , primitiaecarum quae sunt ejus creaturarum , the first fruits of gods creatures . so tertullian , modicam unusquisque stipem menstruâ die adponit , every one brings somewhat every month , just parallell to our offertory at monthly communions ; much more might be said of this out of ancient constitutions and canons , if 't were not for my desire of brevity . effectually st. cyprian , locuples & dives es , & dominicam celebrare te credis , & corbonam non respicis , qui in dominicum sine sacrificio venis , qui partem de sacrificio quod pauper obtulit , sumis ? art thou rich , and thinkest thou receivest as thou oughtest , and respectest not the corban , feedest on the poore mens sacrifice , and bringest none thy selfe ? and saint augustine to the same purpose ; and 't is worth observing that many authorities , which the papists produce for the externall sacrifice of the body of christ in the masse , are but the detortion and disguising of those places which belong to the offertory of the people , and in the canon of the masse that prayer which is used for the offering up of christ , ( larded with so many crosses ) plainly betrayes it selfe to have been first instituted by relation to these guifts and oblations , as appears by the mention of abels sacrifice , and melchizedecks offering ( that of abels the fruit of the earth , mechizedecks a present onely of bread and wine to abraham ) and the per quem haec omnia semper bona creas ( by whom thou createst all these good things ) which belongs evidently to the fruits of the earth , but is by them now most ridiculously applyed to the body of christ . i have beene thus large in shewing the originall of the offertory , because it hath in all ages been counted a speciall part of divine worship , the third part of the christian holocaust , saith aquinas , 2a . 2ae . q. 85. art . 3. ad . 2. the observation of which is yet alive in our liturgy ( i would it had a more chearfull universall reception in our practice ) especially if that be true which honorius saith , that instead of the ancient oblation of bread and wine , the offering of money was by consent receiv'd into the church in memory of the pence in judas's sayle . now that this offering of christians to god for pious and charitable uses , designed to them who are his proxyes and deputy-receivers , may be the more liberally and withall more solemnly performed , many portions of scripture are by the liturgy designed to be read to stirre up and quicken this bounty , and those of three sorts , some belonging to good works in generall , others to almes-deeds , others to oblatious , and when it is received and brought to the priest , he humbly prayes god to accept those almes , and this is it which i call the service of the offertory , so valued and esteemed among all antients , but wholly omitted in this directory ( only a casuall naming of a collection for the poore by way of sage caution , that it be so order'd , that no part of the publike worship be thereby hindred ) upon what grounds of policy or pretence of necessity , i know not , unlesse out of that great fear , lest works of charity ( which the apostle calls an acceptable sacrifice , and with which god is well pleased ) should passe for any part of the service or worship of god , which after praying to him is an act that hath the greatest remark , and highest character set upon it , and when it is thus in the offertory , is accounted as pars cultûs , a part of worship , say the schoole-men . and beside , where it is used , as it ought , proves of excellent benefit ( when prudent faithfull officers have the dispensing of it ) toward the supplying and preventing the wants of all , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the minister is thereby enabled to be the guardian of all that are in want , saith justin . m. apol. 2. and sure necessity hath little or no law or reason in it , when the rejecting of such customes as these proves the only necessary . sect 39 9. for private baptisme , that which our liturgy prescribes is , that all possible care be taken , that all children that are to be baptized , be brought to church , and not without great cause and necessity baptized at home in their houses . and yet when great need shall compell them so to do , then an order of administring it is prescribed , such as in case the child dye , it may not be deprived of the sacrament , and in case it live , it may as publikely be presented , and with prayer received into the church , and pronounced to be baptized already , which is equivalent , as if it had been baptized in the publick . the clear confest ground of this practice is the desire of the church not to be wanting to any the meanest creature , in allowing it that which christ hath given it right to , and to encourage and satisfie the charitable desires of parents , which in danger of instant death require it for them . this ground seems clearly to be acknowledg'd by the compilers of this directory , pag. 41. where 't is affirmed , that the posterity of the faithfull borne within the church , have by their birth ( not by their living to the next lords day , or till they can be brought to church ) interest in the covenant and right to the seale of it , ( which sure is baptisme ) and then what necessity there is , that they that are acknowledg'd to have right to that seale , should yet not be permitted to have it , ( as in case private baptisme be excluded , some of them infallibly shall not ) i professe my understanding too short to reach ; and as ignorant i must confesse to be also , why , when they come to the congregation , it should be utterly unlawfull for them to be baptized in the place where fonts have hitherto been placed , i. e. near the door of the church , as the directory appoints ; a new scandalous piece it seems of popery , and superstition , ( which is as dangerous as private baptisme , and therefore with it together forbidden ) and yet very ancient , and farre from any superstitious intent ; baptisme being at first in any convenient pond or river , as the gospell , and after that just . martyr tells us , and is noted by the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is literally , to dope over head in the water , and by the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a swimming or diving place , by which the fathers expresse the font. but when churches were built , then there was an erection also of baptisteria , at first without , but after within the churches , and those placed neare the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or porch of the church , on no other design undoubtedly , then to signifie the sacrament there celebrated to be a rite of initiation , or entrance into the church , ( as the chancell or upper part of the church was assigned unto the other sacrament to signifie it to belong to those only that were come to some perfection ) against which 't is not possible any thing should be objected of unfitnesse , but that the ministers voyce will not in some churches so easily be heard by the whole congregation , which if it may not be helpt , by raising his voyce at that time , will not yet infuse any popery or superstition into it the charge that is here so heavily laid on it , ( as well as that of unfitnesse ) of which if it be guilty , superstition is become a strange ubiquitary , ready to fly and affixe it selfe to any thing they will have it , and shall as justly be fast'ned by me on their negative , or prohibition of baptisme in that place [ it is not to be administred in the places where fonts , &c. ] as upon our positive appointing it . for sure if a significant rite , or designation of place , &c. without any other guilt , then that it is so , be superstitious , an unsignificant interdiction of it will be as much ; and if the positive superstition be to be condemned , the negative must be so also . sect 40 10. for the prescript forme of catechisme , it is placed by our church in our liturgy , and as fit to be placed there as any directions for preaching can be in theirs , ( which takes up so great a part in their religion , and consequently in their directory ) the previous instruction of youth being so much more necessary then that , as a foundation is then any part of the superstructure , that being necessary to the end only , but this over and above necessary to make capable of the other necessary . of this particular catechisme i might say somewhat , which would be worthy to be observed in these times , how much christian prudence the church hath shewed in it , in setting down for all to learn , only those few things which are necessary to the plainest and meanest for the direction of christian faith and practice ; and if we would all keep our selves within that moderation , and propose no larger catalogue of credenda to be believ'd by all then the apostles creed , as 't is explain'd in our catechisme , doth propose , and lay the greater weight upon consideration and performance of the vow of baptisme , and all the commands of god as they are explained ( and so the obligation , to obedience enlarged ) by christ , and then only adde the explication of the nature and use of the sacraments in those most commodious and intelligible expressions ( and none other ) which are there set down , i should be confident there would be lesse hating and damning one another ( which is most ordinarily for opinions ) more piety and charity , and so true christianity among christians and protestants , then hitherto hath been met with . but seeing , though this be fit to be said , yet 't is unnecessary in this place , this catechisme being not put in ballance with any other way of instructing youth in the directory , but only sold or cast away for nought , and no money , nothing taken or offered in exchange for it , i am superseded from this , and only left to wonder why ca●echizing of children in the faith and knowledge of their vowed duty , ( which i hope is no stinting of their spirits ) should be one of those burthens which 't is so necessary should be thrown off , and not so much as consider'd in this directory . sect 41 11. for confirmation , which ( being a thing wherein the bishop is a party , will , i must expect , be matter of some envy and odium but to name it , and ) being so long and so scandalously neglected in this kingdome ( though the rule have also been severe and carefull in requiring it ) will now not so easily be digested , having those vulgar prejudices against it , yet must i most solemnly professe my opinion of it , that it is a most antient christian custome , tending very much to edification . which i shall make good by giving you this view of the manner of it . it is this , that every rector of any parish , or curate of charge , should by a familiar way of catechizing instruct the youth of both sexes within his cure in the principles of religion , so farre , that every one of them before the usuall time of coming to the lords supper , should be able to understand the particulars of the vow made in baptisme for the credenda and facienda , yea and fugienda also , what must be believed , what done , and what forsaken ; and be able to give an intelligent account of every one of these , which being done , every such child so prepared , ought to be brought to the bishop for confirmation . wherein the intent is , that every such child attain'd to years of understanding shall singly and solemnly before god , the bishop and the whole congregation , with his own mouth , and his own consent , take upon himselfe the obligation to that , which his godfathers and godmothers in baptisme promised in his name , and before all those reverend witnesses , make a firme publick renew'd promise , that by gods helpe he will faithfully endeavour to discharge that obligation in every point of it , and persevere in it all the daies of his life . which resolution and promise so heightned with all those solemnities , will in any reason have a mighty impression on the child , and an influence on his actions for ever after . and this being thus performed by him , the bishop shall severally impose his hands upon every such child ( a ceremony used to this purpose by christ himselfe ) and blesse , and pray for him , that now that the temptations of sinne , begin more strongly , in respect of his age to assault him , he may receive grace and strength against all such temptations or assaults , by way of prevention and speciall assistance , without which obtained by prayer from god , he will never be able to do it . this is the summe of confirmation , and were it rightly observed ( and no man admitted to the lords supper , that had not thus taken the baptisme-bond from the sureties into his owne name , and no man after that suffered to continue in the church , which brake it wilfully , but turn'd out of those sacred coutts , by the power of the keyes in excommunication ) it would certainely prove , by the blessing of god there begged , a most effectuall means to keep men , at least within some tearmes of christian civility , from falling into open enormous sins ; and that the defaming and casting out of this so blamelesse gainfull order should be necessary or usefull to any policy , save only to defend the devill from so great a blow , and to susteine and uphold his kingdome , i never had yet any temptation or motive to suspect or imagine . instead of considering any objections of the adversary , against this piece , whether of apostolicall or ecclesiasticall discipline ( which i never heard with any colour produced ) i shall rather expresse my most passionate wish unto my friends , those who sincerely wish the good of this nationall church , that they will endeavour their utmost to revive these meanes of regaining the purity and exemplary lives of all its members , when god by restoring our peace shall open a doore for it . sect 42 12. for the solemnities of buriall , as they are certainly uselesse to them who are dead , so are they not designed by us but to the benefit of the living in lessons and prayers upon those occasions , as also for the freeing us from the imputation of rudenesse and uncivility ( which christianity teaches no body ) to those bodies which shall have their parts in the resurrection , and to their memories , which the obligation of kindred , friendship , at least the common band of christianity , make pretious to us ; and that it should be necessary , and tend to edification , not to pray such seasonable prayers , heare , and impresse upon our hearts such seasonable lessons , ( at a time when they are exemplified before our eyes , and our hearts being softned with mourning , are become more malleable ) to performe such laudable christian civilities , only for fear we should ( not pray but ) be thought to pray to or for them , over whom , or near whose hearse , or by or toward whom we thus pray , ( which that we do not , our prayers that then we use , are ready to testify ) is another unreasonable , able to evidence the power of prejudice and faction to any that is not sufficiently convinced of it . sect 43 13. for that of thankesgiving after childbirth , as it may be acknowledged , to be taken up in proportion to , or imitation of purification among the jewes , so is it not thereby lyable to any charge of evill ; for herein is a merveilous mistake among men , to think that because the continuing of circumcision was so forbidden by st. paul gal. 5. 2. therefore it should be unlawfull for any christian church , to institute any usage which had ever been commanded the jewes . for the reasons which made the retaining of circumcision so dangerous , will not be of any force against other customes of the jewes , as 1. that it was prest by the judaizing christians , as necessary to justification , gal. 5. 4. which is in effect the disclaiming of christ or of any profit v. 2. or effect v. 4. by him , a falling from grace , and renouncing the gospell , 2. that it was contrary to that liberty or manumission from the judaicall law which christ had purchased , v. 13. to have circumcision imposed as a law of gods still obligatory , when christ by his death hath cancelled it . 3. that some carnall professors , which thought by this meanes to escape the opposition , and persecution ; which then followed the doctrine of christ , and profession of christianity , did much boast that they put themselves and their disciples in a course to void the crosse , c. 6. 12. which is the meaning of that , v. 13. that they may glory in your flesh , i. e. in your being circumcised , as that is by saint paul opposed to glorying in the crosse , v. 14. i. e. the persecution that followed profession of the gospell , as c. 5. 11. he mentions it as the only reason of his being persecuted , that he would not preach circumcision : agreeable to which is that of ignatius in ep. ad magnes . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. if we till now live according to the law of the jewes and circumcision of the flesh , we deny that we have received grace , for the divinest prophets lived according to jesus christ , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for doing so were persecuted : which they that desired to avoid , and therefore would be circumcised , or preach circumcision , those are the men saint paul so quarrels with , as those that would not suffer for christs sake , that were not much in love with that crosse of his . to which a fourth reason may also be added , that many of the ceremonies of the law did presignifie the future messias , and the teaching the necessity of such observances as not yet abolisht , is the professing christ not to be the messias . all which notwithstanding , it still remaines very possible , that a rite formerly commanded the jewes , not as significative of the future messias , but as decent in the worship of god , without any depending on it for justification , without any opinion that the jewish law obliges us , and without any feare of being persecuted by the jewes , or consequent compliance with them , may now be prescribed by the christian church , meerely as a humane institution , judging that decent or usefull now which was so then , and in this case , if nothing else can be objected against it , save only that god once thought fit to prescribe it to his owne people , there will be little fear of danger in , or fault to be found with any such usage . for it is an ordinary observation which paulus fagius in his notes on the targum ( a most learned protestant ) first suggested to me , that many of the jewish ceremonies were imitated by christ himselfe under the gospell . i might shew it you in the apostles , who were answerable to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the missi or messengers among the jewes , and were by christ our high-priest sent abroad to all nations to bring in ( that peculium , which of all others he counted most his due , having paid so deare for it ) sinners to their saviour , as they were among the jewes , sent by the high-priest to fetch in the dues to the temple . so also the imposition of hands , a forme of benediction among the jewes , as antient as jacob himselfe , gen. 48. 14. in blessing josephs sonnes , and is often used by christ to that same purpose . and even the two sacraments are of this nature , baptisme related to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , washings used by them at the initiating or admitting of proselytes , and christs taking bread , and giving thanks , &c. after supper ( wherein the other sacrament was first instituted ) was directly the postcoenium among the jewes , not a peculiar part of the passeover feast , but a ceremony after all feasts , very usuall among them . so the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from the assemblies civill or sacred among the jewes , is made use of to signifie the christian church , which christ was to gather together . so the lords day , one day in seven , proportionable to their sabbath . so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , elders among the jewes , are brought by the apostles to signifie an order in the church , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , colleges of many of them together , called by ignatius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sacred societies , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , counsellors and assistants of the bishops , and his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in ep. ad trall : are parallell to the sanhedrim , or councell of elders that were joyned to moses in his government , to facilitate the burthen to him . the same may be said of the deacons which were an imitation of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the treasurer or steward among them , and consequently the place , where the goods which they were to distribute were kept , is parallell to their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the treasury , and so the bishop also , saith grotius , is a transcript of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the head of the congregation . and the patriarchs among christians are taken from the heads of the tribes among them , called ordinarily by the 72 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and in the new testament 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . adde unto these the christian censure of excommunication answerable to their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( whether it were from sacred or onely from civill assemblies among them , it matters little , for the civill among them may be accommodated to ecclesiasticall among christians , as in some of the fore-mentioned is acknowledged , and as the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifies primarily any kind of assembly , and is so taken , matth. 6. 5. is appropriated to a place of divine worship in other places ) and the severall degrees of it in the christian church , answerable to their niddui , cherem , and schammatha ; and so for absolution also . all this i have said , and might adde much more to make the demand appear no unreasonable one , that it may be lawfull for the church to use a custome , which hath some resemblance of some ceremony in force antiently among the jewes , viz. that of the purification of women in our churching . which objection being removed there will remain no other , and then that it should be simply unlawfull or unedifying , to take notice of the deliverance of each woman , or to pay acknowledgement to god for it , and necessary to set up such schooles of ingratitude in the church , is more then ingenuous nature will suffer any christian to believe , upon the bare authority of these assemblers . sect 44 14. the communion of the sick , if it be superstition and popery also , ( as sure is implyed by the no mention of it at the visitation of the sick in the directory ) 't is sure of a very long standing in the church ; the canons of the councells about the lapsi and excommunicate , that generally take care that they should have the peace of the church in extremis ( answerable to our absolution at that time ) and if with expressions of penitent hearts they desire it , the sacrament also , are evidences so clear of this custome , that i shall not need produce any testimonies ; those that are moved with the practice of antiquity being sufficiently furnisht with them ; if any man be unsatisfied in this , let him read the famous story of the dying serapion in eusebius , l. 6. c. 36. and that it should be necessary to the edification of that church , that this viaticum , ( as the fathers call'd it ) should be denyed every hungring and thirsting traveller at that time , when it might yeeld him most comfort , and our charity most inclines us to allow it him , nay that the church should be thought to suffer by that in any eminent manner ( if it were ill ) which is done privately only to some particular , ( and order taken that all publikely should be warned to receive the communion frequently in the church , and so not want it on the bed , or trouble the minister then for it ) and consequently the church perhaps never hear of it , this is againe a new kind of necessity , to be fetcht from some under-ground fundamentall lawes of i know not whose laying , that the christian church never heard of till these times . sect 45 15. as for the service of the commination , fitted for the first day of lent , which by denuntiations against particular sins under the law , ( appointed to be read to , and attested by the people , with an amen of acknowledgement , that every such offendor is by the law cursed , not of prayer that he may be so dealt with in gods justice ) is designed to bring men to humiliation and contrition for sinne , the speciall duty of that day and the ensuing season , and closeth with most affectionate prayers for such penitents ; it is matter of some panick senselesse feares to some ignorant men ( which are very tender and passionate friends to their beloved sinnes , and dare not subscribe to the condemnation of them ) but very usefull to awake even those and all others out of this security , as a feaver to cure the lethargick to kindle a fire about mens eares , that they may see their danger , and make out to the use of all christian means of repentance and devotion , and laying hold on christ to avert it ; and if such a bug-beare as that of being thought to curse our selves and friends in the saying amen to the threatnings ( which will be true to all impenitents whether we say amen or no ) be sufficient to exorcize such an exorcist , to cast out of the church such a powerfull means of bringing sinners to repentance , or if bare prejudice of the assemblers without either hearing or objecting against it , be enough to make it necessary to be left out of our service , the divell will never be in danger from his enemies , as long as he may have but the spell of the directory to put them thus to flight for him . lastly , for the observation of lent , &c. if they be consider'd in generall as fasts , there will sure be no necessity to renounce them ; the jewes had their fasts as well as feasts ( and those set publick , not only voluntary private fasts ) and not only that great day of expiation appointed by god himselfe , but occasionall ones appointed by men , and yet , when appointed , as constantly observed as that other , the fast of tbe fourth month , of the fifth , of the seventh , and of the tenth month , zach. 8. 19. and under christianity , though in the time of christs presence with the disciples , they fasted not , yet the fasting of john's disciples , nay the twice a week of the pharisees themselves , is not ( though mention'd yet ) reprehended , but implicitly approved by christ , and of his own , saith he , they should not have that immunity long , the dayes should come when the bridegroome should be taken away ( and that is ever since christs ascension ) and then shall they fast in those dayes . 't were easie to justifie this through the writings , and by the practice of the whole church of god , till these dayes of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 let loose , till these dayes of animosities and epicurisme , have made the usage of fasts by papists , a command to us not to use them , and concluded the abating any thing of our gluttony to be an intrenchment on our christian liberty , and both those deceits together quarrell'd all christian times of fasting out of our practice first , then out of our kalender . this being said in generall of fasting , the application of this to these fasts of the church , will be indisputably satisfactory to any , that shall but consider the occasions of each of them , of the lenten-fast , the knowne forty daies example of abstinence in christ , whereupon saith st. jerome , vnam quadragesimam sec : traditionem apostolorum , &c. jejunamus , we fast the lent according to the tradition of the apostles , and epiphanius joynes with him to make the lent fast an apostolicall tradition , and others of the antients concurring for the practice of it , if not so punctuall for the tradition ; saint basil may speake for all in hom . 2. of fasting , that there was no age nor place , but knew it , and observed it . and then i know no necessity of despising christs patterne , and apostolicall practice , unlesse it be the same which obliges to the destroying of episcopacy ( which as it is an imparity opposite to the equalitie of presbyters , is clearly deducible from both those authorities , to which it seems this yeare is resolv'd to prove fatall ; ) that so there may be at length as little imitation of christ among us , as reverence to apostles . then for rogation week , though the originall or occasion of that cannot be deduced so high , but is by historians referred to claud : mamertus bishop of vienne in france , for the averting of some judgements , which on the observation of many inauspicious accidents and prodigies were sadly feared to be approaching , yet will it not be necessary to turne the fasts , or the letanies , or the services assigned to it out of the church , as long as dangers are either present , impendent , or possible , or indeed as long as there be sinnes enough among us to abode us ill , or provoke any wrath of heaven , any judgments on us ; and when all those occasions cease , i am content those services may be laid aside also , i. e. when we meet all together in heaven . next , the ember weeks are of great antiquity in the church called the quatuor tempora in the latine fathers , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( from whence i conceive is the english ember ) in the greek , and ( beside the first institution of them for quarterly seasons of devotion , proportion'd to each part of the yeare , as the first fruits of every season , that the whole , and each division of it might be blest by it , and again beside their answerablenesse to those foure times of solemne fast mention'd among the jewes , that we christians may not be inferiour unto them in that duty ) an admirable use is assign'd to them in the church , in imitation of the apostles , act. 13. 3. by fasting and prayer , to prepare for the ordination of ministers , immediately consequent to every such week , that god would send , and furnish worthy instruments of his glory to serve him in that glorious office , and till ministers are acknowledg'd to be generally so good , that either they cannot or need not be better , till those are also grown immortall ( as the framers of this ordinance ) and so no use of care for succession , i shall suppose it not over-necessary to precipitate these out of the church of christ , but rather wish that there were in our liturgy some service appointed of lessons and prayers for this purpose , to be used constantly on the dayes of fast through those weekes . sect 47 thus have i , as briefly as i could , examined all the pretended exuberances of our liturgy , which have required it thus to be more then lanced even to a deliquium animae , to many fainting fits a long while , and at last to it 's fatall period , if our assemblers may be allowed of the jury , and this ordinance have leave to be the executioner ; and as yet to the utmost of our impartiall thoughts can we not discerne the least degree of necessity , of any the most moderate signification of the word , to own so tragicall an exit . the leafes which have been spent in this search , as it may seem unnecessarily , might perhaps have been better employed ; yet will it not be unreasonable to expect a favourable reception of them , when 't is considered , that by this meanes a farther labour is spared , there needing no farther answer to the whole body of the directory , or any part of it , when it shall thus appeare , that there was no necessity for the change , nay ( which i conceive hath all along been concluded ) that the continuance of the liturgy , unlesse some better offer or bargain were proposed to us , is still in all policy , in all secular or christian prudence most necessary . and therefore when we have considered the second particular in the ordinance , and to that annext a view of some severalls in the preface , the readers taske will be at an end , and his patience freed from the tentation of our importunity . sect 48 the second thing then in the ordinance is , that all the severals which this ordinance is set to confront , are statutes of edward the sixth , and of queen elizabeth , all which are without more adoe repealed by this ordinance ; which i mention not as new acts of boldnesse , which now we can be at leasure to declame or wonder at , but to justifie the calumniated sons of this church , who were for a long time offered up maliciously to the peoples hatred and fury , first as illegall usurpers , and adders to law , then as popishly affected , and the patterne of queen elizabeths time vouched to the confirming of this their charge , and the erection of her very picture in some churches , and solemnization of a day for her annuall remembrance , ( by those who will not now allow any saint , or even christ himselfe the like favour ) design'd to upbraid those wayes and reprove those thoughts . it seemeth now 'tis a season for these men to traverse the scene , to put off disguises , and professe openly and confidently , what 'till now they have been carefull to conceale , that their garnishing the sepulchre of queen elizabeth was no argument that they were cordially of her religion , or meant kindnesse sincerely to the queen elizabeths reformation . some seeds we know there were of the present practises transmitted hither from our neighbour disciplinarians in the dayes of q. elizabeth , and some high attempts in private zeale in hacket , and coppinger , and arthington , at one time , which when god suffered not to prosper , it was the wisedome of others to call phrensie and madnesse in those undertakers . and generally that is the difference of fate between wickednesse prospering and miscarrying , the one passeth for piety , the other for fury . i shall now not affirme , ( or judge my brethren ) but meekly aske this question , and leave every mans own conscience to answer ( not me , but ) himselfe in it sincerely , and without partiality , whether if he had lived in the dayes of q. elizabeth , and had had his present perswasions about him , and the same encouragements and grounds of hope , that he might prosper and go thorough with his designs , he would not then in the matter of religion have done just the same ; which now he hath given his vote , and taken up armes to doe . if he say , out of the uprightnesse of his heart , he would not , i shall then only aske why it is done now , what ill planet hath made that poyson now , which was then wholesome food , why q. elizabeths statutes should be now repealed , which were then so laudable ? if any intervenient provocation , or any thing else extrinsecall to the matter it selfe have made this change now necessary , this will be great injustice in the actors . or if the examples of severity in her dayes , ( the hanging of coppin and thacker , an. 1583. at s. edmundsbury , for publishing brownes book , ( saith cambden ) which ( saith stow p. 1174. ) was written against the common-prayer-book ) might then restrain those that were contrary-minded , i know no reason why the lawes by which that was done , should not still continue to restrain ; or at least why conscience should not be as powerfull , as feare . from all this i shall now take confidence to conclude , that were there not many earlier testimonies to confirme it , this one ordinance would convince the most seducible mistaker of these two sad truths . sect 49 1. that the preservation of lawes , so long and so speciously insisted on was but an artifice of designe to gaine so much either of authority to their persons , or of power and forte into their hands , as might enable them to subvert and abolish the most wholesome lawes of the kingdome , and in the mean time to accuse others falsly of that , which it was not their innocence , but their discretion , not their want of will , but of opportunity , that they were not really , and truly , and perfectly guilty of themselves , that so they most compleatly own and observe the principles by which they move , and transcribe that practice , which hath been constantly used by the presbyterians , ( wheresoever they have appear'd ) to pretend their care & zeale to liberty , that by that means they may get into power ( like absalom a passionate friend to justice , when he had an itch to be king ; or like deioces in herodotus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , his ambition of magistracy made him content to be just ) which as soon as they attain , they inclose , and tyrannically make use of to the enthralling and enslaving all others ; even lawes themselves , the only bounds and bulwarks of liberty , which alone can secure it from servitude on one side , and licentiousnesse on the other ( which very licentiousnesse is the surest way to servitude , the licentiousnesse of one implying the oppression and captivity of some other , and being it selfe in a just weighing of things the greatest * slavery as much as the mans own unruly passions are greater tyrants then lawes , or lawfull princes ) are to be levell'd in their jehu-march , to be accused and found to be at last the only guilty things , and the same calamity designed to involve the pretended enemies of lawes and the lawes themselves . sect 50 the second truth that this unhappy ordinance hath taught us , is that which a while ago had been a revelation of a mystery indeed , which would without any other auxiliary have infallibly quencht this flame ( which now like another aetna and vesuvius is gotten into the bowells of this kingdome , and is there likely to rage for ever , if it be not asswaged from heaven , or determin'd through want of matter , by having devoured all that is combustible ) but now is a petty vulgar observation , that hath no influence or impression on any man , and therfore i scarce now think it worthy the repeating ; and yet to conclude this period fairly , i shall ; 't is only this , that the framers of this ordinance , that have so long fought for the defence of the establisht protestant religion , will not now have peace , unlesse they may be allowed liberty to cast off and repeale every of those statutes , that of the second and third of edward the sixth , that of the fifth and sixth of the same king , that of the first of qu. elizabeth , that of the fifth , that of the eighth of the same queen , ( though not all at once , yet as farre as concernes the matter in hand , by which you may be assured , that the fragments of those statutes which remain yet unabolished , are but reserved for some other opportunity , as ready for a second and third sacrifice , as thus much of them was for this ) by which the protestant religion stands established in this kingdome , and in which the whole worke of reformation is consummate . and all this upon no higher pretence of reason , then only a resolution to do so , a not being advised by their divines to the contrary , and ( to countenance the weaknesse of those two motives ) a proofelesse scandalous mention , or bare naming of manifold inconveniencies , which might as reasonably be made the excuse of robbing , and murthering and damning ( as farre as an ordinance would reach ) all men but themselves , as of abolishing this liturgie . lord lay not this sinne to their charge . chap. ii. sect 1 the preface to the directory , being the oratour to perswade all men to be content with this grand and suddain change , to lay down with patience and aequanimity , all their right which they had in the venerable liturgy of the church of england , and account themselves richly rewarded , for doing so , by this new framed directory , begins speciously enough , by seeming to lay down the only reasons , why our ancestors a hundred yeares agoe , at the first reformation of religion , were not only content , but rejoyced also in the booke of common prayer , at that time set forth ; but these reasons are set down with some partiality , there being some other more weighty grounds of the reformers framing , and others rejoycing in that booke , then those negative ones which that preface mentions , viz. the perfect reformation wrought upon the former liturgy , the perfect conformity of it with , and composure out of the word of god , the excellent orders prescribed , and benefit to be reaped from the use of that booke , and the no manner of reall objection , or exception of any weight against it ; all which if they had been mentioned , as in all justice they ought , ( especially when you report not your own judgements of it , but the judgements of those rejoycers of that age , who have left upon record those reasons of their rejoycing ) this preface had soon been ended , or else proved in that first part , an answer or confutation of all that followes . but 't is the manner of men now adaies , to conceale all that may not tend to their advantage to be taken notice of , ( a practice reproached by honest cicero , in his bookes of offices of life , in the story of the alexandrian ship-man , that went to relieve rhodes , and out-going the rest of his fellowes , sold his corne at so much the more gain , by that infamous artifice , though not of lying , yet of concealing the mention of the fleet that was coming after ) and to cut off the locks of that sampson whom they mean to bind , pare and circumcise the clawes of that creature they are to combate with ; i mean to set out that cause , and those arguments at the weakest , to which they are to give satisfaction . and yet by the way , i must confesse , that even these weake arguments which they have named , are to me of some moment , as first , the redresse of many things which were vaine , erroneous , superstitious and idolatrous , which argues that all is not now involv'd under any of those titles , nor consequently to be abolisht , but further reform'd only . 2. that they which did this , were wise and pious , which they that were , would never take pains to purge that which was all drosse , their wisedome would have helpt them to discern that it was so , and their piety oblige them to reject it altogether , and not to save one hoofe , when all was due to the common slaughter . 3. that many godly and learned men rejoyced much in the liturgy , which argues that all was not to be detested ; unlesse either these men now be somewhat higher then godly or learned , of that middle sort of rationalls , that iamblichus out of aristotle speaks of , betwixt god and man , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or unlesse it be confest that many godly and learned men may be mistaken in a matter of this moment , and then these may be also mistaken at this time . sect 2 having therefore made use of that artifice , mention'd some generall slight grounds of mens approving and rejoycing in the new-formed liturgy , the composers of that preface , i mean speedily to weigh them down , with a heape of contrary sad matter , and then to leave it to the readers judgement , whether they are not his friends , thus to disabuse him , and his silly good-natur'd ancestors , that were thus slightly flatter'd into a good opinion of an inconvenient , if not mischievous liturgy . great hast is therefore made , and some arts and preparations used , to work upon the affection more then judgement of the reader , and this is done by that rhetoricall pathetick stroke [ howbeit , long and sad experience hath made it manifest ] words of some consideration and efficacy , but that they have one weak part in them , an infirmity that this age is very subject to , and to murmurers , and passionate lovers of newes and change , how irksome and tedious soever the experience of this liturgy hath been , 't is notoriously certain that it hath not been said , save only againe to those evill eyes ; but on the other side , a continuall flote and tide of joy to all true english-men , to see and observe the prosperity and flourishing of this church , in a perpetuall swelling and growth , ever since the establishing of that protestant liturgy and religion together among us , till at last ( about the time when this vast calamity brake in upon us ) it was grown to such an height , as was certainly never heard of ( or by enemies themselves affirmed at any other time to have been ) in this kingdome , or ( were it not a little like boasting , to which yet you have constrein'd us , i should adde ) in any other part of europe also for these many hundred yeares . sect 3 but what is it that this so falsely supposed sad experience hath made manifest ? why , that the liturgy used in the church of england ( notwithstanding the paines and religious intentions of the compilers of it ) hath prov'd an offence , not only to many of the godly at home , but also to the reformed churches abroad . in which words we shall not take advantage of the confession of the religious intentions of the compilers of our liturgy , which signifies the offence here spoken of in their notion of it to be acceptum , non datum , taken when it was not given ; nor 2. oppose those religious intentions to the irreligious mistakes of others , and accusations of those things which were so religiously intended ; nor 3. compare the reputations of those persons which compiled that liturgy , whether in king edwards ( cranmer , ridley , p. martyr ) or in queene elizabeths dayes ( parker , grindall , horne , whitehead , &c. ) with the members of this assembly , much lesse the intentions of them , which in the mouth of enemies is acknowledged religious , with the intentions of these , which if we may measure by their more visible enterprizes , and the covenant , in which they have associated contrary to all lawes of god and men , we shall have temptation to suspect not guilty of over-much religion , or good purpose to the government of this kingdome ; nor 4. confront the number of those that are here confest to be pleased and benefited , against those others that are said to be offended , which were argument enough for that which is established , that considering the danger of change , it ought in all reason rather to stand to please one sort , and benefit them still , then to be pull'd down to comply with the other . but we shall confine our selves to that which the objectors principally designed as a first reason for which our liturgy must be destroyed , because , forsooth , say they , it hath prov'd an offence , &c. for the thorough examining of which reason , it will be necessary to inquire into these three things . 1. what they mean by offence . 2. what truth there is in the assertion , that the liturgy hath prov'd so to the godly at home , and to the reformed churches abroad . 3. how farre that might be a reason of destroying that which proves an offence . sect 4 for the first , the word offence is an equivocall mistaken word , and by that means is many times a title of a charge or accusation , when there is no reall crime under it ; for sometimes , in our english language especially , it is taken for that which anybody is displeased or angry at , and then if the thing be not ill in it self , that anger is a causelesse anger , which he that is guilty of , must know to be a sinne , and humble himselfe before god for it , and fall into it no more , and then there need no more be said of such offences , but that he that is or hath been angry at the liturgy , must prove the liturgy to be really ill , ( which if it could be done here , the matter of offence would never have been charged on it , for that is set to supply the place of a greater accusation ) or else confesse himselfe , or those others so offended , to have sinned by such anger . but then 2. if we may guesse of the meaning of the word by the reason which is brought to prove the charge [ for not to speak , &c. ] it is set here to signifie . 1. the burthen of reading all the prayers . 2. the many unprofitable burthensome ceremonies , which hath occasion'd mischiefe by disquieting the consciences of those that could not yeeld to them , and by depriving them of the ordinances of god , which they might not enjoy without conforming or subscribing to those ceremonies . to proceed then to the second thing , what truth there in this assertion , and view it in the severalls of the proofe . sect 5 for the first of these , the burthen of reading the prayers ; if they were enough to prove the liturgy offensive , all christian vertues would be involv'd in that charge , because they have all some burthen and difficulty in them , and for this particular , seeing we speak to christians , we might hope that the service would not passe for a burthen to the godly ( who are here named ) i. e. to minds truly devout , as if it were longer then it is ; and that it may not do so , i am sure it is very prudently framed with as much variety , and as moderate length of each part , as could be imagined , and sure he that shall compare the practices , will find the burthen and length both to minister and people to be as great , by observing the prescriptions in the directory , in the shortest manner , as this that our liturgy hath designed . 3. for the many unprofitable burthensome ceremonies . every of those epithets is a calumny ; for 1. they are not many , to the people i am sure , for kneeling and standing , which are the only ceremonies in the daily service , will not make up that number ( and for the rest , there is but a superaddition of some one in each service . ) as for sitting bare , if reason it selfe will not prescribe that civility to be paid to god in the house of god , ( where without any positive precept , jacob put off his shooes from his seet ) neither doth our liturgy prescribe it . 2. they are not unprofitable , but each of them tending to advance the businesse to which they are annext , kneeling to increase our humility , and joyn the body with the soule in that duty of adoration , standing to elevate , and again to joyn with the soule in confession of god and thankesgiving , and the rest proportion'd to the businesse in hand ; and 3. if not many , nor unprofitable , then not burthensome also . as for the disquieting the consciences of many godly ministers and people , who could not yeeld to the ceremonies ; i answer , that by what hath formerly been said , and the no-objection in this directory against any such , it appears that there is no ceremony appointed in our liturgy which is improper or impertinent to the action , to which it is annext , much lesse in it self unlawfull . and then for mens consciences to be disquieted , it argues that they have not , in that manner , as they ought , desired information ; as for ministers , we know that all that have been received into that order , have voluntarily subscribed to them , and consequently have receded from their own subscription , if they have refused to conforme . and we desire to know what tender respect will be had to the consciences of those , who will submit to your directory , and afterward refuse to conforme unto it . i am sure the denuntiations which we have heard of against the dissenting brethren , about the matter of jurisdiction and censures ( and now lately concerning the depravers of your directory ) have been none of the mildest , although those are your own fellow-members , that have assisted you as affectionately in the grand cause as any , and never made themselves liable to your severity , by having once conformed to you in those particulars . and so 3. for depriving them of the ordinances of god , &c. if that were the punishment appointed for the obstinate and refractory , 't is no more then the lawes of the land appointed for their portion , and in that sure not without any example in scripture and apostolicall practice , who appointed such perverse persons to be avoided , which is a censure as high as any hath been here on such inflicted . what ordinances they were of which such men were deprived , i conceive is specified by the next words , that sundry good christians have been by means thereof kept from the lords table , which must needs referre to those that would not kneele there , and why that should be so unreasonable , when the very directory layes the matter so , that none shall receive with them who do not sit , there will be little ground , unlesse it be that no posture in the service of god can be offensive , but only that of kneeling , which indeed hath had the very ill luck by socinus , in his tract coenâ domini , to be turn'd out of the church as idololatricall ( with whom to affirme the same will be as great a complyance , as kneeling can be with the papists . ) and by these as superstition at least , i know not for what guilt , except that of too much humility , as being in m. archer his divinity , as before i intimated , a betraying of one of the greatest comforts in the sacrament , the sitting fellow-kings with christ in his earthly kingdome , confessing thereby that some mens hearts are so set on that earthly kingdome , that the hope of an heavenly kingdome will not yeeld them comfort , unlesse they may have that other in the way to it ; and withall telling us , that he and his compeeres are those men . sect 6 having survey'd these stveralls , and shewed how unjustly the charge of offence is laid on the liturgy , and how little 't is prov'd by these reasons , i shall only adde , that the proposition pretended to be thus proved by these particulars , is much larger then the proofe can be imagined to extend . for part of the proposition was , that the liturgy was offence to the reformed churches abroad ; to which the [ for ] is immediately annext , as if it introduced some proofe of that also . but 't is apparent , that the proofes specified inferre not that , for neither the burthen of reading is offence to them , nor are their consciences disquieted , nor they deprived of gods ordinances by that means . in which respect 't is necessary for us to conclude , that the word offence , as applyed to them , is taken in that other notion , that they are displeased and angry at it . to which we then must answer , that although there is no guilt inferred from the undergoing this fate of being disliked by some , but rather that it is to be deemed an ill indication to be spoken well of by all , yet have we never heard of any forraigne church which hath exprest any such offence ; the utmost that can be said , is ( and yet not so much as that is here suggested ) that some particular men have exprest such dislike ; to whom we could easily oppose the judgment of others more eminent among them who have largely exprest their approbation of it . and 't is observeable , that calvin himselfe , when from franckfort he had received an odious malitious account of many particulars in our liturgy ( as any will acknowledge that shall compare the report then made , with what he finds ) though he were so farre transported as to call them ineptias , follies , yet addes the epithet of tolerabiles , that though such , they were yet tolerable . and therefore in the third place , i may now conclude , that if all that is thus affirm'd to prove the offence in the liturgy , used in the church of england , were ( after all this evidence of the contrary ) supposed true , yet is it no argument to inferre the justice of the present designe which is not reforming , but abolishing both of that and all other liturgy . were there offence in the length of the service , that length might be reform'd , and yet liturgy remain ; were there offence in the ceremonies , or mischiefe in the punishing them that have not conformed , those ceremonies might be left free , that conformity be not thus prest , and still liturgy be preserved inviolate . as for the forreigne churches , 1. i shall demand , whether only some are thus offended , or all . not all , for some of the wisest in these churches have commended it ; and if some only , then it seems others are not offended , and why must we be so partiall , as to offend & displease some , that we may escape the offending others ? not sure because we more esteem the judgments of the latter , for by the apostles rule the weaker men are , the more care must be taken , that they be not offended . 2. i shall suppose that their liturgy , or their having none at all , may possibly offend us , and then demand why they shall not be as much obliged to change for the satisfying of us , as we of them ? i am ashamed to presse this illogicall discourse too farre , which sure never foresaw such examination , being meant only to give the people a formall specious shew for what is done , a heap of popular arguments , which have of late gotten away all the custome from demonstrations , and then , si populus vult decipi , decipiatur , if the tame creature will thus be taken , any fallacy , or topicke doth as well for the turn , as if euclid had demonstrated it . sect 8 in pursuit of this popular argument it followes , that by this means , i. e. of the liturgy , divers able and faithfull ministers were debarred from the exercise of their ministry , and spoyled of their livelyhood , to the undoing of them and their families . to which i answer , 1. that if this be true , it is very strange that so few of this present assembly were of that number . for of them i may surely say many , very many in proportion , were not debarred of the exercise of their ministry , were not dispoyled of their livelyhood , &c. and if any one was , which i professe i know not , i believe it will be found , that the standing of liturgy brought not those inflictions upon him . the conclusion from hence will be , that either these present assemblers concurred not in judgment with those many able and faithfull ministers ( and then why do they now bring their arguments from them , whose judgement they did not approve and follow ? ) or else that they were not so valiant , as to appear when sufferings expected them , or else that they had a very happy rainbow hanging over their heads to avert from them that common storme . but then 2. it might be considered , whether those mentioned penalties have not been legally , and by act of parliament , inflicted on those who suffer'd under them , and then whether that will be ground sufficient to abolish a law , because by force thereof some men that offended against it have beene punished . 3. whether some men did not choose non-conformity as the more instrumentall to the exercise of their ministry , changing one parish for the whole diocesse , and preaching oftner in private families , then any other did in the church , and withall , wheter this had not the encouragement of being the more gainfull trade , of bringing in larger pensions , then formerly they had receiv'd tythes . 4. whether the punishments inflicted on such , have not generally been inferiour to the rigour of the statute , and not executed on any who have not been very unpeaceable , and then whether unpeaceable persons would not go neare to fall under some mulcts , what ever the forme of government , what ever the church service were , none having the promise of inheriting 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the land of canaan , an happy prosperous life in this world , but they whose meeknesse and obedience to lawes have given them aclaime to that priviledge . 5. whether the number of those , who by ordinances have lately been so debarred of the exercise of their ministry , and spoyled of their livelyhood , have not been farre greater then all those together ; that ever the liturgy thus offended since the reformation . 6. whether this directory , should it be establisht , would not be so imposed , that they which obey it not , shall be subject to these or the like penalties . sect 9 't is added in the next place , to raise the cry , and encrease the odium , and to involve the prelates and the liturgy in the same calamity , ( for otherwise what hath the prelates labouring , &c. to do with the liturgy ? ) that the prelates and their faction have laboured to raise the estimation of the liturgy to such an height , as if there were no other worship , or way of worship of god among us , but only the service-book , to the great hindrance of the preaching the word . to which i answer , 1. that this or any other action of the prelates , if supposed never so true , and never so extravagant , is wholly extrinsecall and impertinent to the businesse of the liturgy , and the more impertinent , by how much the more extravagant , such actions being easily coerced , and reduced by and according to the rule , and such unreasonable enhaunsments separable , without any wound or violence to the liturgy . give the liturgy its due , not its usurped estimation , and we are all agreed . 2. 't is here acknowledged that this was but laboured , not affirmed that it was effected , and then this sure is too heavy a doom on the liturgy , for that their labouring ; we do not find that saint paul was stroke dead , like herod , because the lycaonians meant and laboured to do sacrifice unto him , act. 14. 16. but then 3. he that shall consider who they are which make this objection , will sure never be moved by it . for certainly they that have formerly set the prime of their wits and endeavours to vilify and defame the liturgy ; and now that they think they have power , have absolutely abolisht it , will go neer to be partiall when they are to judge of the due estimation of it ; they that declaime at bishops for advancing it , will they be just and take notice of their own contempts , which enforced the bishops thus to rescue and vindicate it ? i shall not expect it from them , nor till then , that they will deliver any more then popular shewes of truth in this matter . for 4. the prelates have not raised the book to an higher estimation then the law hath raised , that is , that it may be observed so as may tend to edification , nor do we now desire any greater height of value for it , then you for the directory , i shall adde , nor so great neither , for we do not exclude all others as unlawfull , as you have done , and then i am confident god will not lay that charge on us , which you do on the prelates , nor any man that shall consider how different our titles are , though our claimes not proportion'd to them . a piece of modesty and moderation which we challenge you to transcribe from us . 5. all this all this while is a meere calumny , if by the service book is meant the use of the prayers in the liturgy , for no prelate ever affirm'd , or is known to have thought , that there is no other way of worship of god , but that among us . but then 6. we adde that this way of publicke prayer by set forme , the only one establisht by law ; ( and so sure to be esteem'd by us before any other ) is also in many respects the most convenient for publick worship , of which affirmation we shall offer you no other proof or testimony , then what mr. calvin , whom before we named , hath given us in his epistle to the protector , in these words , quod ad formulam , &c. as for forme of prayers , and ecclesiasticall rites , i very much approve , that it be set or certain . from which it may not be lawfull for the pastors in their function to depart , that so there may be provision made for the simplicity and unskillfullnesse of some , and that the consent of all the churches among themselves may more certainly appear : and lastly also , that the extravagant levity of some , who affect novelties , may be prevented . so probable was my conjecture , that at first i interposed , that the men that had here imposed upon their fellowes so farre , as to conclude the abolition of liturgy necessary , were those that undertook to reforme geneva as well as england , to chastise ▪ calvins estimation of it , as well as that of our prelates . sect 10 as for that pompous close , that this hath been to the great hindrance of the preaching of the word , and to the justling it out as unnecessary , or at best inferiour to the reading of common-prayer , i answer , 1. that the liturgy , or the just estimation of it , is perfectly uncapable of this charge , it being so farre from hindring , that it requires the preaching of the word , assignes the place where the sermon shall come in , hath prayers for a blessing upon it . 2. that if any where sermons have been neglected , it hath not been through any default either of the length or estimation of the liturgy : for these two , if faction and schisme did not set them at oddes , would very friendly and peaceably dwell together , and each tend much to the proficiency and gain which might arise from either . prayers would prepare us to heare as we ought , i. e. to practice also ; and sermons might incite and stirre up the languishing devotion , and enliven and animate it with zeale and fervency in prayer . and constantly the more we esteemed the ordinance , and set our selves to the discharge of the duty of prayer , the more should we profit by sermons which were thus received into an honest heart thus fitted , and made capable of impression by prayer . these two may therefore live like abraham and lot , and why should there be any wrangling or controversie betwixt thy heards-men and my heards-men ? but seeing it is made a season of complaining , i answer . 