Amyntor, or, A defence of Milton's life containing I. a general apology for all writings of that kind, II. a catalogue of books attributed in the primitive times to Jesus Christ, his apostles and other eminent persons ..., III. a complete history of the book entitul'd Icon basilike, proving Dr. Gauden and not King Charles the First to be the author of it, with an answer to all the facts alledg'd by Mr. Wagstaf to the contrary, and to the exceptions made against my Lord Anglesey's Memorandum, Dr. Walker's book or Mrs. Gauden's narrative, which last piece is now the first time publish'd at large.
Toland, John, 1670-1722.
1699
Approx. 155 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 89 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images.
Text Creation Partnership,
Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) :
2004-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1).
A62841
Wing T1760
ESTC R22638
12490337
ocm 12490337
62348
This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of
Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal
. The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission.
Early English books online.
(EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A62841)
Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 62348)
Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 299:4)
Amyntor, or, A defence of Milton's life containing I. a general apology for all writings of that kind, II. a catalogue of books attributed in the primitive times to Jesus Christ, his apostles and other eminent persons ..., III. a complete history of the book entitul'd Icon basilike, proving Dr. Gauden and not King Charles the First to be the author of it, with an answer to all the facts alledg'd by Mr. Wagstaf to the contrary, and to the exceptions made against my Lord Anglesey's Memorandum, Dr. Walker's book or Mrs. Gauden's narrative, which last piece is now the first time publish'd at large.
Toland, John, 1670-1722.
Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649.
Wagstaffe, Thomas, 1645-1712. Vindication of King Charles the martyr.
Gauden, John, 1605-1662. Eikon basilike, the pourtraicture of His Sacred Maiestie in his solitude and sufferings.
Walker, Anthony, d. 1692. True account of the author of a book entituled Eikon basilike.
[4], 172 p.
Printed and are to be sold by the booksellers of London and Westminster,
London :
1699.
First ed. Cf. NUC pre-1956.
For more complete information on authorship of Eikon basilike see Almack, E. Bibliography of the King's book or Eikon basilike, 1896.
Errata on p. [3].
Reproduction of original in Huntington Library.
Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford.
Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors.
EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO.
EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org).
The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source.
Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data.
Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so.
Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor.
The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines.
Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements).
Keying and markup guidelines are available at the
Text Creation Partnership web site
.
eng
Milton, John, 1608-1674.
Jesus Christ -- Bibliography.
Eikon basilike.
2003-04 TCP
Assigned for keying and markup
2003-05 Aptara
Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images
2003-10 Emma (Leeson) Huber
Sampled and proofread
2003-10 Emma (Leeson) Huber
Text and markup reviewed and edited
2003-12 pfs
Batch review (QC) and XML conversion
AMYNTOR
:
OR
,
A
DEFENCE
OF
Milton's
Life
.
CONTAINING
I.
A
general
Apology
for
all
Writings
of
that
kind
.
II.
A
Catalogue
of
Books
attributed
in
the
Primitive
Times
to
JESUS
CHRIST
,
his
Apostles
and
other
eminent
Persons
:
With
several
important
Remarks
and
Observations
relating
to
the
Canon
of
Scripture
.
III.
A
Complete
History
of
the
Book
,
Entitul'd
,
Icon
Basilike
,
proving
Dr.
GAUDEN
,
and
not
King
CHARLES
the
First
,
to
be
the
Author
of
it
:
With
an
Answer
to
all
the
Facts
alledg'd
by
Mr.
WAGSTAF
to
the
contrary
;
and
to
the
Exceptions
made
against
my
Lord
ANGLESEY's
Memorandum
,
Dr.
WALKER's
Book
,
or
Mrs.
GAUDEN's
Narrative
,
which
last
Piece
is
now
the
first
Time
publish'd
at
large
.
DI
quibus
imperium
est
animarum
,
umbraeque
Silentes
,
Et
Chaos
,
&
Phlegethon
,
Loca
N●cle
tacentia
late
,
Sit
mihi
fas
audit
a
loqui
;
Sit
numine
vestro
,
Pandere
res
alta
terra
&
caligine
mersa●
.
Virg.
Aen.
6.
London
,
Printed
,
and
are
to
be
Sold
by
the
Booksellers
of
London
and
Westminster
.
M.
DC.XC.IX
.
Errors
.
Amendments
.
Page
5.
line
1●
.
hose
those
20.
5.
Christ
his
Christ
,
his
21.
4.
Ceretum
Ceretium
37.
19.
Cophtic
Coptic
●8
.
3.
of
of
the
53.
15.
Mat●hies
Matthias
57.
15.
Ex
mple
●xample
65.
15.
may
be
be
any
66.
17.
●ittgius
●●itigius
101.
23.
hop'd
o
hop'd
to
105.
5.
Consciences
Conscience
113.
20.
somtime
Som
time
131.
16.
this
his
137.
8.
Mediations
Meditations
*
In
the
Margin
of
Pag.
57
,
after
Eus●bius
,
〈◊〉
lib.
3.
and
〈◊〉
of
first
read
fifth
.
THE
AUTHOR
TO
A
FRIEND
.
THE
Public
is
so
seldom
interested
in
the
Debates
of
privat
Men
,
and
I
am
so
little
concern'd
at
the
Malice
or
Mistakes
of
my
Adversaries
,
that
,
without
som
better
Motive
,
I
would
never
presume
to
trouble
the
World
with
any
thing
merely
personal
.
But
if
the
Subject
in
question
be
of
extraordinary
Weight
and
Consequence
,
and
that
on
the
certain
Decision
of
it
should
depend
the
Tranquillity
of
a
considerable
number
of
People
,
then
I
think
a
Man
is
indispensably
oblig'd
to
appear
for
the
Truth
;
and
so
,
while
he
's
endeavoring
to
serve
others
,
no
body
will
say
he
ought
to
neglect
his
own
Defence
.
Whether
the
Treatise
I
now
send
you
be
of
this
Nature
,
is
submitted
to
your
equal
Iudgment
:
And
unless
I
really
design'd
a
Nobler
End
by
it
than
the
Iustification
of
one
Person
,
neither
you
nor
any
body
else
should
lose
your
time
in
reading
,
no
more
than
I
my self
would
be
at
the
Pains
of
writing
it
,
which
yet
I
'll
count
the
highest
Pleasure
if
I
understand
it
has
never
so
little
contributed
to
the
Satisfaction
of
a
Gentleman
of
such
undisputed
Learning
and
Merit
.
March
30.
1699.
J.
T.
AMYNTOR
:
OR
,
A
DEFENCE
OF
Milton's
Life
.
WHEN
I
undertook
to
write
the
Life
of
the
most
celebrated
MILTON
,
I
was
far
from
imagining
that
I
should
ever
(
much
less
so
soon
)
be
oblig'd
to
make
an
Apology
in
justification
of
such
a
Work
,
both
harmless
in
it self
,
and
greatly
desir'd
by
the
World.