3. that it is on the other side most notorious , that in many places the sermon hath justled out the common prayers , and upon such a provocation , ( and only to prevent the like partiality or oppression ) it may be just so farre now to adde , that as long as the liturgy continues in its legall possession in this church , there is no other legall way ( as that signifies , commanded by law ) of the publicke worship of god among us , and although that voluntary prayer of the minister before sermon , when it is used , is a part of the worship of god , ( as all prayer is ) yet is it not prescribed by the law , nor consequently can it without usurpation cut short or take away any part of that time which is by that assigned to the liturgy ; the free-will offerings , though permitted , must not supplant the daily prescribed oblations , the corban must not excuse the not honouring of parents , the customes which are tolerated , must not evacuate or supercede the precepts of the church . as for sermons , which in this period seem the onely thing that is here opposed to liturgy ; i hope they do not undertake to be as eminent a part of the worship of god among us as prayer . if they do , i must lesse blame the poor ignorant people , that when they have heard a sermon or two think they have served god for all that day or week , nor the generality of those seduced ones , who place so great a part of piety in hearing , and think so much the more comfortably of themselves from the number of the houres spent in that exercise , which hath of late been the only businesse of the church , ( which was by god instil'd the house of prayer ) and the liturgy at most used but as musick to entertain the auditors till the actors be attired , and the seates be full , and it be time for the scene to enter . this if it were true , would avow and justifie that plea in the gospell , [ lord open unto us , for thou hast taught in our streets ] i. e. we have heard thee preach among us . which sure christ would not so have defamed with an [ i will say unto them , go you cursed , &c. ] if it had been the prime part of his worship to be such hearers ; the consideration of that place will give us a right notion of this businesse , and 't is this , that hearing of sermons , or what else appointed by the church for our instruction , is a duty of every christian prescribed in order to practice or good life , to which knowledge is necessarily preparative , and so , like many others , actus imperatus , an act commanded by religion , but so far from being it selfe an immediate or elicite act of worship precisely or abstractly , as it is hearing , that unlesse that proportionable practice attend it , 't is but an aggravation and accumulation of our guilts , the blessednesse not belonging to the hearing , but the [ and keeping the word of god ] and the go you cursed , to none more then to those that heare and say , but doe not : and for the title of worship of god , whether outward or inward , outwardly exprest , or all prayer certainly and adoration of god is the thing to which that most specially belongs , as may appeare , psal . 95. 6. where that of worshipping is attended , with falling down and kneeling before the lord our maker . and even your directory , though it speak extream high of preaching the word , yet doth not it stile it any part of gods worship , as it doth the reading the word of god in the congregation , p. 12. because indeed our manner of preaching is but an humane thing , and the word of man. this i should not here have said , because i would be sure not to discourage any in the attending any christian duty ( and such i acknowledge hearing to be , and heartily exhort all my fellow labourers in their severall charges , to take heed to doctrine , to reproofe , to exhortation , to be as frequent and diligent in it , as the wants of their charges require of them ; and my fellow christians also , that they give heed to sound doctrine , that they require the law at the priests mouth , as of a messenger of the lord of hosts , and againe to take heed how they hear ) but the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or impropriety of speech , that i say no more , that is in this matter discernible in the words of the directory , and the consequent dangers which experience hath forced us to observe in them , who place the worship of god especially in hearing , have extorted thus much from us , which may be usefull to give us a due valuation of sermon and prayer , the former as a duty of a christian , the latter a duty too , and an elicite act , a prime speciall part of worship also . sect 11 and whereas 't is added , that the liturgy by man is made no better then an idol . 1. that is a speech of great cunning , but withall of great uncharitablenesse : cunning , in setting the words so cautiously thus , not an idoll , but [ no better then ] ( as they , that will rayle , but would not pay for it , whose feare doth moderate the petulancy of their spleen , and coveteousnesse keep them from letting any thing fall that the law may take hold of , are wont to do ) and yet withall signifying as odiously as if it had been made an idoll indeed . whereas the plain literall sense of the words if it be taken , will be this , that an idoll is not worse then our common-prayer-book is to many , or that it is used by many as ill as an idoll is wont to be used , which is then the most bitter piece of uncharitablenesse , if not grounded on certaine knowledge , and that impossible to be had by others , as could be imagined . the truth is , this directory hath now proved that there is a true sense of these words , the compilers of which have demonstrated themselves to be those many that have made our liturgy no better then an idoll , have dealt with it as the good kings did with the abominations of the heathens , brake it in pieces , ground it to powder , and thrown the dust of it into the brook ; for abolition is the plain sence for which that is the metaphore . but then 2. 't is possible , the calme meaning of those odious words is no more then this , that many have given this an estimation higher then it deserves . if any such there be , i desire not to be their advocate , having to my task only the vindication of its just esteem ; but yet cannot resist the temptation which prompts me to return to you , that some men as neare the golden meane as the assemblers , have said the like of preaching , though not exprest in it so large a declamatory figure ; and i shall ask , whether you have not possibly given them some occasion to do so ( as great perhaps as hath been given you to passe this sentence on them ) at least now confirmed them in so doing , by applying or appropriating to the preaching of the word ( in the modern notion of it , and as in your directory it is distinguisht from reading of the scriptures ) the title which s. paul gives to the gospell of christ , saying , that it is the power of god unto salvation , and one of the greatest and most excellent works of the ministry of the gospell , p. 27. which former clause of power of god , &c. though it be most truly affirmed by s. paul of their preaching the gospell , and also truly applyed or accommodated to that preaching or interpreting of scripture , which is the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the due application of the scripture-rule to particular cases , yet it is not true in universum , of all that is now adayes call'd preaching , much of that kind being 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of a mortiferous poysonous savour , not to them that perish , but to the most christian auditory it meets with ; and that the railing of every pulpit rabshakeh , the speaking evill of dignities , &c. should be stiled the power of god to salvation , i have little temptation to believe . and whether the latter clause be true also , i referre you to s. aug. ep. 180. ad honorat . where speaking of damages that come to the people by the absence of the minister , and consequently of necessaria ministeria , the speciall , usefull necessary acts of the ministery , he names the sacraments , and receiving of penitents , and giving of comfort to them , but mentions neither praying nor preaching in that place . i shall adde no more , but that some have on these , and the like grounds , been tempted to say , that you idolize preaching , because you attribute so much to any the worst kind of that , above what others have conceived to be its due proportion . and yet we hope you think not fit to abolish preaching on that suggestion , and consequently , that it will be as unjust to abolish liturgy on the like , though it should be prov'd a true one , this being clearly the fault of men , and not of liturgy , as that even now of the lycaonians and not of paul , especially when the many , which are affirmed to have thus offended , by idolizing the liturgy , are said to be ignorant and superstitious , whose faults , and errors , and imprudencies , if they may prove matter sufficient for such a sentence , may also rob us of all the treasures we have , of our bibles and soules also . for thus hath the gospell been used as a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or charme , and that is but little better then an idoll , and so have some persons been had in admiration , and believed as if they were infallible , and so in a manner idoliz'd also , and that this should be a capitall crime in them , that were thus admired , would be a new piece of severity , that few of draco's lawes could parallel . sect 12 the next charge ( which is an appendent proofe of this ) is that the people pleasing themselves in their presence at that service , and their lip-labour , in bearing a part in it , have thereby hardned themselves in their ignorance , and carelesnesse of saving knowledge and true piety . to this i answer . 1. that 't is no fault to be so pleased with presence at that service ( the congregation of many saints is to any a pleasing company ) and therefore if it were immediate to , and inseparable from the liturgy , would not be a charge against it , nor in any probability hinder , but advance the desire , and acquisition of saving knowledge and true piety , which is there proposed , to all that are present at the liturgy . but if the phrase signifie being pleased with the bare presence , or the being present , and doing nothing of that they come for , as the lip-labour seems to denote the hard labour of the lip , and not joyning any zeale or intention of the heart , it is then but an uncharitable censure again , if it be not upon certain knowledge ; and if it be , 't is as incident to that order of the directories proposing , as to our liturgy . one may please himself with a bare presence at sermon , and either sleep it out , or think on some worldly matter ; one may say all or most of the ministers prayer after him , and sigh and groan at every period , and satisfy himself that this is a gallant work of piety , but truly i would be unwilling to be he that should passe this censure on any , whose heart i did not know ( for sure it is not necessary that any man should leave his heart at home , when his body is present , or employ it on some thing else , when his lips are busied either in our liturgy or that directory prayer , ) nor , if i did so , should i think that the directories order for worship should be rejected for this fault of others , if there were nothing else to be said against it . as for the peoples bearing a part in the service , which seems to referre to the responses , this hath had an account given of it already . sect 13 only in the whole period put together , this seems to be insinuated , that the saving knowledge , and true piety , is no where to be had , but in those sermons , which are not ushered in with the liturgy ; which we shall not wonder at them for affirming , who have a long time thus perswaded the people , that all saving knowledge is to be had from them , and their compliees , and blasted all others for carnall men , of which many discriminative characters were formerly given , as kneeling or praying at the time of entrance into pue or pulpit ; but now it seems the use of the liturgy supplies the place of all , as being incompatible with saving knowledge and true piety . if this be true , that will be a very popular plausible argument i confesse , and therefore i shall oppose unto it , that which i hope will not passe for boast either with god or angels , that of the sermons which have been preacht since the reformation in this kingdome , and commended to the presse and publick view , very few were preacht by those that excluded the liturgy out of the churches , and that since this directory came into use , and so made a visible discrimination among men , there hath been as much saving knowledge , i. e. orthodox doctrine , and exhortation to repentance , prayer , faith , hope , and love of god , selfe-deniall , and readinesse to take up the crosse , ( duties toward god ) and to allegiance , justice , mercy , peaceablenesse , meeknesse , charity even to enemies , ( and the rest of the duties toward man ) to be heard in the sermons of those that retain the liturgy , and as much obedience to those observable in the lives of those that frequent it , as is to be met with in the espousers of the directory . if it be not thus , i confesse i shall have little hope , that god will suffer such a jewell as the liturgy is , to continue any longer among us so unprofitably , and yet if men were guilty of this fault also , & the liturgy of the unhappinesse of having none but such clients , yet would not this be sufficient authority for any men to abolish it , any more then it will be just to hang him who hath been unfortunate , or to make any mans infelicity his guilt . i beseech god to inflame all our hearts with that zeale , attention , fervency , which is due to that action of prayer in our liturgy , and that cheerfull obedience to all that is taught us out of his word , and then i am sure this argument or objection against our liturgy will be answered , if as yet it be not . sect 14 the next objection is the papists boast , that our book is a compliance with them in a great part of their service , and so that they were not a little confirm'd in their superstition and idolatry , &c. where i shall 1. demand , is there any superstition or idolatry in that part of the service wherein we thus comply with them ? if so , 't is more then a complyance with papists , 't is in it selfe a down-right damning sin ; and if there be not , but all that is idolatrous or superstitious in their service is reform'd in ours , then sure this will be farre from confirming them in either of those , if they depend any thing upon our judgments , or our compliance . 2. 't is a little unreasonable , that they who will not believe the papists in any thing else , should believe their boast against us , and think it an accusation sufficiently proved , because they say it ; whereas this affirmation of the papists , if it be theirs , ( and not the assemblers rather imposed upon them ) is as grosse , though perhaps not as dangerous a falsity , as any one which the assemblers have condemn'd in them . for 3. the truth is notorious , that our reformers retain'd not any part of popish service , reformed their breviary and processionall , and masse-book , as they did their doctrine , retained nothing but what the papists had received from purer antiquity , and was as clear from the true charge of popery , as any period in either prayer or sermon in the directory ; which argues our complyance with the ancient church , and not with them ; the very thing that isaac casaubon so admired in this church of ours , the care of antiquity and purity , proclaiming every where in his epistles to all his friends , that there was not any where else in the world the like to be found , nor ever hoped he to see it till he came into this kingdome . and sure there is no soloecisme in this , that we being a reformed church , should desire to have a reformed liturgy , which hath alwaies had such a consent and sympathy with the church , that it will not be a causelesse fear , lest the abolition of liturgy as farre as god in judgment permits it to extend , ( the just punishment of them that have rejected it ) be attended with the abolition of the church in time , and even of christianity also . sect 15 as for the confirming of papists in their superstition by this means . i desire it be considered whether it be a probable accusation , viz. 1. whether the rejecting that which the papists have from antiquity , as well as what they have obtruded on , or superadded to it , be a more likely means to winne them to heare us or reforme themselves , then our retaining with them what they retain from antiquity , i. e. whether a servant ( much more whether a brother ) that is reprehended as much for his diligence , as for his neglects , for his good and faithfull , as for his ill and false services , be more likely thereby to be enclined to mend his faults , then he that is seasonably and meekly reprov'd for his miscarriages only ? it was good advice in that ancient epistle to polycarpus , ascribed to s. ignatius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , meeknesse is the best means to bring down the most pestilent adversary , and the resemblance by which he expresses it as seasonable , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , fomentations are most proper to allay any exasperation of humors . and 't is hippocrates's advice , that the physitian should never go abroad without some 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , lenitives or mollifying applications about him ; it seems there was nothing of so daily approved use as those . and that will avow this method of complying with adversaries , as farre as we may , to be a probable and a wise , as wel as a christian course , to bring them from their superstition , and not to confirme them in it . and another use there is wherein the papi●●s themselves confesse this complyance was politick , to take all scruple out of the heads and hearts of the people of england , concerning the lawfulnesse of this reformation , ( this is the opinion of the papists , exprest in a book call'd babel and jerusalem , or monarcho-machia protestantium , subscribed by p.d.m. but conceived to be patisons p. 314. ) that they might conceive , that the service and religion still continued the same , but was translated into english only , for their better edification , and so , saith he , it was indeed very politickly handled . 2. whether that which drives away all papists from all kind of communion or conversation with us , from all hearing of our preaching or doctrine , be more likely to work them over to our side , then that which permits them to come to our churches with us . for this is notoriously known , that as our liturgy now is , and was framed in qu. elizabeths dayes , the papists did for ten years together , at the beginning of her reign , come to church with us , and so continued , till the popes excommunicating the queen and our nation , made it so appear unlawfull for them . and perhaps but appear too , for an accoun● might be given of this businesse , that it is no way unlawfull ( by his own principles ) to a papist , remaining thus , to come to our churches , and be present at our liturgy , and ( if that be thought an objection or reproach against us , i shall then adde ) not only to ours , but to that service which is performed according to the directory also , the only difference being , that if both by them were conceived lawfull , ( as by mistake , i beleeve , in them neither now is ) our liturgy would bee more likely to attract them , then the directory ; and this we conceive not such a fault as to offer any excuse for it , ( for if s. paul by being a jew to the jew , could hope to gain the jew , why should not we ( without being papist to the papists , but onely christians in those things wherein they are so too ) expect to gain the papist also ? for supposing this to be , as you call it , a complyance with them , sure 't were a more probable gaining way , then to denounce enmity to all , whom they ever converst with ; i meane to the primitive liturgies for no other crime , but because they made use of them . who are best diviners in this matter , they , or we , experience may perhaps hereafter prove . in the mean , i cannot imagine , but liturgy and moderation , and charity , may be able to bring in as faire a shole of proselytes , to convert as many papists to us , or at least to confirme protestants , as an ordinance for sequestration of all their goods , and halter , and a directory will be able to doe , yea with an ordinance for the ordination of ministers by meer presbyters too , call'd in to assist them . sect 16 and whereas 't is added in that same section , that the papists were very much encouraged in that expectation , when upon the pretended warrantablenesse of imposing of the former ceremonies , new ones were daily obtruded upon the church . 1. i demand an occasion of that phrase [ pretended warrantablenesse of imposing of ceremonies . ] may any ceremonies be imposed or no ? if they may , then an act of parliament may certainly do it , and such was that which confirm'd our liturgy , and so the warrantablenesse not pretended ; if not , why then do you impose entring the assembly not irreverently , p. 10. and taking their places without bowing ? for that generall , and that negative is notation of some ceremony , if it have any sence in it . the phrase [ not irreverently ] prescribes some reverence , there being no middle betweene those two , and consequently the forbidding of the one being a prescription of the other . for i shall aske . is keeping on the hat irreverence at that time ? if it be , then pulling it off , or not keeping of it on is a reverence then required ; and if this be avoyded by saying , that this is only there directed , not commanded . i reply , that an ordinance prefixt for the establishing that direction , requiring that what is there directed , shall be used , amounts to a prescription . the same may be said of causing the man to take the woman by the right hand in marriage , in the directory , which is the prescribing of a ceremony , as much as if the ring had been appointed to be used there also . 2. i answer , that we know not of any ceremonies which have been obtruded or forced on any which the law hath not commanded , ( or if there had , this had been nothing to the liturgy , nor consequently to be fetcht in as a part of a charge against it ; ) that of bowing at the entrance into the church , is the most likely to be the ceremony here spoken of , and yet that is neither a new one ( never by any law or canen turn'd out at the reformation , but only not then imposed under any command , and since disused in some places ) nor yet was it lately imposed or obtruded on the church , but on the other side in the canon of the last so hated convocation , ( which alone could be said to deale with the church in this matter ) it was only recommended , and explained , and vindicated from all mistake , and then the practice of using of it left to every mans liberty , with the caution of the apostle , that they that use it should not condemne them that use it not , nor they that use it not , judge them that use it . 3. that the warrantablenesse of imposing the former ceremonies was no means or occasion of obtruding new daily , but rather an hedge to keep off such obtrusion ; for when it is resolved by law , that such ceremonies shall be used , 't is the implicite intimation of that law , that all other uncommanded are left free , and that , without authority , ( as the word [ daily ] supposes the discourse here to mean ) no other can be obtruded . for sure 't is not the quality of law to steale in illegall pressures , but to keep them out rather , to define and limit our liberty , not to enthrall us , to set us bounds and rules of life , not to remove all such . but then 4. that it may appeare of how many truths this period is composed ( every one of them with the helpe of one syllable a [ not ] set before the principall verbe , able to become such ) i shall adde that the very obtrusion of such ceremonies , if they had been obtruded , would never have encouraged a rational papist to expect our return to them , but only have signified that we meant by complying with them , as far as it was lawfull , to leave them without excuse , if they did not do so too , comply with us in what they might , and restore the peace and union of christendome by that means . this with any moderate papist would most probably work some good , and for the more fiery jesuited , i am confident none were ever more mortally hated by them , then those who were favourers of the ceremonies now mentioned , and for the truth of what i say , you are obliged to believe that passage in romes master-piece , which you appointed to be set out , wherein the king , and the late archbishop of canterbury , were by the popish contrivers designed to slaughter as persons whom they despaired to gain to them : but that any of the now assemblers were so hated , or so feared , or thought so necessary to be taken out of the way , we have not yet heard , but are rather confident that if a pention of rome , or a cardinalls cap , will keep them long together to do more such work as this , so reproachfull to the protestant religion , they should be so hired , rather then dissolve too speedily . sect 17 in the next place , 't is found out by experience , that the liturgy hath been a great means to make and encrease an idle and unedifying ministry , which contented it selfe with set formes made to their hands by others without putting forth themselves to exercise the gift of prayer . to this i answer , that those ministers are not presently proved to be idle and unedifying which have been content to use the liturgy . i hope there may be other waies of labour , beside that of extemporary prayer ( which can be no longer a labour then while it is a speaking . ) for 1. i had thought that these men might have acknowledged preaching and catechizing , the former at least , to have been the work of a minister , and that an edifying work , and that sure those men have been exercised in , who have retain'd the liturgy also . 2. study of all kind of divine learning , of which the haters of liturgy have not gotten the inclosure , may passe with fober men for a labour also , and that which may tend to edification , if it hath charity joyned with it , and that may be had too , without hating the liturgy . but then 3. i conceive that this directory is no necessary provision against this reproached idlenesse , or unedifyingnesse in any that were formerly guilty of them in the daies of liturgy . for sure the labour will not be much increased to the minister , that shall observe the directory , because either he may pray ex tempore , which will be no paines , but of his lungs and sides in the delivery , or else a forme being composed by any , according to the directory ( which is in effect a forme it selfe , ) he may thenceforth continue as idle as he who useth our forme of liturgy , and hee which hath a mind to be idle , may make that use of it , and that you acknowledge , when you interpose that caution p. 8. [ that the ministers become not hereby slothfull and negligent ] which were wholly an unnecessary caution , if this directory made idlenesse impossible ; and if a caution will serve turne , the like may be added to our liturgy also , without abrogating of it . and for the edifying , i desire it may be considered , whether the extravagancies and impertinences , which our experience ( as well grounded as that which taught these men this mystery of the idle unedifying ministry ) bids us expect from those who neglect set formes , do more tend to the edifying of any then the use of those prayers which are by the piety and judgment of our reformers composed , and with which the auditory being acquainted , may with uninterrupted devotion goe along and say , amen . sect 18 and whereas 't is added in this place , that our lord christ pleaseth to furnish all his servants whom he calls to that office with the gift of prayer . i desire 1. that it may be shewed what evidence we have from any promise of christ in his word , that any such guift shall be perpetually annext by him to the ministry ; i beleeve the places which will be brought to enforce it , will conclude for gifts of healing , making of psalmes , and other the like also , which ministers do not now adaies pretend to . 2. i would know also why christ , if he do so furnish them , may not also be thought to help them to the matter of their prayers ( in which yet here the directory is fain to assist them , and pag. 8. supposes the minister may have need of such help and furniture , ) as well as the forme of words , in which the liturgy makes the supply . 3. i shall not doubt to affirme , that if the gift of prayer signifie an ability of praying in publick without any premeditation , discreetly and reverently , and so as never to offend against either of those necessaries , every minister is not furnisht with this gift , some men of very excellent abilities wanting that suddaine promptnesse of elocution , and choice of words for all their conceptions others being naturally modest and bashfull , and not endued with this charisma of boldnesse , which is a great part , a speciall ingredient of that which is here called the gift of prayer . and even for those which have the former of these , and are not so happy as to want the latter , that yet they are not sufficiently gifted for prayer in publick , experience hath taught us by the very creditable relations of some , who have falne into so many indiscretions , that we say no worse in that performance . 't is true that god enableth men sufficiently in private to expresse their necessities to him , being able to understand sighs and groanes , when words are wanting , and as well content with such rhetorick in the closet as any , but this is not peculiar to ministers , and for any such ability in publick , there will not be the like security , unlesse the language of sighs and groanes , without other expressions be there current also , which appears by some , who are forced to pay that debt to god in that coyne , having through unthriftinesse provided no other ; and yet 't were well also if that were the worst of it , but the truth is , blasphemy is somewhat worse then saying nothing . sect 19 the last objection is , that the continuance of the liturgy would be a matter of endlesse strife and contention in the church , and a snare to many godly ministers , &c. to the end of that page . where 1. is observeable the temper and resolution of these men , of whom such speciall care is taken , which makes it so necessary for them , not only to strive and contend , 1. against establisht law. 2. about formes of prayer , ( which sure is none of the prime articles of the creed ) but also to strive for ever , which being observed , it seems 2. that they have a very charitable opinion of all us who are assertors of liturgy , that we will never strive or contend for it , for otherwise the strife may be as endlesse upon its taking away . and sure in ordinary judging ( if they be not sure that none are contentious , but their favourites ) we see no reason , why the introduction of a new way of worship , should not be more matter of strife , and so also a snare to more ( if any can be ensnared or scandalized , but they ) then the continuance of the old establisht liturgy . where , by the way , the snare they speak of seems to signifie that which catches and entraps their estates and not their soules , causeth them to be persecuted , &c. which is a notable paralogisme and fallacy put upon the scripture use of that phrase , if we took pleasure in making such discoveries . but then 3. we desire experience may be judge , and upon the sentence which that shall give , that it may be considered , whether upon the ballancing of the kingdome , it will not be found that a far greater number are now at this time offended at the directory , and thereby ensnared in their estates , if they lye within your power , then formerly at any time ( i shall adde in all times since the reformation , put together ) ever were by the liturgy . as for that passge which is added in the close of this section , that in these latter times god vouchsafeth to his people more and better meanes for the discovery of errour and superstition . ] though this sounds somewhat like his divinity who makes the power of resisting kings , to be a truth which god pleas'd to reveale in these latter times , for the turning antichrist out of the world , but hid in the primitive times , that antichrist might come in , yet i shall not now quarrell with it ( because 't is possible it may have another sence , and i would not deny any thing but what is apparently and inexcusably false ) but from thence assume , 1. that i hope god vouchsafeth these means to them , that use the liturgy also ; for if it must be supposed a sinne , to continue the use of it , 't is not , i hope , such a wasting sinne , as to deprive men of all grace , even of the charismata , which unsanctified men may be capable of , and of means of knowledge , which is but a common grace , and therefore i must hope that the phrase [ his people ] is not here meant in a discriminative sence ( like the montanists forme of nos spirituales , in opposition to all others , as animales & psychici ) to signifie only those that are for the directory , for then let them be assured , gods gifts are not so inclosed , but that oxford is vouchsafed as plentifull means for the discovery of errour and superstition , as london , and have , among other acts of knowledge , discovered this one by gods blessing , ( which again i shall mention ) that there may be as much errour and superstition in rejecting of all liturgy , as in retaining of any , in opposing ceremonies , as in asserting them , a negative ( as i said ) touch not , tast not , kneele not , bow not , as well and positive superstition ; as also that there be errors in practice , as well as doctrine , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , infidelities against the commandements , and sermon of christ in the mount , as well as against the creed it selfe , and that imposing of lawes on the king and kingdome by the sword , abolishing liturgy , setting up directories by that sterne way of arguments , those carnall weapons of militia or warfare , when they are not only practised , but asserted for lawfull , are errours , damnable errours also , and such as are very near the ordinary notion of superstition , the teaching for doctrines the commandements of men , i would i might not say of — also . but then 2. all this being supposed of gods granting better means of knowledge now , then formerly , i shall yet interpose , that sure this is not a truth of an unlimited extent , for there have been apostles , which had better means then we , and they that were nearest them , ( and knew their doctrines , and practices , better then it is possible we should ) had so also , nay vniversall councells meeting in the holy ghost , and piously and judiciously debating , had by the priviledge of prayer , more right to that promise of christs being in the midst of them , and leading them into all truth , then an illegally congregated assembly ; and all these have been greater favourers of liturgy then any of equall authority with them have been of your directory ; and 3. if all were supposed and granted which you claime , yet still the means of knowledge now vouchsafed do not make you infallible , lay not any morall or physicall necessity on you to be faultlesse or errorlesse , and therefore still this may be errour in you as probably , as liturgy should be superstition in us . and for gifts of preaching and prayer , i answer , if they are and have been truly gifts , others of former times may by the spirit have had as liberall a portion of them , as we . for sure those dayes wherein the spirit was promised to be powred out on all flesh , are not these dayes of ours , or of this age , exclusively to all others ; of this i am confident , that some other ages have had them in such a measure , as was most agreeable to the propagating of the gospell , and if that were then by forming or using of liturgies , why may it not be so at this time also ? sect 21 having given you my opinion of these passage , and yeelded to them for quietnesse sake , a limited truth , i must now adde , that if they be argumentative , and so meant as a proofe that these assemblers are likely to be in the right , while they destroy liturgy , although all the christian world before them have asserted it , this will be a grosse piece of insolency and untruth together ; a taking upon them to be the only people of god , of these latter times , nay to have greater judgment , knowledge , gifts , then all the whole christian world , for all ages together , including the apostles and christ himselfe , have had . for all these have been produced together with the saffrage of jewes , heathens , mahometans also , to maintain set pormes ; and though it be true , that some of late have found out many superstition● that never were discover'd before , one or other almost in every posture or motion in gods service , yet this sure is by the helpe of an injustice in applying without all reason that title to those actions , and not by a greater sagacity in discerning , making many acts of indifferent performance , nay of piety it selfe , go defamed and mourning under the reproach of superstition , and not bringing any true light into the world , that before was wanting . this one odium fastned on all orthodox ministers in this kingdome at this time , of being superstitious , and the mistake of the true notion of the word which hath to that end been infused into many , ( but is by a tract lately printed somewhat discover'd ) hath brought in a shole of sequestrations of livings , which have been very necessary and instrumentall , to the maintaining of these present distempers . and now at length it proves in more respects then one , that what ever unsatiate hydropicall appetites are tempted to take away , is presently involved under that title , a name that hath an universall malignity in it , makes aay thing lawfull prize that is in the company . god will in time display this deceit also . sect 22 having mentioned these so many reasons of their abolishing our liturgy , i. e. their so many slanders against our church and church-men , all which if they were true , hang so loose and so separable from liturgy , that they cannot justifie the abolition of it ; at length they shut up their suggestions with [ vpon these and many the like weighty considerations , and because of divers particulars contained in the book , they have resolved to lay aside the book ] where if the many considerations unmentioned be of no more truth or validity then these , and so be like weighty considerations , i acknowledge their prudence in not naming them , and think that no part of the world is like to prove the worse for this their reservednesse , only by the way a generall charge is nothing in law , and in generalibus latet dolus , is a legall exception against any thing of this nature . but if they have any other which they conceive to be of any weight , they are very unjust and very uncharitable to us , thus to ensnare our estates ( the fault even now laid upon the prelates ) by requiring our approbation of their directory , and conformity of our practice to it ; and yet not vouchsafe us that conviction , which they are able , to satisfie us of the reasons of their proceedings . but the truth is , we shall not charge this on them neither , being made confident by the weaknesse of the motives produced , that they have not any more effectuall in store . and for the particulars contained in the book , if there were any infirme parts in it , any thing unjustifiable , ( which we conceive their conscience tells them there is not , having not in this whole book produced one , and yet their charity to it not so great , as to cover or conceale any store of sins ) yet would not this inferre any more then only farther reformation of the book , which is not the design against which we now argue . sect 23 and having proceeded to so bloudy a sentence upon such ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the gospell phrase ) testimonies and accusations so unsufficient and unproportionable to such a condemnation , they could not but foresee the opinion that would be had of the action , and the ill and odious consequents that would attend it , which therefore to keep off , is the next endeavour , by professing that what is done , is not from any love of novelty . and truly 't is well you tell us so , for otherwise the semblance of that love and other actions , might have perswaded us mortalls , who see but the outsides , so to judge . and still notwithstanding the affirmation ( which is not of much value in your own cause , unlesse we had more testimonies of the authors infallibility , then this preface hath afforded us ) the consideration of the matter and termes of the change from what and to what , of the no manner of advantage or acquisition by it to recompence all the disadvantages , the great temerity , if not impiety to boot , in separating from this nationall , and in scorning and defying the practice of the vniversall church , and the great illegality , that i say no worse , of your action and the preparatory steps of motion to it , may tempt us to affirme , that it must needs be a love of novelty , even a platonick love , as the phrase is now a dayes , a love of novelty , as novelty , without any other hoped for reward , without any other avowed design in seeking it ; for if there be any other which may be own'd , i am confident it hath already appeared by what hath been said , that this is not the way to it . but then 2. such a profession as this will not sure signifie much , to innovate , and yet to say we love nor innovation , to act with a proud high hand in despight of so much at least of god , as is imprinted in the lawes of man , and our lawfull superiours , and then to excuse it by saying we love not to do so , will 〈◊〉 little alleviate the matter before any equall judge . 't is certain there is something unlovely in the reproachfull name of sinne , how glibly soever the pleasures of it go down , yea and even in the sinne it selfe , it hath the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the two cups in homer , more truly then that to which he applyes it , its bitter and hatefull , as well as its sweeter lovelier parts , extemplo quodcunque malum committitur , ipsi displicet , and if men may leave and excuse to commit adultery so long , till they fall in love not only with the pleasure of it , but the very sinfulnesse of it , and the name and reproach also , we shall give them a good large space of repentance : the short is , the mention of novelty is an evidence that the composers conscience tells them , that what they now do is such , and 't is not their not loving it ( perhaps onely thinking , perhaps only saying they do not love it ) which will much lessen the fault , but rather define it to be an act against conscience , to be and continue guilty of so huge a novelty , when they professe they love it not . sect 24 the next envy that they labour to avoyd , is the having an intention to disparage the reformers , of whom they are perswaded , that were they now alive they would joyn with them in this worke . this is another 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to blanch your actions with contrary intentions , to do that which is most reproachfull to the reformers , to obliterate , or which is worse , to defame their memory ( whom yet at the beginning you called wise and pious ) and then say you intended them no disparagement , nay to make them repent and retract after their death ( i. e. to put them in a kind of purgatory ) to undertake for them that they have changed their minds , and not only that they are now content to part with that finally out of the church , the short temporary losse of which , one of them ( arch-bishop cranmer in one of his letters publisht by miles coverdale ) laments as the severest part of the persecuters tyranny toward him , viz. that they would not permit him the use of the common-prayer-book in the prison ; but withall that they are grown zealots too , are content to act most illegally and seditiously to cast it out . the judgment of this matter we leave to any arbitration . 1. whether it be likely that they would joyn , against law to take that away , which they compiled , or make all prescribed formes unlawfull , who did not think any fit in publick , but those which were prescribed . 2. whether any man can have ground of such perswasion , when they dyed in the constant exercise of it , and have sent them no message from the dead of their change of 〈◊〉 3. whether it be not strongly improbable , that they of the first reformation , who in qu. maries dayes flying and living in franckfort , and there meeting with the objections that have been produced by our new reformers , maintained the booke against them all , would now if they were return'd to us from a longer exile , disclaime all that they had thus maintain'd . 4. whether it be not an argument of a strong confidence and assurance , ( which is the most dangerous mother or schisme and heresie imaginable ) of strong passions and weak judgment , to think that all men would be of their side ( as hacket thought verily that all london would rise with him , as soon as he appear'd in cheap-side ) upon no other ground of that perswasion mention'd , but only that they are of it , which is but in effect as the same hacket did , shewing no evidence of his being a prophet , but only his confidence , which produced all kind of direfull oathes that he was , and hideous imprecations on himselfe , if he were not so . that which is added by way of honour to those martyrs , that they were excellent instruments to begin the purging and building of his house , may be but an artifice of raising their own reputation , who have perfected those rude beginnings , or if it be meant in earnest , as kindnesse to them , 't is but an unsignificant civility , to abolish all the records of their reformation , and then pay them a little prayse in exchange for them , martyr their ashes ( as the papists did fagius and bucer ) and then lay them down into the earth again , with a dirge or anthem , defame the reformation , and commend the reformers , but still to intimate how much wiser and godlier you are , then all those martyrs were . sect 25 thus far they have proceeded ad amoliendam invidiam ; now to the positive motives , of setting up this great work of innovation , and those are 1. to answer in some measiure the gracious providence of god which at this time calleth upon them for farther reforma●●●● : what they should mean by the gratious providence of god in this place , i confesse i cannot guesse , ( if it be not a meer name to adde some credit to the cause ) unlesse it be the prosperity and good successe of their armes ; which if throughout this warre they had reason to brag or take notice of ( as sure they have not , but of gods hand many times visibly shewed against them , in raising the low estate of the king , 〈…〉 means , and bringing down their mighty strengths , as the septuagint makes god promise to fight against amalek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by secret hand , by invisible , ) yet sure would not that justify the taking up of those armes , much lesse be able to consecrate all other sins , that those armes may enable any to be guilty of . 't is the turks divinity , as before i intimated , to passe sentence on the action by the prosperity of the man , to make one killing of a father villany and sacriledge , because the design it aim'd at miscarrie● , and another of the same making an heroick act , that god was pleased with , because it brought the designer to the kingdome : and therefore , i beseech you , look no longer on the cause through the deceiveable and deceitfull glasses of your conceited victories , but through that one true glasse the word of christ in the new testament ; and if that call you to this farther reformation , go on in gods name ; but if it be any else that calleth you , ( as sure somewhat else it is you mean , for if it were gods word you would ere now have shew'd it us , and here have call'd it gods word , which is plain and intelligible , not gods providence , which is of an ambiguous signification ) if any extraordinary revelation however convey'd to you ; this you will never be able to approve to any that should doubt your call , and therefore i shall meekly desire you , and in the bowells of christian compassion to your selves , if not to your bleeding country , once more to examine seriously , what ground you have in gods word , to satisfie conscience of the lawfullnesse of such attempts , which you have used , to gain strength to work your reformation ; and this we the rather desire to be shewed by you , because you adde , that having consulted with gods holy word , you resolve to lay aside the former liturgy , which cannot signify that upon command of gods word particularly speaking to this matter , you have done it , for then all this while , you would sure have shewed us that word , but that the word of god , hath led you to the whole work in generall , which you have taken in hand , and therefore that is it , which as a light shining in so dark a place , we require you in the name of god to hold out to us . sect 26 after this there is a second motive , the satisfaction of your own consciences . this i cannot speak to , because neither i know them , nor the grounds of them , save only by what is here mentioned , which i am sure is not sufficient to satisfie conscience , ( phancy perhaps it may ) only this i shall interpose , that it is possible your own consciences may be erroneous , and we are confident they are so , and then you are not bound to satisfie them , save only by seeking better information , which one would think might be as feaseable a task as abolishing of liturgy . sect 27 next a third motive is mentioned , that you m●y satisfie the expectation of other reformed churches ; so this first i say , that this is not the rule for the reforming of a nationall church 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and independent . and such i conceive , the last canon of the councell of ephesus , will by consequence conclude this of england to be ; and its ●●ing so is a sufficient plea. 1. to clear us from all shew of schisime in separating from the roman church ) to which we were not , according to the ephesine rule , subjected as a part ) though we reformed our selves , when the pope vehemently required the contrary , and would not himselfe be reformed ; and from the church universall , of which we still remain a member undivided . 2. to answer this motive of our assemblers , by telling them that in the reforming such a church ( as this of ours , if not by others , yet by them is acknowledged to be ) the care must be , to do what the head and members of the church , shall in the fear of god resolve to be fittest , and not what other churches expect ; for if that were the rule , it would be a very fallacious and very puzling one , the expectations of severall churches being as severall , and the choice of some difficulty , which of them was fittest to be answer'd . but then secondly , what the expectation of other churches have been in this point , or what the reasons of them , we do not punctually know , only this we do , that after your solliciting of many ( which is another thing , somewhat distant from their expecting ) we hear not of any , that have declared their concurrence in opinion with you in this : but on the contrary , that in answer to your letter directed to the church of zeland , the wallachrian classis made this return to you , that they did approve set and prescribed formes of publique prayer , as profitable and tending to edification , quite contrary to what you before objected of the offence to the protestant churches abroad , and now of their expectation , &c. ) and give reasons for that approbation , both from texts of scriptures , and the generall practice of the reformed church , avouching particularly the forementioned place of calvin , and conclude it to be a precise singulari●y in those men who do reject them . and now , i beseech you , speak your knowledge , and instance in the particular , if any church have in any addresse made to you , or answer to your invitation , signified their expectation that you should abolish liturgy , or their approbation of your fact , able to counterballance this censure from the pen of those your friends thus unexpectedly falne upon you . some ingenuity either of making good your assertion of the churches or else of confession that you cannot , will be in common equity expected from you . sect 28 the desires of many of the godly among your selves ( which you mention as a fourth motive for abolition ) wil signify little , because how many suffrages soever might be brought for the upholding of liturgy , those who are against it shall by you be called , the godly , and that number what ever it is , go for a multitude . but then again , godly they may be , but not wise , ( piety gives no infallibility of doctrine to the possesor ) at least in this point , unlesse you can first prove the liturgy to be ungodly ▪ nay they that rejoyced in it , were , as you say , godly and learned , and they that made it wise and pious , & therefore sure some respect was due to the wise , as well as godly in the abrogation . and yet it may be added farther , that the way of the expressing of the desires of those whom you mean by the godly , hath been ordinarily be way of petitions , and those it cannot be dissembled have been oft framed and put into their hands ( i say not by whom ) even in set prescribed formes , not thinking it enough to give them a directory for matter , without stinting their spirits , by appointing the words also . this shewes that the desires of those many of the godly , are not of any huge consideration in this businesse , and yet i have not heard to my remembrance of any petition , yet ever so insolent , as to demand what you have done ( in answer it seems to some inarticulate groans or sighes ) the abolition of all liturgy . sect 29 the last motive is , that you may give some publique testimony of your endeavours for uniformity in divine worship promised in your solemne league and covenant . to this the answer will be short , because it hath for the main already been considered . 1. that the covenant it selfe is unlawfull , which therefore obliges to nothing but repentance , and restitution of a stray subject to his allegiance to god and the king again . 2. that there is one speciall thing considerable of this covenant , which will keep it either from obliging or from being any kind of excuse or extenuation of the crimes that this action is guilty of , and that is the voluntary taking of that covenant on purpose , thus to ensnare your selves in this obligation , to do what should not otherwise be done ; we before told you , that herods oath would not justifie the beheading of john , and shall now adde , that if some precedaneous hatred to john , made herod lay this designe before hand , that herodias's daughter should dance , that upon her dancing he would be vehemently pleas'd , that upon her pleasing of him he would sweare to give her any thing she should aske , even to halfe his kingdome , and the same compact appoint her to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 petition , to take john baptist's head for her reward , ( as 〈◊〉 not unlikely , but that as herodias was of counsell with her daughter , so herod might be with herodias ) if the train i say , lay thus , sure herods oath would take off but little from the crimson dye of his murther , but rather superadde that sin of deep hypocrisie , of making piety , and the religion of oaths , a servant and instrument to his incest and murthering of a prophet . and then i shall no farther apply , then by asking this question , did you not take this covenant on purpose to lay this obligation upon you , and now pretend that for your covenants sake , you must needs do it ? if you cannot deny this , o then remember herod . but if you took the covenant without any such designe , but now find your selves thus ensnared by it , then rather remember the times to get out of that snare , and not to to engage your selves faster in it . 3. i answer , that if by uniformity be meant that among our selves in this kingdome , the taking away our liturgy by ordinance , while it remaines establisht by valid law , is no over-fit means to that end , nothing but a new act , and an assurance that all would be obedient to that act , can be proper for that purpose ; and i am sure there are some men in the world , whom if such an act displeased , the obedience would not be very uniforme ; what ever it may seem to be when better subjects are supp●sed to be concluded by it . but if it be uniformity with the best reformed churches ( as your covenant mentions ) then 1. that uniformity in matters of form or ceremony is no way necessary , ( communion betwixt churches may be preserv'd without it ) nor near so usefull , as that other among our selves , and therefore the bargain will be none of the most thriving , when that acquisition is paid so dear for , uniformity with strangers purchased with confusion at home , as bad a market , as unequall a barter , as if we should enter upon a civill warre , for no other gain , then to make up a peace with some neighbour prince ; which none but a mad statesman would ever counsell . but then 4. the covenant for such uniformity , obliges not to make this directory , which i shall prove . 1. by the verdict of those themselves which have taken the covenant , of whom many , i am confident , never conceived themselves thereby obliged to abolish liturgy , there being no such intelligible sence contained in any bran●h of the covenant , any such intention of the imposers avowed at the giving of it . 2. because we conceive we have made it manifest , that that part of the covenant which mentions uniformity with other best reformed churches , doth not oblige to abolish liturgy , not only because the generall matter of the covenant referres unto the government , and not to the liturgy , but because this of england , as it now stands establisht by law , is the best reformed , both according to that rule of scripture , and standard of the purest ancient church ; for which we have 〈◊〉 the testimony of learned protestants of other countries , preferring it before their owne , and shall be ready to justify the boast by any test or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that shall be resolved on fit to decide this doubt or competition between this of ours , and any that you shall vote or name to be the best . sect 30 the like challenge we shall also make in return to a tacit intimation of yours more then once falne from you in this preface , and in the body of the directory , p. 40. and 73. viz. that the church of england hath hitherto been guilty of superstition in her liturgy . to which we first reply by desiring , that you mention any one particular wherein that accusation may appeare to be true , ( and we hereby undertake to maintain the contrary against all the learnedst in that assembly ) which if you will not undertake to specifie and prove , you must acknowledge to be guilty of great uncharitablenesse in affirming . i shall not be so uncharitable as to wish that the judgment of the civill law may be your doome , and the sentence that belongs to superstition be the reward of your defamation , i shall not say so much as the lord reprove , by way of imprecation , but once more repeat , lord lay it not to your charge . sect 31 upon these grounds you proceed , that [ having not consulted with flesh and blood , &c. ] this sure in st. pauls phrase , gal. 1. 16. signifies not consulting with men , though apostolicall ; as consulting with them is opposed to immediate revelation from heaven , and then sure your assembly was very spirituall , and very heavenly , for with them you confesse to have consulted , but if you mean by the phrase , in a larger sense , earthly or humane interests , i shall only ask , whether all the actions which have proceeded from you are so visibly divine and unmixt with earth , so apparently uninterested , that your own testimony should be sufficient to give credit to this affirmation ? sect 32 having said this , you proceed to the conclusion , that you resolved to set up the directory , and in it to hold forth such things as are of divine institution in every ordinance , and other things be set forth according to the rules of christian prudence ; agreeable to the generall rules of the word of god. and now 't is a little strange , ( but yet that which my temper obliges me to desire may still be my fate , when i fall upon a controversie with any ) that we which have been at such distance all this while , should just now meet at parting , that such contradictory premises , should beget the same conclusion ; for there is not a better rule in the world , nor any which i would rather chuse to be judged by in this matter , then that which is here proposed by you ; only i desire a little importunately to be advertised , where it is that the compilers of our liturgy have swerved from it . where you have swerved , we have instanced in many particulars in our answer to the ordinance , and shall now once for all demand , what rules of prudence oblige you to turne those many severals there mentioned out of the service of the church , every one of them tending to edification directly , over and above the agreeablenesse of each to the generall rules of scripture , in particular , whether it be agreeable to christian prudence to abolish a liturgy , which hath been so piously and discreetly framed , by those who have seal'd our reformation with their bloud , and instead of it to bring in a voluntary way of serving god in a nationall church , where there be many thousand parishes , and no such promise of divine inspiration or enthusiasme , but that there may be still some number of those ministers , who will not be able to speak constantly in the congregation , so as in the presence of angels they ought to speak . the experiments that have given us reason thus to fear , and desire prevention of the like , we are again tempted to adde unto this paper , but we delight not to demonstrate them guilty of blasphemies , who have accused us of superstition . we desire this fault may be cured by some milder recipe . sect 33 as for that which in passing you say , that by your directory ministers may be directed to keep like soundnesse of doctrine , this indeed is a prerogative of the liturgy , ( which hath alwayes been used as an hedge to keep out errours , and to retain a common profession of catholick verities ) but cannot belong to your directory , which hath neither creed nor catechisme , nor one article of religion , or doctrine asserted in it , but leaves that wholly to the preacher whose doctrine that it should be sound at all , or agree with the doctrine of all other preachers , and so be like sound , here is no provision made . sect 34 we have thus call'd your preface also to some tryall , and found it of such a composure and temper , 1. so many variations from truth ( which one that desires to be civill , must be unjust if he do not call them so ) that we cannot with any pleasure give an accompt of our judgement of them . 2. so many unconcluding prem●ses , affirmations , which if they were all supposed true , would never come home to abolition , and among all the heap , so no one truth which is of importance or weight toward that conclusion , that now we conceive we have discharged the task , given the reader such a view of the inward parts of this spacious fabrick , that he will not wonder , that we are not so passionately taken with the beauty , as to receive at a venture whatsoever is contain'd in it ; for supposing there were never an unseasonable direction in all the book following , yet the reception of that , being founded in the abolition both of ours , and of all liturgy , the christian prudence agreeable to the word of god , which is here commended to us , obliges us to stop our ears to such slight temptations , and never to yeeld consent , to the but laying aside that forme of service , which we have by establisht law so long enjoyed , to the great content and benefit of this nation ; though god knowes some have not made so holy , others so thankful an use of it , as it deserved of us , some neglecting it , others slandring , and so many bringing worldly hearts along with them , which though they are great evils , under which this divine liturgy hath suffered , yet being the infelicities , not the crimes , the crosse , which hath made it like unto our saviour , in being spit on , revil'd , and crown'd with thornes ( for such he cals the cares of this world , the most contumelious part of the suffering ) and not at all the guilt ( being wholly accidentall and extrinsecal to it ) must never be exchanged , for the certain evils , naturall and intrinsecall to the no-liturgy , and withall the greater mischiefes which may probably follow this alteration ; for all which patience and submission , we have not the least kind of invitation , save only that of the noyse , and importunity of some enemies , which should it be yeelded to , would , i doubt not , be resisted and prest again , with the petitions of many thousands more , importuning the return and restitution of the liturgy again ; unlesse by this means the devill should gain an absolute and totall manumission , cast off all his trashes , and presently get rid of both his enemies , religion , and liturgy together . a postscript by way of appendix to the two former chapters . sect 1 the truth of all which we have hitherto spoken , if we have not sufficiently evidenced it already , will abundantly appear by one farther testimony , which is authentick and undeniable to them , against whom we speak . and it is , ( what the providence of god , and the power of truth hath extorted from them ) their own confession , in a book just now come to my hands , called , a supply of prayer for the ships that want ministers to pray with them , agreeable to the directory established by parliament , published by authority . from which these things will be worth observing , 1. that the very body of it is a set forme of prayer , and so no superstition in set formes . 