There
was
no
positive
Law
or
Custom
against
publishing
the
particular
History
of
this
extraordinary
Person
,
consider'd
in
any
respect
whatsoever
:
for
the
Lives
of
Good
Princes
and
Tyrants
,
of
Orthodox
and
Heretical
Divines
,
of
Virtuous
and
Wicked
,
of
Public
and
Privat
Men
,
are
indifferently
perus'd
by
every
body
;
of
which
it
would
be
superfluous
to
alledg
Examples
,
the
thing
being
so
commonly
known
by
all
that
have
learnt
to
read
.
Nor
without
such
a
Liberty
could
we
possibly
form
a
true
Taste
,
or
have
any
certain
Knowledg
of
Affairs
,
since
the
Excellence
or
Imperfection
of
all
Matters
best
appears
by
opposing
'em
to
one
another
.
And
I
was
sure
(
which
I
find
was
no
Mistake
)
that
the
Learning
and
Sentiments
of
JOHN
MILTON
were
too
considerable
not
to
deserve
the
highest
Commendation
or
Dislike
,
according
to
the
Judgment
or
Affection
of
the
Readers
.
SINCE
therefore
it
was
equally
lawful
for
me
to
write
whose
Life
I
pleas'd
(
when
my
Hand
was
in
)
the
first
Charge
against
me
,
one
would
think
,
should
have
bin
,
that
I
had
not
fairly
represented
my
Hero.
But
,
very
far
from
that
,
the
great
Crime
whereof
I
am
arraign'd
,
consists
in
telling
more
than
som
People
would
have
me
;
or
discovering
Truths
not
fit
to
be
known
;
and
the
Manner
of
my
Relation
is
to
them
altogether
as
offensive
and
displeasing
as
the
Matter
of
it
.
'T
is
strange
that
Men
should
be
found
of
a
Judgment
weak
enough
to
make
a
Crime
of
such
Proceedings
in
a
Writer
,
who
labors
to
keep
himself
wholly
independent
from
the
Fears
or
Eng●●●ments
of
any
Party
;
and
who
●●ofess'd
in
the
very
beginning
of
his
Book
,
that
being
neither
provok'd
by
Malice
,
nor
brib'd
by
Favor
,
he
would
as
well
dare
to
say
all
that
was
true
,
as
scorn
to
write
any
Falshood
.
But
the
rude
Opposition
with
which
I
have
met
,
notwithstanding
such
plain
Declarations
,
convinces
me
more
than
ever
how
much
I
was
in
the
Right
by
following
the
peculiar
Method
I
propos'd
to
my self
in
compiling
MILTON's
Life
,
and
which
I
partly
declar'd
in
these
Terms
:
In
the
Characters
of
Sects
and
Parties
,
Books
or
Opinions
,
I
shall
produce
his
own
Words
as
I
find
'em
in
his
Works
;
that
those
who
approve
his
Reasons
,
may
owe
all
the
Obligation
to
himself
;
and
that
I
may
escape
the
Blame
of
such
as
may
dislike
what
he
says
.
Now
,
what
could
be
more
impartial
than
this
?
or
more
likely
to
secure
me
from
all
Imputations
,
whatever
should
be
the
Reception
of
MILTON
from
the
Public
?
Yet
if
by
adhering
religiously
to
this
Rule
so
loud
a
Clamor
was
raised
against
me
,
it
is
apparent
how
much
worse
I
might
expect
to
be
treated
,
had
I
trod
in
the
common
Road.
For
if
,
like
most
Historians
,
I
had
in
my
own
Words
(
tho'
with
never
so
much
Candor
)
related
the
Actions
or
Sentiments
of
my
Author
,
my
Adversaries
would
presently
have
told
the
World
that
this
was
not
the
true
MILTON
,
but
one
of
my
own
Creation
,
whom
I
promted
to
speak
what
I
durst
not
own
;
and
by
whose
Mouth
I
had
publish'd
all
hose
Opinions
which
I
would
recommend
to
other
People
.
Well
knowing
therefore
the
ordinary
Temper
and
Artifices
of
these
Men
,
I
did
partly
on
that
Account
produce
his
own
Words
to
obviat
their
Sophistry
and
Calumnies
,
their
two
principal
offensive
Weapons
;
and
also
to
spare
my self
the
Pains
of
Quotations
afterwards
,
to
prove
I
had
neither
injur'd
him
nor
abus'd
my
Readers
.
Besides
this
particular
Regard
to
them
,
I
am
also
of
opinion
that
this
is
the
best
and
only
good
way
of
writing
the
History
of
such
a
Man.
And
had
the
Ancients
always
follow'd
it
,
our
Modern
Critics
would
have
been
less
exercis'd
to
discern
their
real
Sentiments
;
nor
wou'd
they
be
so
often
oblig'd
to
examin
whether
they
understood
or
mis-represented
their
Authors
.
BUT
instead
of
any
Objections
like
these
,
I
am
expresly
told
that
I
ought
not
to
meddle
with
MILTON's
Books
,
nor
to
revive
his
Sentiments
,
or
the
Memory
of
those
Quarrel
's
wherein
he
was
engag'd
;
which
is
only
,
in
other
Words
,
that
I
ought
not
to
write
his
Life
at
all
.
For
what
,
I
pray
,
is
the
principal
Part
of
a
Learned
Man's
Life
,
but
the
exact
History
of
his
Books
and
Opinions
,
to
inform
the
World
about
the
Occasion
of
his
writing
,
what
it
contain'd
,
how
he
perform'd
it
,
and
with
what
Consequences
or
Success
?
I
have
no
Reason
from
my
own
second
Thoughts
,
the
Opinion
of
better
Judges
,
or
the
Fortune
of
the
●●ok
,
to
be
dissatisfi'd
with
my
Conduct
on
this
Occasion
.
And
had
this
Method
,
as
I
said
before
,
been
strictly
observ'd
,
we
might
have
more
Knowledg
and
fewer
Critics
.
AY
but
,
say
these
Gentlemen
,
you
have
made
an
Inroad
on
our
Persuasion
,
and
directly
attack'd
the
sacred
Majesty
of
Kings
,
the
venerable
Order
of
Bishops
,
the
best
constituted
Church
in
the
World
,
our
holy
Liturgy
,
and
decent
Ceremonies
,
the
Authority
of
Councils
,
the
Testimony
of
the
Fathers
,
and
a
hundred
other
things
which
we
profoundly
respect
and
admire
:
nor
are
we
the
only
Sufferers
;
for
almost
all
other
Sects
and
Parties
have
equal
Reasons
of
Complaint
against
you
.
Well
,
be
it
so
then
;
but
,
good
Sirs
,
betake
your selves
for
Reparation
to
JOHN
MILTON
;
or
,
if
he
is
not
to
be
brought
to
easie
Terms
,
defend
your
Castles
and
Territories
against
him
with
all
the
Vigor
you
can
.