2. that their publishing it by authority , is the prescribing of that forme , and so 't is lawfull to prescribe such formes . 3. that the title , [ of supply of prayer ] proveth that some there are , to whom such supplies are necessary , and so a directory not sufficient for all . and 4. that [ its being agreeable to the directory . ] or as it is , word for word form'd out of it , ( the directory turn'd into a prayer ) sheweth , that out of the directory a prayer may easily first be made , and then constantly used , and so the minister ever after continue as idle without exercising that gift , as under our liturgy is pretended , and so here under pretence of supplying the ships , all such idle mariners in the ship of the church are supplyed also , which it seems was foreseen at the writing that preface , to the directory , where they say , the minister may if need be , have from ●hem some helpe and furniture . 5. that the preface to this new work entitled , a reason of this work , containeth many other things , which tend as much to the retracting their former work , as judas's throwing back the mony did to his repentance . sect 2 as 1. that there are thousands of ships belonging to this kingdome , which have not ministers with them , to guide them in prayer , and therefore either use the common prayer , or no prayer at all . this shewes the nature of that fact of those which without any objection mentioned against any prayer in that book , which was the only help for the devotion of many thousands , left them for some months , to perfect irreligion and atheisme , and not praying at all . and besides these ships which they here confesse , how many land-companies be there in the same condition ? how many thousand families which have no minister in them ? of which number the house of commons was alwaies wont to be one , and the house of lords , since the bishops were removed from thence , and to deale plainly , how many ministers will there alwaies be , in england and wales , for sure your care for the vniversities is not so great as to be likely to worke miracles , which will not have skill , or power , or gift , ( which you please ) of conceiving prayers as they ought to do ? and therefore let me impart to you the thoughts of many prudent men ( since the newes of your directory , and abolition of our liturgy ) that it would prove a most expedite way to bring in atheisme ; and this it seems , you do already discern and confesse in the next words , that the no prayer at all , which succeeded the abolishing of the liturgy , is likely to make them rather heathens then christians , and hath left the lords day without any marke of piety or devotion : a sad and most considerable truth , which some persons ought to lament with a wounded bleeding conscience , the longest day of their life , and therefore we are apt to beleeve your charity to be more extensive , then the title of that book enlarges it , and that it hath designed this supply , not only to those ships , but to all other in the like want of our liturgy . your only blame in this particular hath been , that you would not be so ingenuous , as judas and some others , that have soon retracted their precipicous action , and confest they did so , and made restitution presently , while you , rather then you will ( to rescue men from heathenisme caused by your abolition ) restore the book again , and confesse you have sinned in condemning an innocent liturgy , will appoint some assembler , to compile a poor , sorry , piteous forme of his own , of which i will appeale to your greatest flatterer , if it be not so low that it cannot come into any tearmes of comparison , or competition , with those formes already prescribed in our book ; and so still you justify your errour , even while you confesse it . sect 3 2. that 't is now hoped that 't will be no griefe of heart to full christians ; if the thirsty drink out of cisterns , when themselves drink out of fountaines , &c. which is the speciall part of that ground , on which we have first formed , & now labour'd to preserve our liturgy , on purpose that weaker christians may have this constant supply for their infirmities , that weake ministers may not be forced to betray their weaknesse , that they that have not the gift of prayer ( as even in the apostles times there were divers gifts , and all ministers , had not promise to succeed in all , but one in one , another in another gift by the same spirit ) may have the helpe of these common gifts , and standing treasures of prayer in the church , and ( because there be so many of these kinds to be lookt for in a church ) that those which are able to pray as they ought , without a forme , may yet in publick submit to be thus restrain'd , to the use of so excellent a forme thus set before them , rather then others should be thus adventur'd to their own temerity , or incurre the reproach of being thought not able ; and then this providing for the weak , both minister and people , will not now , i hope , be charged on the liturgy , by those , who hope their supply of prayer will be no griefe to others . sect 4 3. that these prayers being enlivened , and sent up by the spirit in him that prayeth , may be lively prayers , and acceptable to him , who is a spirit , and accepts of service in spirit and truth . where 1. it appears by that confession , that as the place that speaks of worshipping in spirit and truth , is not of any force against set prayers , so neither is that either of the spirits helping our infirmities , belonging , as it is here confest most truly , to the zeale , and fervor , and intensenesse of devotion infused by the spirit , and not to the words wherein the addresse is made , which if the spirit may not infuse also , in the use of our liturgy , and assist a minister and cnngregation in the church , as well and as effectually as a company of mariners in a ship , i shall then confesse that the directory first , and then this supply , may be allow'd to turne it out of the church . sect 5 lastly , that in truth though prayers come never so new , even from the spirit , in one that is a guide in prayer , if the spirit do not quicken and enliven that prayer in the hearer that followes him , it is to him but a dead forme , and a very carcase of prayer , which words being really what they say , a truth , a perfect truth , and more soberly spoken , then all or any period in the preface to the directory , i shall oppose against that whole act of abolition , as a ground of confutation of the principall part of it , and shall only adde my desire , that it be considered what prayers are most likely to be thus quickned and enlivened by the spirit in the hearer , those that he is master of , and understands and knowes he may joyn in , or those which depend wholy on the will of the speaker , which perhaps he understandeth not , and never knowes what they are , till they are delivered , nor whether they be fit for him to joyne in ; or in plainer words , whether a man be likely to pray , and aske most fervently he knowes not what , or that which he knowes , and comes on purpose to pray . for sure the quicking and enlivening of the spirit , is not so perfectly miracle , as to exclude all use of reason or understanding , to prepare for a capacity of it , for then there had been no need to have turn'd the latine service out of the church , the spirit would have quickned those prayers also . chap. iii. having thus past through the ordinance and the preface , and in the view of the ordinance stated and setled aright the comparison betwixt the liturgy and the directory , and demonstrated the no-necessity , but plain unreasonablenesse of the change , and so by the way insisted on most of the defects of the directory , which are the speciall matter of accusation we professe to find in it , i shall account it a superfluous importunity to proceed to a review of the whole body of it , which makes up the bulk of that book , but instead of insisting on the faults and infirme parts of it ( such are , the prohibition of adoration toward any place , p. 10. that is of all adoration , while we have bodies about us , for that must be toward some place ; the interdicting of all parts of the apochryphall books , p. 12. which yet the ancient church avowed to be read for the directing of manners , though not as rule of faith ; the so frequent mention of the covenant in the directions for prayer , once as a speciall mercy of god , p. 17 . which is the greatest curse could befall this kingdome , and a great occasion , if not author of all the rest , which are now upon it , then as a means of a strict and religious vnion , p. 21. which is rather an engagement of an irreligious warre ; then as a pretious band that men must pray that it never be broken , p. 21. which is in effect to pray , that they may never repent , but continue in rebellion for ever . then as a mercy again , p. 37. as if this covenant were the greatest treasure we ever enjoyed . then the praying for the armies by land and sea , p. 38. with that addition [ for the defence of king , and parliament and kingdome ] as resolving now to put that cheat upon god himselfe , which they have used to their fellow-subjects , that of fighting against the king for the defence of him , ( beloved be not deceived , god is not mocked . ) then affirming that the fonts were superstitiously placed in time of popery , and therefore the child must now be baptized in some other place , p. 40. while yet they shew not any ground of that accusation , nor never will be able to do . then that the customes of kneeling and praying by , and towards the dead , is superstitious , p. 73. which literally it were , ( superstitum cultus ) if it were praying to them , but now is farre enough from that guilt . and lastly , that the lords day is commanded in the scripture to be kept holy , p. 85. the sanctification of which we acknowledge to be grounded in the scripture , and instituted by the apostles , but not commanded in the scripture by any revealed precept . ( the first that we meet with to this purpose , is that of ignatius epist . ad magnes . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . let us therefore sabbatize no longer : let every christian celebrate the lords day , which saying of an apostolick writer being added to the mention of the lords day in the new testament is a great argument of the apostolicke institution of that day , which the universall practice of the church ever since doth sufficiently confirme unto us , and we are content and satisfied with that authority , although it doth not offer to shew us any command in the scripture for it . and then you may please to observe , that the same ignatius , within a page before that place forecited , for the observing of the lords day , hath a command for common-prayer , and i conceive for some set forme , i shall give you the words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . let all meet together to the same , whether action or place in prayer , let there be one common-prayer , one mind , &c. and clem. alex. to the same purpose , the altar which we have here on earth , is the company of those that dedicate themselves to prayers , as having 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a common voice , and one mind , which cannot well be , unlesse there be some common forme by all agreed on . ) instead i say of pressing these or the like frailties upon this work , which will argue the composers of it to be men and fallible , i shall rather desire to expresse and evidence my charity ( & my endeavor to read it without any prejudice ) by adding my opinion , that there be some things said in it ( by way of direction for the matter of prayer , and course of preaching ) which agree with wholsome doctrine , and may tend to edification , and i shall not rob those of that approbation which is due to them , nor conceive our cause to need such peevish meanes to sustaine it ; being not thereby obliged to quarrell at the directory absolutely as a booke , but onely as it supplants the liturgy ( which if it had a thousand more excellencies in it then it hath , it would not be fit to do . ) and being willing to give others an example of peaceablenesse , and of a resolution to make no more quarrells then are necessary , and therefore contributing my part of the endeavour to conclude this one assoon as is possible : and the rather because it is in a matter , which ( if without detriment to the church , and the soules of men , the book might be universally received , and so the experiment could be made ) would , i am confident , within very few years , assoon as the pleasure of the change and the novelty were over , prove its owne largest confutation , confesse its own wants and faults ; and so all but mad men see the errour , and require the restitution of liturgy againe . this i speak upon a serious observation and pondering of the tempers of men , and the so mutable habits of their minds , which as they are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , easily changed from good to evill , so are they ( which is the difference of men from laps'd angels ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , easily reduced also to their former state again , when reason comes to them in the coole of the day , when the heat of the kindnesse is past , and a satiety hastning in its stead , or if it prove not so well , yet falling from one change to another , and never coming to stability . how possible this may prove in this particular , i shall now evidence no farther , then by the parallel vehement dislikes , that the presbyteriall government hath already met with among other of our reforming spirits , very liberally exprest in many pamphlets which we have lately received from london , but in none more fully then in the epistle to the book entituled , john baptist , first charging the presbyterians ( who formerly exclaimed against episcopacy for stinting the spirit ) that they began to take upon them to establish a dagon in his throne , in stinting the whole worship of the god of heaven , &c. and in plain words without mincing or dissembling , that they had rather the french king , nay the great turk should rule over them , then these . the only use which i would now make of these experiments is this , to admire that blessed excellent christian grace of obedience ( and contentment with our present lot , whatsoever it be , that brings not any necessity of sinning on us . ) i mean , to commend to all , in matters of indifference , ( or where scripture hath not given any immediate rule , but left us to obey those who are set over us ) that happy choice of submitting , rather then letting loose our appetites , of obeying , then prescribing ; a duty , which besides the very great ease it brings with it , hath much of vertue in it , and will be abundant reward to it selfe here on earth , and yet have a mighty arreare remaining to be paid to it in heaven hereafter ; which when it is heartily considered , it will be a thing of some difficulty to invent or feigne a heavier affliction to the meek and quiet spirit , a more ensnaring piece of treachery to the christian soule , ( i am sure to his estate and temporall prosperity ) then that of contrary irreconcileable commands , which is now the case , and must alwaies be when ordinances undertake to supersede lawes , when the inferiour , but ore-swaying power , adventures to check the superiour . of which subject i have temptation to annex a full tyde of thoughts , would it not prove too much a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and be most sure to be so esteemed by them to whom this addresse is now tendred . the good lord of heaven and earth encline our hearts to keep that law of his , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 eph. 6. 2. which is a prime commandement , and that with a promise of secular peace and aboundance annext ( if not confined ) to it . to conclude therefore , and summe up all in a word , we have discover'd by this briefe survey , the reasonablenesse of this act of gods providence , in permitting our liturgy to be thus defamed , though in all reason the liturgy it selfe deserve not that fate , the no-inconveniencies so much as pretended to arise from our liturgy , to which the directory is not much more liable , the no-objection from the word of god against the whole or any part of it produced , or offered by you , the no-manner of the least or loosest kind of necessity to abolish it , the perfect justifiablenesse , and with all usefullnesse of set forms above extemporary effusions , the very many particulars of eminent benefit to the church , and of authority in it , preserved in our liturgy , but in the directory totally omitted , and that in despight of all statutes both of king edward , and queen elizabeth , by which the reformation of this church is establisht among us , and i trust shall still continue , notwithstanding the opposition of those who pretended kindnesse , but now runne riot against this reformation , we have shew'd you also the true grounds of our ancestors rejoycing in our liturgy , instead of the partiall imperfect account given of that businesse by your preface , the wonderfull prosperity of this church under it , contrary to the pretended sad experience , &c. and withall we have made it clear , that all the exceptions here proposed against the liturgy , are perfectly vain and causelesse ; as that it hath prov'd an offence , &c. the ordinary crime charg'd on those actions that are lyable to no other , and so that offence without a cause ; that this offence hath been by the length of the service , which will only offend the prophane , and withall , is as observeable in your service ; by the many unprofitable burthensome ceremonies , which have been shewed , neither to be many , nor unprofitable , nor burthensome , by the disquieting of consciences , i.e. only of the unquiet , by depriving them of the ordinance , i.e. those who would rather loose the sacrament , then receive it kneeling , or reverently ; that the offence was extended to the reformed churches abroad also , and yet for that no one proof offered , nor church named , that was so offended : and if there were , yet still this supposed offensivenesse , no just plea for any thing but reformation . so also that by means of the liturgy , many were dibarred of the exercise of their ministry , the suggestion for the most part a meer calumny , and that which was true in it , ready to be retorted upon these reformers ; that the prelates have labour'd to raise the estimation of the liturgy too high , yet that no higher then you would the value of your directory , to have it the rule for the manner of publick worship , or if they did , this is the fault of those prelates , not of the liturgy : who yet were said but to have labour'd it neither , not to have effected it , and even that labour or desire of theirs , to have amounted no higher , then calvins letter to the protector would avow ; that this hath been to the justling out of preaching , which is rather a speciall help to it , and prescribes it , and allowes it its proper place , but hath oft the ill luck to be turn'd out by preaching ; that it hath been made no better then an idoll , which if it be a fault in the liturgy , is farre more chargeable on the hearing of sermons , that the people please themselves in their presence , and lip-labour in that service ; an uncharitable judging of mens hearts , and a crime to which your directory makes men as lyable as the liturgy , that our liturgy is a compliance with papists , and so a means to confirme them in their idolatry , &c. whereas it complies with them in nothing that is idolatrous , &c. and by complying with them , where they do with antiquity and truth , it is more apt to convince them of their errours , and by charity to invite , then by defiance , that it makes an idle ministry ; which sure the directory will not unmake , being as fit for that turne , either by forming and conning the prayer there delineated , or by depending on present conceptions , as the liturgy can be , that it hinders the gift of prayer , which if it signify the elocution , or conception of words in prayer , is not peculiar to the minister , and for any thing else , hindring it no more then the directory doth ; that the continuance of it would be matter of endlesse strife , &c. which sure 't is more reasonable to think of an introduction of a new way of service , then the retaining of the old ; that there be many other weighty considerations , and many particulars in the book , on which this condemnation is grounded , and yet not one of these mention'd , but kept to boil in their own breasts , if there be any , or which is more likely , falsely here pretended to inflame the reckoning ; that they are not mov'd to this by any love of novelty , and yet do that which is most novell ; that they intend not to disparage the reformers , and yet do that which is most to their disparagement , that they do this to answer gods providence , which never call'd them to this work ; to satisfie their own conscience , which if erroneous , must not thus be satisfied ; to satisfie the expectation of other churches , which expect it not , or if they did , might rather conforme to us and satisfy us , and the desires of many of the godly at home , whose piety is no assurance that their desires are reasonable , and yet are not known to have exprest any such desires ; that they may give testimony of their endeavours for uniformity , whereas with other churches , there is no such necessity of conforming in such matters , and within our selves , nothing is so contrary to uniformity , as this endeavour . and lastly , we have learnt from them , a rule by which they pretend to forme their directory , the agreeablenesse to the word of god and christian prudence , and are most confident to justify our liturgy by that rule , against all disputers in the world ; and having now over and above all this , a plaine confession under their own hands , in their supply of prayer , of justify all that we pretend to , and so being saved the pains of any farther superfluous confutation , we shall now leave it to the judgement of any rationall lay-man in the new assembly , to judge betwixt us and his fellow-members , whose pretensions are most moderate in this matter , whose most like christian , those that are to rescue and preserve , or those which to destroy . thus in the councell of nice , holden before constantine and helena , in a controversie of great importance , craton and zenosimus , not only lay-men but heathens were appointed judges or arbitrators only on this ground , because craton a philosopher would not possesse any worldly goods , and zenosimus in time of his consulship , never received present from any , saith jacobotius : thus also eutropius a pagan philosopher , was chosen umpire between origen and the marcionites , it being supposed , that such an one was as fit to understand their several claims , and judge according to allegations and proofes as any ; and if we fall or miscarry before such an aristarchus , i shall then resolve , that a covenant may wast a soule , ( even drive the man into the field with nebuchadnezar ) deprive it of those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 common principles of discourse , ( by which , till it be debauched , it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , able in some measure , to judge of truth , proposed and debated before it ) and then i shall hope for more candor in the businesse from an intelligent heathen , then for him . my only appeale in that case shall be , to heaven , that the host of angels , may by the lord of that host be appointed , to guard and assist that cause , and those armies whose pretentions in this , and all other particulars , are most righteous , and most acceptable in his sight . doe not erre , my beloved brethren . now the lord of all mercies , and god of love and peace , grant us to be like minded in all things , that we may joyne with one heart , and tongue , to praise him , and worship him , to blesse him , and to magnifie him for ever . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a70321-e1030 p. 202. ib. p. 163. ● . 106. p. 41. p. 42. p. 43. p. 44. p. 48. p. 49. p. 50. p. 55. * the same constantine in his palace imitating the orders of the church , amōg other things , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , tendred set prayers , euseb . de vit . const . l. 4. c. 17. and so it is said of the nobles about him , that they used 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , prayers that the emperour liked , and ●ere all brought by him , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. to pray the same prayers all of them , even in private . c. 18. precum sol . 202. 312. acts and moni pag. 1818. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , act. 14. 12. mat. 10. 19. p. 10 de div . off ▪ c. 10. vide clav. in sacr. bos● . c. 1. * cum hi motus corporis fieri nisi motu animi praecedente non possint , eisdem rurs●● exterius visibiliter factis ille interior invisibilis augetur . aug. l. de cura pro mor. 5. chrysost lb. popului in ecclesia sedendi potestatem non habit . ideo reprehendi meretur , quia apud idola celebratur . telman in basil . t. 1. p. 195. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. 4. p. 753. l. 40. edit . savil. * l. 3. c. 19. * l. 2. c. 24. * l. 18. c. 51. al scap. c. 2. apol. c. 30. ep. ad smyrn . dial. cum tryph. p. 260. l. 4. c. 34. apol. c. 39. de op & elec mos . p. 180. serm. de temp . 215. apol. 2. in fine . epist . 54. ad marcellam . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . epist . ad polycarp . ignatio ad scripta . notes for div a70321-e19890 p. 1. p. 2. vid. troubl . of frank. p. 30. &c. p. ● . p. 2. p. 3. p. 4. p. 4. p. 4. p. 5. p. 5. p. 5. p. 6. p. 7. busbequi . epist . notes for div a70321-e36050 p. 8. notes for div a70321-e37200 strom. l. 7. the conclusion . de concil , l. 2. c. 6. al. aphrod . in top. by the king a proclamation to restraine the landing of men, or goods, out of such ships as shall come from the parts of france, or the low-countries now infected with the plague, till they haue warrant from the officers or farmours of his maiesties customes. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) 1635 approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a22597 stc 9049 estc s122972 33150579 ocm 33150579 28663 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a22597) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 28663) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1877:23) by the king a proclamation to restraine the landing of men, or goods, out of such ships as shall come from the parts of france, or the low-countries now infected with the plague, till they haue warrant from the officers or farmours of his maiesties customes. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. [2] leaves. by robert barker, printer to the kings most excellent maiestie: and by the assignes of iohn bill, imprinted at london : 1635. caption title. imprint from colophon. "giuen at the court at hampton-court, the first day of nouember, in the eleuenth yeere of his maiesties reigne." reproduction of original in: society of antiquaries. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng plague -great britain -prevention. great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. 2006-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-05 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-06 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2006-06 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion diev ◆ eta ◆ mon ◆ droit honi ❀ soit ❀ qvi ❀ mal ❀ y ❀ pense ❀ royal blazon or coat of arms ❧ by the king. ❧ a proclamation to restraine the landing of men , or goods , out of such ships as shall come from the parts of france , or the low-countries now infected with the plague , till they haue warrant from the officers or farmours of his maiesties customes . the kings maiestie being informed , that the infection of the plague is at this present time dispersed into diuers townes and places , both of france , and the low-countries : and weighing the danger that may ensue to his owne kingdomes and people , by the resort of persons , from any infected parts , or the landing of their goods here : hath thought fit , ( with the aduice of his priuie councell ) out of his princely care of the safety of his subiects , and by all prouident meanes to preuent the perill and inconueniences that may arise thereby , to declare and publish his royall will and pleasure in that behalfe : and doth therefore hereby straightly charge and command , that during the time of the infection in those or any other parts , no ships or vessels whatsoeuer , ariuing in any parts of this kingdome , shall land any passenger , or person , or any apparell , houshould-stuffe , wares , or merchandises , vntill such time as they shall haue licence from the officers or farmours of his maiesties customes , or some of them , vpon due consideration by them first taken of the parts and places from whence such shipping shall come : vpon paine of imprisonment of euery person so landing , or otherwise vnlading or sending a shore any such wares or goods , and to be further proceeded against , as high contemners of his maiesties royall commands . and for such ships or vessels , as ( comming from any infected parts ) shall arriue here , his maiesties pleasure is , that the officers and farmours of his customes take speciall care that no licence or warrant be giuen for the comming a shore of any person , or the landing or vnlading of any goods therein , vntill twenty dayes after the arriuall of such ship or vessell here ; whereby it may be knowne , whether the men in such ship shall stand in health or no : and if in such vessell there shall be brought apparell , houshould-stuffe , or wares , that may bee thought fit to bee ayred , that then the same bee conueighed to some conuenient place , neere the water-side , remote from the citie of london , or any other towne or place of much resort . and for the better effecting of his maiesties royall pleasure in the premisses , his maiesties farmours of his customes are hereby required , vpon the arriuall of any ship , barke , or vessell in any part of this kingdome , to send a board one or more waiters or guardians , the better to restraine the landing of goods , or comming a shore of men out of such shipping , vntill due tryall shall bee had , that the same may bee done without perill or danger of infection . and lastly , his maiestie doth hereby require and command all iustices of peace , maiors , bailiffes , sheriffes , constables , headboroughs , and all other his officers and ministers whatsoeuer , to be aiding and assisting in the full accomplishment and execution of his maiesties royall pleasure herein declared , which so much importeth the common good and safety of his kingdomes and people . giuen at the court at hampton-court , the first day of nouember , in the eleuenth yeere of his maiesties reigne . god saue the king. ¶ imprinted at london by robert barker , printer to the kings most excellent maiestie : and by the assignes of iohn bill . 1635. his majesties gracious proclamation to the cittyes of london and westminster by the king. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a31929 of text r4522 in the english short title catalog (wing c2342). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a31929 wing c2342 estc r4522 11889786 ocm 11889786 50407 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a31929) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 50407) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 527:5) his majesties gracious proclamation to the cittyes of london and westminster by the king. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) l. lichfield, [oxford : 1642] place of publication from bibliography of royal proclamations of the tudor and stuart sovereigns and of others published under authority, 1485-1714, 1967. at head of title "by the king". reproduction of original in bodleian library. eng great britain -history -charles i, 1625-1649. broadsides -england -london -17th century a31929 r4522 (wing c2342). civilwar no by the king. his majesties gratious proclamation to the cittyes of london and westminster. england and wales. sovereign 1642 950 3 0 0 0 0 0 32 c the rate of 32 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-08 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-08 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion by the king . ❧ his majesties gratious proclamation to the cittyes of london and westminster . whereas amongst other arts used by the promoters of this horrid and desperate rebellion against us , great industry and subtilty hath been applyed to corrupt our subjects of our cittyes of london and westminster , first by engaging them in factions and tumults to awe the members of both our houses of parliament who would not consent to their seditious designes ; then by perswading them to loanes and contributions for the maintenance of the army now in rebellion against us , upon pretence that the same was raised for the defence of our person ▪ the protestant religion , the lawes of the land , and priviledge of parliament ( whereas in truth it is for the destruction of them all ) by their yeelding obedience to , and executing the pretended ordinance of the militia : and lastly by infusing into them a desperate sense of their owne condition , and that we are so much incensed against them for the premises , that we intend to plunder , and give up the wealth of those our cittyes as a prey to our souldiers ; we do hereby declare , that we are yet farr from being so much incensed against those our cittyes as these men desire to be beleived , and in truth have endeavoured to make us ; but we beleive that those tumults were contrived by the persons whom we have formerly accused of that practice , and raised out of the meanest and poorest people of those our cittyes and suburbs without the privity and consent of the best and substantiall cittyzens and inhabitants , and that the loanes and contributions which have been since raised ( though they have passed more generally then we expected from the duty and sobriety of men of fortunes and understanding ) have been wrested and extorted from them by threates and menaces , and feare of plundering and violence . and therefore we do hereby offer our free and gratious pardon to all the cittyzens and inhabitants of our said citties of london , and westminster for all offences concerning the premises committed against us before the publishing of this our proclamation ( except all those persons whom we have excepted in our declaration of the 12 of august , and except alderman fulke and captaine manwaring , against all which we shall proceed according to the rules of law , as against traytors and stirrers of sedition against us ) and we doe assure them in the word of a king , that no violence shall be offered by our army , or any part of it to any of them , not doubting but their demeanour will henceforward be such ▪ that we shall not be compelled to bring our army against them . provided that this our grace shall not extend to any person , who after the publishing this our proclamation shall presume by loane or contribution to assist the said army of rebells to assemble and muster themselves in armes without authority derived from us under our hand , or to enter into any oath of association for the assistance of the earle of essex , how spetiously soever the same be pretended for our safety , for since the encounter on sunday the 22th of this moneth where they used all possible meanes and malice to have destroyed us , and whe●●e it pleased god to give us so great a victory over them ( though with the losse of many worthy man ) no man can be unsatisfied in the mischiefe and malice of their rebellion , and therefore we must , and do declare , that whosoever shall henceforward by money , plate , or otherwise assist the said rebellion , shall take armes by vertue of any pretended ordinance , or shall enter into any oath of association against us , or without our consent , shall be esteemed by us as an enemy to the publique peace , a person disaffected to us , the religion and law of the kingdom , and shall accordingly receive condigne punishment ; of which we give them timely notice , that they may proceed accordingly at their perills . and to the end that they may receive all possible and particular assurance from us of our gratious intentions towards them , we shall be willing that such a number of grave and substantiall cittyzens be imployed from our said citty to us , as shall by them be thought fit , who may propose such things to us on their behalfe as shall be desired , to which we shall give a gratious and just answer . and we do assure them and all the world , that as the scandalls and imputations upon us concerning our favouring of papists have been groundlesse , and malitiously contrived by the authors of this rebellion to beget a misundertanding between us and our subjects , so all the professions we have made in our severall declarations for the suppression of popery , and the maintenance of the true reformed protestant religion established in the church of england , and for the defence of the lawes of the land , and the just priviledges of parliament shall be as inviolably observed by us , as we expect blessing from the almighty god , and obedience from our subjects . ¶ given at our court at ayno this 27. of october . in the eighteenth years of our raigne . god save the king . effata regalia. aphorismes [brace] divine, moral, politick. scattered in the books, speeches, letters, &c. of charles the first, king of great brittain, &c. / now faithfully collected and published by richard watson, fellow of gonvile and caius colledge in cambridge. charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. 1661 approx. 456 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 251 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a78780 wing c2302 thomason e1843_1 estc r204018 99863750 99863750 115964 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a78780) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 115964) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 230:e1843[1]) effata regalia. aphorismes [brace] divine, moral, politick. scattered in the books, speeches, letters, &c. of charles the first, king of great brittain, &c. / now faithfully collected and published by richard watson, fellow of gonvile and caius colledge in cambridge. charles i, king of england, 1600-1649. watson, richard, 1612-1685. [36], 106 [i.e. 306], [14], 217-299, [5], 301-354, [6] p. printed for robert horn at the turks head near the royal exchange, london, : 1661. the words "divine, .. politick." are bracketed together on title page. "icon animæ basilicæ" and "caroli imi monita & observata britannica" each have separate dated title page; pagination and register are continuous. first p. 306 misnumbered 106. the last three leaves are blank. reproduction of the original in the british library. 1. effata regalia -2. icon animæ bsilicæ [sic] -3. monita & observata britannica. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng charles -i, -king of england, 1600-1649 -early works to 1800. political science -quotations, maxims, etc. -early works to 1800. christian life -quotations, maxims,etc -early works to 1800. 2007-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-04 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-05 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2007-05 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion effata regalia . aphorismes divine , moral , politick . scattered in the books , speeches , letters , &c. of charles the first , king of great brittain , &c. now faithfully collected and published by richard watson , fellow of gonvile and caius colledge in cambridge . quid utilius potui , quam tot sententias in unum conducere , pulcras , acres , & itame salus amet , ad salutem natas generis humani ? j. lips . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . simplic . in epictel . london , printed for robert horn at the turks head near the royal exchange 1661. 1. effata regalia . 2. icon animae bsilicae . 3. monita & observata britannica . to the right honourable and most noble lord wentworth , earl of kildare , &c. my lord , i cannot forget , nor yet forbear gratefully to recognizance that most kind and noble violence your lordship vouchsaf'd to practise upon me in a foreign country , where the guilt of many years undeserved exile had rendred me morosely jealous of all that had more lately breathed in english air ; and the conscience of discharging faithfully my duty in that trust , which with much affection , and obligation , was committed to me , had made me somewhat obstinate in my retirement , and half a separatist from conversation , what honour or advantage soever might be obtained by it , until your lordships more than gracious condescention had rais'd my blush at what before i esteem'd my vertue ; and your more than peremptory commands forced me to the honourable fruition of that happiness , whereof i should have been most ambitious , in a near aquaintance with your excellencies , such as i confess unfeignedly , i more admired upon my experience , and infallible observation , than i could have credited upon the most authentick character might have been given me by any whom your lordship earlier admitted to that discovery which had no veil : all which , though i must not here enumerate to affected minutes ; nor wind up , though without slattery , to the strain of reproach ▪ yet there are three i shall not omit to instance , if to no other purpose , at least ( which implies no doubt ) to oblige your lordship to perseverance , the apostasie from each being no less desperate , than frequent ; and that from one or two , sometime so countenanced or rewarded , as it has almost the impudence to plead merit , which should beg a pardon ; and to expect to have what should be most abhorred , and detested , either imitated , or commended . the first , my lord , was your conscientious and earnest care to be better satisfied in the grounds and reason of that religion , which you did , and were most inclinable to profess , and practise , when most persecuted and depressed ; and , this effected , your humble and obsequious resignation to the canon of our church , and that in some particulars , wherein few persons , ever prejudiced , have been counselable ; and such as were not , thought unnecessary ▪ or , because of desuetude , improper to be observed . the second , was your lordships generous and loyal resolution , in a time difficult to be taken , and no less dangerous to be owned , to adventure life , upon any reasonable and justifiable occasion at an age , but then mature for the gust of worldly pleasures ; and a noble estate , into the possession whereof you were but newly entered , whensoever both , or either , might be hop'd effectual toward the restitution of your banished , and every way injured king ; wherein although your lordship are most happily prevented by the powerfull hand of heaven , which , without humane assistance , has over-rul'd the change ; and , by some sweeter influence than that of a mar●ial star , hath softened the most obdurate hearts of aged rebels to a capacity of peace , and the impression of allegiance to their prince that brought it home to their doors , with so much clemency , and such munificence , as scarcely has been , or ere will be parallel'd , if posterity should play the wanton in bloud for the like reward : yet i cannot but erect upon that sincerity of your intention ( which i humbly crave your leave , without arrogance , thus publickly to attest ) a monument of honour to your lordships name and person , unto which i wish all the indulgence of royal favour , that can be expected , or may be hoped from him , who is more likely to be endowed with power , and plenty , answerable to the greater objects he has for royal bounty , and more causes for sumptuous magnificence and state , than ever had any of our preceding britannike kings . the third was your most intent and affectionate endeavour ( in the privacy you could possibly reconcile to the eminence of your honour , and the importunity of that nation ) to recover what the malignity of times , accompanied with an inveigling discouragement to all select and exquisite studies , had in part deprived you of , and wherein you had been prevented , to improve your knowledg to a degree worthy your high birth and fortune , and necessary to the future interest you may have in affairs of state , and regency of your country : unto which by the ascendent promptness of your lordships parts , and faculties , such your quickness of apprehension , variety of fancy , solidity of judgment , tenacity of memory , and all else that nature could furnish ( as if in design ) you might easily have attained , and may yet , the sphear of science you have in your aim , if your engagements otherwise could leave you free for that steady method , and those early hours , which you were prone , my lord , most exemplarily to observe , as also for the choyce of a person qualified with learning , loyalty , prudence , and integrity , for that your lordships service and assistance , and such a one , whensoever you find him , i dare assure , will be as much obliged by the singular ingenuity and peculiar sweetness of your lordships disposition ; as by the nobleness of your entertainment , to advance your purpose . for so much , or so little , as you were pleas'd , my lord , to make me concerned in it , when you found me otherwise imploy'd abroad , i confess i never was more satisfied in any thing of like nature , than when i could suggest at any time what won upon your opinion , or would be of improvement to your studies in the use . nor was i thus affected only while your stay was on the other side ; but easily induced to promise , and earnest enough to performe , some part of the same duty after your lordships departure thence . the collection i at present dedicate with much assurance , unto your honour , i am not now to certifie you , was first attempted , in compliance with your lordships kindness for such maximes , and corollaries , and sententious brevets , which by ordinary observation , and less considerable essayes , i had sufficiently discovered : and when you please to remember how much you expressed your self transported with the first sheets i sent you over , you will not wonder that the little manual , i first intended , is become a volume ; that i have reviewed and passed beyond the principal book , to a general survey of all the writings i hear of published in the name of that most wise , and now , indeed , by the merit of his intellectual , and moral ; christian , and regal ; active and passive vertues , most glorious king. the benefit i mean you by it , my lord , is not only the too-late-admiring the superexcellency of that royal soul , which was the casket of such jewels , the treasury of such divine and humane wisdom , as if he had been heir of all the concealed riches of this sort , that had been amass'd for solomon , or since for the whole succession of emperours among the greeks ; nor to give you some short diversion between the periods of your studies , or stages of your lordships most serious and urgent business ; but your modelling and forming by it , at your choicest and severest hours , a christian canon both for a practick and contemplative holy life ; a litle rationale of the doctrine and discipline of that church , into the communion whereof , ( after an unavoidable conflict , and intrinsic contestation , with the importunity of presbyterian , independent , anabaptistical , and other fallacies , the principles of all which sects and heresies had been for many years lowdly sounded by the trumpet of a bloudy rebellion in your lordships ears ) with how much devout affection , with what profess'd satisfaction , and resolution you know , you enter'd ; the best exemplar and fairest copy that was ere presented unto the princes , and great peers of the world , for regulating their councels , words , and actions , by conscience , reason , honour ; for your abominating all sacriledg , as that which would be the cancer no less of your soul , than your estate ; chusing rather , if put upon it , to part with your inheritance , than with so much breath as may form your vote to the prophaning and sequestring , what the religious charity of your ancestors dedicated to pious uses ; of adhering inseparably to the holy order of episcopacy , never questioned by any , but such wretches , as had desperately plunged themselves into either heresie , schisme , sacriledg , or rebellion ; a caveat , never to make the counterfeit of religious zeal , serve the purpose of ambition ; nor to torture your king's conscience , under a pretence to ease your own ; a monitory , how much the prudence of nobles may fix a due temperament in the commons , as likewise how their chief interest consists in their fidelity to the crown , not in their ignoble compliance with any factious party of the people . a perpetual memorial of the affronts and injuries done to so excellent a king , no otherwise now to be repaired and recompensated , than by paying and exacting all possible duty and allegiance , accumulating all honour , and state , and wealth , that each one can contribute to his royal successour , who , it may be hoped , will persevere in the happy government of his nations , according to the incomparable maxims of piety and policy , that are scattered in those sacred oracular books and papers , composed not according to plato's ideas , or other speculative conceits and fancies , but out of divine emanations , by what means , in what manner , instilled , need not be enquired ; out of the various alternate experiments of a flourishing and fading condition , a calm and stormy season of his reign ; a quiet , and scrupulous , a self-clearing , and sometimes , a self-condemning , disposition of conscience ; the sense of love and loyalty from some , of rebellion and malice from other of his subjects ; the several events from prudent results , and mistakes , in his councel ; the flattery and folly , the sincerity and sapience , in the diversity of his nobles ; the learning and ignorance , zeal and moderation , luke-warmness and absolute coldness , in his clergy ; the steady resolution and giddiness of his commons ; the courage and cowardise , the conscientious care and negligence of his s●ldiers ; the liberty and restraint , the entredeux or state of indifference , such as may be call'd the royal durance , or free imprisonment of his person ; the apprehensions of a violent death , and hope of a kind reconciling deliverance ; finally , such variety of all sorts in himself and others , that were , or should have been under his majesties dominion , that no prince of like natural endowments , of so just and pious inclinations , had such religious , civil , and military advantages , to raise such a fabrick of policy and religion , such a structure of lawes and counsells , of secur'd assertions , and weigh'd experiments , as by which not only the princes and people of our age , at whose ports and palaces the rumours and terrours of our troubles have arriv'd ; but all posterity may prevent , if they please to regard and practise whatsoever misery and mischief the infernal spirits of discord and confusion , may intend them . all these , my lord , and many more ( which i leave to your own discovery ) being the natural issue of emolument from the book ; my advice is , that you would improve and multiply them in each particular , by your lordships reading , and hearing , and observing , applying to each oracle or apharism , here presented , whatsoever may occur , relating with any significancy , unto it , whether in ancient or modern history ; in the policy of our own or other nations ; in the relations and discourses of wise and understanding men ; in the practises right or wrong , of any whomsoever your lordship may have reason and opportunity to regard . this done , my lord , and ought else your lordship may see necessary , if after some few years resolution , i have the honour to kiss your hand , i shall expect , with much confidence , your lordships thanks , which i desire not before you shall have reapt the profit of my pains ; and become sensible of the service done you by this collection ( how affectedly indigested soere it be ) toward the regulating your life ; whether in publick imployment , or private conversation ; toward the confirming you in the still-opposed , still undermined , religion of our church ; toward your conduct of any government , or command , you may have in your country , and your influence upon the well or ill-affected people there ; toward the honour may be , i hope , conferred upon you , for promoting the interest of the crown to the very uttermost extent and efficacy of your own : and after all , above all toward your reward in heaven , for your devotion to god , and fidelity to your king , which no man wisheth you , with more affectionate unfeigned zeal , than , my lord , your lordships most humble servant . richard watson . from my friends lodgings , in doctor 's commons . february 21. 1660 . -61 . to the reader . friend , having in my epistle dedicatory shewed at large the worth and use of the ensuing book , i have the less wherewith to trouble you , if that it self do not , before you read it . for although you see the design was laid in order to the private benefit and satisfaction of the noble lord , to whom addressed : yet since it becomes thus publick , i shall plainly tell you , that the common neglect i discovered ( and is by the booksellers themselves confessed ) of the most excellent piece that ever passed a monarch's pen , was a principal incentive to me , to put it again , thus trasformed , upon the world. alas ! it may easily enough be judged what has brought the original , and with whom , into disrepute ; the cry of blood is lowd , and summons the least guilt de profundis , from the depth of conscience , though the very centre , to a sentence upon it self , and what an unsufferable torture 't is , either to look upon the lively pourtraicture of that king , or hear him speak , though but in his papers , whom with axe , or pen , or tongue , or wishfull thought , they murder'd ; or negatively in not detesting , not decrying , not invective-writing , not preventive-acting , were accessory in the least degree , they alone that committed the fault , and feel the pain , can truly tell . this courtesie i have therefore done them , who would needs turn away from the salve , because it signifies they have a sore ; they are hereby no more concerned , as to what is past , than any of the antipodes , under the government of a king. the aphorismes are general , and applicable to any kingdom ; in many of which those subjects that mean to act , may read their duty , and they that do not , may expect their doom . i at first had done as simplicius saith arrian had , with those of epictetus , collected only 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the most seasonable , the most necessary , and the most motive , or operative upon the minds of men ; wherewith being so much affected , i thought the book very well worth review , as loth to leave ought behind that might have the like efficacy by the sense , though not altogether the same acuteness in the conceipt , nor elegance in the language : by which gleaning , or recollection , i recover'd many as fair and full eares as those i had before bound up in the sheaf , many aphorismes no less considerable , no less deserving an intent regard . some others if you find coincident with those of the first rank , as some you will , i pray know that the same passed me not unobserved , but having some difference in expression , though little or none in sense , they were ad led the more to oblige you , and to effect that prevalency upon you , which your hast from the former might not admit . such ( if any such there be ) as may seem flat and ordinary , they are to be set to my account , who confess my self so indulgent in my reverence of the royal authour , that nothing of his could fall so low in my esteem . others , that are not many , but borrowed , and made english , i have entituled to the high translatour , whose authority gives more weight to 'em , and more they penetrate press'd by him. in sententiâ ut penetret , valde facit robustae alicujus , & receptae auctoritatis pondus . that all were not reduc'd to heads , and ranged under common places , has reason , such as i think not fit to be mention'd here : you may know that the learned grotius ( who was wont neither to spare , nor to lose his pains ) has done the like in a greater volume . as it is , if you be not more curious , than obsequious , in what concerns you either to know , or practise , you will have for what to thank me , who confirm you in your religion and loyalty , or lead you gently to it by a royal hand . i have one thing more to require of you , that you make not too much hast to censure me , for imposing that upon you , as his majesty's , which may appear compos'd by me : some such aphorismes indeed there are , for which some little change , the inserting of some few words , was necessary to give them as well the form , as force , of rules , or dictates ; in which if you take no less pains to justifie , than i did to avoid , your censure , you will find it frustrate , and me guilty of nought but more endeavours , than you have desires , for your own advantage , wherewith i wish you well . a table shewing where the centuries begin . cent. 1 beginneth pag. 1 cent. 2 beginneth pag. 22 cent. 3 beginneth pag. 44 cent. 4 beginneth pag. 67 cent. 5 beginneth pag. 87 cent. 6 beginneth pag. 110 cent. 7 beginneth pag. 138 cent. 8 beginneth pag. 161 cent. 9 beginneth pag. 194 cent. 10 beginneth pag. 231 cent. 11 beginneth pag. 265 cent. 12 beginneth pag. 293 effata regalia . the first century . 1. the weight of reason will counterpoise the overballancings of any factions . 2. the gravity and discretion of gentlemen may alay and fix the commons to a due temperament . 3 the interest of a king and his children give him many obligations to seek and preserve the love and welfare of his subjects . 4 the love and welfare of subjects is the only temporal blessing left to the ambition of just monarchs as their greatest honour and safety , next gods protection . 5 wherein a king lessens his prerogative , he may gain a recompence in the affections of his subjects . 6 no flames of civil dissentions are more dangerous , then those which make religious pretensions ground of factions . 7 kings should not suffer their own judgments to be overborn more by others importunities , then their arguments . 8 the great abilities of lords may make a prince more afraid , then ashamed , to employ them in the greatest affairs of state. 9 officers of state , moving in an high sphere , and with a vigorous lustre , must needs raise many envious exhalations , capable to cast a cloud upon their brightest merit and integrity . 10 between a kings unsatisfiedness in himself , and a seeming necessity of satisfying the importunity of some people , it discovers more a fear of men then of god , to prefer what is safe , before what seemeth just . 11 a king is not to prefer the outward peace of his kingdoms with men , to the inward exactness of conscience before god. 12 it is a bad exchange , for a king to wound his own conscience , thereby to salve state-sores ; to calm the stormes of popular discontents , by stirring up a tempest in his own bosom . 13 there is a fallacy in that maxime , better one man perish though unjustly ) then the people be displeased or destroyed . 14 ' the best rule of policy is , to prefer the doing of justice before all enjoyments , and the peace of conscience , before the preservation of kingdoms . 15 many are terrified by tumults to concurre with the condemning party , rather then satisfied , that of right they ought so to do . 16 a king ought to be more afraid to take away a mans life unjustly then to lose his own . 17 suspicions , not raised out of malice , are not in reason to be smothered . 18 no present impunity , or popular vindication , will be subterfuge to men guilty of evil machinations , sufficient to rescue them from the exact tribunals of god and their own consciences . 19 there is an after unavoidable judgment which shal rejudg what among men is but corruptly decided , or give the final sentence , if not at all . 20 it is a better resolution , rather to bear repulse with patience , then to use hazardous extremities . 21 it is one of the most convincing arguments , that there is a god , while his power sets bounds to the raging of the sea : and no less , that he restrains the madness of the people . 22 nothing port ends more gods displeasur against a nation , then when he suffers the confluence and clamors of the vulgar to pass all boundaries of lawes and reverence to authoritie . 23 nothing more to be feared , and less to be used by wise men , then tumultuary confluxes of meane and rude people , who are taught , first to petition , then to protest , then to dictate , at last to command and over-awe . 24 whoever hath most mind to bring forth confusion and ruin upon a church and state , useth the midwifery of the peoples tumults . 25 what good man had not rather want any thing he most desires then to obtain it by unlawful and irreligious means . 26 mens passions , and gods directions seldom agree . 27 violent designs and motions must have sutable engines : such as too much attend their owne ends , seldom confine themselves to gods means . 28 force must crowd in , what reason will not lead . 29 it is no strange thing for the sea to rage , when strong winds blow upon it ; nor for multitudes to become insolent , when they have men of some reputation for parts and piety to set them on . 30 such is some mens stupid tie , that they fear no inconvenience . 31 such is some mens petulancy that they joy to see their betters shamefully outraged and abused , while they know their owne security consists in vulgar s●attery . 32 a kings withdrawing , may give time for the ebbing of tumultuous fury , and others regaining some degrees of modesty and sober sense . 33 it is a hardiness beyond true valour , for a wise man to set himselfe against the breaking in of a sea . 34 a gallant man had rather ●ight to great disadvantages for number and place in the field , in an orderly way , then shuffle with an undisciplined rabble . 35 it is safest to withdraw from the daily baitings of tumults , not knowing whether their fury and discontent may not flie so high as ●● worry and tear those in pieces whom as yet they but play with in their pawes . 36 a king is not bound to prostitute the majestie of his place and person , the safety of his queen and children to those who are prone to insult most , when they have objects and opportunities most capable of their rudeness and petulancy . 37 the just avenger of all disorders many times makes men and cities see their sinn● in the glass of their punishment . 38 it is more then an even lay , that men may one day see themselvs punished by that way they offended . 39 as swine are to gardens and orderly plantations , so are tumults to parliaments , and plebeian concourses to publick councels turning all into disorders and sordid confusions . 40 god orders our disorders , and magnifies his wisdom most , when our follies and miseries are most discovered . 41 such is some mens activity , that they will needs make work rather then want it ; and chuse to be doing amisse , rather then do nothing . 42 good subjects will never think it just or fit , that their kings condition should be worse by his bettering theirs . 