For
,
I
assure
you
I
am
no
further
concern'd
in
the
Quarrel
than
to
shew
you
the
Enemy
,
and
to
give
a
true
Account
of
his
Forces
.
And
all
this
,
if
you
were
of
a
peaceable
Disposition
,
you
might
learn
from
these
plain
Words
in
the
Conclusion
of
the
Life
:
'T
is
probable
that
you
(
as
well
as
I
,
or
any
other
)
may
disapprove
of
MILTON's
Sentiments
in
several
Cases
;
but
I
'm
sure
,
you
are
far
from
being
displeas'd
to
find
'em
particulariz'd
in
the
History
of
his
Life
:
For
we
should
have
no
true
Account
of
Things
,
if
Authors
related
nothing
but
what
they
lik'd
themselves
:
One
Party
would
never
suffer
the
Lives
of
TARQUIN
,
or
PHALARIS
,
or
SYLLA
,
or
CAESAR
to
appear
,
while
another
would
be
as
ready
to
suppress
those
of
CICERO
,
of
CATO
,
of
TRAJAN
,
or
BRUTUS
.
But
a
Historian
ought
to
conceal
or
disguise
nothing
;
and
the
Reader
is
to
be
left
to
judg
of
the
V●tues
he
should
imitat
,
or
the
Vices
he
ought
to
detest
and
avoid
.
THIS
might
serve
for
a
sufficient
Answer
to
all
that
has
bin
yet
objected
to
MILTON's
Life
,
if
any
Reply
were
thought
necessary
:
For
the
trivial
and
scurrilous
Libels
of
mercenary
Fellows
I
shall
never
regard
,
they
being
already
sufficiently
neglected
by
the
World
,
and
making
themselves
as
little
by
this
Practice
,
as
any
of
a
more
vindictive
Temper
could
desire
:
Besides
,
that
to
answer
'em
in
their
own
Dialect
,
I
must
first
learn
to
speak
it
;
which
is
absolutely
contrary
to
my
Genius
,
and
below
the
Dignity
of
Human
Nature
,
since
no
body
openly
approves
it
even
at
Billingsgate
.
I
shall
as
little
consider
the
censorious
Tongues
of
certain
more
Zealous
than
Religious
People
,
who
judge
of
others
by
their
own
narrow
Schemes
,
and
despise
all
Knowledge
in
comparison
of
their
privat
Imaginations
,
wherein
they
exceedingly
please
themselves
;
a
Happiness
no
body
envies
them
.
Nor
should
I
,
if
that
were
all
,
think
my self
concern'd
in
making
any
Return
to
the
obliging
Complements
of
those
Gentlemen
who
(
as
Father
PAUL
formerly
said
of
himself
)
remember
me
oftner
in
their
Sermons
than
in
their
Prayers
;
tho'
som
of
them
are
apt
to
say
,
that
when
they
mention
Turks
,
Iews
,
In●idels
,
and
Heretics
,
they
do
not
forget
me
.
But
when
I
am
openly
accus'd
before
the
greatest
Assembly
in
the
World
,
the
Representative
Body
of
the
People
of
England
,
let
the
Charge
be
never
so
frivolous
in
it self
,
or
to
be
slighted
on
any
other
Occasion
,
yet
such
a
Respect
is
due
to
the
Dignity
of
those
to
whom
it
was
exhibited
,
that
I
hold
my self
oblig'd
to
convince
'em
of
my
Innocence
;
and
to
remove
all
Suspicion
far
from
me
,
of
what
in
its
own
Nature
is
acknowledg'd
to
be
Criminal
,
or
by
them
might
be
reputed
Indecent
.
THE
Matter
of
Fact
is
this
▪
On
the
Thirtieth
of
Ianuary
,
Mr.
OFSPRING
BLACKHALL
,
who
stiles
himself
Chaplain
in
Ordinanary
to
His
Majesty
,
Preacht
a
Sermon
before
the
Honorable
House
of
Commons
;
wherein
,
after
exclaiming
against
the
Author
of
MILTON's
Life
,
for
denying
Icon
Basilike
to
be
the
Production
of
King
CHARLES
the
First
,
he
pursues
his
Accusation
in
these
Terms
.
We
may
cease
to
wonder
,
says
he
,
that
he
should
have
the
Boldness
,
without
Proof
,
and
against
Proof
,
to
deny
the
Authority
of
this
Book
,
who
is
such
an
Infidel
as
to
doubt
,
and
is
shameless
and
impudent
enough
,
even
in
Print
,
and
in
a
Christian
Country
,
publicly
to
affront
our
Holy
Religion
,
by
declaring
his
Doubt
,
that
several
Pieces
under
the
Name
of
Christ
and
his
Apostles
(
he
must
mean
those
now
receiv'd
by
the
whole
Christian
Church
,
for
I
know
of
no
other
)
are
supposititious
;
tho'
thro'
the
remoteness
of
those
Ages
,
the
Death
of
the
Persons
concern'd
,
and
the
decay
of
other
Monuments
which
might
give
us
true
Information
,
the
Spuriousness
thereof
is
yet
undiscover'd
.
Here
is
indeed
a
Charge
of
a
very
high
Nature
,
I
will
not
say
in
his
own
mean
Language
,
an
impudent
and
a
shameless
one
;
tho'
if
it
be
not
better
prov'd
,
I
cannot
hinder
others
from
calling
it
what
they
please
,
or
the
thing
deserves
.
But
before
I
proceed
to
make
Observations
on
it
,
I
shall
insert
the
intire
Passage
of
my
Book
,
which
he
has
taken
the
liberty
of
abridging
,
and
so
joining
the
Words
of
two
widely
different
Assertions
,
as
if
they
were
but
one
.
About
this
little
Artifice
however
I
shall
make
no
difference
with
him
;
for
I
can
easily
determin
our
Controversie
,
without
using
all
the
Advantages
I
might
otherwise
take
.
AFTER
stating
the
Proofs
therefore
that
Dr.
GAUDEN
,
and
not
King
CHARLES
,
was
the
true
Author
of
Icon
Basilike
,
I
added
a
very
natural
Observation
in
the
following
Words
.
When
I
seriously
consider
how
all
this
happen'd
among
our selves
within
the
Compass
of
Forty
Years
,
in
a
time
of
great
Learning
and
Politeness
,
when
both
Parties
so
narrowly
watch'd
over
one
anothers
Actions
,
and
what
a
great
Revolution
in
Civil
and
Religious
Affairs
was
partly
occasion'd
by
the
Credit
of
that
Book
,
I
cease
to
wonder
any
longer
how
so
many
supposititious
Pieces
under
the
Name
of
CHRIST
,
his
Apostles
,
and
other
great
Persons
,
should
be
publish'd
and
approv'd
in
those
Primitive
times
,
when
it
was
of
so
much
Importance
to
have
'em
believ'd
;
when
the
Cheats
were
too
many
on
all
sides
for
them
to
reproach
one
another
,
which
yet
they
often
did
;
when
Commerce
was
not
near
so
general
as
now
,
and
the
whole
Earth
entirely
over-spread
with
the
Darkness
of
Superstition
.