43 some men know not so well with moderation to use , as with earnestness to desire advantages of doing good or evil . 44 the kings interest lies more then any mans in the due execuexecution and vigour of preserved laws . 45 a king ought not to desire more then the law gives him , and less the meanest subject should not have . 46 it is ingratitude , unworthy of honour , that the more is granted them by their king , the less he should have and enjoy with them . 47 a king may count himselfe undiminished by his largest concessions , if by them he gains and confirms the love of his people . 48 the peoples love may increase toward their king , as they have more leisure , and lesse prejudice . 49 people may be miserable in this only , that some mens ambition will not give them leave to enjoy what their king intends for their good . 50 a king may be mistaken when perswaded , that he cannot grant too much , or distrust too little , to men that being professedly his subjects , pretend singular piety , and religious strictness . 51 it argues a very short sight of things , and extreme fatuity of mind in a king , to bind his owne hands at the request of his subjects , when he shortly meanes to use a sword against them . 52 it would be a course full of sinne , as well as of hazard , and dishonour , for a king to go about the cutting up of that by the sword , which he had lately planted to his subjects and his own content . 53 some men fear where no fear is , whose security consists in scaring others . 54 a king may repent his letting some men go up to the pinnacle of the temple , when it doth prove a temptation to them to cast him downe headlong . 55 as many kingdomes as the divel shewed our saviour , and th●● glory of them ( if they could be at once enjoyed by ambitious . people ) are not worth the gaining by wayes of sinful ingratitude and dishonor , which hazards a soul worth more worlds then this hath kingdomes . 56 it is no strange thing for men left to their own passions , either to do much evil themselves , or abuse the over-much goodnesse of others . 57 an ungrateful surfet of others goodness is the most desperate and incurable disease . 58 there may be an error in a king of too charitable a judgement , without any sinne of his will ▪ 59 a king may be sorry to see other mens eyes evil because his is good . 60 to be forced to sea by a storm unprovided of tackling and victual , is better then to venture splitting or sinking on a lee-shore . 61 some mens hydropick insatiableness is such as no fountain of royal bounty is able to overcome ; so resolved , they seem either utterly to exhaust it , or barbarously to obstruct it . 62 it ceases to be a councel , when not reason is used , as to men , to perswade ; but force and terror , as to beasts , to drive and compel men to assent to what ever tumultuary patrons shall project . 63 he deserves to be a slave without pity or redemption , that is content to have the rational soveraignty of his soul , and liberty of his will and words captivated by force and terror . 64. kingdomes are not so considerable as to preserve them with the forfeiture of that freedom which cannot be denied to a king , because it belongs to him , as a man and christian . 65 a king is to owne the dictates of none but god to be above him , as obliging him to consent . 66 better for a king to die enjoying the empire of his soul , which subjects him onely to god , so farre as by reason or religion he directs him ; then live with the title of a king , if it should carry such a vassalage with it , as not to suffer him to use his reason and conscience in what he declares as a king to like or dislike . 67 a king is not conscientiously tied to go against his conscience in consenting to such new proposals as his reason , justice , honour and religion bids him deny . 68 so tender some men are of their being subject to arbitrary government , that they care not with how much dishonour and absurdity they make their king the only man that must be subject to the will of others . 69 no man can think it other then the badge and method of slavery , by savage rudenesse , and importunate obtrusions of violence , to have the mist of his error and passion dispelled , which is a shadow of reason , and must serve those that are destitute of the substance . 70 that man cannot be blamable to god or man , who seriously endeavours to see the best reason of things , and faithfully followes what he takes for reason . 71 the uprightness of intentions will excuse the possible fallings of understanding . 72 if a pilot at sea cannot see the pole-star , it can be no fault in him to steere his course by such starres as do best appeare to him . 73 it argues those men to be concious of their defects of reason , and convincing arguments , who call in the assistance of meer force to carry on the weakness of their counsels and proposals . 74 nothing should please a king more , then when his judgment so concurres with that of his prudent subjects , as he may with a good conscience consent unto them . 75 where no absolute and moral necessity of reason , but temporary convenience in point of honour is to be considered , a king may chuse rather to deny himself then his councel , as preferring that which they think necessary for his people , before what he sees but convenient for himselfe . 76 a king should permit no man to gain his consent to that , wherein his heart gives his tongue or hand the lie . 77 a king should rather chuse to wear a crown of thorns , with his saviour , then to exchange that of gold for one of lead , whose embased flexibleness shall be forced to bend and complie to the various , and oft contrary , dictates of any factions . 78. no resolution more worthy a christian king , then to preferre his conscience before his kingdomes . 79. the meits of a deserving lady wil be her better protection from the barbaritie of savage indians , then from the subtiltie of some malicious christians . 80. all justice , so well as affection , commands a king to study the securitie of his vertuous queen , who is onely in danger for his sake . 81. a king can perish but halfe , if his queen be preserved . 82. a king , in his queenes memory , and their hopefull posterity , may survive the malice of his enemies should be satiated with his bloud . 83 as god is able to punish the faults of princes , so no less severely to revenge the injuries done to them by those who ought to have made good that safety which the lawes chiefly provide for them . 84 common civility is in vain expected from those that dispute their loyalty . 85 it cannot be safe to a king to tarry among them who are shaking hands with their allegeance , under pretence of laying faster hold on their religion . 86 't is pity the noble and peaceful foul of a queen should see , much more suffer the rudenesse of those who must make up their want of justice with inhumanity and impudence . 87 the sympathy of a queen in the afflictions of her king will make her vertues shine with greater lustre , as starres in the darkest nights ; and assure the envious world , that she loves him , not his fortunes . 88 kings need not much to blame the unkindness of the generality and vulgar , when those who have eaten of their bread , & been enriched with their bounty , have scornfully lift up themselvs against them , and those of their own houshold are become their enemies . 89 some think to satisfie all obligations to duty by their corban of religion ; and can less endure to see then to sin against their benefactors , as wel as their soveraigns . 90 no malice can banish a beloved queen from her kings heart . 91 a kings enemies may envy , but they can never deprive him of the enjoiment of her vertues , while he enjoyes himself . 92 it is among the wicked maximes of bold and disloyal undertakers , that bad actions must alwayes be seconded by worse , & rather not be begun , then not carried on : for they think the retreat more dangerous then the assault , and hate repentance more then perseverance in the fault . 93 it is the best policie , with patience to bear what one cannot remedy . 94 to be transported with no disdaine or emotion of passion in greatest injuries , is the temper that best becomes a christian , as coming nearest to the great example of christ . 95 better for a monarch to remember he is a christian then a king 96 what the height of a king tempteth to revenge , the humility of a christian teacheth to forgive . 97 what the majesty of a king might justly abhor , the charity of a christian is willing to forbear . 98 the excess of impotent passions injures a man more then his greatest enemies can . 99 apostacy unto loyalty some men account the most unpardonable sin . 100 the superstitious sowrness which some men pretend to in matters of religion , so darkens their judgment , that they cannot see any thing of sinne and rebellion in the meanes they use with intents to reform . the second century . 1 some men think all is gold of piety which doth but glister with a shew of zeale and fervencie . 2 down-right temptations of ambition have no cloak or cheat of religion to impose upon themselves or other . 3 clemency is a debt which kings ought to pay to those that crave it , when they have cause to believe they wil not after abuse it . 4 god suffers us not to pay any thing for his mercy , but only prayrs and promises . 5 the rude demeanor of a subject toward his soveraign carries alwaies its own vengeance , as an unseparable shadow with it . 6 those oft prove the most fatal and implacable executioners of vengeance , who were the first imployers in rebellion . 7 no punishment so stains a mans honor , as wilful perpetrations of unworthy actions . 8 posterity not engaged in the sactions of present times , have the most impartial reflections on the actions . 9 a rebellious army is but tumults listed and enrolled to a better order , but as bad an end . 10 a kings recess from tumultuous subjects , gives them considence that he may be conquered . 11 a king having a soul invincible , is sure , through gods grace , to become conqueror , when constant to fear him more than man. 12. they will oppose by force , who have not reason to convince . 13. they confess their own weakness , as to truth and justice , who chuse rather to contend by armies , then by arguments . 14 a king may be made glorious , if no other way , by his sufferings . 15 it is a hard and disputable choice for a king that loves his people and desires their love , either to kill his own subjects , or to be killed by them . 16 the hazards and miseries of civil war , are but sad fruits for a king to reap after a long , just , peaceable , plenteous and religious reign . 17 the hazards of war are equal , nor doth the cannon know any respect of persons . 18 a kings person is in vaine excepted , by a parenthesis of words , when many hands are armed against him with swords . 19. unnatural motions are often the productions of a surfeit of peace , wantonness of minds , or private discontents . 20. ambition and faction easily find , or make , causes of quarrell . 21. what seems just to one man ▪ may not seem so to another . 22. there is an instinct in all creatures to preserve themselves . 23. it hath been esteem'd delinquency in some prudent men not to be over-aw'd with tumu'ts and their patrons , nor compell'd to ab●● by their suffrages or presence the designs of those men who agitate innovations and ruine both in church and state. 24 the least hath more evil in it then the greatest affliction . 25. what is religious & apostolical , & so very sacred & divine , is not to be dispensed with , or destroyed , when what is only of civil favour and priviledg of honor , granted to men of holy order , may , with their consent who are concerned in it , be annulled . 26 the noise and shew of piety , and heat for reformation and religion , may easily so fil men with prejudice , that all equality and clearnesse of judgement may be obstructed . 27 a kings innocency and unpreparedness to assert his rights and honours , makes him the more guilty in the esteem of disloyal subjects . 28 prayers and tears , the chiefest armies of the ancient christians , may setve a good mans turn , if not to conquer , as a souldier , yet to suffer as a martyr . 29 he that made the greedy ravens to be elias caterers , may also make rebells surprisall of outward force and defence , an opportunity to shew their king the speciall support of his power and protection . 30 what a pious king wants in the hands of force and power , he hath in the wings of faith and prayer . 31 the surfeit of too much power , which some men greedily seize on , may make a commonwealth sick both of it and them , when they cannot well digest it . 32 soveraigne power in subjects seldom agrees with the stomachs of fellow-subjects . 33 a king having the sole actual disposing of the militia , can not protect his people further then they protect him and themselves . 34 the use of the militia is mutuall betweene king and people . 35. such is the violence and fraud of some men , that being conscious to their own evill merits and designes , they will needs perswade the world , that none but wolves are fit to be trusted with the custody of the shepheard and his flock . 36. it can be secure neither for king nor subject , if both be not in such a way as the law hath entrusted the publick safety and wellfare . 37. all law is at last resolved to the just and necessary rights of the crown in point of power , while thereby it is best protected . 38. the honour and justice due to a kings successours forbid him to yeild to an alienation of power from them . 39. although a king may be content to eclipse his own beames , to satisfie their feares , who think they must needs be scorched or blinded if he should shine in the full lustre of kingly power : yet he ought never to consent to put out the sun of soveraignty to all posterity and succeeding kings . 40. the many-headed hydra of government , as it makes a shew to the people to have more eyes to foresee , so they will find it hath more mouths too , which must be satisfied . 41. in a right monarchy , counsell may be in many as the senses , but the supreme power can be but in one as the head . 42. those men are guilty of enforced perjury , who compell their king to take a new and strange way of discharging his trust by seeming to desert it , of protecting his subjects by exposing himselfe to danger or dishonour for their safety and quiet . 43. the sword and militia are but weake defenses against the stroakes of divine vengeance , which will overtake , or of mens own consciences , which alwaies attend injurious perpetrations . 44. god is able by his being with a king abundantly to compensate to him , as he did to job , what ever honour , power or liberty the caldeans , the sabeans , or the devil himselfe can deprive him of . 45 the hearts of subjects are the greatest treasure and best ammunition of a king. 46 rebels that disarme their king , and study to rob him of his subjects love , cannot deprive him of his innocence , or gods mercy , nor obstruct his way to heaven . 47 a king cannot buy his own safety and his peoples peace at too deare a rate , unlesse by parting with conscience and honour . 48 a king , rather than part with his conscience and honour , ought to chuse to be as miserable and inglorious as his enemies can make or wish him . 49. whatsoever subjects propund unto their king , ought not to be obtruded with the point of the sword , nor urged with the injuries of war. 50. when a king declares unto his subjects , he cannot yield to them without violating his conscience ; there may be some better method of peace , than by making war upon his soul. 51. when subjects require any thing of their king , they ought to offer somewhat by way of gratefull exchange of honour or requital of those favours he hath , or may yet grant them . 52. it is more princely and divine to be on the giving part . 53. the jewel of conscience is incommunicable , whose loss nothing can repair or requite . 54. a kings yielding too much , makes subjects over-confident he will deny nothing . 55. the love of truth and inward tranquillity ought to have more influence upon a king , than the love he hath of his peoples peace . 56. inward quiet of conscience ought to be dearer to a king , then his kingdome . 57. some things which a king might approve , yet in honour and policy are at some time to be denied , to some men , least he should seem not to da●e to deny any thing , and give too much encouragement to unreasonable demands or importunities . 58. for a king to bind himself to a general and implicite consent to whatever subjects shall desire or propound , were a latitude of blind obedience never expected of any freeman , not fit to be required of any man , much less of a king. 59. a king may possibly exceed any of his own subjects as much in wisdome , as he doth in place and power . 60. for a king to yield implicite consent to all , were as if sampson should have consented not only to bind his own hands , and cut off his hair , but to put out his own eyes , that the philistines might with the more safety mock and abuse him . 61. to exclude all power of denial , seems an arrogancy ill-becoming them that pretend addresses by petition . 62. it were very foolish and absurd , to ask what , another having not liberty to deny , neither hath power to grant . 63. it can be no other then extreme injury , to confine a kings reason to a necessity of granting all subjects have a mind to ask ; whose minds may be different from the soverain's , both in reason and honour ; as may be their aims , and are their qualities . 64. subjects propositions may soon prove violent oppositions , if once they gain to be necessary impositions upon the regal authority . 65. no man seeks to limit and confine his king in reason , who hath not a secret aim to share with him , or usurpe upon him in power and dominion . 66. nature , law , reason and religion , bind a king ( in the first place ) to preserve himself , without which 't is impossible to preserve his people according to his place . 67. factions in the state , and schismes in the church , get confidence by vulgar clamours , and assistance to demand , not only tolerations of themselves , but also abolition of the lawes against them , and a total extirpation of that government whose rights they made . 68. some moderate propositions are by cunning demanders used like waste paper , wherein their unreasonable ones are wrapped up , to present them somewhat more handsomely . 69. there is nothing so monstrous , which some fancies are not prone to long for . 70. they abuse themselves , who believe all good which is guilded with shews of zeal and reformation . 71. popular clamours and tumults serve to give life and strength to the infinite activity of those men , who study with all diligence and policy , to improve present distractions to their innovating designs . 72. armies of propositions , having little of judgment , reason , justice and religion , taking their rise from tumult and faction , must be backt and seconded with armies of souldiers . 73. a king is to weigh the reason and justice , not regard the number and power of contesting subjects . 74. tumults can be no other then the hounds that attend the cry and hollow of those men , who hunt after factions and private designs , to the ruine of the church and state. 75. if the straitness of a kings conscience will not give him leave to swallow down such camels as others do of sacriledg and jnjustice both to god and man , they have no more cause to quarrel with him then for this , that his throat is not so wide as theirs . 76. nothing of passion , or peevishness , or list to contradict , or vanity to shew a negative power , should have any byas upon the judgment of a king , to make him gratifie his will by denying any thing which his reason and conscience commands him not . 77. a king should not consent to more than reason , justice , honour and religion perswade him to be for gods glory , the church's good , his peoples welfare , and his own peace . 78. although many mens loyalty and prudence be terrified from giving their king that true and faithfull councell which they are able and willing to impart , and he may want ; yet none can hinder him from craving the councel of that mighty councellor , who can both suggest what is best , and incline his heart stedfastly to follow it . 79. it is no news for some subjects to fight , not only without their kings commission , but against his command and person too , yet all the while to pretend they fight by his authority , and for his safety . 80. rebels do alwayes this honour to their king , to think moderate injuries not proportionate to him , nor competent tryals either of his patience under them , or his pardon of them . 81. some with exquisite malice mix the gall and vinegar of falsity and contempt , with the cup of their kings affliction , charging him not only with untruths , but such as wherein he hath the greatest share of loss and dishonour by what is committed . 82. that king is a cyclopick monster , whom nothing will serve to eat and drink , but the flesh and bloud of his own subjects . 83. some think they cannot do well but in evil times , nor so cunningly as in laying the odium of those sad events on others , wherewith themselves are most pleased , and whereof they have been not the least occasion . 84. preposterous rigour , and unreasonable severity , may be not the least incentive that kindles and blowes up into horrid slames the sparks of discontent , which want not predisposed fewel for rebellion , where dispair being added to former discontents , and the fear of utter extirpation to wonted oppressions , it is easie to provoke to an open rebellion a people prone to break out to all exorbitant violence , by some principles of their religion , and the natural desires of liberty . 85. some men of covetous zeal , and uncharitable fury , think it a great argument of the truth of their religion , to endure no other but their own . 86. it is preposterous and unevangelical zeal , to chuse rather to use all extremities which may drive men to desperate obstinacy , than to apply moderate remedies . 87. some kind of zeal counts all mercifull moderation , lukewarmness , and had rather be cruel , than counted cold ; and is not seldome more greedy to kill the bear for his skin , than for any harm he hath done . 88. the confiscation of mens estates pleaseth some better , as being more beneficial , than the charity of saving their lives , or reforming their errours . 89. some men have better skill to let bloud , than to stanch it . 90. men prepared to misconstrue the actions of their soveraign , have more credulity to what is false and evill , than love or charity to what is true and good . 91. a king hath no judge but god above him . 92. god doth not therefore deny a kings innocence , because he is pleased so farre to try his patience , as he did his servant jobs . 93. swarms of reproaches issue out of some mens mouths and hearts , as easily as smoke or sparks do out of a furnace . 94. men conscious of their own depth of wickedness , are loath to believe any man not to be as bad as themselves . 95. it is kingly to do well , and hear ill . 96. a king ought to look upon the effusion of his subjects bloud , as exhausted out of his own veins . 97. royal bounty emboldens some men , to ask and act beyond all bounds of modesty and gratitude . 98. a king should not let any mans ingratitude , or inconstancy , make him repent of what he granted for the publick good . 99. where violence is used for innovation in religion , many feel the misery of the means , before they reap the benefit of the end . 100. it can not but seem either passion , or some self-seeking , more than true zeal , and pious discresion , for any forraign state or church to prescribe such medicine only to others , which themselves have used rather successfully than commendably . the third century . 1 the same physick in different constitutions , will have different opperations : that may kill one , which doth but cure another . 2. it is not so proper to hew out religious reformations by the sword , as to polish them by fair and equal disputations among those that are most concern'd in the differences , whom not force but reason , ought to convince . 3. mens consciences can receive little satisfaction in those points , which are maintained rather by souldiers fighting in the field , than scholars disputing in free and learned synods . 4. in matters of religion , those truths gain most on mens judgments and consciences , which are least urged with secular violence . 5. secular violence weakens truth , which prejudices , and is unreasonable to be used , till such means of rational conviction hath been applied , as leaving no excuse for ignorance , condemns mens obstinacy to deserved penalties . 6. there is too much of man , to have much of christ , when his pretended institutions are caried on , or begun , with the temptations of covetousness or ambition . 7. wise and learned men think , that nothing hath more marks of schisme and sectarisme than the presbyterian way . 8. a king is not to repeal the laws & constitutions of the church till he sees more rational and religious motives than soldiers use to carry in their knapsacks . 9. a king ought to esteem the church above the state , the glory of christ above his own , and the salvation of mens souls , above the preservation of their bodies and estates . 10. no men may , without sin and presumption , forcibly endeavour to cast the churches under their kings care and tuition into the moulds they have fancied and fashioned to their designs , till they have first gained his consent , and resolved both his and other mens consciences by the strength of their reasons . 11. violent motions , which are neither manly , christian , nor loyall , should neither ●●ake nor settle the religion of king or subject , who knowes what religion means . 12. the proper engine of faction is force . 13. force is the arbitratour of beasts , not of reasonable men , much less of humble christians and loyal subjects in matter of religion . 14. men are prone to have such high conceits of themselves , that they care not what cost they lay out upon their opinions , especially those that have some temptation of gain to recompence their losses and hazards . 15. men jealous of the justifiableness of their doings and designs before god , never think they have humane strength enough to carry their work on , seem it never so plausible to the people . 16. what can not be justified in law or religion , had need be fortified with power . 17. such is the inconstancy that attends all minds engaged in violent motion , that whom some of them one while earnestly invite to come into their assistance , others of them soon after are weary of , and with nauseating cast them out . 18. much of gods justice , and mans folly , will at length be discovered through all the filmes and pretensions of religion , in which politicians wrap up their designs . 19. in vain do men hope , to build their piety on the ruins of loyalty . 20. neither those considerations nor disigns , can be durable , when subjects make bankrupt of their allegeance , under pretence of setting up a quicker trade for religion . 21. all reason and policy will teach , that the chief interest of subjects consist's in their fidelity to the crown , not in their serviceableness to any party of the people , to the neglect and betraying of their kings safety and honour , for their own advantages . 22. the less cause a king hath to trust men , the more should he apply himself to god. 23. it is hard for men to be engaged by no less than swearing for or against those things , which are of no clear morall necessity , but very disputable . 24. in points disputable the application of oaths can hardly be made , and enjoined , with that judgment and certainty in one's self , or that charity and candour to others of different opinion , as religion requires . 25. religion never refuses fair and aequable deliberations , yea , and dissentions too , in matters only probable . 26. the enjoining of oaths upon people must needs , in things doubtfull , be dangerous , as , in things unlawfull , damnable and no less superfluous , where former religious and legal engagements bound men sufficiently to all necessary duties . ; 27. ambitious minds never think they have laid snares and ginnes enough , to catch and hold the vulgar credulity . 28. by politick and seemingly pious stratagems of oaths , ambitious minds think to keep the populacy fast to their party under the terrour of perjury . 29. after-contracts devised , and imposed , by a few men , in a declared party , without the kings consent , without power or precedent from god's or man's lawes , can never be thought by judicious men , sufficient either to absolve , or slacken , the moral and eternal bonds of duty , which lye upon all subjects consciences , both to god and their king. 30. ambiguous , dangerous and authorized novelties , are not to be preferred before known and sworn duties , which are dispensable , both to god and king. 31. later vowes , oaths , or leagues , can never blot out the former gravings and characters , which by just and lawfull oaths have been made upon the souls of men . 32. considerations , by way of solemn leagues and covenants , are the common roads used in all factious and powerfull perturbations of state or church . 33. formalities of extraordinary zeal and piety are never more studied ond elaborate , than when politicians most agitate desperate designs against all that is setled or sacred in religion and lawes . 34. religion and lawes with the scrues of cunning politicians , are wrested by secret steps , and less sensible degrees , from their known rule , and wonted practise , to comply with the humors of those men , who aim to subdue all to their own will and power , under the disguises of holy combinations . 35. the cords and wit hs of solemn leagues and covenants , ( framed more out of policy than piety ) will hold mens consciences no longer than force attends and twists them . 36. every man soon growes his own pope , and easily absolves himself of those ties , which not the commands of god's word , or the lawes of the land , but only the subtilty and terrour of a party casts upon him . 37. illegall wayes of covenanting , seldom or never intend the engaging men more to duties , but to parties . 38. it is not regarded how men keep covenants in point of piety pretended , provided they adhaere firmly to the party and design intended . 39. imposers of politick covenants make them like manna , agreable to every mans palate and rellish who will but swallow them . 40. naboth's vineyard made him the only blasphemer of his city , and fit to dye . 41. while the breath of religion fills the sails , profit is the compass , by which factious men steer their course in all seditious commotions . 42. church-lands and revenues , issuing chiefly from the crown , are held of it , and legally can revert only to the crown , with the kings consent . 43. no necessity should drive a king to invade or sell the priests lands , which both pharaohs divinity , and josephs true piety abhorr'd to do . 44. it is unjust both in the eye of reason and religion , to deprive the most sacred employment of all due incouragements , and like hard-harted phara●h , to withdraw the straw and increase the task . 45. some pursue the oppressed church to the red sea of a civil war , where nothing but a miracle can save it . 46. a christian king ought to esteem it his greatest title to be call'd , and his chiefest glory to be the defender of the church , both in its true faith , and its just fruitions , equally abhorring sacriledge and apostacy . 47. a king ought rather to live on the churches almes , than violently to take the bread out of bishops and ministers mouths . 48. they are but golden calves that must be serv'd , when jeroboam consecrates the meanest of the people to be priests . 49. a king can not so much as pray god to prevent the sad consequences which will inevitably follow the parity and poverty of ministers both in church and state. because , 50. it is no less than a mo●●ing and tempting of god , to desire him to hinder those mischiefs whose occasions and remedies are in our own power . 51. there are wayes enough to repair the breaches of the state , without the ruins of the church . 52. as a king should be a restorer of the state , so not an opressour of the church , under the pretence of publick debts . 53. if a good king had not his own innocency and god's protection , it were hard for him to stand out against those stratagems and conflicts of malice , which by falsities seek to oppress the truth , and by jealousies to supply the defect of real causes , which might seem to justifie unjust engagements against him . 54. the worst effects or open hostility , come short of what is in disloyal close designs . 55. a king should more willingly lose his crown , than his credit ; nor should his kingdom be so dear to him , as his reputation and honour . 56. a good name is the embalming of princes , and a sweet consecrating of them to an eternity of love and gratitude among posterity . 57. foul and false aspersions are secret engins employed against peoples love of their king ; that undermining their opinion and value of him , his enemies and theirs may at once blow up their affections , and batter down their loyalty . 58. the detriment of a kings honor ( by calumnies ) should not be so afflictive to him , as the sin and danger of his peoples souls . 59. peoples eyes once blinded with mists of suspitions , are soon misled into the most desperate precipices of actions , wherein they do not only not consider their sin and danger , but glory in their zealous adventures . 60. mislead people imagine they then fear god most , when they least honour their king , and are most ambitious to merit the name of his destroyers . 61. a king's pity ought to be above his anger . 62. a king's passions should never prevail against himself , as to exclude his most compassionate prayers for them whom devout errours , more than their own malice have betrayed to a most religious rebellion . 63. it is a generous charity in a king , to interpret that his subjects in armes fight against his supposed errours , not his person , intending to mend him , not to end him . 64. it is somewhat above humanity in a king , not more willingly to forgive the seductions in his subjects , which occasioned their loyal injuries , then to be ambitious , by all princely merits , to redeem them from their just suspicions , and reward them for their good intentions . 65. a king should be too conscious to his own affections toward the generality of his people , to suspect theirs to him . 66. a king should never gratifie the spightfulness of a few with any sinister thoughts of their allegeance , whom pious frauds have seduced . 67. a king should never be perswaded to make so bad interpretatations of most of his subjects actions , as to judge otherwise than that possibly they may be erroneous , but not haeretical , in point of loyalty . 68. a king should have as sharp a sense of the injuries done to his subjects , as those done to himself , their well fares being inseparable . 69. seduced subjects in this suffer more than their king , that they are animated to injure at once both themselves and him . 70. a king sometimes hath such enemies among his subjects as to whose malice it is not enough that he is afflicted , unless by those whose prosperity he earnestly desires , and whose seduction he heartily deplores . 71. a king for restoring tranquility unto his people , might willingly be the jonah , if he foresees not evidently that by the divided interest of theirs and his enemies , as by contrary winds the storm of their miseries would be rather increased than allayed . 72. a king should rather prevent his peoples ruine , than rule over them . 73. a king should not be so ambitious of that dominion , which is but his right , as of his peoples happiness , if it could but expiate or countervail such a way of obtaining it , by the highest injuries of subjects committed against their soveraign . 74. a king should rather suffer all the miseries of life , and dye many deaths , than shamefully to desert , or dishonourably to betray , his own just rights and soveraignty , thereby to gratifie the ambition , or justifie the malice of his enemies . 75. a king ought to put as great a difference between the malice of his enemies , and other mens mistakes , as between an ordinary ague , and the plague ; or the itch of novelty , and the leprosie of disloyalty . 76. as liars need have good memories , so malicious persons need good inventions , that their calumnies may fit every man's fancy ; and what their reproaches want of truth , they may make up with number and shew . 77. a king should have more patience to bear , and charity to forgive , than leisure to answer , the many false aspersions which men may cast upon him . 78. it gives mens malice too much pleasure , for a king to take notice or remember what they say , or object . 79. when a king confutes calumnies , it should be more for his subjects satisfaction , than his own vindication . 80. mens evil maners , and seared consciences , will soon enough confute , and revenge , the black and false scandals which they cast upon their king. 81. rebels credit and reputation may be blasted by the breath of that same furnace of popular obliquy and detraction , which they study to heat and inflame to the highest degree of infamy , and therein seek to cast and consume their king's name and honour . 82. they are misperswaded who think these two utterly inconsistent , to be at once loyal to their king , and truly religious toward god. 83. some popular preachers think it no sin to lye for god , and what they call gods cause , cursing all that will not curse with them . 84. such men look so much at , and cry up the goodness of the end propounded , that they consider not the lawfulness of the means used , nor the depth of that mischief chiefly plotted , and intended . 85. the weakness of these mens judgments , must be made up by their clamours and activity . 86. it is a great part of some mens religion , to scandalize their king and his , thinking theirs cannot be true , if they cry not down his as false . 87. a king fights not against his own religion , who imployes subjects of different perswasions to maintain it . 88. differences of perswasion in matters of religion , may easily fall out , where there is the sameness of duty , allegeance and subjection . 79. when a king confutes calumnies , it should be more for his subjects satisfaction , than his own vindication . 80. mens evil maners , and seared consciences , will soon enough confute , and revenge , the black and false scandals which they cast upon their king. 81. rebels credit and reputation may be blasted by the breath of that same furnace of popular obliquy and detraction , which they study to heat and inflame to the highest degree of infamy , and therein seek to cast and consume their king's name and honour . 82. they are misperswaded who think these two utterly inconsistent , to be at once loyal to their king , and truly religious toward god. 83. some popular preachers think it no sin to lye for god , and what they call gods cause , cursing all that will not curse with them . 84. such men look so much at , and cry up the goodness of the end propounded , that they consider not the lawfulness of the means used , nor the depth of that misch●ef chiefly plotted , and intended . 85. the weakness of these mens judgments , must be made up by their clamours and activity . 86. it is a great part of some mens religion , to scandalize their king and his , thinking theirs cannot be true , if they cry not down his as false . 87. a king ights not against his own religion , who imployes subjects of different perswasions to maintain it . 88. differences of perswasion in matters of religion , may easily fall out , where there is the sameness of duty , allegeance and subjection . 89. different professions in point of religion , cannot take away the community of relations , either to parents , or to princes . 90. it is lawfull for a king in exigents to use the aid of any his subjects , of what perswasion soever . 91. it were a very impertinent and unseasonable scruple in a king , then to dispute the points of different beliefs in his subjects , when he is disputed with by swords points and when he needs the help of his subjects as men , no less than their prayers as christians . ; 92. the noise of a kings evil counsellers is a usefull device for those , who are impatient any mens councels but their own should be followed in church or state. 93. bold subjects give counsels more like a drench that must be forced down , than a draught which might be fairly and leisurely dran●● if their king liked it . 94. moderate men are sorry to see their king prone to injure himself out of a zeal to relieve his subjects . 95. truly humble christians will so highly prize the reward of persecutions , as rather not to be relieved , than be revenged , so as to be bereaved of that crown of christian patience , which attends humble and injur'd sufferers . 96. men are not more prone to desire liberty , than unapt to bear it in the popular sence , which is , to do what every man liketh best . 97. the divinest liberty is , to will what men should , and to do what they so will , according to reason , lawes and religion . 98. good men count the bounds of the lawes their ornament and protection , others their manacles ●● oppression . 99. it is not just that any man should expect the reward and benefit of the law , who despiseth its rule and direction . 100. he that seeks an unreasonable liberty , justly loseth his safety . the fourth century . 1. those men are the best preservers of their true liberty , who allow themselves the least licentiousness against , or beyond the lawes . 2. it is impossible chose men should be really tender of their fellow-subjects liberties , who have the hardiness to use their king with severe restraints . 3. a resolv'd king , restrain'd by subjects , will rather perish , tha● complain to those , who want nothing to compleat their mirth and triumph , but such musick . 4. conscientious tenderness attended with proud and arrogant activity , seeks to hatch every egge of different opinion to a faction or schisme . 5. lawes and scepters of monarchs should not intrench on god's soveraignty , which is the only king of mens consciences . 6. god gives no men liberty to break the law established , further than with meekness and patience they are content to suffer the penalties annexed , rather than perturb the publick peace . 7. some men , in the necessities of their fortunes , distrust gods providence , as well as their own merits . 8. never were any princes more glorious than those whom god hath suffer'd to be tried in the fornace of afflictions by their injurious subjects . 9. some men speak against their king rather what they wish , than what they believe , or know . 10. rude and scandalous pamphlets , like fire in great conflagrations , fly up and down , to set all places on like flames . 11. it is no wonder if men , not fearing god , should not honour their king. 12. god hath graven such characters of divine authority , and sacred power , upon kings , as none may , without sin , seek to blot them out . 13. from god alone , are all traditions of true glory and majesty that is in kings . 14. no news to have all innovations ushered in with the name of reformations in church and state. 15. the pride of those that study novelties , can hardly allow any share or degree of wisdom or godliness to former times . 16. for set and prescribed forms of publick prayer , there is no doubt but that wholsome words being known and fitted to mens understandings , are soonest received into their hearts , and aptest to excite and carry along with them , judicious and fervent affections . 17. constant forms of prayers are not more likely to slat and hinder the spirit of prayer and devotion , than unpraemeditated and confused variety to distract and lose it . 18. slight and easie legerdemain will serve to delude the vulgar . 19. no men are prone to be greater tyrants , and more rigorous exactors upon others to conform to their illegal novelties , than such whose pride was formerly least disposed to the obedience of lawfull constitutions , and whose licentious humours most pretended conscientious liberties . 21. it is impossible for a prince to preserve the state in quiet , unless he hath such an influence upon churchmen , and they such a dependance on him , as may best restrain the seditious exorbitancies of ministers tongues , who with the keyes of heaven , have so far the keyes of the peoples hearts , as they prevail much by the oratory to let in , or shut out both peace and loyalty . 21. the want of government is that which the church can no more dispence with in point of well-being , than the want of the word and sacrament in point of being . 22. scripture is the best rule , and the church's universal practise the best commentary of religion . 23. no frame of church-government is more agreable both to reason and religion , than that which is paternal not magisterial . 24. faction and confusion , emulations and contempts , are prone to arise among equals in power and function . 25. inconstancy is a great prejudice against novelty . 26. the stream of times , and the prevalency of parties , overpowreth the judgements of some men . 27. ministers may find as great a difference , in point of thriving , between the favour of the people , and of princes , as plants do between being watered by hand , or by the sweet and liberal dews of heaven . 28. the tenuity and contempt of clergy-men will soon let them see , what a poor carcass they are when parted from the influence of that head , to whose supremacy they have been sworn . 29. a little moderation may prevent great mischiefs . 30. discretion , without passion , might easily reform whatever the rust of times , or indulgence of lawes or corruption of manners may have brought upon the government of the church . 31. it is a gross vulgar errour , to impute , or revenge upon , functions , the faults of times or persons . 32. respect and observance , even in peacefull times , is hardly paid to any governors by the measure of their vertues , so much as by that of their estates . 33. poverty and meanness expose men in authority to the contempt of licentious minds and manners . 34. there is an innate principle of vicious oppression in all men , against those that seem to reprove , or restrain them . 34. no design or passion is to be gratified with the least perverting of truth . 36. devout minds restore to god in giving to his church and prophets , through whose hands he graciously accepts even a cup of cold water , as a libation to himself . 37. that oath may be with judgment broken , which erroneously was taken . 38. what a king thinks in his judgment best , he may not think so absolutely necessary for all places , and at all times . 39. it is far better to hold to primitive and uniform antiquity , than to comply with divided novelty . 40. the way of treaties is as a retiring from fighting like beasts , to arguing like men , whose strength should be more in their understandings than in their limbs . 41. a king may have greater confidence of his reason , than his sword. 42. it is no diminution of a king to prevent [ arming ] subjects with expresses of his desires , and importunities to treat . 43. it is an office not only of humanity , rather to use reason than force , but also of christianity , to seek peace and ensue it . 44. the events of all war , by the sword , are very dubious , and of a civil war uncomfortable ; the end hardly recompensing , and late repairing , the mischief of the means . 45. a monarch cannot part with his honour , as a king , nor with his conscience , as a christian . 46. jealousies are not so easily allayed , as they are raised . 47. some men are more afraid to retreat from violent engagements , than to engage . 48. what is wanting in equity , must be made up in pertinacy . 49. such as have little to enjoy in peace , or to lose in war [ if ill-disposed ] study to render the very name of peace odious and suspected . 50. in church affairs , a king having so many strict ties of conscience upon him , hath least liberty of prudence . 51. it argues much softness and infirmity of mind in a king , rather to part with gods truth , than man's peace and rather to lose the church's honour , than cross some mens factious humours . ; 52. some men have that height , as to interpret all fair condescendings as arguments of feebleness , and glory most in an unflexible stifness , when they see others most supple , and inclinable to them . 53. it is a grand maxime with some men , alwayes to ask their king something which in reason and honour must be denied , that they may have some colour to refuse all that is in other things granted , setting peace at as high a rate as the worst effects of war. 54. some men endeavour first to make their king destroy himself by dishonourable concessions , that so they may have the less to do . 55. the highest tide of success should not set a king above a treaty with his subjects , nor the lowest ebbe below a fight . 56. it is no sign of true valour , to be prodigal of mens lives , rather than be drawn to produce our own reasons , or subscribe to other mens . 57. what kings cannot get by their treaties , they may gain by their prayers . 58. the various successes of civil war , should afford a king variety of good meditations . 59. a kings sins sometimes prevail against the justice of his cause . 60. rebels may be punished by the prosperity which hardens them to continue that injustice by open hostility , which was begun by riotous tumults . 61. personal and private sins , may oftimes over-ballance the justice of publick engagements . 62. god accounts not every gallant man ( in the worlds esteem ) a fit instrument to assert in the way of war , a righteous cause . 63. the more men are prone to arrogate to their own skil , valour and strength , the less doth god ordinarily work by them for his own glory . 64. event of success , can never state the justice of any cause ▪ nor the peace of mens consciences , nor the eternal fate of their souls . 65. the ties of subjects to god , the church , and their king , lye upon their souls , both for obedience to , and just assistance of their soveraign . 66. they who lose their lives in a just cause , have the destruction of their bodies sanctified as a means to save their souls . 67. rebels are more afraid to encounter the many pregnant reasons , which conflict with , and accuse them in , their own thoughts , than they oft are in a desperate bravery to fight against the forces given by god to their king. 68. it is far more honourable and comfortable , to suffer for good lawes , than to prosper in their ruine and subversion . 69. the defects of piety may blast the endeavours of loyalty , when men are not as faithfull to god and their own souls , as to their king. 70. a good king , in a civil war , should never have any victory on his subjects , without his sorrow , nor , when he suffers a defeat , despair of gods mercy and defence . 71. a king should never desire such victories , as may seem to conquer , but only restore , the lawes and liberties of his people . 72. a king should wish no greater advantages by a civil war , than to bring his enemies to moderation , and his friends to peace . 73. a king should be afraid of the temptation of an absolute conquest ; and never pray more for victory over his subjects , than over himself . 74. the different events of a civil war , are but the methods of divine justice , by contrary winds to winnow us : that by punishing our sins , he might purge them from us ; and by deferring peace , he might prepare us more to prize , and better to use so great a blessing . 75. a kings conscience of his innocence may forbid him to fear a war , but the love of his kingdomes command him ( if possible ) to avoid it . 76. a king may commit an errour in giving advantages to some men , by confirming their power , which they know not to use with that modesty and gratitude as becomes their loyalty , and his confidence . 77. a king sometimes by yielding less may be opposed less , and by denying more , be more obeyed . 78. when we conquer gods patience by our sins , we are condemn'd by mutual conquerings to destroy one another in a civil war , where the most prosperous successes on either side impair the wellfare of the whole . 79. those victories are still miserable , that leave our sins nnsubdued , flushing our pride , and animating to continue injuries . 80. peace it self is not desirable , til repentance have prepared us for it . 81. when we fight more against our selves , and less against god , we shall cease fighting against one another . 82. no glory is more to be envied , than that of due reforming either church or state , when deformities are such , that the perturbation and novelty are not like to exceed the benefit of reforming . 83. the setling of religion ought to be the first rule and standard of reforming . 84. it is a great miscariage , when popular clamours and fury are allowed the reputation of zeal and the publick sense . 85. freedome , moderation , and impartiality , are the best tempers of reforming counsels and endeavours . 86. what is acted by factions , cannot but offend more than please . 87. where the scripture is not clear and punctual in precepts , there the constant and universal practise of the church , in things not contrary to reason , faith , or maners , or any positive command , is the best rule that christians can follow . 88. the vulgar are taken with novelties as children with babies , very much , but not very long . 89. if there were as much of christ's spirit , for meekness , wisdome and charity in mens hearts , as there is of his name used in the pretensions to reform all to christs , it would certainly obtain more of gods blessing , and produce more of christs glory , the churches good , the honour of religion , and the unity of christians . 90. publick reformers had need first act in private , and practise that on their own hearts , which they purpose to try on others . 91. deformities within will soon betray the pretenders of publick reformations to such private designs , as must needs hinder the publick good . 92. the right methods of reforming the church , cannot subsist with that of perturbing the civil state. 93. religion cannot be justly advanced by depressing loyalty , which is one of the chiefest ingredients and ornaments of true religion : for , next to fear god , is honour the king. 94. christ's kingdom may be set up , without pulling down the kings and men will not in impartial times appear good christians , that approve not themselves good subjects . ; 95. as good ends cannot justifie evil means , so , nor will evil beginnings ever bring forth good conclusions ; unless god by a miracle of mercy , create light out of darkness , order out of confusions , and peace out of passions . 96. the greatest experiments of virtue and nobleness are discovered in the greatest advantages against an enemy , and the greatest obligations are those which are put upon us by them , from whom we could least have expected them . 97. bees will gather honey where the spider sucks poyson . 98. subjects can hardly be happy , if their king be miserable ; or enjoy their peace and liberties , while he is oppressed . 99. a king should not only with patience bear indignities , but with charity forgive them . 100. subjects captivate their king , that allow him not the liberty of his own thoughts , and are unwilling he should follow the light of his own conscience . the fifth century . 1. it is unreasonable for subjects to expect the king should think their couns●ls good for him , who maintain a war against him . 2. prosperity gains the greatest esteem and applause among the vulgar , as adversity exposeth to their greatest slighting and disrespect . 3. good fortune is not alwayes the shadow of vertue and justice ; but oftner attends vitious and injurious actions as to this world . 4. no secular advantages seem sufficient to that cause , which begun with tumults , depends chiefly upon the reputation with the vulgar . 5. rebels think no victories so effectual to their designs , as those that most rout and wast their kings credit with his people . 6. the taking away a kings credit , is but a necessary preparation to the taking away of his life and his kingdomes . 7. it is an exquisite method of rebels cunning and cruel●y , to compel their king first to follow the funerals of his honour , and then destroy him . 8. few mens consciences are so stupid , as not to inflict upon them some secret impressions of that shame and dishonour which attends all unworthy actions , have they never so much of publick flattery and popular countenance . 9. chams curse of being servant of servants , must needs be on them , who seek by dishonourable actions to please the vulgar ; and confirm by ignoble acts , their dependance upon the people . 10. what providence denies to force , it may grant to prudence . 11. when necessity is a king's counsellor , his confidence in a rebellious people may disarm and overcome them ; and the rendring his person to them , engage their affections to him . 12. god must be a kings chiefest guard ; and his conscience both his counsellor , and his comforter . 13. no necessities should compel a king to desert his ●●●●ur , or swerve from his judg●●●● . 14. an univ●●sal confidence put in dissembling subjects , may make them ashamed not to be really such , as they ought and profess to be . 15. so various are all humane affairs , and so necessitous may the state of princes be , that their greatest danger may be in their supposed safety ; and their safety in their suposed danger . 16. a king ought not in rebellious times , to be less solicitous for his friends safety , than his own ; and he may chuse to venture himself upon further hazards , rather than expose their resolute loyalty to all extremity . 17. it is some skil in play , to know when a game is lost ; better fairly to give over , than to contest in vain . 18. a king that casts himself upon the kindness of subjects that have fought against him , must study to reinforce his judgment , and fortifie his mind with reason and religion that he may not seem to offer up his souls liberty , or make his conscience their captive . ; 19. no success should darken or disguise truth to a king , who in the greatest necessity , should no less conform his words unto his inward dictates , than if they had been , as the words of a king ought to be among loyal subjects , full of power . 20. reason is the divinest power : a king should never think himself weakned , while he may make full and free use of that . 21. no eclipse of outward fortune should rob a king of the light of reason . 22. what god denies of outward strength to a distressed king , his grace may supply with inward resolutions , not morosity to deny what is fit to be granted ; but not to grant any thing , which reason and religion bids him deny . 23. a king should never think himself less th●n himself , while he is able to preserve the integrity of his conscience , when the only jewel left him worth keeping . 24. when kings are deceiv'd in their confidence , it is but an essay which god will have them make of man's uncertainty , the more to fix them on himself , who never faileth them that trust in him . 25. though the reeds of aegypt break under the hand of him that leans on them ; yet the rock of israel will be an everlasting stay and defence . 26. when a king retires to god , he most enjoyes himself , which he loseth while he lets out his hopes to others . 27. solitude and captivity gives a king leisure enough to study the worlds vanity and inconstancy . 28. a king need not care much to be reckoned among the unfortunate , if he be not in the black list of irreligious and sacrilegious princes . 29. no restraint should ensnare a kings soul in sin , nor gain that of him which may make his enemies more insolent , his friends ashamed , or his name accursed . 30. they have no great cause to triumph , that have got a king's person into their power , whose soul remains his own . 31. should a king grant what unreasonable men desire , he should be such as they wish him , not more a king , and far less both man and christian . 32. restraint ought not to obtain that of a king , which tumults and armes could not , wherein though there be little safety , yet it hath not more of danger . 33. the fear of men should never be a kings snare : nor should the love of any liberty entangle his soul. 34. better others betray a king , than himself : and that the price of his liberty should be his conscience . 35. the greatest injuries a king's enemies seek to inflict upon him , cannot be without his own consent . 36. while a king can deny with reason , he shall defeat the greatest impressions of rebels malice , who neither know how to use worthily what is already granted , nor what to require more of him but this , that he would seem willing to help , then to destroy himself and his . 37. although rebels should destroy a king , yet let him give them no cause to despise him . 38. neither liberty nor life are so dear to a king , as the peace of his conscience , the honour of his crownes , and the welfare of his people . 39. a king's word may more injure his people , than a war ; while he gratifies a few , to oppress all . 40. lawes may by god's blessing , revive with the loyalty of subjects , if a distressed king bury them not by his consent , and cover them not in the grave of dishonour and injustice , which some mens violence may have digged for them . 41. if captivity or death must be the price of the lawes redemption , a king should not grudge to pay it . 42. no condition can make a king miserable , which carieth not with it his souls , his peoples , and posterities thraldom . 43. a monarch should rather hazard the ruine of one king , than confirm many tyrants over his people . 44 a distressed king may by the learning , piety and prayers of his chaplains , be either better enabled to sustain the want of all other enjoyments , or better sitted for the recovery and use of them in god's good time . 45. a king may reap , by the pious help of his chaplains , a spiritual harvest of grace amidst the thornes , and after the plowings of temporal crosses . 46. when rebels confine their king to solitude , they adde a wilderness of temptations , especialy if they obtrude company upon him more sad than solitude it self . 47. the evil policy of men forbids all just restitution , lest they should confess an injurous usurpation . 48. though the justice of the law deprive prisoners of worldly comforts , yet the mercy of religion allowes them the benefit of their clergy , as not aiming at once to destroy their bodies , and to damn their souls . 49. to deny a king the ghostly comfort of his chaplains , seems a greater rigour and barbarity than is used to the meanest prisoners , and greatest malefactors . 50. a kings agony may be relieved by the presence of one good angel , such as is a learned , godly and discreet divine . 51. rebels , that envy the being a king , will encline to lothe his being a christian , and while they seek to deprive him of all things else , will be afraid he should save his soul. 52. some remedies are worse than the disease , and some comforters more miserable than misery it self ; when like jobs friends , they seek not to fortifie one's mind with patience , but perswade a man , by betraying his own innocency , to despair of god's mercy ; and by justifying their injuries , to strengthen the hands , and harden the hearts of insolent enemies . 53. a king looking upon clergy-men as orphans , and under the sacrilegious eyes of many cruel and rapacious reformers , ought in duty to appear as a father , and a patron of them and the church . 54. it is better to seem undevout , and to hear no mens prayers , than to be forced , or seem to comply with those petitions , to which the heart cannot consent , nor the tongue say amen , without contradicting a man's own understanding , or belying his own soul. 55. in publick devotions , a king should countenance neither prophane boldness , nor pious non-sense ; but such an humble and judicious gravity , as shewes the speaker to be at once consideate both of god's majesty , the church's honor , and his own vileness , both knowing what things god allowes him to ask , and in what maner it becomes a sinner to supplicate the divine mercy for himself and others . 56. a king should equally be scandaliz'd with all prayers that sound either imperiously , or rudely and passionately ; as either wanting humility to god , or charity to men , or respect to the duty . 57. a king should better be pleased , as with studied and premeditated sermons , so with such publick forms of prayer as are fitted to the church's and every christian's daily and common necessities ; because he is better assured what he may joyn his heart unto , than he can be of any man's extemporary sufficiency . 