I
doubt
rather
the
spuriousness
of
several
more
such
Books
is
yet
undiscover'd
,
thro
the
remoteness
of
those
Ages
,
the
death
of
the
Persons
concern'd
,
and
the
decay
of
other
Monuments
,
which
might
give
us
true
Information
.
Here
then
in
the
first
place
it
is
plain
,
that
,
I
say
,
a
great
many
spurious
Books
were
early
father'd
on
CHRIST
,
his
Apostles
,
and
other
great
Names
,
part
whereof
are
still
acknowledg'd
to
be
genuin
,
and
the
rest
to
be
forg'd
,
in
neither
of
which
Assertions
I
could
be
justly
suppos'd
to
mean
any
Books
of
the
N.
Testament
,
as
I
shall
presently
evince
.
But
Mr.
BLACKHALL
affirms
.
That
I
must
intend
those
now
receiv'd
by
the
whole
Christian
Church
,
for
he
knows
of
no
other
.
A
cogent
Argument
truly
!
and
clearly
proves
his
Logic
to
be
just
of
a
Piece
with
his
Reading
.
I
admire
what
this
Gentleman
has
bin
doing
so
long
at
the
University
,
that
he
should
be
such
a
great
Stranger
to
these
things
.
But
now
I
find
a
Man
may
be
a
very
good
Divine
without
knowing
any
thing
of
the
Fathers
,
tho'
a
Layman
is
always
referr'd
to
'em
when
he
starts
any
Difficulties
,
which
makes
him
sooner
acquiesce
and
swallow
what
he
cannot
chew
than
get
Information
at
so
dear
a
rate
.
But
had
Mr.
BLACKHALL
been
dispos'd
to
deal
ingenuously
〈◊〉
me
,
he
might
see
,
without
the
help
of
the
Fathers
,
that
I
did
not
mean
the
Books
of
the
New
Testament
,
when
I
mention'd
Supposititious
Pi●ces
under
the
Name
of
CHRIST
,
since
there
is
none
ascrib'd
to
him
in
the
whole
Bible
;
nor
do
we
read
there
that
ever
he
wrote
any
thing
,
except
once
with
his
Finger
on
the
Ground
,
when
he
acquitted
the
Woman
taken
in
Adultery
:
And
,
for
ought
appears
to
the
contrary
,
Mr.
BLACKHALL
may
deny
that
to
be
any
Writing
,
because
he
knows
not
what
it
was
;
yet
som
German
Divines
,
as
well
read
as
himself
,
have
presum'd
to
tell
us
the
Contents
of
it
,
and
came
almost
to
excommunicating
one
another
in
their
solemn
Disputes
about
this
weighty
Affair
.
To
this
Negative
Argument
from
the
Silence
of
the
New
Testament
,
we
may
add
the
Positive
Testimony
of
St.
AUGUSTIN
and
St.
JEROM
,
whereof
the
former
affirms
,
That
the
Lord
himself
wrote
*
nothing
,
which
makes
it
necessary
we
should
believe
those
who
have
written
of
him
:
And
the
latter
says
,
That
†
our
Saviour
left
no
Volum
of
his
own
Doctrin
behind
him
,
as
is
extravagantly
feign'd
in
most
of
the
Apochryphal
Pieces
.
NOW
to
convince
all
the
World
that
I
did
not
intend
by
those
Pieces
the
Books
of
the
New
Testament
,
as
well
as
to
shew
the
Rashness
and
Uncharitableness
of
Mr.
BLACKHALL's
Assertion
,
I
shall
here
insert
a
large
Catalogue
of
Books
anciently
ascrib'd
to
JESUS
CHRIST
,
his
Apostles
,
their
Acquaintance
,
Companions
,
and
Contemporaries
.
Of
these
som
remain
still
entirely
extant
,
which
I
shall
mark
in
their
Places
.
We
have
several
Fragments
of
others
preserv'd
by
the
Fathers
;
and
all
that
is
left
us
of
the
rest
are
only
their
bare
Titles
.
I
constantly
refer
to
the
Books
wherein
they
are
quoted
,
that
every
body
may
inform
himself
of
the
Fact.
And
after
the
Catalogue
is
ended
,
I
shall
distinguish
the
Books
which
the
Ancicients
alledg'd
as
the
genuin
Works
of
the
Apostles
or
Apostolic
Men
,
from
those
that
they
rejected
as
the
Forgeries
of
Heretics
;
which
is
a
good
Argument
however
,
that
they
were
receiv'd
by
som
Party
of
Christians
to
countenance
their
Opinions
.
Next
I
design
to
name
those
Pieces
of
whose
Spuriousness
I
doubted
,
tho'
their
Authority
is
still
receiv'd
;
and
so
conclude
this
Point
with
som
material
Observations
.
A
Catalogue
of
Books
mentioned
by
the
Fathers
and
other
Ancient
Writers
,
as
truly
or
falsely
ascrib'd
to
JESUS
CHRIST
his
Apostles
,
and
other
eminent
Persons
.
I.
Of
Books
reported
to
be
written
by
CHRIST
himself
,
or
that
particularly
concern
him
.
1.
HIS
Letter
in
answer
to
that
of
Abgarus
King
of
Edessa
.
Euseb.
Hist.
Eccles.
l.
1.
c.
13.
You
may
also
consult
Cedrenus
,
Nicephorus
,
Constantinus
Porphyrogennetus
in
the
Manipulus
of
Combesisius
,
p.
79
,
&c.
extant
.
2.
The
Epistle
of
Christ
to
Peter
and
Paul.
Augustin
.
contra
Faustum
,
l.
28.
c.
13.
3.
The
Parables
and
Sermons
of
Christ.
Euseb.
Hist.
Eccl.
l.
3.
c.
39.
4.
A
Hymn
which
Christ
secretly
taught
his
Apostles
and
Disciples
,
Augustin
.
Epist.
253.
ad
Ceretum
Episcopum
.
5.
A
Book
of
the
Magic
of
Christ
,
Augustin
.
de
consensu
evangelico
,
l.
1.
c.
9
,
10.
If
it
be
not
the
same
with
the
Epistle
to
Peter
and
Paul.
6.
A
Book
of
the
Nativity
of
our
Savior
,
of
the
Holy
Virgin
his
Mother
,
and
her
Midwife
.
Gelasius
apud
Gratianum
,
Decret
.
1.
part
.
Dist.
15.
c.
3.