58. extemporary sufficiency , as it need not wholely be excluded from publick occasions , so is it to be allow'd its just liberty and use in private and devout retirements ; where neither the solemnity of the duty , nor the modest regard to others , do require so great exactness , as to the outward maner of performance . 59. the light of understanding , and the fervency of affection , are the main and most necessary requisites both in constant and occasional , solitary and social devotions . 60. a great part of some mens piety , hangs upon the popular pin of railing against , and contemning the liturgy of a church . 61. a king should rather be condemned to the woe of vae soli , than to that of vae vobis hypocritis , by seeming to pray what he does not approve . 62. it is infinitely more glorious to convert souls to gods church by the word , than to conquer men to a subjection by the sword. 63. the gifts and prayers of the clergy , are to be look't upon as more praevalent than a king 's , or other men's , by how much they flow from minds more enlightned , and affections less distracted , than those which are encombred with secular affairs . 64. a greater blessing and acceptableness attends those duties which are rightly perform'd , as proper to , and within the limits of that calling , to which god and the church have especially designed and consecrated some men . 65. confusion in religion will as certainly follow every man's turning priest or preacher , as it will in the state , where every man affects to rule as king. 66. a king may bear with more grief and impatience the want of his chaplains , than of any other his servants , and next ( if not beyond in some things ) to the being sequestred from his wife and children since from these , indeed more of humane and temporary affections ; but from those more of heavenly and eternal improvements may be expected . ; 67. in the inforced ( not neglected ) want of ordinary means , god is wont to afford extraordinary supplies of his gifts and graces . 68. a king that in solitude , has gods spirit to teach him and help his infirmities in prayer , reading and meditation will need no other either oratour or instructer . 69. some little practise wil serve that man , who only seeks to represent a part of honesty and honour . 70. a king cannot be so low , but he is considerable : adding weight to that party where he appears . 71. when the excentrique and irregular motion of the times cannot well be resisted , nor quieted ; better swim down such a stream , than in vain to strive against it . 72. impossible it is for lines to be drawn from the center , and not to divide from each other , so much the wider , by how much they go farther from the point of union . 73. professed patrons for the peoples liberties , cannot be utterly against the liberty of their king : what they demand for their own conscience , they cannot in reason deny to his . 74. novel injunctions cannot well be stamped with the authority of lawes , without the kings consent . 75. men are hardly content with one sin , but adde sin to sin , til the later punish the former . 76. power is above all rule , order and law ; where men look more to present advantages , than their consciences , and the unchangeable rules of justice ; while they are judges of others , they are forced to condemn themselves . 77. vengeance oft pursues and overtakes them that thought to have escaped and fortified themselves most impregnably against it , both by their multitude and compliance . 78. whom the lawes cannot , god will punish , by their own crimes and hands . 79. fatal blindness frequently attends and punisheth wilfullness , so that men shall not be able at least to prevent their sorrowes , who would not timely repent of their sins , nor shall they be suffered to enjoy the comforts , who securely neglect the counsels belonging to their peace . 80. brethren in iniquity , are not far from becoming insolent enemies , there being nothing harder than to keep ill men long in one mind . 81. it is not possible to gain a ●air period for those motions which go rather in a round and circle of fancy , than in a right line of reason tending to the law , the only center of publick consistency . 82. men are much more happy when subject to known lawes , than to the various wills of any men , seem they never so plausible at first . 83. vulgar compliance with any illegal and extravagant wayes , like violent motions in nature , soon growes weary of it self , and ends in a refractory fullenness . 84. peoples rebounds are oft in their faces , who first put them upon those violent strokes . 85. a king may so far esteem the valour and gallantry some time shewed by an army which hath fought against him , as to concur toward a just satisfying their demands of pay and indemnity ; and to wish he may never want such men to maintain himself , his lawes and kingdome in such a peace as wherein they may enjoy their share and proportion so much as any men . 86. it is some kind of deceiving and lessening the injury of a kings long restraint , when he finds his leisure and solitude have produced something worthy of himself , and usefull to his successour . 87. in civil warres , a kings cause is not to be measured by the success , nor his judgment of things by his misfortunes . 88. it is an advantage of wisdom to a young prince , to have begun & spent some years of discretion in the experience of troubles , and exercise of patience . 89. in troubles piety and all virtues , both moral and political are commonly better planted to a thriving ( as trees set in winter ) than in the warmth and serenity of times . 90. the delights which usually attend princes courts in time of peace and plenty , are prone either to root up all plants of true virtue and honor , or to be contented only with some leaves and withering formalities of them . 91. princes should alwayes remember they are born , and by providence designed to the publick good . 92. flatteries are as unseparable from prosperous princes , as flies ate from fruit in summer , whom adversity , like cold weather , drives away . 93. charles le bon , a more glorious name for a prince , than le grand better for him and his people he be good , than great . ; 94. the early exercise of gods graces and gifts bestowed upon princes may best weed out all vicious inclinations , and dispose them to such princely endowments and imployments , which will most gain the love , and intend the welfare of those over whom god may place them . 95. a prince ought to begin and end with god , who is king of kings , the soveraign disposer of the kingdomes of the world. 96. the best government , and highest soveraignty a prince can attain to is , to be subject to god , that the scepter of his word and spirit may rule in his heart . 97. the true glory of princes consists in advancing gods glory in the maintenance of true religion , and the church's good ; also in the dispensation of civil power , with justice and honour to the publick peace . 98. piety will make a prince prosperous ; at least it will keep him from being miserable . 99. he is not much a loser , that loseth all , yet saveth his own soul at last . 100. a kings affliction is gods physick , having that in healthfulness which it wants in pleasure . the sixth century . 1. a prince at mature age , ought if satisfied in his own judgment and reason , seal to that sacred bond which education hath written , that it may be judiciously his own religion , and not other mens custom , or tradition , which he professeth . 2. a princes fixation in matters of religion , is not more necessary for his souls , than his kingdoms peace . 3. the devil of rebellion doth commonly turn himself into an angel of reformation , and the old serpent can pretent new lights . 4. when some mens consciences accuse them for sedition and faction , they stop its mouth with the name and noise of religion , when piety pleads for peace and patience , they cry out zeal . 5. unless a king in point of religion be well setled , he shall never want temptations to destroy him and his under pretensions of reforming . 6. reforming matters of religion seems even to the worst men as the best and most auspicious beginning of their worst desfgns . 7. some reformers of religion hope to cover their irreligious deformities whereto they are conscious , by a severity of censuring other mens opinions or actions . 8. a king ought to take heed of abetting any factions , or applying to any publick discriminations in matters of religion , contrary to what is in his judgment , and the church well setled . 9. a king 's partial adhering as head to any one side , gains him not so great advantages in some mens hearts ( who are prone to be of their kings religion ) as it loseth them in others , who think themselves and their profession first despised , than persecuted by him . 10. a king should take such a course , as may either with calmness and charity quite remove seeming differeces in religion , and offenses by impartiality , or to order affairs in point of power , that he shall not need to fear or flatter any faction . 11. if a king stand in need of any faction , he may have flatterrd ( that affects him not ) or must stand to their courtesie , he is undone ; the serpent will devour the dove . 12. a king may never expect less of loyalty , justice , or humanity , than from those who engage into religious rebellion . 13. religious rebels make their interest alwayes gods. 14. ambitious policies march under the colours of piety , not only with greatest security , but applause , as to the populacy . 15. a king may hear jacobs voice from such religious reformers , but he will feel they have esau's hands . 16. as ill humors fall to the disaffected part , which causeth inflammations ; so all affectors of novelties adhere to that side , which hath the most remarkable and specious note of difference in point of religion . 17. nothing ought to seem little or despicable to a king in matters which concern religion and the church's peace , so as to neglect a speedy reformation , and effectual suppression . 18. errors and schismes which seem at first but as a hand-breadth , by seditious spirits , as by strong winds are soon made to cover and darken the whole heaven . 19. a king should never charge his head with such a crown , as shall by its heaviness oppress the whole body , the weakness of whose parts cannot return any thing of strength , honour or safety to the head , but a necessary debilitation and ruine . 20. a kings prerogative is best shewed and exercised in remitting rather than exacting the rigour of the lawes ; there being nothing worse than legal tyranny . 21. tumults , armies and prisons , are not the best arguments to convince the testimony of a king's conscience . 22. it is not safe for a king to gratifie any faction with the perturbation of the lawes , in which is wrap't up the publick interest , and the good of the community . 23. a king should never repose so much upon any mans single counsel , fidelity and discretion , in managing affairs of the first magnitude ( that is , matters of religion and justice ) as to create in himself or others , a difference of his own judgment , which is likely to be alwayes more constant and impartial to the interests of his crown and kingdom , than any mans . 24. a king should beware of exasperating any factions by the crossness and ●●●●erity of some mens passions , humors , or private opinions , imployed by him , grounded only upon the differences in lesser matters , which are but the skirts and suburbs of religion . 25. a charitable connivence and christian toleration , often dissipates the strength of factions , which rougher opposition fortifies , and puts the despised and opressed party into such combinations , as may most enable them to get a full revenge on those they count their persecutors , who are commonly assisted by that vulgar commiseration , which attends all that are said to suffer under the notion of religion . 26. a king is not to connive at or tolerate any faction that amounts to an insolent opposition of lawes and government , or religion established , as to the essentials of them , such ●●●tions and minings are intolerab●e . 27. a king must alwayes keep up solid piety , and those fundamental truths ( which mend both hearts and lives of men ) with impartial favour and justice . 28. a king must take heed that outward circumstances and formalities of religion devour not all , or the best encouragements of learning , industry and piety . 29. a king ought with an equal eye and impartial hand , to distribute favours and rewards to all men , as he finds them for their real goodness , both in abilities and fidelities worthy and capable of them . 30. a king by rewarding men of best deserts , shall be sure to gain himself the hearts of the best , and the most too , who though they be not good themselves , yet are glad to see the severer wayes of vertue at any time sweetned by temporal rewards . 31. combin●●●●actions have no sooner by force subdued what they counted their common enemy , and are secured from that fear , but they are divided to so high a rivalry , as sets them more at defiance against each other , than against their first antagonists . 32. time will dissipate all factions , when once the rough horns of private mens covetous and ambitious designs shall discover themselves , which were at first wrapt up and hidden under the soft and smooth pretensions of religion , reformation and liberty . 33. as the wolfe is not less cruel , so he will be more justly hated , when he shall appear no better than a wolfe under sheeps clothing . 34. to undeceive the seduced vulgar , who in simplicity follow disguises , as a king needs no palliations , if he study really to exceed in true and const●●● demonstrations of goodness , piety , and virtue towards the people , even all those men that make the greatest noise and ostentations of religion : so shall he neither fear any detection , as they do , who have but the face and mask of goodness ; nor shall he frustrate the just expectations of his people , who cannot in reason promise themselves so much good from any subjects novelties , as from the virtuous constancy of their king. 35. none are greater oppressours of vulgar estates , liberties , and consciences , than those men that entitle themselves the patrons and vindicators of them , only to usurpe power over them . 36. no passion should betray a prince to any study of revenge upon those , whose own sin and folly will sufficiently punish them in due time . 37. so soon as the forked arrow of factious emulations is drawn out , use all princely arts and clemency to heal the wounds ; that the smart of the cure , may not equal the anguish of the hurt . 38. acts of indempnity and oblivion , when desired and accepted , are to be granted not only as acts of state-policy and necessity , but of christian charity and choise . 39. they that deprive a king of all , cannot of a power to forgive them ; and to have a heart to do it , is a greater argument of gods love to him , than any prosperity can be . 40. none will be more loyal and faithfull to an injur'd king , than those subjects , who , sensible of their errours and his sufferings , will feell in their own souls most vehement motives to repentance , and earnest desires to make some reparations for their former defects . 41. as the quality of a king sets him beyond a duel with any subject ; so the nobleness of his mind must raise him above the meditating any revenge , or executing his anger upon the many . 42. the more conscious a king shall be to his own merits upon his people , the more prone he will be to expect all love and loyalty from them , and to inflict no punishment upon them for former miscariages . 43. an injur'd king will have more inward complacency in pardoning one , than in punishing a thousand . 44. we cannot merit of god , but by his own mercy . 45. counterfeit and disorderly zeal ought not to abate a king's value and esteem of true piety : both of them are to be known by their fruits . 46. the sweetness of the vine and figtree is not to be despised , though the brambles and thornes should pretend to bear figs and grapes , thereby to rule over the trees . 47. the publick interest consists in the mutual and common good both of prince and people . 48. we must not sterve our selves , because some men have surfeited of wholsom food . 49. god sometimes punisheth rebellious subjects with continuance in their sin , and suffers them to be deluded with the prosperity of their wickedness . 53. gods grace may teach and enable an injur'd king to want , as well as to wear a crown , which is not worth taking up , or enjoying , upon sordid , dishonourable , and irreligious termes . 51. let a king keep himself to true principles of piety , vertue , and honour ; he shall never want a kingdom . 52. it is a principal point of honour in a yong king , to deferre all respect , love , and pretection to the queen dowager his mother , especially if with magnanimity and patience she hath sufferr'd for , and with , his royal father , and himself . 53. a captive king , in the midst of rebellious subjects , may be wrapt up and fortified in his own innocency and god's grace . 54. the bloud of a king destroy'd by rebels , will cry aloud for vengeance to heaven , and they who shed it , will have inward horrour for their first tormenter , and not escape exemplary judgments . 55. they that repent of any defects in their duty toward the royal father , may be found truly zealous to repay with interest , the loyalty and love which was due to him , unto their king his son . 56. the mask of religion on the face of rebellion , will not long serve to hide the men's deformities that use it . 57. mislead subjects may learn by their miseries , that religion to their god , and loyalty to their king , cannot be parted without both their sin and their infelicity . 58. god may honour a king , not only with the scepter and government of realms , but also with the suffering many indignities , and an untimely death for them , while he studies to preserve the rights of the church , the power of his lawes , the honour of his crown , the priviledges of parliaments , the liberties of his people , and his own conscience , which is dearer to him than a thousand kingdoms . 59. a captive king hath as much cause as leisure to meditate upon , and prepare for his death ; there being but few steps between the prisons and graves of princes . 60. it is gods indulgence which gives him the space , but mans cruelty , that gives him the sad occasions for those thoughts . 61. a king in the hands of rebels , besides the common burthen of mortality , which lies upon him , as a man , bears the heavy load of other mens ambitions , fears , jealousies , and cruel passions , whose envy or enmity against him , makes their own lives seem deadly to them , while he enjoyes any part of his . 62. a kings prosperity should not make him a stranger to the contemplations of mortality . 63. the thoughts of death are never unseasonable , since prosperity alwayes is uncertain . 64. death is an eclipse , which oft hapneth as well in clear as clowdy dayes . 65. a king by long and sharp adversity , may have so reconciled within himself those natural antipathies between life and death , which are in all men , that the common terrours of the later may be dispelled , and the special horrour of it much allayed . 66. a king , to whom a violent death approaching is represented by the policy of cruel and implacable enemies , with all terrible aggravations may look upon those things as unpoysonous , though sharp , since his redeemer hath either pulled them out , or given him the antidote of his death against them , which as to the immaturity , unjustice , shame , scorn and cruelty of it , exceeded whatever a threatned king can fear . 67. a pious king never finds so much the life of religion , the feast of a good conscience , and the brazen wall of a judicious integrity and constancy , as when he comes to a close conflict with the thoughts of death . 68. though a king be not so old , as to be weary of life , it is happy for him , if he be not so bad as to be either afraid to dye , or asham'd to live . 69. it is the greatest glory of a christians life to dye dayly , in conquering by a lively faith , and patient hope of a better life , those partial and quotidian deaths , which kill by piece-meals , and make men over-live their own fates , while we are deprived of health , honour , liberty , power , credit , safety , or estate , and those other comforts of dearest relations , which are as the life of our lives . 70. a king lives in nothing temporal so much , as in the love and good will of his people . 71. a king should not think that life too long or tedious , wherein god gives him any opportunities , if not to do , yet to suffer with such christian patience and magnanimity in a good cause , as are the greatest honour of his life , and the best improvement of his death . 72. in point of true christian valour , it argues pusillanimity to desire to dye out of weariness of life , and a want of that heroike greatness of spirit which becomes a christian , in the patient and generous sustaining those afflictions , which as shadowes , necessarily attend us , while we are in this body , and which are less'ned or enlarged as the sun of our prosperity moves higher or lower , whose total absence is best recompensed with the dew of heaven . 73. the assaults of affliction may be terrible , like sampson's lyon , but they yield much sweetness to those that dare encounter and overcome them , who know how to over-live the witherings of their gourds without discontent or peevishness , while they may yet converse with god. 74. the life of a pious king is the object of the devils and wicked mens malice , but yet under god's sole custody and disposal . 75. we must not by seeming prepared to dye , think to flatter god for longer life . 76. triumphing enemies who are solemnely cruel , adde ( as those did who crucified christ ) the mockery of justice to the cruelty of malice . 77. that a king may be destroyed , as with greater pomp and artifice , so with less pity , it is but a necessary policy to make his death appear as an act of justice , done by subjects upon their soveraign , who know that no law of god or man invests them with any power of judicature without him , much less against him ; and who being sworn and bound by all that is sacred before god and man , to endeavour his preservation , must pretend justice to cover their perjury . 78. it is a sad fate for any man , to have his enemies to be accusers , parties and judges , but most desperate when this is acted by the insolence of subjects against their soveraign , wherein those who have had the chiefest hand , and are most guilty of contriving the publick troubles , must by shedding his bloud , seem to wash their own hands of that innocent bloud , whereof they are most evidently guilty before god and man , if not in their own consciences too , while they carry on unreasonable demands , first by tumults , after by armies . 79. nothing makes mean spirits more cowardly cruel in managing their usurped power against their lawfull superiours , than the guilt of their unjust usurpation . 80. specious and popular pretensions of justice against delinquents are applyed only to disguize at first the monstrousness of their designs , who despair of possessing the power and profits of the vineyard , till the heir , whose right it is , be cast out and slain . 81. it may be accounted by rebels a kings greatest fault , that he will not either destroy himself with the church and state by his word ; or not suffer them to do in unresisted by the sword , whose covetous ambition , no concessions of his can either satisfie or abate . 82. some men think that kingdom of brambles which they seek to erect , not likely to thrive , till watered with the royal bloud of those , whose right the kingdom is . 83. a king's innocency will find him both his protector , and his advocate , who is his only judg. 84. the greatest patrons of law , justice , order , and religion on earth , are exposed to as many dangers , as there be either men or devils which love confusion . 85. god will not suffer men long to prosper in their babel , who build it with the bones , and cement it with the bloud of their kings . 86. a king destin'd to death by rebels , may be confident they will find avengers of it among themselves ; and that the injuries he hath sustained from them , shall be first punished by them , who agreed in nothing so much , as in opposing him . 87. the impatience of rebels to bear the loud cry of their kings bloud will make them think no way better to expiate it , than by shedding theirs , who with them most thirsted after his . 88. god will not suffer them to go unpunished , whose confoederacy in sin was their only security . 89. a king 's greatest conquest of death , is from the power of the love of christ , who hath swallowed up death in the victory of his resurrection , and the glory of his ascension . 90. royal charity is the noblest revenge upon , and victory over a king's destroyers . 91. the will of rebels and regicides seems to be their only rule , their power the measure , and their success the exactor of what they please to call justice , while they flatter themselves with the fancy of their own safety , by the kings danger , and the security of their lives-designs , by his death : forgetting , that the greatest temptations to sin , are wrapped up in seeming prosperities ; so the severest vengeances of god are then most accomplished , when men are suffered to complete their wicked purposes . 92. when the will of god hath confined and concluded that of a devoted king , he shall have the pleasure of dying without any pleasure of desired vengeance . 93. the glory attending the death of a king sacrificed to the will of his revolted subjects , surpasseth all he could enjoy or conceive in life . 94. the sharp and necessary tyrany of king-destroyers , sufficiently confute the calumnies of tyranny against him . 95. subjects ought to know how to excuse their soveraign's failings as a man , and yet to retain and pay their duty to him as their king ; there being no religious necessity binding any subjects by pretending to punish , infinitely to exceed the faults and errours of their princes . 96. rebels may often see the proportions of their evil dealings against their king in the measure of gods retaliations upon them , who cannot hope long to enjoy their own thumbs and to●s , having under pretense of paring his nails , been so cruel as to cut off his chiefest strength . 97. the punishment of the more insolent and obstinate rebels may be like korah and his complices ( at once mutining against both prince and priest ) in such a method of divine justice , as is not ordinary ; the earth of the lowest and meanest people opening upon them , and swallowing them up in a just disdain of their ill-gotten , and worse-used authority ; upon whose support and strength they chiefly depended for their building and establishing their designs against their king , the church and state. 98. it is a fallacy in them who from worldly success ( rather like sophisters than sound christians ) draw those popular conclusions for gods approbation of their actions , whose wise prudence oft permits many events , which his revealed word , the only clear , safe and fixed rule of good actions and good conveniences , in no sort approves . 99. a good king may be confident that the justice of his cause , and clearness of his conscience , before god , and toward his people , will carry him as much above rebels in gods decision , as their successes may have lifted them above him in the vulgar opinion . 100. many times those undertakings of men , are lifted up to heaven in the prosperity and applause of the world , whose rise is from hell , as to the injuriousness and oppression of the design . the seventh century . 1. the prosperous winds which oft fill the sails of pirates , doth not justifie their piracy and rapine . 2. the prayers and patience of a king's friends and loving subjects , coutribute much to the sweetning of that bitter cup given him by them , whose hands are unjustly and barbarously lifted up against him . 3. as to the last event , a murther'd king may seem to owe more to his enemies , than his friends , while those put a period to the sins and sorrows attending this miserable life , wherewith these desire he might still contend . 4. if a good king suffer's a violent death with his saviour , it is but mortality crowned with martyrdom , where the debt of death which he owes for sin to nature , shall be raised as a gift of faith and patience offered to god. 5. the trophees of a king's charity will be more glorious and durable over rebels , than their ill-managed victories over him . 6. they whose sin is prosperous , had need be penitent , that they may be pardoned . 7. we are to look upon the temporal destruction of the greatest king , as farre less deprecable , than the eternal damnation of the meanest subject . 8. it is very strange , that mariners can find no other means to appease the storm themselves have raised , but by drowning their pilate . 9. they who themselves seem , and teach others to despair of their king's salvation , only discover this , that they do not much desire it . 10. uncharitable and cruel restraints of a king from spiritual assistance of chaplains , may rather enlarge , than any way obstruct his access to the throne of heaven . 11. when large pretenses prove but the shadows of weak performances , then the greatest labours produce the smallest effects . 12. when a period is put to a work of great concernment , all mens ears do ( as it were ) hunger till they are satisfied in their expectations . 13. no grants give satisfaction to them that pursue their own ambitious ends , more than the welfare of a miserable land. 14. it is an unutterable misery for him that hath ruled like a king , to be ruled like a slave . 15. a king knowes not what to grant , when after his concessions to subjects that have required all , they know not what to ask . 16. they who pretend zeal , when their thoughts are filled with bloud , are but wolves in sheeps clothing . 17. rebels that endeavour to rule by the sword , shall at last fall by it , for faction is the mother of ruine . 18. they that are of such a weather-cock-like disposition , love nothing but mutabilities . 19. much variety doth confound the senses , and makes them still hate one folly , and fall in love with another . 20. time is the best cure for faction : for it will at length ( like a spreading leprosie ) infect the whole body of the kingdom , and make it so odious , that at last they will hate themselves for love of that , and like a fish , for love of the bait , be catch'd with the hook . 21. it is not expedient for an army , to contradict the votes of a kingdom , endeavou●ing by pretending for lawes and liberties , to subvert both . 22. the time will come , when the very clouds shall drop down vengeance upon the heads of those that barrocado themselves against the proceedings of peace . 23. a resolute king in captivity is arm'd against the fury of rebellious subjects , having a breast to receive the arrowes of their envy , and a heart possest with patience to sustain them . 24. to god nothing is so great that it may resist ; nor so small , that it is contemned . 25. a king may rather desire his faults should be corrected by the hand of god , than that his ununjust enemies should be the ministers of god's justice . 26. let calamity be the exercise , but not the overthrow of a kings virtue . 27. the permitting a wrong way of god's worship to be set up , to the injury of the right before establish'd and practis'd , will bring shame and grief to a king by his own confession , that he therein followed the perswasions of worldly wisdom , forsaking the dictates of a right informed conscience . 28. they who have been false to their king , to those that gave them power , and in likelihood to their own souls , may be forgiven by him , but never trusted . 29. it is an humor becoming an impartial king , to be still partial for that side which he imagines suffer for the weakness of those that maintain it . 30. a king should suffer a divine who would rectifie his supposed errour , no less than a physician , to take his own way of cu●e . 31. as to the profession of religion , the king is happy , who condemns not himself in that thing which he allowes . 32. he that changeth for the better , ought to be sure it be better , before he change . 33. inconstancy in religion , without cause and colour , is both sin and shame . 34. there is much difference between permission and approbation . 35. if the practise of the primitive church , and the universal consent of the fathers be not a convincing argument , when the interpretation of the scripture is dou●●full , nothing is . 36. the interpretation of private spirits is the mother of all sects , and will bring , where permitted , kingdoms to confusion . 37. another mans will is as weak a ground for a king to build his faith on , as his own education . 38. when a general counce● cannot be had , several kingdomes may reform themselves . 39. rebels never wanted wr●ters to maintain their unjust actions . 40. all popular reformation is little better than rebellion . 41. no authority is lawfull , but that which is either directly given , or at least approved by god. 42. the church having any discipline not conformed to the civil policy , can neither flouris● , nor be happy . 43. church-ambition doth not at all terminate in seeking to be pope , it being no point of humility to endeavour to be independent of kings . 44. papacy in a multitude may be as dangerous , as in one . 45. many things may be avowable upon necessity , which otherwayes are unlawfull . 46. in points not fit to be discussed , instances , as well as comparisons , are odious . 47. reason epitomised , weighs as much with wise men , as at large . 48. one may lean on anothers arm , who leans more on his judgment . 49. the soundness of religion is not to be tried by dint of sword , nor must we judg of her truths , by the prosperity of events . 50. when men sit down to discourse or argue , reason should take her seat with them , and , though she be no judg , have her place , if not above their faith , in their arguments . 51. the envious mans seeds , are tares , although the husbandman knowes not when they were sown . 52. the child is not to be pour tractured greater than the nurse , nor the bishops power made to outreach the king 's , who is the nursing father of the church . 53. unity may consist in this ▪ when many sheaves lye in one mans field that belong to him , or be caried into his barn , though they be not bundled up in a rick with one cock-sheave above the rest . 54. a sum divided into several parcels is not broke , while the owner hath all in his possession . 55. whilst arguments do multiply , time lessens . 56. the seed of the word wherein is gods holy spirit , being sowen in the heart , inlivened by the heat of faith , and watered with the tears of repentance , soon fructifies without any further circumstance . 57. it is no strange thing to see errour triumph in antiquity , and flourish fair ensigns in the face of truth . 58. it will do no good to keep possession of the keyes , when the lock is changed . 59. though the catholick church is the white in that butt of earth at which we all must aim ; yet the scripture is the heart , centre , or peg in the midst of that white that holds it up , from whence we must measure . 60. that which must determine truth , must not be fallible . 61. when a king fears affairs of councel will meet with s●me passion and prejudice in other men , it is best for him to resolve they shall find least of them in himself . 62. mens well-meaning ●eal must be guided by such rules of moderation , as are best both to preserve and restore the health of states and kingdoms . 63. a king should intend not only to oblige his friends , but his enemies also , exceeding even the desires of those that have been factiously discontented , if they do but pretend to any modest and sober sense . 64. the odium and o●fences which some mens rigour or remissness in church and state may have contracted upon a kings government , he should resolve to expiate by such lawes and regulations for the future , as may not only rectifie what was amiss in practise , but supply what was defective i● the constitution . 65. no man should have a greater zeal to see religion setled and preserved in truth , unity and order , than the king whom it most concerns both in piety and policy . 66. a king's confidence in others may betray himself and his kingdomes to those advantages which some men seek for , who want nothing but power and occasion to do mischief . 67. when our sins ar● ripe , there is no preventing of god's justice from reaping that glory in our calamities , which we robb'd him of in our prosperity . 68. great abilities in a minister of state , may be prone to create in him great confidence of undertakings , and this is like enough to betray him to great errours , and many enemies . 69. though a king cannot in his judgment approve all a minister of state hath done , driven ( it may be ) by the necessity of times and the temper of that people he is set over more than lead by his own disposition to any height and rigour of actions ; yet he may not be convinced of any such criminousness in him , as willing to expose his life to the strokes of justice , and malice of his enemies . 70. when a king bears the touch of conscience , with great régret , for any act of so sinfull frailty , as discovers more a fear of man than of god , as a sign of his repentance , he should often with sorrow confess the same both to god and men. 71. no man is worthy to bear the name and place of god on earth , who will not avoid inconveniences of state by acts of so high injustice , as no publick convenience can expiate or compensate . 72. in all likelihood a king can never suffer with his people greater calamities ( yet with greater comfort ) by vindicating the innocency of his minister , at least by denying to sign any destructive bill , according to that justice which his conscience suggesteth to him ; than he wil do after he shall have gratified some mens unthankfull importunities with so cruel a favour . 73. it may be observed by a king , that those who counsel him to sign a destructive bill to an innocent minister of state , are so far from receiving the rewards of such ingratiatings with the people , that no me● are harrassed and crushed more than they ; when he is least vexed by them , who counsels the king not to consent against the vote of his own conscience . 74. a king fully conscious to his soul , of permitting an innocent minister of state to be destroyed , may so much the more welcome those judgments god hath pleased to send upon him , as he may hope them to be a means which his mercy hath sanctified so to him , as to repent of that unjust act , and for the future not to do the like . 75. nothing should more fortifie a king●s resolutions against al● violent importunities ▪ which seek to gain consent from him to acts wherein his conscience is unsatisfied , than the sharp touches he may have had for some such he before hath yeilded to . 76. when a king's enemies , of his own people , load his act of justice , because extraordinary in the method , with obloquies and exasperations , in touchy times it will fill indifferent men with great jealousies and fears ; yea , and many of his friends will resent it as a motion rising rather from passion , than reason ▪ and not guided with such discretion as the times require ▪ 77. though a king be furnish'd with just motives and pregnant grounds to proceed against any subjects , so that there needs nothing to the evidence he can produce against those he chargeth , save a free and legal tryal ; let that be all he desireth . 78. a king should not yield to any temptation of displeasure or revenge against the persons of his subjects , further than he has discovered the unlawfull correspondencies they have used , and engagements they have made to embroyl his kingdoms . 79. probabilities may be sufficient to raise jealousies in any king's heart , who is not wholely stupid and neglective of the publick peace . 80. a fair and legal tryal of men called in question by their king , can amount to no worse effect , than either to do him and his kingdom right in case they be guilty ; of else to clear their innocency , and remove his suspitions . 81. when once people have learned to think hard thoughts again●t their king , they will afterward abundantly vent them by words and deeds . 82. not any thing ( except our sins ) more ominously presageth al● the miseries incident to a kingdom by civil war , then tumults in the capital city of it , which , when at their height , are not like a storm at sea , ( which yet wants not its terrour ) but like an earthquake , shaking the ve●y foundations of all ; than which nothing in the world hath more of horrour . 83. in popular tumults , a short sit , or two , of shaking , as an ague , may pass away ; but when once they become a quotidian fever , allwayes increasing to higher inflammations , impatient of any mitigation , restraint , or remission , they threaten ruine . 84. an unsafe guard may too easily be entertain'd by such as scare themselves , and others , with unnecessary fears . 85. such great demagogues , and patrons of tumults , as send for them to flatter and embolden them , to direct and tune their clamorous importunities , god will in his due time let them see , that those are no fit means to be used for attaining his ends . 86. they are no wise statesmen , who own people in tumults to be their friends , commending their courage , zeal , and industry ; which to sober men can seem no better than that of the devil , who goes about seeking whom he may deceive and devour , 87. it is not alwayes an effect of pusillanimity in a man , for popular terrours to deser● his publick station . 88. when popular tumults are become as the breaking in of a sea ; for a king to resist at present , threatens imminent danger ; but to withdraw , gives it space to spend its fury , and gains him a sitter time to repair the breach . 89. a king , by all means to decline a civil war , may in many particulars deny himself , especially haveing no army to flie unto for protetection , or vindication . 90. a king should resolve to hear reason in all things , and to consent to it so far as he can comprehend it . 91. when unquiet people with unpassionate representations reflect upon any , not more princely , than friendly contributions , which their king may have granted towards the perpetuating of their happiness , he need not despair of recovering their love and loyalty unto him . 92. the loyal and cleared affections of mis-led people , will strive to return such retributions of honour and love to their injur'd king , or his posterity , as may fully compensate both the acts of his confidence in and his sufferings for them . 93. it is the injury of all injuries , wherewith some malicious people load their king , while they calumniate him as a wilfull and resolved occasioner , of his own and his subjects miseries . 94. a king ought not to repine at an establishment of his own making ; nor endeavour by force and open hostility to undo what by his royal assent he hath done . 95. a king may have a sense of injuries from his subjects , yet not such , as to think them worth vindicating by a war. 96. a king is compelled ●● injure him●elf by his subjects , not using favours with the same candor , wherewith they were conferred . 97. tumults are prone to threaten to abuse all acts of grace , and turn them into wantonness . 98. their own fears , whose black arts raise up turbulent spirit● ▪ may force them to conjure them down again . 99. though a king have iustly resented any indignities put upon him , he may be in no capacity to take just revenge in a hostile and warlike way upon those , whom he knowes to be well fortified in the love of the meaner sort of the people . 100. a king should long for nothing more , than that himself and his subjects may quietly enjoy the fru●ts of his own condescendings . the eighth century . 1. a king that knowes well the sincerity and uprightness of his own heart , in passing from himself what may exceed the very thoughts of former times , although he seem less a politician to men , yet may need no secret distinctions or evasions before god. 2. though a king may be content , to recede much from his own interests and personal rights , of which he conceives himself to be master ; yet in what concerns truth , justice , the rights of the church , and his crown , together with the general good of his kindoms ( all which he is bound to preserve as much as morally lies in him ) here he ought to be fixt and resolute . 3. a king , by no necessity , should be brought to affirm that to men , which in his conscience he denied before god. 4. for protestants to force their queen , because of the romane religion , to withdraw for her safety , as it will be little to the ador●ing of their profession ; so it may occasion a further alienation of mind , and divorce of affections in her from it . 5. an afflicted king can give no better instance of a steady affection unto his queen , than by professing himself content to be tossed , weather-beaten , and shipwrackt , so as she may be safe in harbour . 6. the policy of rebels finds it sometimes necessary to their designs , by scandalous articles , and all irreverent demeanour , to seek to drive their queen out of the kingdom , lest by the influence of her example , eminent for love , as a wife , and loyalty as a subject , she should convert to , or retein in their love and loyalty to their king , all those , whom they have a purpose to pervert . 7. some acts there are of so rude disloyalty , that a king 's greatest enemies have scarce confidence enough to abet , or own . 8. rebels that design the destruction of their king , will first make overt essayes , by possessing themselves of towns , how patiently he can bear the loss of his kingdoms . 9. a good king so injur'd , will be more affected with shame and sorrow for others ; then with anger for himself ; nor will the affront done to him , trouble him so much as their sin , which admits no colour or excuse . 10. they who have effrontery enough ro commit or countenance , will hardly contein themselves within the compass of one unworthy act , but the hand of that cloud will soon overspread the whole kingdom , and cast all into disorder and darkness . 11. one act of publick rebellion , may give a wise king to see clearly through all the pious disguises , and soft palliations of some men , whose words , though smoother than oyl , will prove very swords . 12. against the swords point is the defence of a good conscience . 13. were it not that the excess of our impotent passions , gave our enemies malice a full impression on our souls , it could not reach very far , nor do us much hurt . 14. it is observable how god sometimes so pleades and avengeth the cause of an injur'd king , in the eye of the world , that the most willfully blind , cannot avoid the displeasure to see it , and with some remorse and fear to own it , as a mutable stroke and prediction of divine vengeance . 15. it hath been known , that a leading rebel , unreproached , unthreatned , uncursed , by any language or secret imprecation of the king , only blasted with the conscience of his own wickedness , and falling from one inconstancy to another , no● long after has paid his own and his eldest sons heads , as forfeitures of their disloyalty , to those men , from whom he might have expected another reward , than so to divide their heads from their bodies , whose hearts with them were divided from their king. 16. a solitary vengeance will no● alwayes serve the turn ; the cutting off one head in a family , is not enough to expiate the asfront done to the head of a common weal. 17. the eldest son has been known to be involued in the punishment , as he was infected with the sin of the father against the father of his country : root and branch god cuts off in one day . 18. a king ought not to rejoyce in the ruine of any eminent rebel , ( though it were such as could give the greatest thirst for revenge a full draught , as if executed by them , who first employed him against his soveraign ) but rather pity him , especially if he thinks he acted against the light of his conscience . 19. signal rebels are not allwayes suffer'd to accomplish their repentance , when they begin to have inclinations toward it , and a reparation of their duty , but fall unhap●ily sometimes into the hands of their justice , who first imployed them , and not the mercy of the king they have offended . 20. it is no fault in a king , to be as willing to forgive a rebel , as he can ask favour of him . 21. that gentleman is to be pitied ( even by the king he has offended ) that becomes a notable monument of unprosperous disloyalty , a sad and unfortunate spectacle to the world. 22. a king should love the inward peace of his conscience , before any outward tranquillity . 23. some miscariages in government , may escape , rather through ill counsel of some men driving on their private ends , or the peevishness of others envying the publick should be managed without them , or the hidden and insuperable necessities of state , than any propensity of the king himself , either to injuriousness , or oppression . 24. those rebels must have more confidence in their cannon , then in their gause , whom their king can freely ask , whose innocent bloud during my reign have i shed , to satisfie my lust , anger , or covetousness ? what widows or orphans tears can witness against me , the just cry of which must now be avenged with my own bloud ? 25. some men are not willing to believe their king , lest they should condemn themselves . 26. to allay the insolency of tumults , it may conduce , if the king withdraw . 27. a king is hardly treated , when urged with an army , and constrained either to hazard his own and his kingdoms ruine by his defence , or prostrate his conscience to the blind obedience of those men , whose zealous superstition thinks , or pretends , they cannot do god and the church a greater service , than utterly to destroy that primitive , apostolical , and anciently universal government of the church by bishops . 28. it is no just occasion taken , to persecute with the injuries of an army , for not suffering tamely the injuries of tumults . 29. it is no plausible design for importunate subjects to raise an army , either to stop their kings mouth , or force his cconsent . 30. a king should think his innocency no whit prejudiced , or darkened , in the midst of many unfortunate successes of a civil war on his side . 31. how untruly a king is charged with the first raising an army , and beginning a civil war , the eyes that only pity him , and the loyal hearts that dare only pray for him , may witness , especially when not so many are on his side , as the men in armes listed against him . 32. a kings unpreparedness for a civil war , though it may well dishearten those that would help him , while it argues ( truly ) his unwillingness to fight ; yet it testifies for him , that he is set on the defensive part , having so little hopes or power to offend others , that he has none to defend himself , or to preserve what is his own for their proreption . 33. no man can doubt , but rebbels prevent the king in their purposes , as well as their injuries , who are much aforehand in their preparations against him , and surprisals of his strength . 34. when men of loyalty are over-awd by the numbers and terrours of the rebellious ; such as are not for the rebels , dare not be for the king. 35. when rebels prevent their king by surprising his castles , forts , armes and navy , with the militia , it is so far best for him , that it may drive him from putting his trust in the arm of flesh , and wholly to cast himself into the protection of the living god , who can save by few , or none , as well as by many . 36. it is height of charity and generosity of spirit in a disarmed king , to reckon the want of the militia not so much in reference to his own protection , as his peoples . 37. the many and sore opressions of loyal subjects may grieve an afflicted king , when he is above his own . 38. it is a strange method the men must take , who will needs resolve their riddle of making a glorious king , by taking away kingly power . even as if he should become a support to his friends , and a terrour to his enemies , by being unable to succour the one , or suppress the other . 39. it is a strange design some men have , who propose the new-modelling of soveraignty and kingship , as without any reality of power , so without any necessity of subjection and obedience . 40. a king should be much willing to bury all jealousies in his people of him , and to live above all jealousies of them , as to himself . 41. no concession of the king 's , how vast and large soever will be satisfactory to those men who seem enemies not to him only , but to all monarchy , being resolved to transmit to posterity such jealousies of the crown , as they should never permit it to enjoy its just and necessary rights , in point of power . 42. civility and duty ( no less than justice and honour ) should forbid subjests to ask of their king an alienation of power from himself and his posterity . 43. a distressed king should by no act of his prejudice or obstruct his successours just recovery of their rights from unjust usurpations and extorsions . 44. a king under restraint must not be prevail'd with to leave his subjects in a condition wholly desperate for the future , so as by a law to be ever subjected to many factious distractions . 45. when men have tryed the horrours and malignant in●luence which will certainly follow their king 's inforced darkness and eclipse , they will at length more esteem and welcome the restored glory and blessing of the suns light . 46. in the conflicts of civil war , and advantages of power , the peoples safety and quiet cannot be effected , but by some side yielding ; to which the greatest love of the publick peace , and the firmest assurance of god's protection ( arising from a good conscience ) may more invite a just and pious king , than can be expected from rebellious mens fears , which arising from the injustice of their actions , ( though never so successfull ) yet dare not adventure their authors upon any other way of safty , than that of the sword and militia . 47. a good king in civil afflictions is not to think that he can want any thing which providential necessity is pleased to take from him , in order to his peoples tranquillity , and god's glory , whose protection is sufficient for him . 48. such unreasonable propositions as are inconsistent with being either a king , or a good christian , while he has any mastery of his reason , he cannot consent unto . 49. for a distressed king to oblige himself by a general and implicite consent , to what ever unreasonable subjects shall desire , or propound , were as if sampson should have consented not only to bind his own hands , and cut off his hair , but to put out his own eyes , that the philistians might with the more safety mock and abuse him , which they chose rather to do , than quite to destroy him , when he was become so tame an object , and ●it occasion for their sport and scorn . 50. they who pretend to make their addresses in an humble and loyal way of petitioning , by that sufficiently confess their own inferiority , which obligeth them to rest if not satisfied , yet quieted with such an answer , as the will and reason of their superiour thinks sit to give . 51. a freedom and power to consent , or dissent , belongs to a monarch in reason , as a man , and in honour , as a soveraign king. 52. for a king to trust to their moderation , who pretend to it , but have it not , and abandon his own discretion , would be to verifie what representations they may have made of him to the world. that he is fitter to be their pupil , than their prince . 53. a prudent king should not be so confident of his own sufficiency , as not willingly to admit the counsel of others ; nor yet so diffident of himself , as brutishly to submit to any mens dictates , and at once to betray the soveraignty of reason in his soul , and the majesty of his own crown to any of his subjects . 54. a king ought to have one septenary , or seven years experience of yong statesmen , how well they can govern themselves , before he trusts them with any power to govern his people for him . 55. a king should be very foolish indeed , and unfaithfull in his trust , to put the reigns of both reason and government , wholly out of his own , into their hands , whose driving is too much like jehu's , and whose forwardness to ascend the throne of supremacy pretends more of phaethon , than of phoebus . 56. if subjects will take the liberty of sending propositions unto their soveraign , they ought to be such as these . 1. that any good lawes antiquated by the course of times , or overlay'd by the corruption of maners , may be restored to their vigour and due execution . 2. that any evil customes praeter-legal , and abuses personal , may be removed , 3. that if any injuries have been done by the king and others to the commonweal , they may be repaired . 4. such equable offertures should be tendred to him , wherein the advantages of his crown being considered by them , he may fairly be induced to condescend to what tends to his subjects good , without any great diminution of himself . 5. such moderate desires of due reformation , of what is indeed amiss in church and state , as may still preserve the foundation and essentials of government in both , not shake and quite overthrow either of them , without any regard to the lawes in force , the wisdom and piety of their ancestors , the ancient and universal practice of christian churches , the rights and priviledges of particular men . 6. some considerable thing should be offered in lieu or in the room of what they would have destroyed , which may at once reach the good end of the others institution , and also supply its pretended defects , reformits abuses , and satisfie sober and wise men , not with soft and specious words , pretending zeal and special piety , but with pregnant and solid reasons both divine and humane , which may justifie the abruptness and necessity of vast alterations . 57. a king cannot be well counsell'd by his parliament , if in the members of it , there be not so much learning , reason , religion , and just moderation , as to know how to sever betweem the use and the abuse of things , the institution , and the corruption , the government , and the misgovernment , the primitive patterns and the alterations or blottings of after-copies . 58. though armies of souldiers may prevail against a king's person , yet armies of unreasonable propositions which they would enforce , should never overcome him further than he sees cause , it behoving him not to look at their number and power , so much , as to weigh their reason and justic● . 59. it is hard at first either to discern the rise , or apply the remedy to a precipitant rebellion . 60. in civil wars and massacres , the sea of bloud cruelly and barbarously shed , is enough to drown any man in ete●nal both infamy and misery , whom god finds the malicious authour or instigatour of its effusion . 61. it is a most unhappy advantage to some mens malice against their king , that when they bave impudence enough to lay any thing to his charge , any bloudy opportunity should be offer'd them , with which he must be aspersed , although nothing can be more abhorred to him , than what is full of sin against god , disloyalty to himself , and destructive to his subjects . 62. the blame of bloudy and rebellious protestants must needs he greater than that of papists , by how much their principles are more for obedience to princes . 63. the goodness of mens intentions will not excuse the scandal and contagion of their examples . 64. the king's interest ties as much in the common welfare of his subjects , as some mens doth in their perturbations . 65. although a king can with truth wash his hands in innocency as to any guilt in a commotion objected to him , yet he should wash them in his tears , at the sad apprehensions he ought to have , to see it spread so far , and make such waste . 66. distractions and jealousies at home , make most men who are better politicians than christians , rather intent to their own safety , or to the designs they are driving , than to the relief of their fellow subjects abroad , though every day inhumanly butchered and massacred , whose tears and bloud might , if nothing else , quench , or at least for a time repress and smother any sparks of civil dissensions and jealousies , which some men industriously scatter in the kingdom where they are . 67. they who themselves have rebellious intentions or inclinations , are unwilling to part with their king upon any hazardous expedition , though to the suppressing that force which opposeth their interest , being either afraid he should have any one kingdom quieted ; or being loth to shoot at any mark less than him ; or that any should have the glory of his destruction but themselves . 68. next to the sin of those who begin a rebellion , theirs must needs be who either hinder the speedy suppressing of it by domestick dissentions , or divert the aids , or exasperate the rebbels to the most desperate resolutions and actions , by threatning all extremities not only to the known heads and chief incendiaries , but even to the whole community of a nation , resolving to destroy root and branch , men , women , and children , without any regard to those usual pleas for mercy , which conquerours not wholly barbarous are wont to hear from their own breasts , in behalf of those , whose opressive faces , rather than their malice engaged them ; or whose imbecillity for sex and age was such , as they could neither lift up a ●and against them , nor distinguish between their right hand and their left . 69. preposterous and unevangelical was that zeal of the rebuked disciples , who would go no lower in their revenge , than to call for fire from heaven upon whole cities , for the repulse or neglect of a few ; as was that of jacobs sons , whom the father both blamed and cursed for it . and so is theirs who are for utter extirpation of all , and more than all that have opposed them , that will extinguish a nation for the misdemeanours and injuries of a provoked and incensed party . 70. even in the case of rebellion , moderate remedies are rather to be applied than extreme severity , such as may punish some with exemplary justice , yet disarm others with tenders of mercy upon their submission , and the king's protection of them from furious and factious persons , though met in parliament , who would soon drown them , if they refused to swim down the popular stream with them . 71. a king hath enough to do to look to his own conscience , and the faithfull discharge of his trust . he has no leisure to make prolix apologies against injurious calumnies and reproaches . 72. a king that can hear with patience as bad as his worst enemies can falsly say , may hope still to do better than they deserve or desire he should . 73. by great effusions of subjects bloud in civil wars , no man is so much weakened as their king. 74. which king may hope , though mens unsatiable cruelty never will , yet the mercy of god will at length say to his justice , it is enough . 75. when god's mercifull justice intends not the utter confusion , but the cure ; the abatement of mens sins , not the desolating of nations , he will command the sword of civil wars to sheath it self . 76. a king of divers nations , may incurre the the censure or misconstruction of one , while he gratifies the active spirits among them of the other , so far as that he seems to many , to prefer the desires of that party , before his own interest and honour . 77. religion and liberty are common and vulgar flourishes , to disguise an other errand of that army , which invades their own kings territories , to make him and his church to write after them and theirs , though it were in bloudy characters . 78. presbytery seeks to suppress and render odious , under the names of sects , schisms , or heresies , several parties , which if they can get but numbers , strength and opportunity , may according to presbyteries opinion and pattern set up their wayes by the like methods of violence , representing a wonderful necessity thereof to avoid the further miseries of war , which they may first begin , and engage themselves to continue , until they obtain their end . 79. when god hath first taken us off from the folly of our opinions , and fury of our passion , he hath many wayes to teach us those rules of true reason , and peaceable wisdome , which is from above , tending most to his glory , and his church's good . 80. they that have any true touches of conscience , will not endeavour to carry on the best designs , ( much less such as are , and will be daily more apparently factious and ambitious ) by any unlawfull means , under the title of a covenant . 81. ties by leagues and covenants are either superfluous and vain , when men were sufficiently tied before ; or fraudulent and injurious , if by such after-ligaments they find the imposers really ayming to dissolve or suspend their former just and necessary obligations . 82. factious men , to whom it is enough if they get but the reputation of a seeming encrease to their party , little romember , that god is not mocked . 83. against the church , the king , or the publick peace , no mans lawfull calling can engage him . 84. the so●● and servile temper of some divines , dispose them in alterations of religion and government to sudden acting and compliance , contrary to their former judgments , profession and practise . 85. no man should be more forward than a king himself to carry on all due reformation , with mature judgment , and a good conscience in what things he shall ( after impartial advice ) be by god's word and right reason , convinced to be amiss . 86. crowns and kingdoms have a period with the life of their king : but reputation and honour may survive to a glorious kind of immortality , when he is dead and gone . 87. a king should never permit the malice of his enemies to deprive him of that comfort , which his confidence in the generality of his people gives him . 88. what a king may bear from foreign enemies , he cannot so well from his own subjects , who next his children are dear unto him . 89. nothing could give a king more cause to suspect and search his own innocency , than when he observes many who made great professions of singular piety forward to engage against him . 90. when many professours of singular piety engage with persons that take arms against their king , it gives to vulgar minds so bad a reflection upon him and his cause , as if it had been impossible to adhere to him , and not with all part from god , to think or speak well of him , and not to blaspheme god. 91. truly learned and religious men will endeavour to be so well satisfied in the cause of their injur'd king's sufferings , as that they may chose rather to suffer with him , than forsake him. 92. when popular preachers ( though but in hypocrisie and falshood ) urge religious pretensions against their king , it is not strange that the same to many well-minded men should be a great temptation to oppose him. 93. when a king useth the assistance of subjects of a different profession from him , they are most ready to interpret it a sighting against religion , who least of all men care whom they imploy , or what they say and do , so they may prevail . 94. so eager are some men in giving their soveraign better counsel , than what they pretend he hath before heark'ned to , that they will not give him leave to take it with freedom , as a man , nor honour , as a king. 95. no men should be more willing to complain , than the king be to redress what he sees in reason to have been either done , or advis'd amiss . 96. they who of pretended sufferers become zealous actors in persecution , deprive themselves of the comfort and reward , whatsoever they before expected . 97. the noise and ostentation of liberty , is the design and artifice some men use to withdraw the peoples affections from their king. 98. a good king should be so far from desiring to oppress , as not to envy his subjects that liberty , which is all he ought desire to enjoy himself , viz. to will nothing , but according to reason , lawes and religion . 99. lords and gentlemen which assist their king in a civil war , would not be so prodigal of their liberties , if they suspected he would infringe them , as with their lives and fortunes to help on the inslaving of themseves and their posterities . 100. as to civil importunities none but such as desire to drive on their ambitious and covetous design over the ruines of church and state , prince , peers , and people , will ever desire greater freedom than good lawes allow . the ninth century . 1. such men as thirst after novelties , or despair to relieve the necessities of their fortunes , or satisfie their ambition in peaceable times , become principal impulsives to popular commotions . 2. rebels will blast the best government of the best king with all the odious reproaches which impotent malice can invent , and expose him to all those contempts , which may most diminish the majesty of a king , and encrease the ungratefull insolencies of his people . 3. a king who is well assured that his innocency is clear before god , in point of any calumnies rebellious subjects do object , may prophesie , that his reputation shall like the sun ( after owles and bats have had their freedom in the night and darker times ) rise and recover it self to such a degree of spendour , as those feral birds shall be grieved to behold , and unable to bear . 4. a king cannot so much suffer in point of honour by rude and scandalous pamphlets , as those men do , who having power , and pretending to so much piety , are so forgetfull of their duty to god and him , as not to vindicate the majesty of their king against any of those , who contrary to the precept of god , and precedents of angels , speak evil of dignities , and bring railing accusations against those who are honoured with the name of gods. 5. they will easily contemn such shadows of god as kings are , who reverence not that supreme and adorable majesty , in comparison of whom all the glory of men and angels is but obscurity . 6. they who seek to gain reputation with the vulgar for their extraordinary parts and piety , must needs undo whatever was formerly setled never so well and wisely . 7. i could never see any reason , why any christian should abhor , or be forbidden to use the same forms of prayer , since he prayes to the same god , believes in the same saviour , professeth the same truths , reads the same scriptures , hath the same duties upon him , and feels the same daily wants , for the most part both inward and outward , which are common to the whole church . 8. a serious sense of that inconvenience in the church which unavoidably followes every mans several maner of officiating , no doubt , first occasioned the wisdom and piety of the ancient churches , to remedy those mischiefs by the use of constant liturgies of publick composure . 9. it was either the tumultuariness of people , or the factiousness and pride of presbyters , or the covetousness of some states and princes , that of late years gave occasion to some mens wits to invent new models of church-government , and proposed them under the specious titles of christs government , scepter and kingdom , the better to serve their turns to whom the change was beneficial . 10. as the full and constant testimony of all histories may sufficiently convince unbiased men , that the primitive churches were undoubtedly governed by the apostles and their immediate successours , the first and best bishops : so it cannot in reason or charity be supposed , that all churches in the world should either be ignorant of the rule by them prescribed , or so soon deviate from their divine and holy pattern . 11. since the first age , for 1500 years , not one example can be produced of any setled church wherein were many ministers and congrations , which had not some bishop above them , under whose jurisdiction and government they were . 12. use is the great arbitratour of words , and master of language . 13. not only in religion , but also in right reason , and the true nature of governments , it cannot be thought that an orderly subordination among presbyters , or ministers , should be any more against christianity , than it is in all secular and civil governments , where parity breeds confusion and faction . 14. i can no more believe that such order is inconsistent with true religion , than good features are with beauty , or numbers with harmony . 15. it is not likely , that god who appointed several orders , and a prelacy , in the government of his church , among the jewish priests , should abhor , or forbid them , among christian ministers , who have as much of the principles of schism and division as other men . 16. i conceive it was not the favour of princes , or ambition of presbyters , but the wisdom and piety of the apostles , that first setled bishops in the church ; which authority they constantly used , and injoyed in those times which were purest for religion , though sharpest for persecution . 17. tyranny becomes no christians , least of all churchmen . 18. the late reformed churches whose examples are obtruded for not retaining bishops , the necessity of times and affairs rather excuseth , than commendeth for their inconformity to all antiquity . 19. i could never see any reason , why churches orderly reformed and governed by bishops , should be forced to conform to those few , rather than to the catholick example of all ancient churches , which needed no reformation . 20. it is no point of wisdom or charity , where christians differ ( as many do in some points ) there to widen the differences , and at once to give all the christian world ( except a handfull of some protestants ) so great a scandal in point of church-government , as to change it ; whom though you may convince of their errours in some points of doctrine , yet you shall never perswade them , that to compleat their reformation , they must necessarily desert , and wholly cast off , that government , which they , and all before them , have ever owned as catholick , primitive , and apostolical . 21. never schismaticks , nor hereticks , ( except the arians ) have strayed from the unity and conformity of the church in point of government , ever having bishops above presbyters . 22. among those that have endeavoured or effected a change in the government of the church , such as have rendred themselves guilty of inconstancy , cause a great prejudice against their novelty in the opinion of their king , whose consent they would have . 23. their facility and levity is never to be excused , whose learning or integrity cannot in charity be so far doubted , as if they understood not what before they did , or as if they conformed to episcopal government contrary to their consciences , and yet the same men , before ever the point had any free and impartial debate , contrary to their former oaths and practice , against their obedience to their lawes in force , and against their kings consent , have not only quite cried down the government by bishops , but have approved and encouraged the violent and most illegal stripping bishops and other churchmen of all their due authority and revenues , the selling away , and utter alienation of those church lands from any ecclesiastical uses . 24. the desertors of episcopacy will at last appear the greatest enemies to , and betrayers of , their own interest , whose folly will become a punishment unto it self . for , 25. presbytery is never so considerable or effectual , as when it is joyned to , and crowned with episcopacy . 26. those secular additamen●● and ornaments of authority , civil honour and estate , which christian princes in all countryes have annexed to bishops and church men , are to be lookt upon but as just reward● of their learning and piety , who are fit to be in any degree of church-government ; also enablements to works of charity and hospitality , meet strenthnings of their authority in point of respect , and observance . 27. i would have such men bishops , as are most worthy of those encouragements , and be ablest to use them . 28. a kings good intention , whose judgment faild at any time , makes his errour venial . 29. it is neither just for subjects , nor pious for christians , by violents and indignities , with servile restraints to seek to force their king and soveraign , against the well-laid gounds of his judgment , to consent to any their weak and divided novelties , touching the government of the church . 30. i could never see any probable shew in true reason and in scripture for the government of the church otherwise than by bishops , the greatest pretenders of a different sense , either contenting themselves with the examples of some churches in their infancy and solitude , when one presbyter might serve one congregation , in a city or countrey ; or else denying these most evident truths : 1. that the apostles were bishops over those presbyters they ordained , as well as over the churches they planted . 2. that government being necessary for the churches wellbeing , when multiplied and sociated , must also necessarily descend from the apostles to others , after the example of that power and superiority they had above others , which could not end with their persons , since the use and ends of such government still continue . 31. ignorance , superstition , a●varice , revenge , with other disorderly and disloyal passions , have so blown up some mens minds against episcopal government in the church , that what they want of reasons or primitive patterns , they supply with violence and oppression . 32. some mens zeal for bishops lands , houses , and revenues , hath set them on work to eat up episcopacy . 33. a king solemnly obliged by an oath , agreable to his judgment , to preserve episcopal government , and the rights of the church , hath a particular engagement , above other men , so to do . 34. the said king being daily by the best disquisition of truth , more confirmed in the reason and religion of that to which he is sworn , no man that wisheth not his damnation , can perswade him at once to so notorious and combined sins , as those of sacriledg and perjury , in parting with episcopacy . 35. men of ambitious covetousness and secrilegious cruelty , will torture with their king , both church and state , in civil dissentions , till ( if he have not an invincible resolution ) he shall not be forced to consent and declare , that he does approve what ( god knowes ) he utterly dislikes , and in his soul abhors . 36. should a king , pressed by imperious subjects , shamefully and dishonouraly give his consent to any bold demand , against reason , justice , and religion ; yet should he not by so doing , satisfie the divided interests and opinions of those parties ( if any such be among them ) which contend with each other , as well as both against him. 37. the abuses of episcopacy deserve to be extirpated as much as the use retained . 38. a right episcopacy doth at once satisfie all just desires and interests of good bishops , humble presbyters , and sober people ; so as church-affairs should be managed neither with tyranny , parity , nor popularity ; neither bishops ejected , nor presbyters despised , nor people oppressed . 39. a king that can seldom get opportunities to treat with subjects in armes against him , should yet never want either desire or disposition to it , having greater considence of his reason than his sword. 40. a king should very unwillingly be compelled to defend himself with arms against his subjects , and very willingly embrace any thing tending unto peace . 41. no success should ever enhaunce with a king the price of peace between him and his subjects , which should be as earnestly desired by him as any man , though he be like to pay dearer than any man for it , so he reserve his honour and his conscience . 42. a king should condescend to the desires of his subjects as far as reason , honour and conscience will give him leave , having special regard to those differences that are essential to the security or prosperity of his people . to deny some other demands , may be the greatest justice to himself , and favour to his subjects . 43. a king willing to condescend to the setling of church-affairs , so as he may give satisfaction to all men , must have a care not to comply with such whom faction , covetousness , or superstition , may have engaged more than any true zeal , charity , or love of reformation . 44. although a king may be content to yield to all that may seem to advance true piety ; yet he must seek to continue what is necessary in point of order , maintenance , and authority to the church's government , especially if he be perswaded that it is most agreable to the true principles of all government raised to its full stature and perfection , as also to the primitive apostolical pattern , and the practise of the universal church conform thereto . 45. the king is very excusable both before god and all unpassionate men , for the distance between him and subjects in arms against him , that in treaties and transactions , endeavoureth no less the restauration of peace to his people , than the preservation of his own crowns to his posterity . 46. if such treaties give occasion to any mans further restiveness , it is imputable to their own depraved tempers , not to any concessions or negations of their king , who has alwayes the content of what he offered , and they the regret and blame for what they refused . 47. a king may presage the unsuccessfulness of any treaty with his subjects , among whom he finds an unwillingness to treat , that implying some things to be gained by the sword , whose unreasonableness they are loth to have fairly scanned , being more proper to be acted by soldiers , than by counselors . 48. when god gives a king victory over his subjects in armes against him , it is to try him , that he may know how with moderation and thanks , to own and use his power , who is the only true lord of hosts , able when he pleases , to repress the confidence of those who fight against him , though with great advantage for power and numbers . 49. a king , who for small beginnings on his part at length is attended on by an army , wherewith ▪ he may encounter his rebellious subjects , has this comfort , that he is not wholly forsaken by his peoples love , or gods protection . 50. when god at any time permits the same king to be worsted by his enemies , it is to exercise his patience , and teach him not to trust in the arme of flesh , but in the living god. 51. they who fight against their king , are forced to slie to the shifts of some pretended fears , and wild fundamentals of state ( as they use to call them ) which actually overthrow the present fabrick both of church and state. 52. the imaginary reasons which rebels alledg for self defence , are commonly most impertinent , and such as will fit any faction that hath but power and confidence enough to second with the sword all their demands against the present lawes and governours . 53. lawes and governours can never be such as some side or other will not find fault with , so as to urge what they call a reformation of them to a rebellion against them . 54. they are parasitick preachers , that dare call those martyrs , who died fighting against their king , the lawes , their oaths , and right religion established . for , 55. sober christians know , than the glorious title of martyr can with truth be applied only to those who seriously prefer god's truth and their duty , in all the foresaid particulars , before their lives , and all that is dear to them in this world. 56. the wounds and temporal ruines of those loyal subjects who are slain in civil wars , serve as a gracious opportunity for their eternal health and happiness , while the evident approach of death , through god's grace , effectually disposeth their hearts to such humility , faith and repentance , which together with the rectitude of their engagement fully prepares them for a better life than that which their enemies brutish and disloyal firceness can deprive them of , or without repentance hope to enjoy . 57. those rebels who may have often the better against their king's side in the field , will never have so at the bar of god's tribunal , or their own consciences . 58. the condition of loyal subjects ( in a civil war ) though conquered , and dying for their king , no question is infinitely more to be chosen by a sober man ( that duly values his duty , his soul , and eternity , beyond the enjoyments of this present life ) than the most triumphant glory , wherein their and their kings enemies supervive , who can hardly avoid to be daily tormented by that horrid guilt , wherewith their suspicious , or convicted consciences do pursue them . 59. in the safety and preservation of a king and good lawes established all honest men , cannot but think the wellfare of their country to consist . 60. not any shews , or truth of piety on their side who take armes against their king , are sufficient to dispense with , or expiate , the defects of their duty and loyalty to him , which have so pregnant convictions on mens consciences , that even profaner men are moved by the sense of them to venter their lives for him. 61. when providence gives a good king , or denies him victory , his desire should be neither to boast of his power , nor to charge god foolishly ; but to believe that at last he will make all things to work together for his good . 62. a king 's often messages for peace with his subjects , will shew that he delighteth not in war ; as his gracious concessions will sufficiently testifie , how willingly he would have prevented it ; and his total unpreparedness for it , how little he intended it . 63. when king and subjects are once engaged in a civil war , it may be too late to review the occasions thereof , but not to wish a happy conclusion of so unhapy beginnings ; nor to believe that the inevitable fate of their sins was such as would no longer suffer the divine justice to be quiet . 64. a king is not to desire that any man should be further subject to him , than he and all his people may be subject to god. 65. the passions and opinions of men , are not to be gratified with partiality , and popular compliance to the detriment of the publick , and scandal of religion . 66. it is a sad spectacle for all sober men and their soveraign , to behold the dissolutions of all order and government in a church ; many novelties , and schisms , and corrupt opinions ; many undecencies and confusions in sacred administrations all sacrilegious invasions upon the rights and revenues of a church ▪ much contempt and oppression of the clergy ; many injurious diminutions and persecutings of the king , to follow ( as showers do warm gleams ) the talk of reformation , which yet has been a known artifice to disguise some mens effecting all the fore-mentioned mischief , who have pretended authority , and been possessed of power to accomplish it . 67. the studies to please some parties , whose fury is accompted zeal , may injure all . 68. a king may offer to put all differences in church-affairs and religion to the free consultation of a synod or convocation rightly chosen , the results of whose counsels as they will include the votes of all ; so it s like they may give most satisfaction to all . 69. an assembly of divines applied ( though by a parliament ) in an unwonted way , to advise of church-affairs , being not legally convened and chosen , not acting in the name of all the clergy of a kingdom ; not doing any thing with freedom and impartiality ; being limited , and confined , if not overaw'd , to do and declare what they do , is to be so far disliked , nor can it be accounted the representative of a church . 70. many men cried up for learning and piety , met together in an assembly , being not left to the liberty of their own suffrages , have been prevail'd upon by the influence of contrary factions , who made secret encroachments of hopes and fears , to comply with great and dangerous innovations in the church , without any regard to their own former judgment and practise , or to the common interest and honour of the clergy , and in them of order , learning , and religion , against examples of all ancient churches , the lawes in force , and their soveraign's consent . 71. a king's consent ought never to be gained in any point against a pregnant light that shines in his understanding . 72. a due reformation will easily follow moderate counsels , and give content even to many divines who have been led on with much gravity and formality , to carry on other mens designs , which they may discover , though they dare not but smother their frustrations and discontents . 73. the specious and popular titles of christ's government , throne , scepter and kingdom , also the noise of a through reformation , may as easily be fined on new models , as fair colours may be put to ill-favoured figures . 74. christ's kingdom certainly is not divided nor hath two faces , as some reforming parties have had at least . 75. the breaking of church-windows , which time had sufficiently defaced : 2. the putting down of crosses , which were but civil , not religious marks : 3. the defacing of monuments , and inscriptions of the dead , which served but to put posterity in mind to thank god for that clearer light wherein they live : 4. the leaving of ministers to their liberties , and private abilities in the publick service of god , where no christian can tell to what he may say amen , nor what adventure he may make of seeming , at least , to consent to the errours , blasphemies , and ridiculous undecencies , which bold and ignorant men list to vent in their prayers , preaching , and other offices : 5. the setting forth of old catechisms , and confessions of faith new-drest , importing as much as if there had been no sound or clear doctrine of faith in the church , before a long consultation had matured their thoughts touching the first principles of religion . all these , and the like , are the effects of poular , specious , and deceitfull reformations . 76. it were to be wished , that some most pretending reformers had made it their unanimous work , to do god's work , and not their own ; they had not ( as now they have ) left all things more deformed , than when they began , in point of piety , morality , charity , and good order . 77. they who think that the government of a church and state , fixed by many lawes and long customs , will not run into their new molds , endeavour to melt it first in the fire of a civil war , by the advantages of which they resolve , if they prevail , to make their king and all his subjects fall down and worship the images they shall form and set up . 78. christ's government will confirm the king's , not overthrow it , if as he owns his from christ , so he desires to rule for his glory , and his churches good . 79. had some men truly intended christ's government , or known what is meant in their hearts , they could never have been so ill governed in their words and actions , both against their king , and one another . 80. the freedom and secresie of a king 's private letters , especially unto his queen , commands a civility from all men , nor is there any thing more inhumane , than to expose them ( if taken ) to publick view . 81. the king that studies to approve his heart to god's omniscience , may be content ( if providence will have it so ) that even his private letters , if taken by his subjects in arms against him , should be discovered to the world , though without any those dresses , or popular captations which some of them use in their speeches and expressions . 82. unquiet subjects , many times take armes against a just , prudent , and innocent king , into whose most retired thoughts , if they could by any means have a clear sight , they might discover how they are divided between the love and care he hath , not more to preserve his own rights , than to procure their peace and happiness , and an extreme grief to see them both deceived and destroyed . 83. no man can blame a king that by all fair and just correspondencies endeavours to avoid the pressures of his enemies , though his own subjects . 84. some mens design , like absoloms , is by enormous actions to widen differences between a king and his subjects , and exasperate all sides to such distances , as may make all reconciliation desperate . 85. a king under the misfortune of having his letters taken by subjects in armes against him , hath much quiet and satisfaction within himself , when the integrity of his intentions is not jealous of any injury his expressions can do them ; for , 86. although the confidence of privacy may admit of greater freedom in writing letters , which may be liable to envious exceptions ; yet it is best for a king , when the innocence of his chief purposes , cannot be so stained or misinterpreted by his enemies , as not to let all men see , that he wisheth nothing more than a happy composure of differences with justice and honour , not more to his own than his peoples content , who have any sparks of love , or loyalty , left in them . 87. it repaireth somewhat a king's misfortune , that his private letters being taken by his subjects in armes against him , cannot gratifie their malice , further than to let them see his constancy to his wife , the lawes , and right religion he professeth ; as likewise to convince them , that he can both mind , and act his own and his kingdoms affairs , so as becomes a prince ; especially , if his enemies have before been very loath it should be believed of him ; as if he were wholly confined to the dictates and directions of others , whom they please to brand with the names of evil counsellours . 88. it is the policy of rebels , to seek by all means to smother and extinguish all sparkes of love , respect and loyalty of the people to their king , that they may never kindle again so as to recover his , the lawes , and the kingdoms liberties , which they seek to overthrow . 89. god's unerring and impartial justice can , and will over-rule the most perverse wills and designs of men . he is able , and will turn even the worst of an innocent king's enemies thoughts , and actions to his good . 90. civility and humanity most become such as pretend to religion , which they ought to pay to all men , beside that respect and honour they owe to their king. 91. they who do but remember how god blest the modest respect , and filial tenderness , which noah's sons bare to their father , can never expect the divine approbation of any their undecent actions toward their king. 92. their malicious intentions can never be either excusable , or prosperous , who think by any unhandsome means to expose their king to the highest reproach and contempt of his people , forgetting that duty of modest concealment ; which they owe to the father of their countrey , in case they should discover any real uncomeliness . 93. they who by publishing their king 's private letters think to render him as a vile person , not fit to be trusted , or considered under any notion of majesty , will see themselves mistaken , when god makes him , as he did david , more respected in the hearts of many , who become better satisfied by knowing what he writ , than by learning what they maliciously interpret and report . 94. although god gives kingdoms , yet sometimes his providence permits that the king hath not any place left in them , where he may with safety and honour rest his head : shewing him , that himself is the safest refuge , and the strongest tower of defence , in which he may put his trust . 95. a king in extremities should look not to man so much as to god , who will have it so , that he may wholly cast himself and his distressed affairs upon god's mercy , who hath both hearts and hands of all men in his dispose . 96. necessity may sometimes command a king to withdraw from his chiefest strength , and adventure upon their loyalty , who first began his troubles , whom god happily may make a means honourably to compose them 97. when necessity constrains a king to cast himself upon them , who though they besiege him in his garrison , and encounter him in the field , yet profess , they fight not against him , but for him ; he puts himself to resolve the riddle of their loyalty , and gives them opportunity to let the world see , they mean not what they do , but what they say . 98. god sees it sometimes not enough to desert a king of all military power to defend himself , but to put him upon using their power , who seem to fight against him , yet ought in duty to defend him . 99. when a king finds it necessary to leave those that have adhered to him , he may hope such a method of peace may be more prosperous than that of war , both to stop the effusion of blood , and the wounds that were made before . 100. a king should never trust any nation of his subjects further than to men , that if they betray him , he may justifie to all the world they have not deceiv'd him : and if they sell him at any dear rate , he should be only sorry that his price should be so much above his saviours . the tenth century . 1. god sometimes sees t is fit to deprive a king of wife , children , army , friends , and freedom , that he may be wholy his , who alone is all . 2. a king should never permit them who have got his person , to gain his consent against his conscience . 3. a king's denial of unjust demands made by subjects in armes against him , which they call obstinacy , he may know god acounts honest constancy , which reason and religion , as well a honour , forbid him to recede . 4. it is evident sometimes , that subjects , who pretend to fight against evil counsellours with their king , , fight indeed against a good conscience within him : and whatsoever they may say of course , intend not to bring him to his parliament , till they have brought his mind to their obedience . 5. after-times may see what the blindness of that age will not , wherein is both practis'd and countenanced subjects fighting against their soveraign , whom , if they have a good king , god may at length shew , that he chuseth rather to suffer for them , than with them . 6. when providence is pleased to deprive a king of all other civil comforts , and secular attendants , the absence of them all may best be supplied by the attendance of such his chaplains , whom for their functions he reverenceth , and for their fidelity may have cause to love . 7. as a king never needs , so he should never desire more the service and assistance of clergy-men judiciously pious , and soberly devout , than when by misfortune sequesterd from civil comforts , and secular attendants . 8. a distressed king cannot think some divines , though he respects them for that worth and piety which may be in them , proper to be his present comforters and physicions , who have had a great influence in occasioning the publick calamities in his kingdoms , and inflicting the wounds he hath upon himself . 9. the spirits of those divines , whose judgments stand at a distance from their king , or in jealousie of him , or in opposition against him , cannot so harmoniously accord with his , or his with theirs , either in prayer , or other holy duties , as is meet and most comfortable , whose golden rule , and bond of perfection , consists in that of mutual love and charity . 10. the king , who is much a friend to all church-men , that have any thing in them beseeming that sacred function , will , if there be cause , hazard his own interest upon conscience and constancy to maintain their rights . 11. such clergy-men who so unhandsomely requite their king , as to desert him in his calamity , when their loyalty and constancy is most required , may live to repent no less for his sufferings , than their own ungratefull errours , and that injurious contempt and meanness which they bring upon their calling and persons . 12. an afflicted king , though he pities all clergy-men that desert him , and despiseth none of a different opinion from his , yet sure he may take leave to make choise of some for his special attendants , who are best approved in his judgment , and most sutable to his affection . 13. a king imprisoned by his subjects , to whom they will not permit the attendance of his chaplains , can make no more charitable construction of their denial , than that they esteem him sufficient himself to discharge his duty to god as a priest , though not to men as a prince . 14. i think both offices , regal and sacerdotal , might well become the same person , as anciently they were under one name , and the united rights of primogeniture . 15. a king cannot follow better presidents , if he be able , than those two eminent david and solemon , not more famous for their scepter and crowns , than one was for devout psalms and prayers ; the other for his divine parables and preaching ; whence the one merited and assumed the name of a prophet , the other a preacher , titles of greater honour , where rightly placed , than any of those the roman emperours affected from the nations they subdued . but , 16. since the order of god's wisdome and providence , hath for the most part alwayes distinguished the gifts and offices of kings and priests ; of princes and preachers , both in the jewish and christian churches , an imprisoned king may be sorry to find himself reduced to the necessity of being both , or injoying neither . 17. as a soveraign owes his clergy the protection of a christian king ; so he should desire to enjoy from them the benefit of their gifts and prayers . 18. however , as the spiritual government , by which the devout soul is subject to christ , and through his merits daily offers it self and its services to god , every private believer is a king and priest , invested with the honour of a royal priesthood , yet he is not thereby constituted priest or preacher , as to the outward polity of the church . 19. a king's consciousness to his spiritual defects , may make him more prize and desire those pious assistances which , especially in any his exigencies , holy and good ministers , either bishops or presbyters , may afford him . 20. the king is reduced to great extremities , to whom by god's pleasure and permission to his subjects , nothing is left but his life for them to take from him ; and nothing more to desire of them , which might little seem to provoke their jealousies and offence to deny him , ( as some have done ) than this of having some means afforded him , for his souls comfort and support . 21. when a king , reduced to extremity by his subjects , makes choice of chaplains to assist him , that are men no way scandalous , and every way eminent for their learning and piety , no less than for their loyalty , no exceptions imaginable can be made against them , but only this , that they may seem too able , and too well affected toward him and his service . 22. a king should count his misfortunes the greater by far , when they light also upon the young prince his son , and any others whom he may have cause to love so well as himself : and of whose unmerited sufferings he should have a greater sense than of his own . 23. the different education of princes , hath different success when they come to exercise their government : the evidence of which holy writ affords us in the contemplation of david and rehoboam : the one prepared by many afflictions for a flourishing kingdom ; the other softned by the unparallel'd prosperity of solomon's court , and so by flatteries corrupted to the great diminution both of peace , honour , and kingdom . 24. a distressed king may trust , that god will graciously direct all the black lines of affliction , which he pleaseth to draw on him to the centre of true happiness , if by them he be drawn neerer of god. 25. when a yong prince shall attain the crown whereof his father was injuriously devested ; he ought first to do justice to god , his own soul , and his church , in the profession and prosecution both of truth and unity in religion ; the next main hinge on which his prosperity will depend and move being that of civil justice , he is to administer to his people . 26. when a good king is persecuted by his own subjects for the preservation of a right religion and just lawes established , he may ( without vanity ) turn the reproach of his sufferings , as to the world's censure , into the honour of a kind of martyrdome , as to the testimony of his own conscience . 27. since a distressed king knowes not how god will deal with him , as to a removal of the pressures and indignities which his justice , even by the very unjust hands of some of his own subjects may have been pleased to lay upon him , he should not be much solicitous , what wrong he suffers from man , while he retains in his soul what he believes is right before god. 28. in civil dissentions between king and subjects , though he offer all for reformation and safely that in reason , honour and conscience he can ; yet he must reserve whatsoever he cannot consent unto , without an irreparable injury to his own soul , the chruch , and his people , and the next undoubted heir of his kingdoms . 29. no difficulties are insuperable to divine providence . 30. when a yong prince , after his fathers decease , comes to the government of kingdoms , which tumults and civil wars had put into disorder , he ought seriously to consider the former real or objected miscariages which might occasion his troubles , that so he may avoid his own . 31. by the sun-shine of god's mercy , and the splendour of a princes virtues , whole mountains of congealed factions may be thawed and dissipated . 32. acts of indempnity and oblivion should by an indulgent king be offered to so great a latitude , as may include all that can but suspect themselves to be any way obnoxious to the lawes , and which may serve to exclude all future jealousies and insecurities . 33. if god see fit to restore an injur'd king to the enjoyment of his kingdoms , he ought then to let the prince his son fully understand the things that belong to god's glory , his own honour , and the kingdoms peace . 34. a charitable king , though injur'd by his subjects , for the future peace of his kingdoms , should encourage the prince his successour to be as confident as himself , that the most part of all sides , who have done amiss , have done so not out of malice , but misinformation or misapprehension of things . 35. whatsoever good the royal father intended to church , or state , in times uncapable of it , should be performed by the prince his son , when possessed of his kingdom and power . 36. it is a prayer and benediction worthy of an afflicted king that god would after his decease so bless the prince his son and successour , as to establish his kingdoms in righteousness , his soul in true religion , and his honour in the love of god and his people . 37. though god permit disloyalty to be perfected by the destruction of a king ; yet he may make his memory and name live ever in his son , as of his father that lov'd him , and a king under whom his kingdoms flourished for a time . 38. a king in affliction should believe god's power , and have hope of his will to restore him to his rights , despairing neither of his mercy , nor of his peoples love and pity . 39. although a king 's domestick enemies use all the the poyson of falsity , and violence of hostility to destroy first the love and loyalty which is in his subjects ; and then all that content of life in him , which from these he chiefly enjoyed ; yet they may fail of their end , and after the many deaths the king suffers for the good will of his people , he may not be wholly dead , till their further malice and cruelty take that little of life too , the husk and shell ( as it were ) which they had only left him. 40. although that a king must die as a man , is certain ; that he may die a king by the hands of his own subjects , a violent , sodain , barbarous death , in the strength of his years , in the midst of his kingdoms , his friends and loving subjects being helpless spectatours ; his enemies insolent revilers and triumphers over him , living , dying , and dead ; may sometimes be probable in humane reason , nought else being to be hoped for , as to mans cruelty ; yet he is not to despair of god's infinite mercy . 41. it is not easie for a depressed king to contend with those many horrours of death , wherewith god may suffer him to be tempted ; which may be equally horrid , either in the suddenness of a barbarous assasination , or in the solemn cruelty of an unjust sentence , and publick execution . 42. a king under such a sad apprehension , must humbly desire to depend upon god , and to submit to his will both in life and death , in what order soever he is pleased to lay them out to him . 43. all soveraigns are obliged to own god as king of kings , not only for the eminency of his power and majesty above them , but also for that singular care and protection which he hath over them , in the many dangers they are expos'd unto . 44. god many times so pleads the cause of that king which he permits to be in the power of disloyal and bloudy-minded subjects , that he shewes him the sad confusions following his destruction presaged and confirmed to him , by those he lives to see in his troubles ; and god gives his enemies cause to fear , that he will both further divide , and by mutual vengeance afterward destroy them . 45. it may be the king's comfort who is wronged , and dethroned by his subjects , that god gives him not only the honour to imitate christ's example in suffering for righteousness sake , though obscured by the foulest charges of tyranny and injustice , but the charity both to forgive them , and pray for them , that god would not impute his bloud to them , further than to convince them what need they have of christ's bloud to wash their souls from the guilt of shedding his . 46. the unfortunate king that sees himself destin'd to be murther'd by his cruel subjects , may bless god , if he has the heart to pray , not so much that the bitter cup of a violent death may pass from him , as that of his wrath may pass from all those whose hands by deserting him are sprinkled , or by acting and consenting to his death are embrued with his bloud . 47. rebellious subjects cannot deprive a king of more than he may be content to lose , when god sees fit by their hands , to take it from him , whose mercy he is to believe , will more than iufinitely recompence what ever by mans injustice , he is pleased to deprive him of . 48. a miserable king shall not want the heavy and envied crowns of this world , when god hath mercifully crowned and consummated his graces with glory , and exchanged the shadowes of his earthly kingdoms among men for the substance of that heavenly kingdom with himself . 49. a good king overpower'd by rebbels , may notwithstanding be perswaded within himself , that he is happy in the judicious love of the ablest and best of his subjects , who may not only pity and pray for him , but may be content even to dy with him , or for him . 50. no subjects that pretend to punish , can reasonably therein exceed the errours of their princes , especially where more than sufficient satisfaction hath been made to the publick , the enjoyment of which private ambitions may have frustrated . 51. an injur'd king's chiefest comfort in death consists in his peace made with god ; before whose exact tribunal he need not fear to appear , as to any cause long-disputed by the sword between him and his causeless enemies . 52. a good king may look upon it with infinite more content and quiet of soul , to have been worsted in his enforced contestation for , and vindication of the just lawes of his land , the freedom and honour of his parliaments , the rights of his crown , the just liberty of his subjects , and the true christian religion in its doctrines , government , and due encouragements , than if he had with the greatest advantages of success evercome them all . 53. the king that suffers for christ , as he is the authour of truth , order , and peace , being forced to contend against errour , faction and confusion , shall through christ enabling him , be more than conquerour in the end . 54. although any violent death of an unfortunate king be the wages of his own sin , as from god , and the effect of others sins , as men , both against god and him ; yet , as he may hope his own sins are so remitted , that they shall be no ingredients to imbitter the cup of his death ; so should he desire god to pardon their sins who are most guilty of his destruction ; or that his temporal death unjustly inflicted by them , may not be reveng'd by god●s just inflicting eternal death upon them . 55. an unfortunate king , though us'd like jonas , should wish no other , than the safe-bringing of the ship to shore , when they have cast him over-board . 56. the cruelty of a devoted king's enemies cannot prevent his preparation , whose malice , by god's mercy , he may in this defeat , that they shall not have the satisfaction to have destroyed his soul with his body . 57. conversation is the chief joy , or vexation , of a king's life . 58. the conversation a king has in his troubles can be no way satisfactory or usefull , when some about him are too wise , others too foolish ; some too busie , others too reserved , many fantastick . 59. a king much delighted with the conversation of his vertuous queen , is hard to be pleased by any else about him , when forced to part from her , but not less to be pitied by her , who is the only cure for that disease . 60. a vertuous queen's kindness is as necessary to comfort the heart of her king who is separated from her by his troubles or misfortunes , as her assistance is for his affairs . 61. a king full fraught with expectation , need pray god to send him a good unlading , especially when some blow of importance is to be given between his and the rebels army in the field . 62. although a king cannot brag of store of mony in his wars ; yet a sharp sword alwayes hinders starving at least . 63. in civil wars , the king may make as good a shift with an empty purse as the rebels . 64. a generous queen whose affection to her king is truly grounded , will be in as much ( if not more ) trouble to find his reputation , as his life in danger . 65. when distractions in religion arise amongst rebels , and general is set against general in point of command , a treaty with their king may be most desireable , and not to be refused by him , when all means used to procure it , shall be consistent with his royal honour and safety , and all else unquestionably councelable considered . 66. when rebels , confident of their power , or obstinate in their purpose , become somewhat difficult to be brought into a treaty , the sound of their king 's coming to them may have some force of popular rhetorick to obtain it ; of , if refused , it may bring much prejudice to them , and be advantageous to their king. 67. when foolish or malicious peope shall interpret their king's desire , to treat with rebels to proceed from fear or folly ; he is to joyn such conditions with the proposition of it , as may be found to be most of the chief ingredients of an honourable and safe peace . 68. a king may prudently yield to a treaty with rebels in their quarters , so that the conditions save any aspersion of dishonour , if factious spirits about him are likely to infuse their malignity in his own . 69. when a king in some apprehension , expresseth his inclination to treat with rebels , from whence false malicious rumours may give trouble to his absent queen ; although he judge himself secure in her thoughts from suspecting him guilty of any baseness ; yet he may hold it necessary to send her some account , to the end she may make others know as well as her self this , which ought to be a certain truth , that no danger of death or misery ( which he may think much worse ) should make him do any thing unworthy of her love . 70. in times of rebellion , when diverse men propose several recompences to themselves for their pains and hazard with their king , the recovery of the company of a loyal and vertuous queen , may be the only reward the said king will expect and wish for himself . 71. a king in no extremity , should make a peace with rebels by abandoning his friends , or such a one as will not stand with his honour and safety . 72. although a king cannot part with the patrimony of the church , yet whatsoever shall be offered for rectifying abuses , if any hath crept in , or yet for the ease of tender consciences ( so that it endammage not the foundation ) he may be content to hear , and should be ready to give a gracious answer thereunto . 73. as it is the king's duty to protect the church , so it is the churches to assist the king in the maintenance of his just authority . 74. a king should be alwayes carefull to keep the dependency of his clergy entirely upon his crown , without which it will scarcely sit fast upon his head . 75. after conscience , the militia is certainly the fittest subject for a king's quarrel , the kingly power without it being but as a shadow , and therefore upon no means in any treaty to be quitted . 76. in the time of civil war , news at home may be too good to be told in the court of a foreign prince , though a friend to the king attacqued by his rebellious subjects : there being certainly as much dexterity in publishing of newes , as in matters which at first sight may seem of greater difficulty ; for , as the engaged king would not have his friends think that all assistance bestowed upon him were in vain●● so would he not have them believe that he needed no help , least they should under hand assist any rebels , to keep the ballance of dissention amongst them equal . 77. the good of ignorance of a friends danger by a storm is not known , before certain assurance of his [ or her ] escape . 78. it is not the least of a king's misfortunes , that his vertuous queen should run much hazard for his sake . 79. although a queen have expressed so much love to her distressed king as he may think impossible to be repay'd by any thing he can do , much less by words : yet his royal heart being full of affection for her , admiration of her , and impatient passion of gratitude unto her , he ought to say something , leaving the rest to be read by her , out of her own noble heart . 80. when rebels have once found means to build credit on the peoples opinion , they can proceed under pretence of reformation of religion to dissolve the government of a church . 81. politick rebels under pretence of ill ministers and councellours of estate , know how to invade the majesty of their soveraign in the prerogatives of his crown , and by pretending to remove them , to invest in themselves the domination of all ministries of estate , withdraw their king's revenues into their own hands , and confirm themselves in an absolute power of disposing all . 82. a king by his declarations , setting forth the sinister proceedings of any faction against him , discovering their designs of innovating the government , and falsifying the scandals they had imputed to him , hath the advantage generally to undeceive his people , and to draw to him the nobility and gentry of his kingdom . 83. when a great sedition is raised in one kingdom , the king may not imprudently resolve [ at adventure ] to put himself freely and cleerly , on the love and affections of his subjects in any other , the honour and safety whereof lies nearly at the stake . 84. in rebellious or seditious times , the king may justly expect support from the loyal part of his subjects , till the common safety be secured . 85. when people of one kingdom invade their king in his other , two things are chiefly considerable by his great councel for the safety and security thereof . 1. the chasing out the rebels . 2. his satisfying the just grievances of those that adhere unto him , wherein he should promise to concur heartily and clearly with them , that all the world may see his intentions have ever been , and will be , to make that a glorious and flourishing kingdom . 86. the dishonour and mischief must needs be great , if for want of mony , a king's army be disbanded before the rebels be put out of his kingdom they invaded . 87. some men , more moliciously than ignorantly will put no difference between reformation , and alteration of government . 88. what part soever of a king's revenue is found illegal , or heavy to the subjects , a king should be willing to lay down , trusting in their affections . 89. it is not fit for a king to argue the business of high treason which toucheth his principal minister of state , though his parliament countenance it , if in his conscience he cannot condemn him : nor is a parliament to expect , that a positive doctrine should best become the mouth of a prince . 90. if a king cannot condemn ( as a parliament would have him ) his minister of state of high treason , yet cannot say , he can clear him of misdemeanours , the said parliament may find out a way to satisfie justice , and their own fears , and not press his conscience . 91. although a king to satisfie the people , would do great matters , yet in that of conscience , so tender a thing is it , neither fear , nor any other respect whatsoever , should ever make him go against it . 92. a king should omit no occasion , whereby he may shew that affection to his people , which he desires his people would shew to him. 93. it is but the mark of a king's confidence , to put himself wholly upon the love and affection of his people , for his subsistence . 94. a king should never have other design , but to win the affections of his people by his justice in his government . 95. a good king can do nothing with more cheerfullness , than to give his people a general satisfaction , not offering to endeer himself unto them by word ( which should not be his way ) but by acts of setling their religion and just liberties , before he proceeds to any other . 96. it is no prejudice for a king a little to misreckon in time , if not deceived in his end to settle an unquiet nation of his subjects . 97. a king ought to seek his peoples happiness , their flourishing being his greatest glory , and their affections his greatest strength . 98. a soveraign ought to take that care of his son , which shall justifie him to god as a father , and to his dominions as a king. 99. a king ought to assure upon his honour , that he has no thought but peace and justice to his people , which he should by all fair means seek to preserve and maintain , relying upon the goodness and providence of god for the preservation of himself and rights . 100. in ambiguous times , a kings fears should be greater for the religion he professeth , his people , and lawes , than for his own rights and safety . the eleventh century . 1. it is a high thing to tax a king with breach of promise . 2. a parliament may have worse informations , than the king counsels , against which they except . 3. the king of whom the militia is demanded by his parliament , is not to part with it for an hour● nor should that be demanded of a king , wherewith his wife and children are not to be trusted . 4. a king is not to punish or discourage his people for petitioning to him in an humble way , though the subject do not agree with his sense . 5. a king sometimes cannot satisfie his people in a debt due to the country , when all the water goes not to the right mill. 6. when lawes are altered by any other authority , than that by which they were made , the foundations of the peoples happiness are destroyed . 7. when the king is oppressed , and his just kights taken from him , it is impossible for the subjects liberties and properties to be preserved . 8. errours and mistakes among loyal subjects proceeding from misinformation , are removed with more satisfaction and ease to them , than they were received . 9. a king should hold it a piece of his duty , to take the utmost pains he can , fully to inform and undeceive his people ; and rather to prevent crimes , than to punish them . 10. persons of ill dispositions take as great pains to do mischief , and to bring confusion , as good men should for peace and happiness in a kingdom . 11. when a good king sends such propositions of peace and accommodation to his parliament that contested with him , as to which he may expect they should with alacrity submit , if the unexcusable enemies of peace be not strong enough to prevail , he may reasonably hope to have no other use of his loyal peoples affections , but in their prayers , not needing their assistance , when he requireth nothing that with more justice can be denied him , than his crown or life be taken from him. 12. when the religion , liberty-lawes , which are good subjects priviledg and protection , become the quarrel between a king and any his people in rebellion , the taking his towns , ships , armies and money from him , should not dishearten him ; the concurrence and affection of his people with god's blessing will supply and recover all . 13. in time of rebellion , when any country or province have shewed much forwardness , and made great expressions of their affections to the king , he should never be satisfied with himself , till he have found some way to fix a mark of favour and estimation upon the same , which may tell posterity how good subjects , and how much gentlemen they have been . 14. the memory of any signal loyalty shewed by persons or provinces to the royal father , should grow up in a just acknowledgment with his sons . 15. in times of distraction , unquiet spirits will be abroad , and every day throw in new accidents to disturb and confound the publick peace . 16. rebellion that at first but fortifies it self in a town , will at length rise to that insolence , as not to be any longer confined within the walls , but make sallies out to exercise murder , cruelty and rapine upon the persons and possessions of good subjects . 17. the sad effects of counterfeit fears and jealousies in a parliament are such , as no men can tell the least good they do , nor the least evill they prevent . 18. the king against whom all advantages will be taken by persons disaffected to him , should take heed where he comes , that no eminent disorder or damage befall any man by any person of his train , or under his protection . 19. where a party of people have shewed themselves eminently loyal to their king , the fullest testimony of his affection to them , and to the peace of their county may be this , to pass over the considerations of honour and reproach , and not permit a provocation to provoke him to make that place be the seat of his war. 20. no honest man can imagine that his king will ever sit down under a bold and unexcusable treason . 21. a king wholly cast upon the affections of his people , having no hope but in the blessing and assistance of god , the justness of his cause , and the love of his subjects , to recover what is taken from him and them , may expect a good issue , the rather in that they are equal losers with him. 22. when a king desires nothing of his people , but what is necessary to be done for the preservation of god's true religion , the lawes of the land , the liberty of the subject , and the very being of his kingdom , he has reason to look for a speedy and effectual compliance with his demands . 23. a king has no reason to suspect the courage and resolution of those his subjects , whose conscience and loyalty have brought them to him , to fight for their religion , their king , and the lawes of their land , especially when they are to meet with no enemies but traytors , schismaticks , and atheïsts , such as desire to destroy both church and state , and who have before condemned them to ruine for being loyal to their king. 24. it gives courage to the soldier , when his king satisfies him that the cause is just , wherein he means to make use of his valour . 25. if the time of war , and the great necessity and straits a king is driven to , beget any violation of those lawes to which he hath consented , he may hope it shall be imputed by god and man to the authors of the war , and not to him , if so he hath earnestly laboured for the preservation of the peace of his kingdom . 26. the residence of an army is not usually pleasant to any place , and that of a distressed king caries more fear with it , who , it may be thought , must only live upon the aid and relief of his people . 27. it is not prudence in loyal subjects , to suffer a good cause to be lost , for want of supplying their king with that which will be taken from them by those who pursue him with violence . 28. whilst ill men sacrifice their money , plate , and utmost industry to destroy the commonwealth , good men should be no less liberal to preserve it . 29. when it hath pleased god to bless a king with success in a war , he should remember the assistance every particular man gave him , to his advantage . 30. however a king succeeds in his wars , it will be honour and comfort to his loyal subjects , that with some charge and trouble to themselves , they did their part to support their king , and preserve the kingdom . 31. the people that have been awed by a rebellious army , will be more prone to express their affections to their king , with that courage which becomes them , when his residence shall be so near , that his power shall have an influence upon the country for their protection . 32. no man should have more power to fright people from their loyalty , than their king have to restore them to it . 33. loyal subjects , in assisting their king , defend themselves , who may be sure the sword which is drawn against him , will destroy them , if he defend them not . 34. it will be a shame for people to venture nothing for their king , who ventures his life for them . 35. in a civil war , whatsoever good people shall be willing freely to contribute , their king should take kindly from them : and whatsoever they lend him , he should , having passed the word of a king , see justly repayed to them . 36. a king should take especial notice , of such who are backward to contribute in a time of visible necessity . 