But
I
believe
this
is
the
same
with
the
Gospel
of
Iames
;
whereof
in
its
due
Order
.
II.
MARY
.
1.
An
Epistle
to
Ignatius
:
Which
is
now
extant
among
his
Works
.
2.
Another
Epistle
to
the
Inhabitants
of
Messina
:
To
be
read
among
the
same
Ignatius's
Works
.
3.
A
Book
of
the
Nativity
of
the
Virgin
Mary
,
Usually
publish●d
with
St.
Ierome's
Works
.
4.
Another
Book
about
the
Death
of
Mary
,
is
said
by
Lambecius
to
ly
unpublish'd
in
the
Emperor's
Library
,
T.
4.
p.
131.
5.
We
shall
not
insist
on
the
Book
of
Mary
concerning
the
Miracles
of
Christ
,
and
the
Ring
of
King
Solomon
.
III.
PETER
.
1.
The
Gospel
of
Peter
.
Origen
.
T.
11.
Comment
.
in
Mat.
Hieron
.
in
Catalog
.
Scriptor
.
Eccles.
c.
1.
Euseb.
Hist.
Eccl●s
.
l.
3.
c.
3
,
25.
Idem
,
l.
6.
c.
12.
2.
The
Acts
of
Peter
.
Euscb.
Hist.
Eccles.
l.
3.
c.
3.
Hieronym
.
in
Catalogo
.
Origen
.
Tom.
21.
Comment
.
in
Joan.
Isidorus
Pelusiota
,
l.
2.
Epist.
99.
3.
The
Revelation
of
Peter
.
Clem.
Alex.
in
Epitom
.
Theodot
.
Euseb
.
Hist.
Eccles.
l.
3.
c.
25.
l.
6.
c.
14.
Idem
,
l.
3.
c.
3.
Hieron
.
in
Catalago
,
c.
1.
Zozomen
.
Hist.
Eccles.
l.
7.
c.
19.
4.
The
Epistle
of
Peter
to
Clemens
,
is
still
shewn
in
the
Aethiopic
Language
by
the
Eastern
Christians
.
Tilmont
,
Hist.
Eccles.
Tom.
1.
part
.
2.
pag.
497.
And
he
has
it
from
Cotelerius
.
The
Epistle
of
Clemens
to
James
,
is
publish'd
in
the
Clementines
.
5.
The
Doctrine
of
Peter
.
Origen
,
in
praefat
.
ad
libros
principiorum
Gregor
.
Nazian
.
epist.
16.
Elias
Levita
in
notis
ad
Nazianzeni
Orationem
ad
cives
trepidantes
.
6.
The
preaching
of
Peter
(
if
it
be
not
the
same
with
his
Doctrin
)
Origen
.
Tom.
14.
in
Joan.
Idem
,
in
praefat
.
ad
Libros
principiorum
.
Clem.
Alex.
Stromat
.
l.
1.
&
l.
6
,
&c.
Lactant.
l.
4.
c.
21.
Autor
libri
de
baptismo
Haereticorum
inter
opera
Cypriani
.
Joan.
Damascen
.
l.
2.
parallel
.
c.
16.
7.
The
Liturgy
of
Peter
,
publish'd
by
Lindanus
at
Antwerp
in
the
Year
1588
,
and
at
Paris
,
Anno
1595.
8.
The
Itinerary
,
or
Iournys
of
Peter
(
mention'd
by
Epiphanius
,
Haeres
.
30.
n.
15.
and
by
Athanasius
in
his
Synopsis
of
the
Scriptures
;
)
I
believe
to
be
the
same
with
the
Recognitions
of
St.
Clement
still
extant
,
wherein
we
have
a
very
particular
Account
of
Peter's
Voyages
and
Performances
.
9.
The
Iudgment
of
Peter
.
Hieronym
.
in
Catalogo
,
c.
1.
IV.
ANDREW
.
1.
The
Gospel
of
St.
Andrew
.
Gelasius
in
Decreto
,
&c.
2.
The
Acts
of
St.
Andrew
.
Euscb.
Hist.
Eccles.
l.
3.
c.
25.
Epiphan
.
Haeres
.
47.
n.
1.
Item
,
61
,
63
,
47.
Philastrius
in
Haeres
.
8.
Gelasius
in
decreto
;
&
Turribius
Asturicensis
apud
Paschasium
Quesnerum
inter
epistolas
Leonis
magni
,
p.
459.
V.
IAMES
.
1.
The
Gospel
of
St.
James
,
or
his
Protoevangelion
.
Origen
,
Tom.
11.
Comment
.
in
Mat.
Epiphan
.
Haeres
.
30.
n.
23.
Eustathius
Antiochen
.
Comment
.
in
Hexaemer
.
Epiphanius
monachus
in
notis
Allatii
ad
Eustathium
.
Multa
ex
hoc
Evangelio
mutuasse
Gregorium
Nyssenum
,
tacito
Jacobi
nomine
,
monet
Allatius
ibid.
This
Book
is
now
in
Manuscript
in
the
Library
of
Vienna
,
as
is
said
by
Lambecius
,
l.
5.
p.
130.
Father
Simon
says
,
he
has
seen
two
Manuscript
Copies
of
it
in
the
Kings
of
France's
Library
.
Nouvelles
Observations
,
&c.
p.
4.
It
was
printed
by
Neander
and
also
by
Grynaeus
in
the
first
Volum
of
his
Orthodoxographs
.
2.
The
Liturgy
of
St.
James
is
printed
in
the
second
Tome
of
the
Bibliotheca
Patrum
,
at
Paris
,
Anno
1624.
3.
We
mention'd
before
The
Book
of
St.
James
concerning
the
Death
of
the
Virgin
Mary
;
but
there
want
not
Reasons
to
believe
Iohn
,
and
not
Iames
,
to
be
the
Author
of
it
.
VI.
IOHN
.
1.
The
Acts
of
St.
John.
Euseb.
Hist.
Eccles.
l.
3.
c.
25.
Epiphan
.
Haeres
.
47.
n.
1.
Augustin
.
l.
1.
contra
adversarios
legis
&
prophetarum
.
Turribii
Scriptum
inter
Epistolas
Leonis
magni
;
&
Phot.
in
codice
229.
2.
Another
Gospel
of
Iohn
.
Epiph.
Haeres
.
30.
n.
23.
3.
The
Itinerary
,
or
Voyages
of
St.
John.
Gelasius
in
decreto
.
4.
The
Liturgy
of
St.
John.
It
was
together
with
several
others
printed
in
Syriac
at
Rome
.
See
Father
Simon
in
his
Supplement
to
Leo
of
Modena
.
5.
We
spoke
twice
before
of
St.
Iohn
or
St.
Iames's
Book
about
the
Death
of
the
Virgin
Mary
.
6.
The
Traditions
of
St.
Iohn
.
Euseb.
Hist.
Eccles.
l.
3.
c.
ult
.
VII
.
PHILIP
.
1.
The
Gospel
of
St.
Philip.
Epiphan
.
Haeres
.
26.
n.
13.
Timotheus
Presbyter
a
Combefisio
editus
in
tomo
secundo
Auctuarii
.
2.
The
Acts
of
St.
Philip.
Gelasius
in
Deceto
.
VIII
.
BARTHOLOMEW
.
2.
The
Gospel
of
St.
Bartholomew
,
Hieronym
.
in
prolegom
.
Com.
in
Mat.
Dionysius
Areopagita
de
Mystica
Theologia
,
cap.
1.
IX
.
THOMAS
.
1.
The
Gospel
of
St.
Thomas
.
Origen
.
in
Homil.
ad
Luc.
Euseb.
Hist.
Eccles.
l.
3.
c.
25.
Nicephor
.
in
Stichometria
.
Ambros.
in
Comment
.
ad
Luc.
Augustin
.
contra
Faustum
,
l.
22.
c.
79.
Cyril
.
Hierosolym
.
Catech.
4.
6.
Gelasius
in
decreto
.
2.
The
Acts
of
St.
Thomas
.
Epiphan
.
Haeres
.
47.
n.
1.
Idem
,
Haeres
.
61.
n.
1.
Augustin
.
contra
Adimant
.
Idem
,
l.
1.
de
sermone
Dei.
Idem
,
contra
Faustum
,
l.
22.
c.
79.
3.
The
Revelations
of
S.
Thomas
.
Gelasius
in
Decreto
.
4.
The
Itinerary
of
St.
Thomas
.
Gelasius
in
Decreto
.
Nicephor
.
in
Stichometria
.
5.
The
Book
of
the
Infancy
of
Christ
by
St.
Thomas
.
Epiphan
.
Haeres
.
34.
n.
18.
Nicephor
.
in
Stichometria
.
Gelas.
in
Decreto
.
Lambecius
says
,
that
this
Book
lies
in
Manuscript
in
the
Library
of
Vienna
,
Tom.
7.
p.
20.
Father
Simon
writes
that
there
is
a
Manuscript
Copy
of
it
in
the
French
King's
Library
;
Nouvelles
Observations
,
&c.
It
was
printed
two
Years
since
in
Latin
,
and
Arabic
with
learned
Notes
by
Mr.
Syke
at
Vtrecht
.
X.
MATTHEW
.
1.
The
Liturgy
of
St.
Matthew
.
Tom.
27.
Bibliothecae
Patrum
Lugdunensis
.
Natalis
Alex.
in
saeculo
1.
part
1.
c.
11.
art
.
1.
Gerardus
,
tom
.
1.
Conf.
Cathol
.
There
is
also
a
Liturgy
attributed
to
St.
Mark.
XI
.
THADDAEVS
.
1.
The
Gospel
of
St.
Thaddaeus
.
Gelasius
in
Decreto
.
XII
.
MATTHIAS
.
1.
The
Gospel
of
St.
Matthias
.
Origen
.
Homil
1.
in
Luc.
Euseb.
Hist.
Eccles.
l.
3.
c.
25.
Hieronym
.
in
prolegom
.
ad
Comment
.
in
Mat.
Ambros.
in
Comment
.
ad
Luc.
Gelas.
in
Decreto
.
2.
The
Traditions
of
St.
Matthias
.
Clem.
Alex.
Stromat
.
l.
7.
XIII
.
PAVL
.
1.
The
Acts
of
St.
Paul.
Origen
.
l.
1.
c.
2.
de
Principiis
Idem
,
tom
.
21.
in
Joan.
Euseb.
l.
3.
c.
3.
Hist.
Eccles.
c.
25.
Philastrius
,
Haeres
.
88.
2.
The
Acts
of
Paul
and
Thecla
.
Tertullian
.
de
Baptismo
.
c.
17.
Hieronym
.
de
Script
.
Eccles.
in
Paulo
&
Luca.
Augustin
.
l.
30.
contra
Faustum
,
c.
4.
Gelasius
in
Decreto
.
Nuper
Editus
est
hic
Liber
Oxonii
.
Epiphan
.
Haeres
.
78.
n.
16.
Extant
.
3.
The
Epistle
of
Paul
to
the
Laodiceans
.
Tertullian
adversus
Marcion
.
l.
5.
c.
17.
Hieronym
.
in
Catalogo
,
c.
5.
Philastr
.
in
Haeres
.
88
;
Theodoret.
tom
.
8.
Haeres
.
47.
n.
9.
&
alibi
.
Legatur
etiam
Theophylactus
.
extant
.
4.
A
third
Epistle
of
Paul
to
the
Thessalonians
.
2
Thes.
2.
2.
5.
A
third
Epistle
to
the
Corinthians
,
and
a
second
to
the
Ephesians
.
1
Cor.
5.
9.
Ephes.
3.
3.
6.
The
Epistles
of
Paul
to
Seneca
,
with
those
of
Seneca
to
Paul.
Hieronym
.
in
Catalogo
,
c.
12.
Augustin
.
de
Civitate
Dei
,
l.
6.
c.
10.
Idem
,
in
Epist.
54.
ad
Macedonium
.
extant
.
7.
The
Revelation
of
St.
Paul.
Epiphan
.
Haeres
.
38.
n.
2.
Zozomen
Hist.
Eccles.
l.
7.
c.
19.
Augustin
Tract
.
98.
in
Joan.
Theophylact.
in
Schol.
ad
2.
ad
Corinth
.
Mic.
Glycas
.
annal
.
part
2.
Gelas.
in
Decreto
.
Zozomen
.
Hist.
Eccles.
l.
7.
c.
19.
8.
The
Preaching
of
St.
Paul.
Clem.
Alex.
Stromat
.
l.
6.
Lactant.
l.
4●
c.
21.
Autor
etiam
Anonymus
de
non
iterando
Baptismo
,
à
Rigaltio
in
observationibus
ad
Cyprianum
insertus
.
9.
Saint
Paul's
Narrative
concerning
the
charming
of
Vipers
,
reveal'd
to
him
by
St.
Michael
in
a
Dream
.
Lambecius
says
,
that
there
is
now
a
Manuscript
of
this
Book
in
the
Library
of
Vienna
,
Tom.
5.
p.
103.
10.
The
Anabaticon
of
Saint
Paul
,
wherein
he
relates
what
he
saw
when
he
was
snatch'd
up
into
the
third
Heavens
.
Epiphan
.
Haeres
.
38.
n.
2.
11.
Som
would
infer
from
his
own
Words
,
that
he
wrote
a
Gospel
;
In
the
day
,
says
he
,
when
God
shall
judge
the
Secrets
of
Men
by
Christ
Iesus
according
to
my
Gospel
.
Rom.
2.
16.