37. when a king considers the publick interests and concernments of his parliament in the happiness and honour of the nation , and their particular sufferings in a rebellion for their affection and loyalty unto him , he must look upon them as the most competent considerers , and counsellours , how to manage and improve the condition all are in , his and their condition being so equall that the same violence hath oppress'd them all . 38. it will be in vain for them who have informed the world by divers set battels against their king ▪ to boast how tender they have been for the safety of his person . 39. it will be hard for a king , who is to struggle with many defects and necessities , to keep a strict discipline among his soldiers . 40. guilt and despair make rebels sometimes more wicked than they at first intended to be . 41. a king should have no greater sadness for those who are his ill subjects , than he hath joy and comfort in their affections and fidelities , who are his good . 42. license and disorder in an army , will discredit , and may destroy the best cause . 43. subjects ought to remember , that moneys are the nerves of war , and accordingly expedite supplies to their king , when he needs them . 44. there is no profession a king hath made for the defence and maintenance of right religion , lawes and liberties , which he should not inviolably observe . 45. a king's opinion , wherein he differs from his subjects in parliament , should not be like the lawes of the medes and persians , unalterable , being not infallible . 46. nothing should so much afflict a king , as the sense-and feeling he has of the sufferings of his subjects , and the miseries that hang over his kingdoms , when drawn upon them by those , who ( upon pretenses of good ) violently pursue their own interests and ends . 47. such men may be supposed most apt and likely to maintain their power by blood and rapine , who have only got it by oppression and injustice . 48. civil dissentions that are desperate , may encourage and invite a foreign enemy to make a prey of the whole nation where they are . 49. plague , pestilence and famine , will be the inevitable attendants of unnatural contentions between a king and his people . 50. a kingdom being infested with civil war , so general a habit of uncharitableness and cruelty is contracted throughout , that even peace it self will not restore the peace to their old temper and security . 51. in the time of a civil war , the king should be so deeply sensible of the miseries and calamities of his kingdom , and the grievous sufferings of his subjects , as most earnestly to desire that some expedient may be found out , which by the blessing of god , may prevent the further effusion of blood , and restore the nation to peace , from the earnest and constant endeavouring of which , as no discouragement given him on the contrary part should make him cease , so no success on his own should ever divert him. 52. all men , who pretend to goodness , must desire peace : and all men know treaties to be the best and most christian way to procure it . 53. a king can never condescend unto what is absolutely destructive to that just power , which by the lawes of god , and the land , he is born unto . 54. as a king should make no other demands but such as he believes confidently to be just , and much conducing to the tranquillity of the people : so should he be most willing to condescend to them in whatsoever shall be really for their good and happiness . 55. except a king and people have reciprocal care each of other , neither can be happy . 56. a king should never dissemble , nor hide his conscience , when his consent is desired to the alteration of religion , wherewith he is unsatisfied . 57. in times of distraction and division between king and people , if the king be so unfortunate as to sall into their hands , it is ●it for him to be attended by some of his chaplains , whose opinions as clergy-men , he ought to esteem and reverence , not only for the exercise of his conscience , but also for clearing of his judgment concerning the emergent differences in religion . 58. a restrained king , cannot , as he ought , take in consideration the alterations in religion , that may be offered him , without the help of his chaplains or divines , because he can never judge rightly of , or be altered in any thing of his opinion , so long as any ordinary way of finding out the truth is denied him ; but when that is granted him , he should not strive for victory in argument , but seek and submit to truth ( according to that judgment which god hath given him ) alwayes holding it his best and greatest conquest , to give contentment to his people in all things which he conceives not to be against his conscience or honour . 59. a king under such restraint as he is not master of those ordinary actions , which are the undoubted rights of any free-born man , is not in case fit to make concessions , for give answers to his revolted subjects . 60. a king under what restraint soever , should not give his consent to any propositions made to him by his revolted subjects , that require the disclaiming that reason which god hath given him to judge by , for the good of him and his people , and the putting a great violence upon his conscience . 61. it were easie for a distressed king , who intended to wind himself out of troubles by indirect means , readily to consent to whatsoever is proposed to him , and afterward choose his time to break all , alledging that forced concessions are not to be kept : for which he would not incur a hard censure from indifferent men . 62. maximes of fallacy are not to be the guides of a king's actions in extremity . 63. it is held by some unlawfull for any man , and most base in a king , to recede from his promises , for having been obtained by force , or he under restraint . note ] according as the promises may be ; which if unjust and injurious , are not to be adher'd to . 64. a general act of oblivion is the best bond of peace . 65. the wisdom of several kingdoms , hath usually and happily in all ages granted general pardons , whereby the numerous discontentments of many persons and families otherwise exposed to ruine , might not become fuel to new disorders , or seeds to future troubles 66. perpetual dishonour must cleve to that king , who to obtain liberty or other advantage to himself , shall abandon those persons of condition and fortune , that out of a sense of duty have engaged themselves with and for him in his civil wars . 67. liberty being that which in all times hath been the common theme , and desire of all men , common reason shewes , that kings less than any should endure captivity . 68. a king may with patience endure a tedious restraint , so long as he has any hope , that that sort of his suffering may conduce to the peace of his kingdoms , or the hindering of more effusion of blood . 69. a king under restraint , finding by too certain proofs , that his continued patience would not only turn to his personal ruine , but likewise be of much more prejudice than furtherance to the publick good , is bound , as well by natural ; as political obligations , to seek his safety , by retiring himself ( if he can ) for some time from the publick view both of his friends and enemies . 70. no indifferent man can judg but a king has just cause to free himself from the hands of those who change their principles with their condition , and who are not ashamed openly to intend the destruction of his nobility , and with whom the levellers doctrine is rather countenanced than punished . 71. no reasonable man can think , that god will bless those , who refuse to hear their own king when they have him under restraint . 72. although a king may withdraw himself from the ill usage of such his subjects as keep him under restraint , and are deaf to the importunities of his reasonable desires : yet when he may be heard with freedom , honour , and safety , he should instantly break forth through the cloud of his retirement , and shew himself really to be pater patriae . 73. when a king is willing to give ease to the consciences of others , there is no reason why he alone , and those of his judgment , should be pressed to a violation of theirs . 74. it is the definition , not names of things , which make them rightly known . 75. without means to perform , no propsition can take effect . 76. a king , to whom honour , freedom , and safety is not allowed , can no more treat with his subjects that have usurped his power , than a blind man judge of colours , or one run a race , who hath both his feet tied together . 77. a king of two different nations should yield to none in either kingdom , for being truly and zealously affected for the good and honour of both , and his resolution should be never to be partial for either to the prejudice of the other . 78. mercy is as inherent and inseparable to a king as justice . 79. a king should never abuse the love of his loyal subjects , by any power wherewith god shall enable him , to the least violation of the least of their liberties , or the diminution of those immunities which he before had granted them , though they be beyond the acts of his predecessours . 80. in time of civil war , whosoever behaves not himself like a good subject to his king in his kingdom , should not ( if the king can help it ) receive the benefit , and advantage of being his subject in any other ; but all foreign princes should know , that as such a person hath parted with his loyalty to his king , so he must not hope for any security by him , that some example may be made , how easie it is for a king to punish their disloyalty abroad , who for a time may avoid their own king's justice at home . 81. in time of civil war , such who have by weakness and misunderstanding , or through fear and apprehension of danger been so far transported , as to contribute and consent to horrid intestine dissentions , should , by their free and liberal assistance of their king , express , that their former errours proceeded from weakness , not from malice . 82. the experience subjects have of their king's religion , justice , and love of his people , should not suffer them to believe any horrid scandals laid upon him : and their affection , loyalty , and jealousie of his honour , should disdain to be made instruments to oppress their native soveraign , by assisting an odious rebellion . 83. a king's obligation is both in conscience and honour , neither to abandon god's cause , injure his successours , nor forsake his friends . 84. a king so distressed in civil wars , as he cannot flatter himself with expectation of good success , may rest satisfied in this , to end his dayes with honour and a good conscience , which obligeth him to continue his endeavours , in not despairing that god may in due time avenge his own cause . 85. a king in extremity , is not to be deserted by his friends , though he that stayes with him , must expect and resolve , either to dye for a good cause , or ( which is worse ) to live as miserable in maintaining it , as the violence of insulting rebels can make him . 86. as the best foundation of loyalty is christianity ; so true christianity teaches perfect loyalty : for , without this reciprocation , neither is truly what they pretend to be . 87. a king should chuse such commissioners for any treaty with rebels , as will neither be threatned nor disputed from the grounds he hath given them . 88. wherein rebels strain to justifie their breaking off treaties with their king , bare asseverations , without proofs , cannot , i am sure , satisfie any judicious reader . 89. the penners of seditious pamphlets , to justifie the cause of rebels , seek more to take the ears of the ignorant multitude with big words , and bold assertions , than to satisfie rational men with real proofs or true arguments . 90. bare asseverations which bold rebels often make even against what they see , will not get credit with any , but such who abandon their judgments to an implicit faith. 91. the determinations of all the parliaments in the world , cannot make a thing just or necessary , if it be not so of it self . 92. when the reasons upon which the laying by of a king's authority is grounded , are not particularly mentioned for the worlds satisfaction ( if possible ) but involved in general big words , it seems that it is their force of armes , who do it , more than that of reason which they trust to , for procuring of obedience to their determinations , or belief to what they say . 93. it is evident , that the demands of bold rebels have alwayes increased with their good fortune . 94. a king must in no extremity , howsoever pressed to it by rebels , resolve to live in quiet , without honour , and to give his people peace without safety , by abandoning them to an arbitrary unlimited power . 95. reason will hardly maintain those who are afraid of her . 96. indifferent men may often judge of a king's innocency by their way of accusation , who rebel against him ; for those who lay such high crimes to his charge , as the breach of oathes , vowes , protestations , and imprecations , would not spare to bring their proofs if they had any . 97. it is a wrong to a king's innocency , to seek to clear him of such slanders , for which there are no proofs alledged : for malice being once detected , is best answered with neglect and silence . 98. although affection should not so blind one , as to say that his king never erred ; yet , as when a just debt is paid , bonds ought to be cancelled : so grievances , be they never so just , being once redressed , ought no more to be objected as errours : and it is no paradox to affirm , that truths , this way told , are no better than slanders . 99. it is most certain by experience , that they who make no conscience of rebelling , will make less of lying , when it is for their advantage . 100. it is the artifice of rebels , not only to endeavour to make fables pass for currant coin , but likewise to seek to blind mens judgements with false inferences upon some truths . the twelfth century . 1. it cannot be warranted by justice , that any man should be slandred , yet denyed the sight thereof , and so far from being permitted to answer , that if he have erred , there should be no way left him to acknowledg , or mend it . 2. it cannot be made appear , that our saviour and the apostles did so leave the church at liberty , as they might totally alter or change the church government at their pleasure . 3. mens conjectures can breed but a humane faith . 4. the post-scripts of st. paul's epistles though we lay no great weight upon them , yet they are to be held of great antiquity , and therefore such as in question of fact , where there appears no strong evidence to weaken their belief , ought not to be lightly rejected . 5. although faith , as it is an assent unto truth supernatural , or of divine revelation , reacheth no further than the scriptures yet in matters of fact , humane testimonies may beget a faith , though humane , yet certain and infallible . ; 6. it is not to be conceived , that the accessions , or additions , granted by the favour of princes , for the enlarging of the power , or priviledges of bishops , have made , or indeed can make , the government really and substantially to differ from what formerly it was , no more than the addition of armes or ornaments can make a body really , and substantially , to differ from it self naked or divested of the same : nor can it be thought either necessary , or yet expedient , that the elections of the bishops , and some other circumstantials touching their persons or office , should be in all respects the same under christian princes , as it was when christians lived among pagans , and under persecution . 7. it is well worthy the studies and endeavours of divines of both opinions , laying aside emulation and private interests , to reduce episcopacy , and presbytery , into such a well proportioned form of superiority and subordination , as may best resemble the apostolical and primitive times , so far forth as the different condition of the times , and the exigents of all considerable circumstances will admit , so as the power of church-government , in the particular of ordination , which is meerly spiritual , may remain authoritative in the bishop , but that power not to be exercised without the concurrence , or assistance , of the presbytery . 8. other powers of government , which belong to jurisdiction , though they are in the bishops , yet the outward exercise of them may be ordered and disposed , or limited by the soveraign power , to which by the lawes of the place , and the acknowledgment of the clergy , they are subordinate . 9. the succession of bishops is the best clue , the most certain and ready way by which to find out their original . 10. it hath been often sound , that mutual returns of long answers and replies , have rather multiplied disputes by starting new questions , than informed the conscience , by removing former scruples . 11. in former times , under pagan princes , the church was a distinct body of it self , divided from the common-wealth , and so was to be governed by its own rules and rulers . the bishops therefore of those times , though they had no outward coercive power over mens persons or estates , yet in as much as every christian man , when he became a member of the church , did ipso facto , and by that his own voluntary act , put himself under their government , they exercised a very large power of jurisdiction● in spiritualibus , in making ecclesiastical canons , receiving accusations , conventing the accused , examining of witnesses , judging of crimes , excluding such as they found guilty of scandalous offences from the lord's supper , enjoyning penances upon them , casting them out of the church , receiving them again upon their repentance , &c. and all this they exercised as well over presbyters , as others : but after that the church , under christian princes , began to be incorporated into the common-wealth , whereupon there must of necessity follow a complication of the civil and ecclesiastical powers , the jurisdiction of bishops ( in the outward exercise of it ) was subordinate unto , and limited by the supreme civil power . 12. although there be no cause to dislike their opinion , who derive the episcopal power originally from christ himself , without whose warrant the apostles would not either have exercised it themselvs , or derived it to others ; yet for that the practise in them is so clear and evident , and the warrant from him expressed but in general terms , ( as my father sent me , so send i you , and the like ) we may chuse rather to fix the claim of the power upon that practise as the more evidential way , than upon the warrant , which by reason of the generality of expression would bear more dispute . 13. arguments drawn from names , and words , and conjectural expositions of scripture , are subject to such frailties , as in debate will give little satisfaction to his judgment and conscience , that requites it . 14. the testimonies of so many writers , ancient , and modern , as have been produced for the scripture-original of bishops , may be conceived of so great importance in a question of this nature , that we are bound both in charity and reason to believe , that so many men , of such quality , would not have asserted the same with so much confidence , but upon very good ground . 15. one witness for the affirmative ought to be of more value , than ten for the negative ; and the testimony of one person that is not interessed , than of an hundred that are . 16. a prince to shew the greatness of his mind , is rather to conquer his enemies by pardoning , than by punishing . 17. a king may expect not to be ceusur'd for having parted with too much of his right , when the price and commodity is so great , such as security to himself , and peace to his people . 18. a prudent parliament ought to remember how usefull a king's power is to a peoples liberty . 19. a prince is never to affect more greatness or prerogative , than what is really and intrinsecally for the good of his subjects , not satisfaction of favourites . 20. a prince that so useth his prerogative , will never want means to be a father to all , and a bountifull prince to any he would be extraordinarily gracious unto . 21. all men trust their treasure where it returns them interest . 22. if princes like the sea , receive , and repay , all the fresh streams and rivers trust them with , they will not grudge , but pride themselves , to make them up an ocean . 23. subjects , who have learnt , that victories over their princes , are but triumphs over themselves , will be more unwilling to hearken to changes afterward . 24. a distressed king may best learn to own himself , by retiring into himself , and therefore can the better digest what befalls him , not doubting but god can restrain his enemies malice , and turn their fierceness unto his praise . 25. if god give an injur'd king success against rebels , he ought to use it humbly , and far from revenge ▪ 26. if god restore an exil'd king to his right upon hard conditions , whatsoever he promiseth , he ought to keep . 27. those men who have forced lawes , which they were bound to observe , will find their triumphs full of troubles . 28. a prince is not to think any thing in this world worth obtaining by foul and unjust means . 29. no earthly power can justly call a king in question as a delinquent . 30. a good king will not without shewing a reason seek to impose a belief upon his subjects . 31. there is no proceeding just against any man , but what is warranted either by god's lawes , or the municipal lawes of the country where he lives . 32. the true liberty of subjects consists not in the power of government , but in living under such lawes , such a government , as may give themselves the best assurance of their lives , and propriety of their goods . 33. the king who has a trust committed to him by god , by old and lawfull descent , must not betray it , to answer to a new unlawfull authority . 34. it is a great sin for subjects , to withstand lawfull authority , as it is to submit to an authority tyrannical , or any other wayes unlawfull . 35. a hasty sentence once past , may be sooner repented , than recalled ▪ 36. it is in vain , for a king to be a sceptick , by denying the power rebels have , when greater than he can resist . 37. a hasty judgment , passed upon the life of a king , may bring on that trouble and perpetual inconveniency to a kingdom , that the child which is then unborn may repent it . 38. god many times does pay justice by an unjust sentence . 39. conquest is never just , except there be a good just cause , either for matter of wrong of just title , and then they that go beyond it , the first quarrel that they have to it , is it that makes unjust at the end what was just at first . 40. sole matter of conquest is a great robbery . 41. those magistrates or officers will never be right , nor will god ever prosper them , who give not god his due , their king his due , and the people their due . 42. the regulating a church rightly , according to holy scripture , is , to give god his due , a national synod , freely called , freely debating among themselves , must settle the church , if out of order , when that every opinion is freely , and clearly heard . 43. a subject and a soveraign are clean different things ; and a share in government is nothing pertaining to the people . finis . to the reader . friend , this century may be complete , and others added , when more of his sacred majesty's writings shall be published . which advertisement i pray take with you , as you proceed to the other titles , under which you may apprehend the like defect at the end . icon animae basilicae : the pourtraiture of a royal soul , drawn from the transcendent meditations of king charles i. by richard watson . habebat perfectum animum ad summam sui adductus , supra quam nihil est nis● mens dei , ex qua pars & in hoc pectus mortale de fluxit , quod nunquam magis divinum est , quàm ubi mortalitatem suam cogitat , & scit in hoc natum hominem , ut vitâ defungeretur . senec. epist . 120. london , printed for robert horn , 1661. to the reader . friend , philo the jew tels us , that tharra among the hebrews , and socrates among the greeks , were men so noted for meditation and retirement within themselves , that whosoever in aftertime , by such a reflex knowledge , could give an exact character of his soul , had that name as a title of hon●r in each nation . if you do right to this piece , apart presented unto your view , you must needs acknowledg that not any of our britannike kings ha's done a design , by which he merited to have his name transmitted to posterity with that advantage , as charles the first ; who in a time of such distraction , when most of his subjects acted by a very uncertain light ; some of them mistook themselves , and others took great pains to disguise and lay counterfeit colours upon their conscience , drew so exquisite a pourtraicture of a pious and prudent prince , as it appears most evident , he then took not first the pencil in hand to practise , but began to exercise , in the very dawn of his reason , what skill he perfected in the glory and luster of his reign , though he copied it not for his royal successours , and religious subjects , until the approaching twilight , or setting of his sun in bloud . the picture is not here exposed , to be onely lookt upon by a curious eye , to have the hand commended , and then the curtain drawn ; what more is mean't , will best be known by such as seriously intend to imitate , and have a devout ambition , by a like looking into their souls , and meditating on their duties , in their several capacities , to deserve the honour of that great name , which ought to be held venerable among us in all succeeding ages . of which number i wish you one , and my self likewise , your humble servant , richard watson . cent. 1 beginneth pag. 217 cent. 2 beginneth pag. 241 cent. 3 beginneth pag. 265 cent. 4 beginneth pag. 294 errata . the reader is desired to mend the following escapes , and whomsoever he censures , to impute neither mistake nor negligence to the collectour . title page read basilicae . epistle dedicatory . page 1 r. recognize . p. 24 r. i● after some few years revolution , &c. effata regalia . century 1. num . 2. r. allay . n 6 r the grounds . n 30 r stupidity . n 73 r conscious . n 77 r saviour . n 79 r merits . n 82 r though they should be satiated . n 86 r soul of a queen . century 2. n ● r praie●● . n 28 r ●ay serve n 49 r propound . n 75 r streightness . n 90 r false & evil . century 3 n 5 r with prejud●ces . n 20 r considerations , nor designs n 81 r oblequie . cent. 4 n 31 r upon functions . n 89 r to christs rule . cent. 5 n 22 r not ●orosely . cent. 6 n 10 r differences in religion , and offences , by &c. n 23 r a di●●●dence o● his own judgment n 66 r aggravations , n 91 r that as the greatest temptations , &c. cent. 7 n 8 r their pilot. n 71 r who will avoid . cent. 8. n 32 r from their pr●reption . n 49 r philistims . n 55 r portends . cent. 9 n 11 r congregations . n 35 r he shall be forced to consent , &c. n 73 r fixed on new models . cent. 10 n 3 r from which reason &c. cent. 11 , n 7 r rights n 50 r will not restore the people , &c. icon auimae basilicae . century 2. num . 64 ● shall be . n 88 r to a happy , &c n 93 ● inclined . n 97 ● we ●ad need , &c cent. 3 n 54 r the handful of ●eal . cent. 4 n 18 ● findeth . monita , &c britannica . cent. 1. n 13 r of differing , &c. n 35 r unto the king. n 48 r he may suspect . n 81 r spirit of prayer . n 91 r lest being n 941 of sound . cent. 2 n 22 r the draught . icon animae basilicae . the pour traicture of a royal soul . the first century . 1. resolutions of future reforming , do not alwayes satisfie gods justice , nor prevent his vengeance for former miscariages . 2. when out sins have overlai'd our hopes , we are taught to depend on gods mercies to forgive , not on our purpose to amend . 3. god often vindicates his glory by his judgments , and shews us how unsafe it is to offend him , upon presumptions afterwards to please him . 4. for want of timely repentance of our sins , god gives us cause to repent of those remedies we too late apply . 5. when god gives us the benefit of our afflictions and his chastisements , we may dare account them the strokes not of an enemy , but a father , whose rod , as well as his staf , may comfort us . 6. gods grace is infinitely better with our sufferings , than our peace could be with our sins . 7. when god that over-rules our counsels , over-rules also our hearts , the worse things we suffer by his justice , the better we may be by his mercy . 8. sin may turn our antidotes into poyson ; and grace return our poyson into antidotes . 9. an act of sinful compliance , hath greater aggravations in a king , than any man ; especially when without the least temptation of envy or malice , he consents to the destruction of a peer , or meaner subject , whom by his place he ought to have preserved . 10. god sees the contradiction between a king's heart and his hand , against whom the sin is more immediate , when he signs any man's death , unsatisfied that he hath deserved it . 11. a king may learn righteousness by god's judgments , and see his own frailty in god's justice . 12. a king ought to prefer justice , which is the will of god , before all contrary clamours , which do but discover the injurious will of man. 13. it is once too much , that a king has once been overcome , to please his subjects by displeasing of god. 14. a king by divine permission , going against his reason of conscience , for any reason of state , highly sins against the god of reason , and judg of consciences . 15. god's free spirit supports the will of a king , and subjects it to none but the divine light of reason , justice and religion , which shine in his soul. 16. god desireth truth in the inward parts of kings , and integrity in their outward expressions . 17. when god hears the voyce of our saviour's bloud before the cry of others undeservedly shed , he speaks to king and people , in the voice of joy and gladness , which makes the bones he had broken rejoyce in his salvation 18. a king purposing violence or oppression against the innocent , may expect the enemy to persecute his soul , to tread his life to the ground , and to lay his honour in the dust . 19. god that sees not as man sees , lookes beyond all popular appearances , searches the heart , and tryes the reins , and brings to light things hidden in the dark . 20. a kings afflictions cannot be esteemed by wise and godly men any argument of his sin , in shedding bloud he would have saved , more than their impunity among good men is any sure token of their innocency that forc't him to it . 21. a king may expect god's protection from the privy conspiracies , and open violence of bloudy and unreasonable men , according to the uprightness of his heart , and the innocency of his hands in the matter of bloud , or destruction of his subjects . 22. in time of civil dissensions , a king may most safely flie to god as his refuge and defence , who rules the raging of the sea , and the madness of the people . 23. a king should look upon his own sins , and the sins of his people ( which are the tumults of their souls against god ) as the just cause of popular inundations , permitted by god to over-bear all the banks of loyalty , modesty , lawes , justice and religion . 24. god can rebuke the rebellious beasts of the people , and deliver his king from the rudeness and strivings of the multitude . 25. it becomes king and people , as men and christians , unpassionately to see the light of reason and religion ; and with all due order and gravity to follow it . 26. a charitable king will wish his rebellious people a timely sense and sorrow , that shame here , and not suffering hereafter , may be the punishment of their sin. 27. when god shall set bounds to our passions by reason , to our errours by truth , to our seditions by lawes duly executed , and to our schismes by charity , then we may be as jerusalem , a city at unity in it self . 28. a king in distress , should still appeal to his god , whose all-discerning justice sees through all the disguises of mens pretensions , and deceitfull darknesses of their hearts . 29. a king to whom god gave a heart to grant much to his subjects , may need a heart fitted to suffer much from them . 30. gods grace may teach a king , wisely to enjoy as well the frustratings as the fullfillings of his best hopes , and most specious desires . 31. a king sometimes , while he thinks to allay others fears , may raise his own ; and by setling them , unsettle himself . 32. evil for good is a bad requital ; and hatred for the good will of a king to his people . 33. a king needs god for his pilot in such a dark and dangerous storm , as neither admits his return to the port whence he set out , nor his making any other with that safety and honour which he designed . 34. it is easie for god , to keep a king safe in the love and confidence of his people . 35. a king needs god for his guardian amidst the unjust hatred and jealousies of them whom he suffers so far to prevail , as to pervert and abuse his acts of greatest indulgence to , and assurance of them . 36. a penitent king ought to know no favours of his can make others more guilty than himself may be in abusing those many and great ones which god had conferred upon him . 37. a king in time of publick calamity by civil dissensions , should ask of god such repentance for himself and his people as he will accept , and such grace as they may not abuse . 38. the king is happy , who can make a right use of others abuses , and by their failings of him , reflect with a reforming displeasure , upon his own offemces against god. 39. although a king for his own sins , be by other mens sins deprived of temporal blessings , yet he may be happy to enjoy the comfort of god's mercies , which often raise the greatest sufferers , to be the most glorious saints . 40. it is god's will a king should preserve a native , rational , and religious freedom . 41. god requires of kings , to submit their understandings and wills unto his , whose wisdom and goodness can neither erre , nor misguide them . 42. god requires of kings , so far to deny their carnal reason , in order to his sacred mysteries and commands , that they should believe and obey , rather than dispute them . 43. god expects from kings only such a reasonable service of him , as not to do any thing for him against their consciences . 44. as to the desires of men , god enjoins kings to try all things by the touch-stone of reason and lawes , which are the rules of civil justice , and to declare their consents to that only which their judgments approve . 45. kings should be very unwilling to desert that place in which god hath set them , and whereto the affairs of their kingdoms do call them . 46. a king may be content , for his peoples good , to deny himself , in what god hath subjected to his disposal . 47. the unthankfull importunities , and tumultuary violence of some mens immoderate demands , should never betray a king to that dangerous and unmanly slavery , as to make him strengthen them by his consent in those things , which he thinks in his conscience to be against god's glory , the good of his subjects , and the discharge of his own duty to reason and justice . 48. a king should be willing to suffer the greatest indignities and injuries rebellious people press upon him , rather than commit the least sin against his conscience . 49. the just liberties of people may well be preserved in fair and equal wayes , without the slavery of their king's soul. 50. he whom god hath invested by his favours in the power of a christian king , should not subject his reason to other mens passions and designs , which seem unreasonable , unjust and irreligious unto him . 51. the way of truth and justice , will bring a distressed king at last to peace and happiness with god , though for them he hath much trouble among men . 52. a king and queen scattered on earth by their despightfull and deadly enemies , may be prepared by their sufferings for god's presence . 53. though a king's difference from his queen in some things , as to religion , may be his greatest temporal infelicity ; yet the sincerity of their affections , which desire to seek , find , and to embrace every truth , given by god , may be acceptable unto him . 54. it is happy for king and queen different in religion , when either ignorance of what is necessary to be known , or unbelief , or disobedience to what they know , becomes their misery , or their wilfull default . 55. the great scandal of subjects professing the same true religion with their king , may be an hinderance to the dissenting queen , in the love of some truth god would have her to learn ; or may harden her in some errour he would have cleared to her . 56. a king 's own and his parties constancy , is the best antidote against the poyson of their example that gave such scandal . 57. the truth of that religion the king propfesseth represented with all the beauties of humility , loyalty , charity and peaceableness , as the proper fruits and ornaments thereof , may prevail much upon the judgment of his dissenting queen ; as the odious disguises of levity , schism , heresie , novelty , cruelty and disloyalty , which any men's practises put upon it , may intend her aversion from it . 58. god's sacred and saving truths , cleared from all rust and dross of humane mixtures , gain belief , love , and obedience to them , as his . 59. god beheld in the glass of his truth , in those mercies which he hath offered unto us in his only son and our saviour , inviteth us to serve him in all those holy duties , which most agree with his holy doctrine , and most imitable example . 60. the experience a king and queen separated by rebels , have of the vanity and uncertainty of all humane glory and greatness , in their scatterings and eclipses , should make them both so much the more ambitious to be invested in those durable honours and perfections , which are only to be found in god , and obtained through christ . 61. a king ought not to gratifie his passion by any secret pleasure in his death or destruction , who hath thereby satisfied the injury he did him , lest he make divine vengeance his , and consider the affront against himself more than the sin against god. 62. god often pleads the cause of kings before the sons of men , by making without their desire and endeavours , the mischief of rebels return on their own heads , and their violent dealing come down on their own pates . 63. an injur'd king in charity should pray that god's justice prevent not the objects and opportunities of his mercy , but that they who have most offended him may live and be forgiven by him , in that their offenses bear a proportion with his trespasses , for which he hopes forgiveness from god. 64. a king should pray for his rebellious subjects , that god lay not their sins to their charge for condemnation , but to their conscience for amendment . 65. god's exemplary vengeance shew'd in the destruction of any eminent rebel , is as the lighting of a thunderbolt , which by so severe a punishment of one , should be a terrour to all . 66. it may be wish'd , that they who know not they have done amiss , might have their sin discover'd to them ; and that they who sin of malicious wickedness , might be scared . 67. they who prevent gods judgments by their true repentance , shall escape the strokes of his eternal vengeance . 68. mercy and truth met together , are the best supporters of a royal throne : as righteousness and peace kissing each other the chief ornaments of a flo●rishing crown . 69. god sees clearly through all the cloudings of humane affairs , and judges without prejudice , his unerrable judgment having eternally his omniscience for its guide . 70. it is time for a king to call upon god , when the proud rise against him , and the assemblies of violent men seek after his soul , who have not set god before their eyes . 71. a king should have no passion , nor design , to embroyl his kingdome in a civil war , to which he has the least temptation , as knowing he must adventure more than any , and gain least of any by it . 72. a king ought to deplore and study to divert the necessity of a civil war , unless he will be thought so prodigally thirsty of his subjects bloud , as to venture his own life , which were better spent to save , than to destroy his people . 73. a king in time of rebellion , needs much of gods grace with patience to bear the afflictions , but much more to sustain the reproaches of men , especially if they make the war his , which they have raised themselves . 74. the confidence of some mens false tongues is such , that they would make a king almost suspect his own innocence . 75. a king whose innocency is known unto god , may be content ( at least by his silence ) to take upon him the imputed guilt before men , if by that he can allay the malice of his enemies , and redeem his people from the miseries of war. 76. god will find out bloudy and deceitfull men , many of whom live not half their dayes , in which they promised themselves the enjoyment of the fruits of their violent and wicked counsels . 77. god will save a king that 's his servant , and in due time scatter the people that delight in war. 78. it is time for god to arise and lift up himself , when the king's enemies rage and increase , conceiving mischief , travailing with iniquity , and bringing forth falshood . 79. the design of a civil war is either to destroy the king's person , or force his judgment , and to make him renege his conscience , and gods truth . 80. a king may be driven to cross david's choice , and desire rather to fall into the hands of men , by denying them ( though their mercies be cruel ) than into the hands of god , by sinning against his conscience , and in that against him who is a consuming fire : it being better they destroy him , than god damn him . 81. if nothing but a king's bloud will satisfie his enemies , or quench the flames of his kingdom , or god's temporal justice , he should be content , if it be gods will , that it be shed by the hands of his subjects . 82. when the bloud of a king , though a sinner , is wash'd with the bloud of his innocent and peace-maing redeemer , gods justice will therein find not only a temporary expiation , but an eternal plenary satisfaction , both for the king's sins , and his peoples . 83. a king that hath god on his side , has more with him than can be against him . 84. none in heaven or earth is desireable by a king in comparison of god , who in the loss of all , may be more than all to him . 85. when people are encouraged to fight against their king under the pretense of sighting for him , he may cast his eyes up to heaven , he has no other power to oppose them . 86. god needs no help , nor the king , having his , if not to conquer , at least to suffer , 87. if god delights not in a king's safety and prosperity , he ought to render himself up to be reduced to what god will have him , whose judgments oft begin with his own children . 88. a king should be content to be nothing , that god may be all . 89. god , who teacheth , that no king can be saved by the multitude of an host , can yet save him by the multitude of his mercies , being lord of hosts , and the father of mercies . 90. a king distressed on every side , having god on his side , need not fear what man can do unto him . 91. a king ought to give god's justice the glory of his distress 92. gods mercy must have the glory of a king's deliverance from them that persecute his soul. 93. any king that hath fought against god ( whose subject he is ) by his sins , and robbed him of his glory , god may justly strip of his strength by his own subjects , and eclipse his glory likewise . 94. the king whose hope and only refuge fails him , shall to his grief , hear his enemies soon say , there is no help for him in his god. 95. the king's footsteps will slip , whose goings god holds not up in his paths . 96. a king favoured by god , is kept as the apple of his eye , and hid under the shadow of his wings . 97. god has marveilous loving kindness to shew , and a right hand by which to save a king that puts his trust in him , from those that rise up against him ; from the wicked that oppress him ; from his deadly enemies that compass him about . 98. the path of life leads to god's presence , where is fullness of joy , and at his right hand are pleasures for evermore . 99. god is the first and eternal reason , whose wisdom is fortified with omnipotency . 100. god's method of grace to a king his servant is , first to furnish him with clear discoveries of truth , reason , and justice in his understanding , then so to confirm his will and resolution to adhere to them , that no terrours , injuries , or oppressions of his enemies , may ever inforce him against those rules which god by them hath planted in his conscience . the second century . 1. god never made a king that should be less than a man and not dare to say yea , or nay , as he sees cause ; which freedom is not denied to the meanest creature that hath the use of reason , and liberty of speech . 2. that cannot be blameable in a king , which is commendable veracity and constancy in others . 3. it is open partiality and injustice , for seditious subjects to deny that freedom to their king , which god hath given to all men , and which themselves pertinaciously challenge to themselves . 4. god can guide a distressed king by an unerring rule , through the perplexed lubyrinths of his own thoughts and other mens proposals , which he may have some cause to suspect , are purposely cast as snares , that by his granting or denying them , he might be more entangled in those difficulties , wherewith they lye in wait to afflict him . 5. a kings own sinfull passions may cloud or divert gods sacred suggestions . 6. a king should propund to himself gods glory for his end , gods word for his rule , and then resign himself to gods will. 7. a king can hardly please all , he need not care to please some men ; if he may be happy to please god , he need not fear whom he displeaseth . 8. god maketh the wisdom of the world foolishness , and taketh in their own devises , such as are wise in their own conceits . 9. a king made wise by god's truth , for god's honour , his kingdoms general good , and his own souls salvation , need not much regard the worlds opinion , or diminution of him . 10. the less wisdom ill-affected subjects are willing to impute to their king , the more they shall be convinced of god's wisdom directing him , while he denies nothing sit to be granted , out of crossness , or humor ; nor grants any thing which is to be denied out of any fear or flattery of men . 11. a king ought to take care he become not guilty , or unhappy , by willing or inconsiderate advancing any mens designs which are injurious to the publick good , while he confirms them by his consent ; nor must he be any occasion to hinder or defraud the publick of what is best , by any morose or perverse dissentings . 12. a king ought to be so humbly charitable , as to follow their advice , when it appears to be for the publick good , of whose affections to him he may have but few evidences to assure him . 13. god can as well bless honest errours , as blast fraudulent counsels . 14. since kings themselves must give an account of every evil and idle word in private , at god's tribunal ; they ought to be much more caresull of those solemn declarations of their mind , which are like to have the greatest influence upon the publick , either for woe , or weal. 15. the less unreasonable subjects consider what they ask , the more solicitous should a king be what he answers . 16. in time of civil war , though a king 's own and his people's pressures are grievous , and peace would be very pleasing ; yet should he not avoid the one , nor purchase the other with the least expence or wast of his conscience , whereof god alone is deservedly more master than himself . 17. so much cruelty among christians is acted under the colour of religion , as if we could not be christians , unless we crucifie one another . 18. if a king and his people love not god's truth as they ought , and practise it in charity , god may justly suffer a spirit of errour and bitterness , of mutual and mortal hatred to rise among them . 19. god who forgives wherein we sin , may sanctifie what we suffer . 20. repentance must be our recovery ( by god's mercy ) when our great sins have been our ruine . 21. the miseries a king and his kingdom have suffered being great , they may desire god so to account them , but withal , that their sins may appear to then consciences , as they are represented in the glass of god's judgments ; for god never punisheth small failings with severe afflictions . 22. they should farther desire , that their sins may be ever more grievous to them than god's judgments ; and be more willing to repent , than to be relieved : first asking of god the peace of penitent consciences , and then the tranquillity of united kingdoms . 23. god can drown the sins of a king and people at civil wars in the sea of our saviours bloud , and through the red sea of their own bloud bring them at last to a state of piety , peace , and plenty . 24. a king 's publick relations to all , make him share in all his subjects sufferings ; of which he ought to have such a pious sense , as becomes a christian king , and a loving father of his people . 25. god can make the scandalous and unjust reproaches cast upon a good king be as a breath , more to kindle his compassion , and give him grace to heap charitable coles of fire upon their heads to melt them , whose malice or cruel zeal hath kindled , or hindred the quenching of those flames , which may have much wasted his kingdomes . 26. ignorance or errour may sill men with rebellious and destructive principles , which they act under an opinion , that they do god good service . for these a king ought to pray god to lead them in the wayes of his saving truths . 27. a king may pray for the hand of god's justice to be against those , who maliciously and despightfully have raised , or fomented , cruel and desperate wars against him . 28. god is far from destroying the innocent with the guilty , and erronious with the malicious . 29. god that had pity on nineveh for the many children that were therein , will not easily give over the whole stock of a populous and seduced nation , to the wrath of those whose covetousness makes them cruel ; nor to their anger , which is too fierce , and therefore justly cursed . 30. god many times is pleased , in the midst of the furnace of his severe justice , to preserve a posterity , which may praise him for his mercy . 31. god will not deal with his king , according to man's unjust reproaches , but according to the iunocency of his hands in his sight . 32. if a king have desired or delighted in the wofull day of his kingdomes calamities ; if he have not earnestly studied , and faithfully endeavoured , the preventing and composing of the bloudy distractions in his kingdome , it is just that god's hand be against him and his fathers house . 33. a king that hath enemies enough of men , if his conscience do witness his integrity , may conditionally dare to imprecate god's curse upon him and his , to gain the world's opinion of his innocency , which god himself knowes right well ; provided that he trust not to his own merit , but gods mercies . 34. when the troubles of a king's soul are enlarged , it is the lord that must bring him out of his distress . 35. pious simpliciy is the best policy in a king. 36. they who have too much of the serpents subtilty , forget the doves innocency . 37. though hand joyn in hand , a king ( by gods assistance ) should never let them prevail against his soul , to the betraying of his conscience and honour . 38. god having turn'd the hearts of the men of judah and israel , they restored david with as much loyal zeal , as they did with inconstancy , and eargerness , pursue him . 39. a depressed king , in whom god preserves the love of his truth and uprightness , need not despair of his subjects affections returning towards him . 40. god can soon cause the overflowing seas to ebbe , and retire back again to the bounds which he has appointed for them . 41. he can as soon make them ashamed who trangress without a cause , and turn them back that persecute the soul of their king. 42. integrity and uprightness will preserve a king in distress , that waits upon the lord. 43. from just , moral , and indispensable bonds , which god's word in the lawes of a kingdom , have laid upon the consciences of men , no pretensions of piety and reformation are sufficient to absolve them , or engage them to any contrary practises . 44. nothing violent and injurious , can be religious . 45. god allowes no mans committing sacriledg , under the zeal of abhorring idols . 46. sacrilegious designs have sometimes the countenance of religious ties . 47. the wisest of kings hath taught all his successours , that it is a snare to take things that are holy , and after vowes to make enquiry . 48. a king ought never to consent to perjurious and sacriligious rapines , which set upon him the brand and curse to all posterity , of robbing god and his church of what his divine bounty had given , and his clemency had accepted , wherewith to encourage learning and religion . 49. though a king's treasures be exhausted , his revenues diminished , and his debts increased ; yet should he never be tempted to use prophane reparations , least a coal from god's altar set such a fire on his throne and conscience , as will be hardly quenched , 50. though the state recover by god's blessing of peace , yet the church is not likely in times where the charity of most men is grown cold , and their religion illiberal . 51. when god continues to those that serve him and his church all those incouragements , which by the will of pious donors , and the justice of the lawes are due unto them , they ought to deserve and use them aright to god's glory and the relief of the poor ; that his priests may be cloathed with righteousness , and the poor may be satisfied with bread . 52. rather than holy things should be given to swine , or the church's bread to dogs let them go about the city , grin like a dog , and grudg that they are not satisfied . ; 53. let those sacred morsels , which some men have by violence devoured , neither digest with them , nor theirs : let them be as naboth's vineyard to ahab , gall in their mouths , rottenness to their names , a moth to their families , and a sting to their consciences . 54. break in sunder , ô lord , all violent and sacrilegious confederations to do wickedly and injuriously . 55. divide their hearts and tongues who have bandyed together against the church and state , that the folly of such may be manifest to all men , and proceed no farther . 56. a king whose righteous dealing is favoured by god , in the mercies of the most high never shall miscary . 57. a king who is made the object of popular reproach , has his soul among lions , among them that are set on fire , even the sons of men , whose teeth are spears and arrowes , and their tongue a sharp sword . 58. those sons of men , that turn their kings glory into shame , love vanity , and seek after lies . 59. when wicked men on every side are set to reproach their king , if god hold his peace , the kings enemies will prevail against him , and lay his honour in the dust . 60. god shall destroy them that speak lies against their king ; and will abhor both the bloud-thirsty and deceitfull men . 61. god can make the kings righteousness appear as the light ; and his innocency to shine forth as the sun at noon-day . 62. a good king should pray , that god would not suffer his silence to betray his innocence , nor his displeasure his patience ; but that after his saviour's example , being reviled , he may not revile again ; and being cursed by his enemies , he may bless them . 63. god would not suffer shemei's tongue to go unpunished , whose judgments on david might seem to justifie his disdainfull reproaches . 64. hot burning coals of eternal fire should be the reward of false , and lying tongues against their king. 65. a king's prayer and patience should be as water to cool and quench their tongues , who are set on fire with the fire of hell , and tormented with those malicious flames . 66. the king is happy that can refute and put to silence mens evil speaking , by well-doing ; praying that they may not enjoy the fruit of their lips , but of his prayer , for their repentance , and god's pardon . 67. a king ought to learn david's patience and hezekia's devotion , that he may look to god's mercy through mens malice , and see his justice in their sin . 68. even sheba's seditious speeches , rabshekah's railing , and shemei's cursing , may provoke as a king 's humble prayer to god , so god's renewed blessing toward him . 69. though men curse , god may bless , and the afflicted king shall be blessed , and made a blessing to his people : and so the stone which some builders refuse , may become the head-stone of the corner . 70. if god look not down from heaven and save , the reproach of some men would swallow up their king. 71. god can hide the king in the secret of his presence from the pride of men , and keep him from the strife of tongues . 72. god's mercies are full of variety , and yet of constancy . 73. god denieth us not a new and fresh sense of our old and daily wants , nor despiseth renewed affections joined to constant expressions . 74. the matters of our prayers ought to be agreeable to god's will , which is alwayes the same ; and the fervency of our spirits , to the motions of his holy spirit in us . 75. god's spiritual perfections are such , as he is neither to be pleased with affected novelties for matter or manner , nor offended with the pious constancy of our petitions in them both . 76. a pious moderation of mens judgments is most commendable in matters of religion , that their ignorance may not offend others , nor their opinion of their own abilities tempt them to deprive others of what they may lawfully and devoutly use to help their infirmities . 77. the advantage of errour consists in novelty and variety ; as of truth , in unity and constancy . 78. the church is sometimes pest'red with errours , and deformed with undecencies in god's service , nnder the pretense of variety and novelty ; as deprived of truth , unity , and order , under this fallacy , that constancy is the cause of formality . 79. if god keep us from formal hypocrisie in our hearts , we know that praying to him , or praising of him ( with david and other holy men ) in the same formes , cannot hurt us . 80. if god gives us wisdom to amend what is amiss within us there will be less to amend without us . 81. the effects of blind zeal , and over-bold devotion , are such as god evermore defend , and deliver his church from them . 82. such should be the uprightness and tenderness of a king , whom god hath set to be a defender of the faith , and a protector of his church , as by no violence to be overborn against his conscience . 83. the deformation of the church , as to that government which derived from the apostles , had been retained in purest and primitive times , began when the revenues of the church became the object of secular envy , which still seeks to rob it of the incouragements of learning and religion . 84. a christian king should be as the good samaritan , compassionate and helpfull to god's afflicted church , which when some men have wounded and robbed , others pass by without regard either to pity , or relieve . 85. as the kings power is from god , so should he use it for god. 86. though a soveraign be not suffered to be master of his other rights as a king , yet should he preserve that liberty of reason , love of religion , and the churches welfare , which are fixed in his conscience as a christian . 87. sacriledg invades those temporal blessings which god's providence hath bestowed on his church for his glory . 88. some mens sins and errours deserve god's just permission to let in the wild boar , and the subtile foxes , to wast and deform his vineyard , which his right hand hath planted , and the dew of heaven so long watered a happy and flourishing estate . 89. his memory is cursed who bears the infamous brand to all posterity of being the first christian king in his kingdom who consented to the oppression of god's church , and the fathers of it ; whose errours he should rather , like constantine , cover with silence , and reform with meekness , than expose their persons and sacred functions to vulgar contempt . 90. their counsels bring forth and continue violent confusions , by a precipitant destroying the ancient boundaries of the churches peace , who mean to let in all manner of errours , schismes and disorders . 91. the god of order and of truth , doth in his own good time abate the malice , asswage the rage , and confound all the mischievous devices of his , the king 's , and his churches enemies . 92. the god of reason , and of peace , disdains not to treat with sinners , preventing them with offers of atonement , and beseeching them to be reconciled with himself ; abounding in mercy to save them , whom he wants not power or justice to destroy . 93. when god softens our hearts by the bloud of our redeemer , and perswades us to accept of peace with him ; then , as men and christians , are we enclied to procure and preserve peace among our selves . 94. a king should be content to be overcome , when god will have it so . 95. the noblest victory is over a man's self and his enemies by patience ; which was christ's conquest , and may well become a christian king. 96. god between both his hands , the right sometimes supporting , and the left afflicting , fashioneth us to that frame of piety he liketh best . 97. whe had need ask god forgiveness for the pride that attends our prosperous , and the repinings which follow our disastrous events . 98. when we go forth in our own strength , god withdraws his , and goes not forth with our armies . 99. let god be all , when we are something , and when we are nothing , that he may have the glory when we are in a victorious or inglorious condition . 100. it is hard measure , for a king to suffer evil from his subjects to whom he intends nothing but good ; and he cannot but suffer in those evils which they compel him to inflict upon them , punishing himself in their punishments . the third century . 1. a king , against whom his subjects take up armes , both in conquering , and being conquered , is still a sufferer ; in which case he needs a double portion of god's spirit , which only can be sufficient for him . 2. a king , in time of civil war , as he is most afflicted , so ought he to be most reformed , that he may be not only happy to see an end of the civil distractions , but a chief instrument to restore and establish a firm and blessed peace to his kingdoms . 3. the pious ambitions of all divided parties , should be , to overcome each other with reason , moderation , and such self denial , as becomes those , who consider that their mutual divisions are their common distractions , and the union of all is every good mans chiefest interest . 4. god for the sins of our peace , brings upon us the miseries of civil war , and for the sins of war , sometimes thinks fit to deny us the blessing of peace , so keeping us in a circulation of miseries ; yet even then he gives the king , if his servant , and all loyal , though afflicted subjects , to enjoy that peace , which the world can neither give to them , nor take from them . 5. god will not impute to a good king the bloud of his own subjects , which with infinite unwillingness and grief may have been shed by him , in his just and necessary defence , but will wash him in that pretious bloud which hath been shed for him by his great peace-maker , jesus christ , who will redeem him out of all his troubles . for , 6. the triumphing of the wicked is but short , and the joy of hypocrites is but for a moment . 7. god who alone can give us beauty for ashes , and truth for hypocrisie , will not suffer us to be miserably deluded with pharisaical washings , instead of christian reformings . 8. our great deformities being within , we ought to be the severest censurers , and first reformers of our own souls . 9. rash and cruel reformers bring deformities upon church and state. 10. factions kindle fires under the pretense of reforming . 11. god shewes the world by some mens divisions and confusions , what is the pravity of their intentions , and weakeness of their judgments . 12. they whom god's providence shall entrust with so great , good , and necessary a work , as is a christian and charitable reformation , ought to use such methods as wherein nothing of ambition , revenge , covetousness , or sacriledg , may have any influence upon their counsels . 13. inward piety may best teach king and people how to use the blessing of outward peace . 14. god whose wise and all-disposing providence ordereth the greatest contingencies of humane affairs , may make a king see the constancy of his mercies to him , in the greatest advantages god seems to ▪ give the malice of a king's enemies against him . 