XIV
.
Of
the
Gospels
of
Judas
Iscariot
,
of
Eve
,
and
Abraham
,
&c.
1.
That
none
of
the
Apostles
might
be
thought
unable
to
write
a
Gospel
we
find
one
alledg'd
by
the
Caianites
,
a
Sect
of
the
Gnostics
,
under
the
Name
of
Iudas
Iscariot
.
Epiphan
.
Haeres
.
38.
Theodoret
.
l.
1.
de
Haeret.
Fabul
.
c.
15.
2.
Nor
should
we
wonder
at
Iudas's
being
an
Author
,
when
we
read
of
the
Prophetical
Gospel
of
Eve
,
whom
the
Gnostics
reckoned
a
Patroness
of
their
Opinions
,
and
to
have
receiv'd
extraordinary
Knowledg
and
Light
in
her
Conference
with
the
Serpent
.
Epiphan
.
Haeres
.
26.
n.
2.
3.
The
Sethians
,
another
sort
of
Gnostics
,
shew'd
an
Apocalypse
under
the
Name
of
the
Patriarch
Abraham
;
not
to
mention
his
learned
Pieces
of
Astrology
,
nor
the
Books
of
Adam
believ'd
by
the
Iews
.
Epiphan
.
Haeres
.
30.
n.
16.
Isidor
.
Pelusiot
.
l.
2.
Epist.
99.
4.
The
Prophecy
of
Enoch
,
which
St.
Iude
quotes
,
is
for
the
most
part
still
extant
,
and
was
believ'd
to
be
Genuin
by
several
Fathers
,
who
alledg
it
in
defence
of
the
Christian
Religion
.
Origen
.
contra
Cels.
l.
5.
Idem
de
Principiis
.
Tertullian
.
de
habitu
Muliebri
,
c.
3
,
&c.
5.
The
Testament
of
the
twelve
Patriarchs
,
the
Assumption
of
Moses
,
the
Book
of
Eldad
and
Medad
,
the
Psalms
of
King
Solomon
,
the
Revelation
of
Zachary
,
and
the
Vision
of
Isaiah
;
but
I
forget
that
I
am
reciting
the
spurious
Books
of
the
Christians
,
and
not
of
the
Jews
,
who
,
when
there
's
occasion
,
will
afford
as
large
a
Catalogue
.
XV.
Of
the
Gospels
of
the
Hebrews
and
the
Egyptians
,
with
som
general
Pieces
.
1.
The
Gospel
of
the
twelve
Apostles
.
Origen
Homil.
1.
in
Luc.
Ambros
.
in
Prooem
.
Commentar
.
in
Luc.
Theophylact.
Comment
.
in
cap.
1.
v.
1.
secundum
Lucam
,
&c.
But
this
Piece
was
,
I
believe
,
Originally
the
same
with
2.
The
Gospel
of
the
Hebrews
.
Ignat.
in
Epist.
ad
Smyrnaeos
.
Clem.
Alex
l.
1.
Stromat
.
Origen
.
tract
.
8.
in
Matt.
Idem
,
Homil.
14.
in
Jerem
.
&
in
Comment
.
ad
Joan.
Epiphan
.
Haeros
.
30.
n.
13
,
22
,
&c.
Hieronym
.
in
Catalogo
Script
.
Eccles.
c.
4.
&
alibi
Passim
.
This
Gospel
several
have
maintain'd
to
be
the
Original
of
St.
Matthew
.
3.
The
Gospel
of
the
Egyptians
,
Clem.
Rom.
Epist.
2.
ad
Corinth
.
c.
12.
Clem.
Alex.
l.
3.
Stromat
.
ld
.
ibid.
Origen
.
Homil.
in
Luc.
Epiphan
.
Haeres
.
62.
n.
2.
4.
The
Apostles
Creed
,
tho'
of
late
Years
it
begins
to
be
call'd
in
question
.
5.
The
Doctrine
and
Constitution
of
the
Apostles
.
Euseb.
Hist.
Eccles.
l.
3.
c.
25.
Athanas.
in
Synopsi
.
Epiphan
.
Haeres
.
80.
n.
7.
45.
n.
5.
70.
n.
10.
75.
n.
6.
Idem
in
Compendiaria
fidei
expositione
,
n.
22.
Incertus
de
Aleatoribus
inter
Scripta
Cypriani
.
There
are
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
and
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
or
Doctrines
,
both
attributed
to
every
one
of
the
Apostles
singly
,
and
also
to
their
Companions
and
immediat
Successors
,
too
long
to
insert
particularly
.
These
Doctrins
were
bound
with
the
other
Books
of
the
New
Testament
,
as
appears
by
the
Stichometry
of
N●ephorus
and
Anastasius
;
tho'
it
was
not
always
pretended
,
that
they
were
Original
Pieces
,
but
rather
Collections
of
what
the
Companions
and
Successors
of
the
Apostles
either
heard
,
or
pretended
to
hear
from
their
own
Mouths
.
6.
We
need
not
produce
our
Authorities
for
the
Canons
and
Constitutions
of
the
Apostles
,
since
so
many
learned
Members
of
the
Church
of
England
have
written
large
Volums
to
prove
'em
genuin
.
7.
The
Precepts
of
Peter
and
Paul.
This
Book
lies
in
Manuscript
in
the
Great
Duke's
Library
in
Florence
,
if
we
believe
Ludovicus
Iacobus
a
Sancto
Carolo
in
his
Bibliotheca
Pontificia
,
l.
1.
pag.
177.
8.
The
present
Cophtic
Christians
have
a
Book
of
Doctrins
,
which
they
believe
was
compos'd
by
the
twelve
Apostles
,
with
the
Assistance
of
St.
Paul
,
&c.
9.
The
Gospel
of
Perfection
.
Epiphan
.
Haeres
.
26.
n.
2
10.
The
Acts
of
all
the
Apostles
,
written
by
themselves
.
Epiphan
.
Haeres
.
30.
n.
16.
Isidor
.
Pelus
.
l.
2.
epist.
99.
Varadatus
in
epist.
ad
Leonem
Imp.
Tom.
4.
Concil
.
Labbaei
.
col
.
978.
Io.
Malala
,
Chronograph
.
l.
x.
11.
The
Itinerary
of
all
the
Apostles
,
as
well
as
of
every
one
of
●em
singly
,
was
formerly
extant
.
XVI
.
Of
the
Writings
of
the
Disciciples
and
Companions
of
the
Apostles
.
OF
the
Books
ascrib'd
to
the
Disciples
and
Companions
of
the
Apostles
,
and
which
are
still
extant
,
som
are
thought
genuin
and
of
great
Authority
at
this
time
:
Every
one
were
approv'd
at
som
time
,
or
by
som
Party
:
And
yet
I
am
of
Opinion
,
that
it
is
the
easiest
Task
in
the
World
(
next
to
that
of
shewing
the
Ignorance
and
Superstition
of
the
Writers
)
to
prove
them
all
Spurious
,
and
fraudulently
impos'd
on
the
Credulous
.