15. as god did blast the counsel of achitophel , turning it to david's good and his own ruine ; so can he defeat their design who intend by publishing ought they intercept of their king 's , nothing else but to render him more odious and contemptible to his people . 16. god can make the evil men imagine , and displeasure they intend against their king , so to return on their own heads , that they may be ashamed and covered with their own confusion , as with a cloak . 17. when the king's enemies use all means to cloud his honour , to pervert his purposes , and to slander the footsteps of god's anointed , god can give the king an heart content to be dishonoured for his sake , and his church's good . 18. when a king hath a fixed purpose to honour god , then god will honour him , either by restoring to him the enjoyment of that power and majesty which he had suffered some men to seek to deprive him of ; or by bestowing on him that crown of christian patience , which knowes how to serve him in honour , or dishonour ; in good report , or evil . 19. if god , who is the fountain of goodness and honour , cloathed with excellent majesty , make the king to partake of his excellency for wisdome , justice and mercy ; he shall not want that degree of honour and majesty which becomes the place , in which god hath set him , who is the lifter up of his head , and his salvation . 20. when a king knowes not what to do , his eyes must be toward god , who is the soveraign of our souls , and the only commander of our consciences ; to the protection of whose mercy , he must still commend himself . 21. god who hath preserved a king in the day of battel , can afterward shew his strength in his weakness . 22. god will be to a good king in his darkest night , a pillar of fire to enlighten and direct him ; in the day of his hottest affliction a pillar of cloud to overshadow and protect him ; he will be to him both a sun and a shield . 23. a king must not by any perversness of will , but through just perswasions of honour , reason and religion , hazard his person , peace and safety , against those that by force seek to wrest them from him . 24. a king's resolutions should not abate with his outward forces , having a good conscience to accompany him in his solitude and desertions . 25. a king must not betray the powers of reason , and that fortress of his soul , which he is intrusted to keep for god. 26. the king whom god leads in the paths of his righteousness , he will shew his salvation . 27. wh●n a kings wayes please god , god will make his enemies to be at peace with him . 28. when god who is infinitely good and great , is with the king , his presence is better than life ; and his service is perfect freedom . 29. the soveraign whom god ownes for his servant , shall never have cause to complain for want of that liberty which becometh a man , a christian , and a king. 30. a soveraign should desire to be blessed by god with reason , as a man ; with religion , as a christian ; and with constancy in justice , as a king. 31. though god suffer a king to be stript of all outward ornaments , yet he may preserve him ever in those enjoyments , wherein he may enjoy himself , and which cannot be taken from him against his will. 32. no fire of affliction should boyl over a king's passion to any impatience , or sordid fears . 33. though many say of an afflicted king , there is no help for him ; yet if god lift up the light of his countenance upon him , he shall neither want safety , liberty , nor majesty . 34. when a king's strength is scattered , his expectation from men defeated , his person restrained : if god be not far from him , his enemies shall not prevail too much against him . 35. when a king is become a wonder , and a scorn to many , god may be his helper and defender . 36. when god shewes any token upon an injur'd king for good , then they that hate him are ashamed , because the lord hath holpen and comforted him . 37. when god establisheth a king with his free spirit , he may do and suffer god's will , as he would have him . 38. god will be mercifull to that king , whose soul trusteth in him , and who makes his refuge in the shadow of god's wings , until all calamities be overpast . 39. a good king , though god kill him , will trust in his mercy , and his saviours merits . 40. so long as an afflicted king knoweth that his redeemer liveth , though god lead him through the vail and shadow of death , yet shall he fear no ill . 41. when a captive king is restrained to solitary prayers , what he wants of his chaplains help , god can supply with the more immediate assistances of his spirit , which alone will both enlighten his darkness , and quicken his dulness . 42. god who is the sun of righteousness , the sacred fountain of heavenly light and heat , can at once clear and warm the king's heart , both by instructing of him , and interceding for him . 43. god is all fullness ; from god is all-sufficiency ; by god is all acceptance ; god is company enough , and comfort enough ; god is king of the king ; god can be also his prophet , and his priest ; rule him ; teach him , pray in him , for him , and be ever with him . 44. the single wrestlings of jacob prevailed with god in that sacred duel , when he had none to second him but god himself ; who did assist jacob with power to overcome him , and by a welcome violence to wrest a blessing from him . the same assistance and success can god give , as he pleaseth , to the solitary prayers and devout contentions of a captive king. 45. the joint and sociated devotions of others , is a blessing unto a king , their fervency inflaming the coldness of his affections towards god , when they go up to , or meet in god's house with the voice of joy and gladness , worshiping god in the unity of spirits , and with the bond of peace . 46. a king ought to ask god forgiveness if guilty of neglect , and not improving the happy opportunities he had to meet priest and people in god's church . 47. a king sequester'd from the opportunities of publick worship , and private ass●stance of his chaplains , is as a pelican in the wilderness , a sparrow on the house top , and as a coal scattered from all those pious glowings , and devout reflections , which might best kindle , preserve and encrease the holy fire of divine graces , on the altar of his heart , whence the sacrifice of prayers , and incense of prayses might be duly offered up to god. 48. god that breaketh not the bruised reed , nor qu●ncheth the smoking flax , will not despise the weakness of a king's prayers , nor the smotherings of his soul in an uncomfortable loneness , to which he is constrained by some mens uncharitable denials of those helps , which he may much want , and no less desire . 49. the hardness of rebels hearts should occasion the softnings of a captive king 's to god , and for them ; their hatred should kindle his love ; their unreasonable denials of his religious desires , should the more excite his prayers unto god ; their inexorable deafness may encline god's ear to him , who is a god easie to be entreated . 50. god's ear is not heavy , that it cannot , nor his heart hard , that it will not hear ; nor his hand shortned that it cannot help a king , his suppliant in a desolate condition . 51. though god permit men to deprive a king of those outward means which he hath appointed in his church ; yet they cannot debar him from the communion of that inward grace which god alone breaths into humble hearts . 52. when god hath once made a king humble , he will teach him , he will hear him , he will help him ; for , the broken and contrite heart , god will not despise . 53. god can make a king in solitude , at once , his temple , his priest , his sacrifice , and his altar ; while from an humble heart he ( alone ) daily offers up , in holy meditations , fervent prayers , and unfeigned tears to god , who prepareth him for himself , dwelleth in him , and accepteth of him . 54. god who did cause by secret supplies , and miraculous infusions , that the handfull of meat in the vessel should not spend , nor the little oyle in the cruise fail the widow , during the time of drought and dearth , will look on a good king's soul , when as a widow , it is desolate and forsaken , will not permit those saving truths he had formerly learned , then to fail his memory ; nor the sweet effusions of his spirit , which he had sometime felt , then to be wanting to his heart , in the famine of ordinary and wholsome food , for the refreshing of his soul. 55. a captive king in solitude , may rather chuse to want the memory of the saving truths he had learned , or the sense of spiritual comforts he had formerly felt , than to feed from those hands , who mingle his bread with ashes , and his wine with gall , rather tormenting , than teaching him , whose mouths are proner to bitter reproaches of him , then to hearty prayers for him . 56. they who wrest the holy scriptures to their kings destruction , ( which are clear for their subjection , and his preservation ) hazard their souls damnation . 57. some men ( under the colour of long prayers ) have sought to devour the houses of their brethren , their king , and their god. 58. a distressed king may pray against their wickedness , whose very balms break his head , and their cordials oppress his heart , that he may be delivered from the poyson under their tongues , from the snares of their lips ; from the fire and the swords of their words ; and all those loyal and religious hearts , who desire and delight in the prosperity of his soul , and who seek by their prayers to relieve the sadness and solitude of their king. 59. though a distressed king may chance to say in his hast , that he is cast out of the sight of god's eyes ; nevertheless god may hear the voice of his supplication , when he cries unto him . 60. if the lord would be extreme to mark what is done amiss , who could abide it ? but there is mercy with him , that he may be feared , and therefore it is that sinners flie unto him . 61. a king , in the acknowledgment of his sins before god , should reflect upon the aggravation of his condition , the eminency of his place adding weight to his offences . 62. a king ought to beseech god to forgive as his personal , so his peoples sins , which are so far his , as he hath not improved the power that god gave him to his glory , and his subjects good . 63. god may justly , as to his over-ruling hand , bring a soveraign , who in many things has rebelled against him , from the glory and freedom of a king , to be a prisoner to his own subjects . 64. though god may permit a king's person to be restrained , yet he may enlarge his heart to himself , and his grace toward him . 65. god may give the comforts and the sure mercies of david to the king , who comes far short of david's piety , yet equals david in afflictions . 66. god may make the penitent sense a king has of his sins , become an evidence to him , that he hath pardoned them . 67. the evils which at any time a king and his kingdom hath suffered , should not seem little to him , though god punisheth them not according to their sins . 68. when the sorrowes of a king's heart are enlarged , in the importunity of his prayers , if god bring him not out of his troubles , he may expostulate with him , as having forgotten to be gracious , and to have shut up his loving kindness in displeasure . 69. an afflicted king may utterly faint , if he believe not to see the goodness of the lord in the land of the living . 70. the sins of our prosperity many times deprive us of the benefit of our afflictions . 71. it is happy for us , if the fiery tryal of affliction consume the dross which in long peace , and plenty , we have contracted . 72. though god continue our miseries , yet if he withdraw not his grace , what is wanting of prosperity , may be made up in patience and repentance . 73. an afflicted king , from whom god's anger is not yet to be turn'd away , but his hand of justice must be stretched out still , in the exuberance of charity , and self-condemnation , will beseech god , it may be against him , and his fathers house , pleading the innocence of his people , and asking , what those sheep have done . 74. though the sufferings of a king satiate not the malice of his and the church's enemies , yet should their cruelty never exceed the measure of his charity . 75. an injur'd king should ask grace to banish all thoughts of revenge , that he may not lose the reward , nor god the glory of his patience . 76. a king to whom god hath given a heart to forgive such as have rebelled against him , should beseech god to forgive them what they have done against both god and king. 77. an afflicted king , whom god in mercy remembers , and his kingdomes , 1. in continuing the light of his gospel , and setling his true religion among them . 2. in restoring to them the benefit of the lawes , and the due execution of justice . 3. in suppressing the many schismes in church , and factions in state. 4. in restoring him and his to the ancient rights , and glory of his predecessours . 5. in turning the hearts of the people to god in piety , to the king in loyalty , and to one another in charity . 6. in quenching the flames , and withdrawing the fewel of civil wars . 7. in blessing king and people with the freedom of publick councels , and delivering the honour of parliament from the insolency of the vulgar . 8. in keeping the king from the great offence of exacting any thing against his conscience , and especially from consenting to sacrilegious rapines , and spoilings of god's church . 9. in restoring him to a capacity to glorifie god in doing good both to the church and state. 10. in bringing him again with peace , safety , and honour , to his chiefest city and parliament , if chased from them . 11. in putting again the sword of justice into his hand , to punish and protect . 1. the soul of the said king ought to praise god , and magnifie his name before his people . 2. to hold god's glory dearer to him than his crowns . 3. to make the advancement of true religion both in purity and power to be his chiefest care . 4. to rule his people with justice , and his kingdoms with equity . 5. to own ever to god's more immediate hand , as the rightfull succession , so the mercifull restauration of his kingdoms , and the glory of them . 6. to make all the world see this , and his very enemies enjoy the benefit hereof . 78. a restored king , as he should freely pardon , for christ's sake , those that have offended him in any kind : so his hand should never be against any man to revenge what is past in regard of any particular injury done to him . 79. when a king and people have been mutually punished in their unnatural divisions , the king should , for god's sake , and for the love of his redeemer , purpose this in his heart ; that he will use all means in the wayes of amnesty and indempnity , which may most fully remove all fears , and bury all jealousies in forgetfullness . 80. as a king's resolutions of truth and peace are toward his people : so may he expect god's mercies to be toward him and his . 81. god will hear the king's prayer , which goeth not out of feigned lips . 82. if a king commit the way of his soul to the lord , and trust in him , he shall bring his desire to pass . 83. a king ought not to charge god foolishly , who will not restore him and his ; but to bless his name , who hath given and taken away ; praying to god that his people and the church may be happy , if not by him , yet without him . 84. god , who is perfect unity in a sacred trinity , will in mercy behold king and people , whom his justice may have divided . 85. they who at any time have agreed to fight against their king , may as much need his prayers and pity , as he deliverance from their strivings , when ready to fight against one another to the continuance of the distractions of his kingdoms . 86. the wayes of peace consist not in the divided wills of parties , but in the point and due observation of the lawes . 87. a king should be willing to go whither god will lead him by his providence , desiring god to be ever with him , that he may see god's constancy in the worlds variety and changes . 88. the king whom god makes such as he would have him , may at last enjoy the safety and tranquillity which god alone can give him . 89. god's heavy wrath hangs justly over those populous cities , whose plenty addes fewel to their luxury ; whose wealth makes them wanton ; whose multitudes tempt them to security ; and their security exposeth them to unexpected miseries . 90. to whom god gives not eyes to see , hearts to consider , nor wills to embrace , and courage to act those things which belong to his glory and the publick peace ; their calamity comes upon them as an armed man. 91. rebellious cities and p●●●● cannot want enemies who ab●●●● in sin ; nor shall they be long undisarmed and undestroyed , who with a high hand persisting to fight against god , and the clear convictions of their own consciences , fight more against themselves , than ever they did against thier king ; their sins exposing them to gods justice , their riches to others injuries , their number to tumults , and their tumults to confusion . 92. a depressed king should have so much charity as to pray , that his fall be not their ruine who have with much forwardness helped to destroy him . 93. an injur'd king should not so much consider either what rebellious people have done , or he hath suffered , as to forget to imitate his crucified redeemer ; to plead their ignorance for their pardon , and , in his dying extremities , to pray to god his father to forgive them who know not what they did . 94. they who have denied tears to their king in his saddest condition , may need his prayers for god's grace to bestow them upon themselves , who the less they weep for him , the more cause they have to weep for themselves . 95. a king should pray that his bloud may not be upon them and their children , whom the fraud and faction of some , not the malice of all , have excited to crucifie him . 96. god can , and will , both exalt , and perfect , a good king by his sufferings , which have more in them of god's mercy , than of man's cruelty , or god's own justice . 97. god that is king of kings , who filleth heaven and earth , who is the fountain of eternal life , in whom is no shadow of death , is both the just afflicter of death upon us , and the mercifull saviour of us in it , and from it . 98. it is better for us to be dead to our selves , and live in god , than by living in our selves , to be deprived of god. 99. god can make the many bitter aggravations of a soveraign's violent death , as a man , and a king , the opportunities and advantages of his special graces and comforts in his soul , as a christian . 100. if god will be with the king , he shall neither fear , nor feel , any evil , though he walk through the valley of the shadow of death . the fourth century . 1. to contend with death , is the work of a weak and mortal man , to overcome it , is the grace of him alone who is the almighty and immortal god. 2. our saviour , who knowes what it is to dye with a king , as a man , can make the king to know what it is to pass through death to life with him his god. 3. let a distressed king say , though i dye , yet i know that thou my redeemer livest for ever : though thou slayest me , yet thou hast encouraged me to trust in thee for eternal life . 4. god's favour is better to a distressed king than life . 5. as god's omniscience discovers , so his omnipotence can defeat the designs of those , who have , or shall conspire the destruction of their king. 6. god can shew an injur'd king the goodness of his will through the wickedness of theirs that would destroy him . 7. god gives a distr●ssed king leave , as a man , to pray , that the cup [ of death ] may pass from him ; but he has taught him , as a christian , by the example of christ , to adde , not my will , but thine be done . 8. god , by resolving the king's will into his own , can make them both become one . 9. the desire of life should not be so great in a distressed king , as that of doing or suffering god's will in either life , or death . 10. god can make a king content to leave the worlds nothing , that he may come really to enjoy all in him , who hath made christ unto him , in life gain , and in death advantage . 11. though the destroyers of their king forget their duty to god and him , yet he ought to beseech god not to forget to be mercifull to them . 12. there is no profit in a king's bloud , nor in gaining his kingdoms from him , if they lose their own souls that do it . 13. an injur'd king ought to pray for such as have not only resisted his just power , but wholely usurped and turned it against ●im , that though they may have d●served , yet that they may not rece●ve , damnation to themselves . 14. god that made his son a saviour to many that crucifi●d him , while at once he suffered violently by them , and yet willingly for them , will at the instance of a devoted king , hear the voyce of christ's bloud call louder for regicides , than the cry of the king's bloud against them . 15. let a king pray for his murtherers , that god would prepare them for his mercy by due convictions of their sin , and not let them at once deceive and damn their own souls by fallacious p●etensions of justice in destroying him , while the conscience of their unjust usurpation of their king's power chiefly tempts them to use all extremities against him . 16. the mercies of regicides are very false , and so very cruel unto their king , who , while they pretend to preserve him , meditate nothing but his ruine . 17. god can deal with bloud-thirsty and deceitfull men otherwise than they deserve , by overcoming their cruelty with his compassion , and the charity of their devoted king. 18. when god maketh inquisition for royal bloud , the souls which he sindeth penitent , though polluted , he can sprinkle with the bloud of his son , and then the destroying angel shall pass over them . 19. though regicides in design think any kingdom on earth too little to entertain at once both themselves and their king ; yet he ought to pray that the capacious kingdom of god's infinite mercy may at last receive them both . 20. when king and people be reconciled in the bloud of the same redeemer , they shall come at last to live far above the ambitious desires which begat mortal enmities between them . 21. when the hands of regicides shall be heaviest and cruellest upon their king , if he fall into the armes of god's tender and eternal mercies , he shall be safe . 22. what is cut off of a king's life in the miserable moment of a violent death , may be repayed in god's ever-blessed eternity . 23. the king , whose eyes have seen gods salvation , shall depart in peace . finis . caroli i mi monita & observata britannica . the prudential advice and observations of king charles i. relating to the policie of his britannike kingdoms . collected and published by richard watson . homer odys : ● . — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — . london , printed for robert horn , 1661. to the reader . friend , although the aphorismes , in the two former divisions , are made generall , to serve the good purpose of any prince , and his people , to whom the like calamities are incident , as were the sad experiments of our own , which prompted the spirit of wisdome to their production ; yet the guilt of our sinnes , and remembrance of our sufferings , will make us easily sensible of their more peculiar reflexion upon our selves . this century , with the surplusage , points so directly upon our kingdome , as we have no way to avoid the seasonable importunity of the counsel and instruction ; and , knowing what it cost his majesty that left it , are inexcusably miserable , if we put not the best value upon it by our observance . we hear much of book-cases , and precedents , in contests and pleadings for mens personal propriety ; i know no reason , why such rules , and instances , as these , should not be alike positive , and prevalent for publick interest , the prerogative of the king , and priviledges of the church . one calls the sword , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that the souldier should ever have ready and at hand ; i could wish this might be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the king-and parliament-mans manuall , not so much to reproach him with the unworthiness of some of his factious predecessours , as to instruct him , by the fatality of such examples , to a future sobriety in his votes , and moderation in his publick desires , or demands . if you and i cannot help the extravagant deviations , that may yet hereafter willfully be made from the assured steadiness of this royal canon ; we may at least be satisfied in our own aversion from the ordinances of men , that imagine mischief for law , and betray their trust , to the second ruine of their country , à dieu . your servant , richard watson . c. i. monita , &c. britannica . the first century . 1. the kings of england should call their parliaments , not more by others advice , and the necessity of their affairs , than by their own choice and inclination . 2. the right way of parliaments is most safe for the crown , and best pleasing to the people . 3. when some mens distempers study to kindle sparks in parliaments , the king may hope to extinguish them by forbearing to convene for some years . 4. the king resolving with himself to give all just satisfaction to modest and sober desires , and to redress all publick grievances in church and state , may hope by his freedom , and the members moderation , to prevent all misunderstandings , and miscariages in the parliament he calls . 5. elections of parliament men , are many times carried in many places with partiality and popular heat . 6. the king knowing best the largeness of his own heart toward his peoples good and just contentment , may please himself in the hopes of a good and firm understanding , which by a parliament may grow between him and them . 7. the king should resolve to reform what by free and full advice in parliament he is convinced to be amiss ; and to grant what ever his reason and conscience tells him is sit to be desired . 8. though the king resolve not to imploy in his affairs a questiond minister of state against the advice of his parliament ; yet he should not have any hand in his death , of whose guiltlesness he is better assured , than any man living can be . 9. the peoples clamours for justice in exorbitance of fury is not to be regarded , when they mean thereby the king and two houses of parliament should vote as they would have them . 10. a tumultuous parliaments after-act vacating the authority of the precedent for future imitation [ in case of bloud ] sufficiently tells the world , that some remorse toucheth them that are most implacable against the person , as if knowing he had hard measure , and such as they would be very loth should be repeted to themselves . 11. the tenderness and regret the king may find in his soul , for having had any hand though very unwillingly ) in shedding one man's bloud unjustly ( though under the colour and formalities of justice , and pretenses of avoyding publick mischief ) may be hop'd to be some evidence before god and man to all posterity ; that he is far from bearing justly the vast load and guilt of all the bloud shed in an unhappy civil war , as his rebels charge upon him . to overawe the freedom of the houses of parliament , or to weaken their just authority by any violent impressions upon them , is a design unworthy of the king , who shall not need so rough assistance , if he have justice and reason on his side . 13. popular tumults are not the best removers of obstructions in parliaments , which rather infringe all freedome or differing in votes , and debating matters with reason and candor . 14. when the obstinacy of men in parliament , resolved to discharge their consciences , must be subdued by tumults , it may be feared , that by the same all factious , seditious , and scismatical proposals against government ecclesiastical , or civil , will be backed and abetted till they prevail . 15. the riot and impatience of popular tumults is such , that they will not stay the ripening and season of counsels , or fair production of acts , in the order , gravity , and deliberateness , besitting a parliament ; but will rip up with barbarous cruelty , and forcibly cut out abortive votes , such as their inviters , and incouragers most fancy . 16. when tumults are become so insolent , that there is no securing of the king's freedom in parliament , nor of his very person in the streets , he is not bound by his presence to provoke them to higher boldness and contempts . 17. when , and only when , parliaments , in their first election , and constitution , sit full and free , as in all reason , honour , and religion , they ought to be , things may be so carried , as will give no less content to all good men , than they wish or expect . 18. it may prove unhappy to convene a parliament , where the place affords the greatest confluence of various and vitious humours . 19. the king , when he calls a parliament , should purpose to contribute what in justice , reason , honour , and conscience , he can , to the happy success of it ; nor should it have any other design in him , but the general good of his kingdoms . 20. triennial parliaments , in a kingdom , as gentle and seasonable physick , might ( if well applied ) prevent any distempers from getting head , or prevailing , especially if the remedy prove not a disease beyond all remedy . 21. some men , when they meet in parliament , occasion more work than they find to do , by undoing so much as they find well done to their hands . 22. the perpetuating a parliament is an act of highest confidence , whereby a king hopes to shut out and lock the dore , upon all present jealousies , and future mistakes , but intends not thereby to exclude himself , as some may requite him . 23. those subjects are unworthy of an indulgent king , who deceive his extreme confidence by ill using any act of grace wherein he declares so much to trust them , as to deny himself in a high point of his prerogative . 24. a continual parliament by preserving lawes in their due execution and vigour ( but no otherwise ) may be thought , until experiment shew a fallacy , the best means to keep the commonweal in tune . 25. the agreeing votes of the major part in both houses of parliament are not , by any law , or reason , conclusive to the judgment of their king ; nor do they carry with them his consent , whom they in no kind represent . 26. the king is not further bound to agree with the votes of both houses , then he sees them agree with the will of god , with his just rights , as a king , and the general good of his people . 27. the members of parliament , as many men , are seldom of one mind ; and it is oft seen , that the major part of them are not the right . 28. the majesty of the crown of england is not bound by any coronation oath to consent to whatever its ▪ subjects in parliament shall require . 29. the coronation oath is discharged by the king 's governing by such lawes as his people with the house of peers have chosen , and himself hath consented unto . 30. the king should give no ear to the importunity of his parliament , when , instead of reason and publick concernments , they obtrude nothing but what makes for the interest of parties , and flowes from the partialities of private wills and passions . 31. every subject is bound to stand to the sentence of parliament according to law. 32. where an orderly guard is granted unto the parliament , no account in reason can be given for the not suppressing tumults , but only to oppress both the king 's and the two houses freedom of declaring and voting according to every mans conscience . 33. the king should not by power protect any against the justice of parliament . 34. it is justifiable for men in parliament to withdraw , who fear the partiality of their trial ( warned by any sad president ) while the vulgar threaten to be their oppressours , and judgers of their judges . 35. when factious tumults overbear not the freedom and honour of the two houses ; but they assert their justice against them , and make the way open for all the members quietly to come and declare their consciences , no man should be so dear unto their king , as whom he should have the least inclination to advise either to withdraw himself , or deny appearing upon their summons . 36. though the king may approve ( in some cases ) mens generous constancy and cautiousness ; yet further than that he should never allow any mans refractoriness against the priviledges and orders of the houses , to whom he ought to wish nothing more than safety , fullness , and freedom . 37. those men that despair in fair and parliamentary wayes by free deliberations , and votes , to gain the concurrence of the major part of lords and commons , betake themselves ( when they have interest ) by the desperate activity of factious tumults , to sift and terrifie away all those members , whom they see to be of contrary minds to their purposes . 28. bishops ought to enjoy their ancient places , and undoubted priviledges in the house of peers . 39. bills in parliament are not to be brought on by tumultuary clamours and schismatical terrours , and passed when both houses are sufficiently thinned and over-awed . 40. the king , beside the grounds he may have in his own judgment , has also a most strickt and indispensable oath upon his conscience , to preserve the order of bishops , and the rights of the church to which most sacrilegious and abhorred perjury , most unbeseeming a christian king , should he ever , by giving his consent , be betrayed , he might account it infinitely greater misery , than any had , or could befall him ; 41. the king puts much to the adventure , who by satisfying the fears and importunities of unquiet subjects , both to secure his friends , and overcome his enemies , to gain the peace of all , deprives himself of a sole power to help or hurt any , yielding the militia to be disposed of as the two houses shall think sit . 42. the militia is the king 's undoubted right , no less than the crown . 43. the king should not desire to be safer than he wisheth the parliament and his people . 44. the new modelling of soveraignty and kingship , makes the majesty of the kings of england hang like mahomet's tomb , by a magnetique charme , between the power and priviledges of the two houses , in an ayery imagination of regality . 45. the body of parliament , as the moon from the sun , receiveth its chiefest light from the king. 46. parliament-men may remember that they sit there as their kings subjects , not superiours , called to be his counsellors not dictatours : their summons extends to recommend their advice , not to command his duty . 47. when the two houses have once been in the wardship of tumults , their propositions are not to be hearkned to , until they shall have sued out their livery , and effectually redeem'd themselves . 48. when the king's judgment tells him , that any propositions sent to him are the results of the major part of their votes , who exercise their freedom , as well as they have right to sit in parliament , ( and not before ) he may expect his own judgment for not speedily and fully concurring with every one of them . 49. the king cannot allow the wisdom of his parliament such a completeness and inerrability as to exclude himself . 50. a parliament , without the concurrent reason of the king , cannot beget , or bring forth , any one complete and authoritative act of publick wisdom which makes the lawes . 51. a king may satisfie his parliament and his people ; but for fear or flattery to gratifie any faction , how potent soever , were to nourish the disease , and oppress the body . 52. the end of calling a parliament , being to use their advice that sit , the king ought to have charity enough to think there are wise men among them , and humility enough to think it fit he should in some things hearken to them , whose counsel he may want . 53. the suns influence is not more necessary in all natures productions , then the king's concurrence in all lawes . 54. we are to take heed of , and beware the old leaven of innovations masked under the name of reformation , which heaved at , and sometime threatned , both prince and parliament in queen elizabeth's and king james's dayes . 55. reason , honour , and safety , both of church and state , command the king to chew such morsels as a factious parliament may present him with , before he lets them down . 56. the king hath not any ground of credulity to induce him fully to submit to all the desires of those men , who will not admit , or do refuse , and neglect to vindicate the freedom of their own and others sitting and voting in parliament . 57. i know not any such tough and malignant humours in the constitution of the english church , which gentler applications , than those of an army , raised by their scotch fellow subjects , might not easily remove . 58. if the scotch sole presbytery were proved to be the only institution of jesus christ yet were it hard to prove , that christ had given subjects commission by the sword to set it up in any kingdom , without the soveraigns consent . ; 59. if presbytery in the supremacy of subjects be an institution of christ , it is the first and onely point of christianity that was to be planted and watered with christian bloud . 60. the many learned and pious churchmen in england , who have been alwayes bred up in , and conformable to the government of episcopacy , cannot so soon renounce both their former opinion and practise , only because a party of the scots will needs by force assist a like party of english , either to drive all ministers as sheep into the common fold of ●resbytery , or destroy them , at least fleece them , by depriving them of the benefit of their flock . 61. what respect and obedience christ and his apostles payd to the chief governours of states , where they lived , is very clear in the gospel but that he or they ever commanded to set such a parity of presbyters , and in such a way as some scots endeavour , is not very disputable . ; 62. the effusions of blood shed for the advancement of scotch presbitery runs in a stream contrary to that of the primitive planters both of christianity and episcopacy , which was with patient sheding of their own bloud , not violent drawing other mens . 63. wise and learned men think , that nothing hath more markes of schism and sectarism than the presbyterian way . 64. the presbyterian scots are not to be hired at the ordinary rate of auxiliaries nothing will induce them to engage , till those that call them in have pawned their souls to them , by a solemn league and covenant ; 65. some pretenders , of late , to reformation , have intended mainly the abasing of episcopacy into presbytery , and the robbing the church of its lands and revenues . 66. the bishops and church-men , as the fattest deer , must be destroyed , when the other rascal-herd of schisms , heresies , &c. being lean may ( by these men ) enjoy the benefit of toleration . 67. if the poverty of scotland might , yet the plenty of england cannot excuse the envy and rapine of the churches rights and revenues . 68. there is not any exception to which the best kings may be so liable in the opinion of them who are resolved to oppose them , as too great a fixedness in that religion , whose judicious and solid grounds , both from scripture and antiquity , will not give his conscience leave to approve , or consent to , those many dangerous and divided innovations which their bold ignorance would needs obtrude upon him and his people . 69. there is not such an oglio or medley of various religions in the world again , as those men entertain in their service , who find most fault with the king that adheres to the establishment of the church without any scruple as to the diversity of their sects and opinions 70. it hath been a foul and indeleble shame for such as would be counted protestants , to inforce their lord and king , a declared protestant , to a necessary use of papists or any other , who did but their duty to help him to defend himself . 71. the papists have had a greater sense of their allegeance than many protestant professours who seem to have learned , and to practise , the worst principles of the worst papists . ; 72. the king is not to justifie beyond humane errours and frailties himself , or his councellours , who may have been subject to some miscarriages , yet such as were far more reparable by second and better thoughts , than those enormous extravagances , wherewith some men have wildred and almost quite lost both church and state. 73. the event of things may make evident to the people , that should the king follow the worst counsels that his worst counsellours might have the boldness to offer him , or himself any inclination to use , he could not bring both church and state in three flourishing kingdoms to such a chaos of confusions , & hell of miseries , as some have done , who most clamour against his counsels , out of which they can not , or will not , in the midst of their many great advantages , redeem either him or his subjects . 74. some mens unsatiable desires of revenge upon the king , his court , and his clergy may wholely beguile both church and state of the benefit of any either retractations or concessions he may have made . 75. some men being conscious to their own formality in the use of our publick liturgy , have thought they fully expiated their sin of not using it aright , by laying all the blame upon it , and a total rejection of it as a dead letter , thereby to excuse the deadness of their hearts . 76. i do not see any reason , why christians should be weary of a well-composed liturgy ( as i hold ours to be ) more than of all other things , wherein the constancy abates nothing of the excellency and usefullness . 77. sure , we may as well before hand know what we pray , as to whom we pray , and in what words , as to what sense when we desire the same things , what hinders we may not use the same words . ; 78. i ever thought , that the proud oftentations of mens abilities for invention , and the vain affectations of ●ariety for expression● in publick prayer , or any sacred administrations , merits a greater brand of sin , than that which they call coldness and barrenness : nor are men in those novelties less subject to formal and superficial tempers ( as to their hearts ) than in the use of constant forms , where not the words , but mens hearts , are to blame . 79. i make no doubt but a man may be very formal in the most extemporary variety , and very fervently devout in the most wonted expressions . nor is god more a god of variety than of constancy . 80. i am not against a grave , modest , discreet and humble use of ministers gifts , even in publick , the better to fit and excite their own and the peoples affections to the present occasions . 81. i know no necessity why private and single abilities should quite justle out and deprive the church of the joint abilities and concurrent gifts of many learned and godly men , such as the composers of the service-book were , who may in all reason be thought to have more gifts and graces enabling them to compose with serious deliberation and concurrent advice such forms of prayers , as may best fit the churches common wants , inform the hearers understanding , and stir up that siduciciary and fervent application of their spirits ( wherein consists the very life and soul of prayer , and that so much pretended spirits of prayer ) than any private man by his solitary abilities can be presumed to have . 82. what such mens solitary abilities are many times ( even there where they make a great noise and shew ) the affectations ▪ emptiness , impertinency , ●udeness , confusions , flatness , levity , obscurity , vaine and ridulous repetitions , the sensless and oft-times blasphemous expressions , all these burthened with a most tedious and intolerable length , do fufficiently convince all men , but those who glory in that pharisaïcal way . 83. men must be strangely impudent and flatterers of themselves not to have an infinite shame of what they so do and say , in things of so sacred a nature , before god and the church , after so ridiculous and indeed prophane a manner . 84. in sacramental administrations , ministers own forms , to be used constantly , are not like to be so sound or comprehensive of the nature of the duty , as forms of publick composure . 85. in sacramental administrations and the like , every time to affect new expressions , when the subject is the same , can hardly be presumed in any mans greatest sufficiences not to want ( many times ) much of that compleatness , order , and gravity , becoming those duties , which by the mean , are exposed at every celebration to every ministers private infirmities , indispositions , errours , disorders , and defects , both for judgment and expression . 86. the want of a constant liturgy of publick composure this church will sufficiently feel , when the unhappy fruits of many mens ungoverned ignorance and confident defects shall be discovered in a multitude of errours , schismes , disorders , and uncharitable distractions in religion . 87. the innovations which law , reason , and religion forbids , must not be brought in and abetted , much less so obtruded as wholly to justle out the publick liturgy of the church . 88. the severity of those men is partial and inexcusable , who cried out of the rigour of lawes and bishops , which suffered them not to use the liberty of conscience , which they deny others , having the power in their hands . 89. they who suddenly changed the liturgy into a directory , seem to have thought that the spirit needed help for invention , though not for expressions . 90. matter prescribed doth as much stint and obstruct the spirit , as if it were clothed in and confined to fit words . 91. this matter of the publick liturgy is of so popular a nature , as some men knew it would not bear learned and sober debates , least being convinced by the evidence of reason , as well as lawes , they should have been driven either to sin more against their knowledg , by taking it away , or to displease some faction of the people , by continuing the use of it . 92. they that use such severity as not to suffer , without penalty , any to use the common-prayer-book publickly , although their consciences bind them to it , as a duty of piety to god , and obedience to the lawes , i believe have offended more considerable men ▪ not only for their numbers and estates , but for their weighty and judicious piety , than those are , whose weakness or giddiness they sought to gratifie by taking it away . 93. one of the greatest faults some men found with the common prayer book , i believe was this , that it taught them to pray so oft for their king to which petitions they had not loyalty enough to say amen , nor yet charity enough to forbear reproaches , and even cursings of him in their own forms , instead of praying for him. ; 94. i wish their r●pentance may be their only punishment , that seeing the mischiess which the disuse of publ●ck liturgies hath produced , they may restore that credit , use , and reverence to them , which by the ancient churches were given to set forms if sound and wholesome words . 95. to such as have any jealousie , that the king is earnest and resolute to maintain the church-government by bishops , not so much out of piety as policy and reason of state , this may be said , that he being ( as king ) intrusted by god and the lawes with the good both of church and state , there is no reason he should give up , or weaken , by any change , that power and influence which in right and reason he ought to have over both . 96. as the king is not to incline to bishops for any use to be made of their votes in state-affairs so neither should he think any bishops worthy to sit in the house of peers , who would not vote according to his conscience . ; 97. the king must in charity be thought desirous to preserve that government in its right constitution , as a matter of religion , wherein his judgment is fully satisfied , that it has of all other both the fullest scripture-grounds , and , until the last century , the constant practise of all christian churches . 98. the king that has no temptation to invite him to alter the government of bishops ( that he may have a title to their estates ) will not easily believe their pretended grounds to any new wayes , who desire a change . 99. some there are , who by popular heaps of weak light , and unlearned teachers , seek to overlay and smother the pregnancy and authority of that power of episcopal government , which beyond all equivocation and vulgar fallacy of names , is most convincingly set forth , both by scripture , and all after-histories of the church . 100. the king should have fair grounds both from scripture , canons and ecclesiastical examples , whereon to state his judgment for episcopal government , and not permit any policy of state , or obstinacy of will , or partiality of affection either to the men , or their function , to fix him. the second century . 1. all the churches in the christian world , which presbyterians , or independants , can pretend to , are by so much fewer than others governed by bishops , as those in my three kingdoms will equalize ( i think ) if not exceed . 2. oppression will necessarily follow both the presbyterian parity , which makes all ministers equal ; and the independant inferiority , which sets their pastors below the people . 3. the britannike bishops are as legally invested in their estates , as any who seek to deprive them : and they having by no law been convicted of those crimes which might forfeit their estates and livelihoods , the king , without many personal injustices to many worthy men , can give up neither their order , nor revenue . 4. those subjects in vain pretend to tenderness of conscience and reformation , who can at once tell the king , that his coronation-oath binds him to consent to whatsoever they shall propound to him , though contrary to all the rational and religious freedom which every man ought to preserve ; and at the same time perswade him , that he must , and ought to dispense with , and roundly break , that part of his oath which binds him ● agreeable to the best light of reason and religion he hath ) to maintain the government and legal rights of the church . 5. it were strange , the king's oath should be valid in that part which both himself and all men in their own case esteem injurious and unreasonable , as being against the very natural and essential liberty of their souls , yet it should be invalid and to be broken in another clause , wherein he thinks himself justly obliged both to god and man. 6. i cannot find that in any reformed churches ( whose patterns are so cryed up and obtruded upon the churches under my dominions ) that either learning or religion , works of piety or charity , have so flourished , beyond what they have done in my kingdoms , by god's blessing , which might make me believe either presbytery , or independancy , have a more benign influence upon the church and mens hearts and lives , than episcopacy in its right constitution . 7. they who take part with the king in a civil war , have clearly , and undoubtedly , for their justification , the word of god , and the lawes of the land , together with their own oathes ; all requiring obedience to his just commands ; but to none other under heaven without him , or against him , in the point of raising armes . 8. the king should be well pleased with his parliaments intentions , to reform what the indulgence of times and corruption of manners may have depraved . 9. the king may be willing to grant , or restore to presbytery what with reason or discretion it can pretend to in a conjuncture with episcopacy : but , for that wholly to invade the power , and by the sword to arrogate , and quite abrogate the authority of episcopacy , is neither just , as to that ancient order , nor safe for presbytery , nor yet any way convenient for this church or state. 10. the contentions between the presbyterians and independants in the britannike churches , have been the struglings of those twins which one womb enclosed , the yonger striving to prevail against the elder what the presbyterians hunted after , the independants sought , and caught for themselves . ; 11. that the builders of babel should from division fall to confusion , is no wonder : but for those that pretend to build jerusalem to divide their tongues and hands , is but an ill omen , and sounds too like the fury of those zelots , whose intestine bitterness and divisions , were the greatest occasion of the last fatal destruction of that city . 12. the independants in this seemd more ingenuous than the presbyterian rigour , who sometimes complaining of exacting their conformity to lawes became the greatest exactors of other mens submission to their novel injunctions . 13. the king should alwayes wish so well to parliament and city , that he should be sorry to see them do , or suffer , any thing unworthy such great and considerable bodies in this kingdom . 14. when such bodies become restive and refractory against soveraignty , the king may be glad to see them scared and humbled , by tumults or otherwise , but not broken by that shaking ; of whom he should never have so ill a thought , as to despair of their loyalty to him , which mistakes may eclipse , but he should never believe malice can quite put out . 15. when parliament or city are not only divided , and separated from the king , but brought to intestine confusion within themselves , he should look upon them as christ did sometime over jerusalem , as objects of his prayers , and tears , with compassionate grief , as foreseeing those severer scatterings which will certainly befal such as wantonly refuse to be gathered to their duty . 16. the best profession of religion i have ever esteemed that of the church of england , as coming nearest to gods word for doctrine , and to the primitive examples for government , with some little amendment , which i have often offered , though in vain . 17. all the lesser factions at first were officious servants to presbytery , their great master : till time , and military success , discovering to each their peculiar advantages , invited them to part stakes , and leaving the joynt stock of uniform religion , pretended each to drive for their party the trade of profits and preferments , to the breaking and undoing , not only of the church and state , but even of presbytery it self , which seemed , and hoped , at first , to have ingrossed all . 18. in the administration of justice , the settled lawes of the britannike kingdoms are the most excellent rules the king can govern by , which by an admirable temperament give very much to subjects industry , liberty and happiness ▪ and yet reserve enough to the majesty and prerogative of any king , who owns his people as subjects , not as slaves ; whose subjection , as it preserves their property , peace and safety , so it will never diminish his rights , nor their ingenuous liberties , which consist in the injoyment of the fruits of their industry , and the benefit of those lawes , to which themselves have consented . 19. no subjects can , without an high degree of guilt , and sin , devest the king of those enjoyments , which the lawes have assigned to him. 20. the king , in uncertain times , is to require and entreat the prince his son , as his father , and his king , that he never suffer his heart to receive the least check against , or disaffection from , the true religion established in the church of england . 21. after trial , much search , and many disputes , i conclude the religion of the church of england to be the best in the world , not only in the community , as christian , but also in the special notion , as reformed , keeping the middle way between the pomp of superstitious tyranny , and the meanness of fantastick anarchy . 22. the drought being excellent , as to the main , both for doctrine , and government in the church of england , some lines ( as in very good figures ) may happily need some sweetning , or polishing , which might have easily been done by a safe and gentle hand , if some mens precipitancy had not violently demanded such rude alterations , as would have quite destroyed all the beauty , and proportions of the whole . 23. the king is not to entertain any aversation or dislike of parliaments , which in their right constitution with freedom , and honour , will never injure , or diminish , his greatness , but will rather be as interchangings of love , loyalty , and confidence between a prince , and his people . 24. the sad effects that have issued from the insolencies of popular dictates , and tumultuary impressions , should make parliaments more cautious to preserve that freedom and honour , which belong to such assemblies . 25. nothing can be more happy for all , than in fair , grave , and honourable wayes , to contribute their councels in common , enacting all things by publick consent , without tyranny , or tumults . 26. after the storm of civil dissension and war , wherein the folly and wickedness of some men have so far ruined , as to leave nothing intire in church or state , to the crown , the nobility , the clergy , or the commons , either as to lawes , liberties , estates , order , honour , conscience or lives , the yong prince that succeeds , should be an anchor , or harbour rather to the tossed and weather-beaten kingdoms , a repairer of the ruines by his wisdom , justice , piety , and valour . 27. the king cannot ( in what extremity soever ) suffer any diminution of the churches patrimony , or alienation of it , it being without paradventure sacriledg ▪ and likewise contrary to his coronation-oath . 28. the government of the church , according to its constitution in england , is a chief column , and support , to the monarchy and crown . 29. the greatest means to make a parliament happy is , that the king on his part , and the members thereof on theirs , lay aside all suspicion one of another . 30. the navy , and forts , are the walls and defence of this kingdom , which if out of order , all men may easily judge what encouragement it will be to our enemies , and what disheartning to our friends . 31. the king can no way consent that the voyces of bishops in parliament should be taken away , which they have enjoy'd since , and before , the conquest , and is one of the fundamental constitutions of this kingdom . 32. often parliaments is the fittest mean to keep correspondency between the king and his people . 33. neither queen elizabeth , nor [ my father ] king james did ever avow , that any priest , in their time , was executed meerly for religion : the inconveniences that by this severity may fall to the king's subjects , and other protestants abroad , ought to be considered by any parliament that presses it . 34. the parliament that takes the government all in pieces , must do like a skillfull watchmaker , to make clean his watch , who takes it asunder , puts it again together , but leaves not out one pin , if he means to have it go better . 35. the parliament ought not to wish more , than they can shew the king the way how conveniently it may be done . 36. it is the great expression of trust the king has in the affections of his parliament unto him , when before they do any thing for him , he puts a confidence in them by his gracious concessions . 37. if any person durst be so impudent as to move the king to alter the lawes , he ought to put such a mark upon him , as from which all posterity might know his intention was ever to govern by the law , and no otherwise . 38. that parliament is not to alledg against the king his deceiving their expectation in the time of his return ( having departed with their consent ) who as much , and more , have deceived him in the condition , for proceeding in his affairs . 39. when the king sends a serjeant at armes to his parliament ; he may expect obedience , not a message . 40. in cases of treason , no person hath a priviledg by being a member of the parliament . 41. the king should alwayes be as tender of any thing which may advance the true protestant religion , protect , and preserve , the lawes of the land , and defend the just priviledg and freedom of parliaments , as of his life , or his crown . 42. when the king calls his parliament together to be witnesses of his actions , and privy to his intentions , it may be certainly believed , he has not the least thought , disagreeing with the happiness , and security of his kingdom . 43. a loyal parliaments concurrence with the king , it may be hoped , will so far prevail over the hearts and understandings of the whole kingdom ( who must look upon the members , as persons naturally , and originally , trusted by and for them ) that it will be above the reach and malice of those , who sometimes have too great an influence upon the people , to discredit the king 's most intire actions , and sincere promises , the members being the best witnesses for the one , and security for the other . 44. when the king , and his parliament , have both the same ends , there will be no other differences in the way , than what upon debate , and right understanding , will be easily adjusted . 45. let right religion ( in which all are most nearly concerned , and , without care of which , they must not look for god's blessing ) be vindicated and preserved ; let the king's honour , and rights ( which have an inseparable relation with the subjects interests ) be vindicated , and if ravish'd from him , restored ; let the subjects liberties , properties , priviledges , ( without which a good man should not desire to be a king ) be secured , and confirmed , and there is nothing the parliament can advise the king to , wherein he should not meet them , that together they may inform posterity , how much their trust and confidence in each other , is a better expedient for the peace and preservation of the kingdom , than fears and jealousies . 46. during any session of parliament , the king may expect ( as most proper for the duty of subjects ) that propositions for the remedies of evils ought rather to come to him , than from him ; yet such should be his fatherly care of his people , that he should rather lay by any particular respect of his own dignity , than that any time should be lost for the preventing of those threatning evils , which cannot admit the delayes of the ordinary proceedings in parliament . 47. that the subjects cannot be obliged to obey an act , order , or injunction of parliament , to which the king hath not given consent , is the king 's known and unquestionable priviledg , and , being so , is a priviledg of the kingdoms . 48. the kings power is invested in him by the law , and by that only he should desire to maintain it . 49. the king that gives away the militia , parts with the power of the sword , entrusted to him by god , and the lawes of the land , for the protection and government of his people , thereby at once devesting himself , and dis-inheriting his posterity of that right and prerogative of the crown , which is absolutely necessary to the kingly office , and so weakens monarchy in his kingdom , that little more than the name and shadow of it will remain . 50. for the abolishing arch-bishops , bishops , &c. a britannike soveraign cannot give his consent , as he is a christian , and a king. 51. the britannike kings have so inseparably woven the right of the church into the liberties of the rest of the subjects , as the government by arch-bishops , and bishops , cannot be abolished . 52. the king cannot consent to the alienation of church-lands , because it cannot be denied to be a sin of the highest sacriledg as also , that it subverts the intentions of so many pious donors , who have laid a heavy curse upon all such prophane violations . beside which matter of conscience , it will be a prejudice to the publick good , many of the subjects having the benefit of renuing leases at much easier rates , than if those possessions were in the hands of private men : nor is it to be omitted , the discouragement which it will be to all learning and industry , when such eminent rewards shall be taken away , which now lye open to the children of meanest persons . ; 53. the exercise of mercy should be no more pleasing to the king , than to see both houses of parliament consent for his sake , that he should moderate the severity of the law , in an important case . 54. no free-born subject of england can call life , or any thing he possesseth his own , if power , without right , dayly make new , and abrogate the old fundamental law of the land. 55. i am confident no learned lawyer will afirm , that an impeachment can lye against the king , all the lawes going in his name , and one of their maximes being , that the king can do no wrong . 56. the commons of england was never a court of judicature . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a78780-e330 vid. h. grot. ad cap. 1. proverb . notes for div a78780-e3070 1. lips . excerpt ex comoed. & tragoed . graec.