Those
I
mean
,
are
the
Epistles
of
Clemens
Romanus
to
the
Corinthians
,
his
Recognitions
,
Decretals
,
and
other
Pieces
bearing
his
Name
:
All
the
Epistles
of
Ignatius
;
the
Epistle
of
Pol●carpus
to
the
Philippians
,
with
his
other
Writings
;
The
Acts
of
the
Martyrdom
of
Ignatius
and
Polycarpus
;
The
Pastor
of
Hermas
;
The
Epistle
of
Barnabas
;
The
Works
of
Dionysius
the
Areopagite
;
The
Epistle
of
Marcellus
,
Peter's
Disciple
,
to
Nereus
and
Achilleus
,
and
his
Treatise
of
the
Conflict
of
Peter
and
Simon
Magus
;
The
Life
of
Saint
Iohn
,
by
Prochorus
;
The
Petition
of
Veronica
to
Herod
on
the
behalf
of
CHRIST
;
The
Passion
of
Timothy
by
Polycrates
;
The
Passions
of
Peter
and
Paul
in
two
Books
by
Linus
;
The
two
Epistles
of
Martial
of
Limousin
,
and
the
Life
of
the
same
by
Aurelianus
;
The
Gospel
of
Nicodemus
;
The
History
of
the
Apostolical
Conflict
by
Abdias
,
who
is
said
to
be
appointed
first
Bishop
of
Babylon
by
the
Apostles
;
The
Passion
of
Saint
Andrew
written
by
the
Presbyters
of
Achaia
;
The
Epistle
of
Evodius
,
entitul'd
the
Light
;
the
Altercation
of
Iason
and
Papiscus
;
The
Acts
of
Titus
compos'd
by
Zena
,
St.
Paul's
Companion
,
with
a
multitude
of
other
Acts
and
Passions
.
The
Gospel
of
Barnabas
,
the
Revelation
of
Stephen
,
the
Passion
of
Barnabas
,
and
the
Epistles
of
Ioseph
the
Arimathean
to
the
Britons
are
quite
lost
;
and
were
they
extant
,
would
probably
appear
to
be
as
foolish
and
fabulous
as
the
rest
.
XVII
.
Of
Pieces
alledg'd
in
favor
of
Christianity
,
which
were
forg'd
under
the
Name
of
Heathens
.
1.
The
Works
of
Trismegistus
and
Asclepius
,
extant
.
2.
The
Books
of
Zoroaster
and
Hystaspes
.
3.
The
Sibyllin
Oracles
cited
so
frequently
,
and
with
such
Authority
by
the
Primitive
Fathers
,
that
*
Celsus
takes
occasion
from
thence
to
nick-name
the
Christians
Sibyllists
.
extant
.
4.
The
Letter
of
Pontius
Pilat
to
Tiberius
,
with
the
Speech
of
Tiberius
to
the
Senat.
extant
.
5.
The
Epistle
of
Lentulus
,
giving
a
Description
of
the
Person
of
CHRIST
.
extant
.
6.
The
Epistles
or
Orders
of
Adrian
,
Antoninus
Pius
,
and
Marcus
Aurelius
,
in
favor
of
the
Christians
.
extant
in
Iustin
Martyr
,
&c.
&c.
&c.
HERE'
's
a
long
List
for
Mr.
BLACKHALL
,
who
,
't
is
probable
,
will
not
think
the
more
meanly
of
himself
for
being
unacquainted
with
these
Pieces
;
nor
,
if
that
were
all
,
shoul'd●
I
be
forward
to
think
the
worse
of
him
on
this
Account
:
but
I
think
he
is
to
blame
for
denying
that
there
were
any
such
,
because
he
knew
nothing
of
'em
;
much
less
should
he
infer
from
thence
,
that
I
deny'd
the
Scriptures
;
which
Scandal
however
,
because
manifestly
proceeding
from
Ignorance
,
I
heartily
forgive
him
,
as
every
good
Christian
ought
to
do
.
TO
explain
now
therefore
the
several
Members
of
the
Passage
in
MILTON's
Life
;
In
the
first
place
,
by
the
spurious
Pieces
I
meant
,
tho'
not
all
,
yet
a
good
parcel
of
those
Books
in
the
Catalogue
,
which
I
am
persuaded
were
partly
forg'd
by
som
more
zealous
than
discreet
Christians
,
to
supply
the
brevity
of
the
Apostolic
Memoirs
;
partly
by
designing
Men
to
support
their
privat
Opinions
,
which
they
hop'd
to
effect
by
virtue
of
such
respected
Authorities
:
And
som
of
'em
,
I
doubt
,
were
invented
by
Heathens
and
Jews
to
impose
on
the
Credulity
of
many
wel-dipos'd
Persons
,
who
greedily
swallow'd
any
Book
for
Divine
Revelation
that
contain'd
a
great
many
Miracles
,
mixt
with
a
few
good
Morals
,
while
their
Adversaries
laught
in
their
Sleeves
all
the
while
,
to
see
their
Tricks
succeed
,
and
were
rivetted
in
their
ancient
Prejudices
by
the
greater
Superstition
of
such
Enthusiasts
.
IN
the
second
place
,
by
the
Books
of
whose
Spuriousness
I
said
the
World
was
not
yet
convinc'd
,
tho'
in
my
privat
Opinion
I
could
not
think
'em
genuin
,
I
meant
those
of
the
other
great
Persons
,
or
the
suppos'd
Writings
of
certain
Apostolic
Men
(
as
they
call
'em
)
which
are
at
this
present
,
as
well
as
in
ancient
times
,
read
with
extraordinary
Veneration
.
And
they
are
the
Epistle
of
BARNABAS
,
the
Pastor
of
HERMAS
,
the
Epistle
of
POLYCARPUS
to
the
Philippians
,
the
first
Epistle
of
CLEMENS
ROMANUS
to
the
Corinthians
,
and
the
seven
Epistles
of
IGNATIUS
.
These
are
generally
receiv'd
in
the
Church
of
Rome
,
and
also
by
most
Protestants
;
but
those
of
the
Church
of
England
have
particularly
signaliz'd
themselves
in
their
Defence
,
and
by
publishing
the
correctest
Impressions
of
them
.
The
Ancients
paid
them
the
highest
Respect
,
and
reckon'd
the
first
four
of
'em
especially
,
as
good
as
any
part
of
the
New
Testament
.
The
Epistle
of
BARNABAS
is
by
*
CLEMENS
ALEXANDRINUS
,
and
ORIGEN
,
not
only
reckon'd
genuin
,
but
cited
as
Scripture
;
tho'
he
says
in
express
Terms
,
That
the
Apostles
,
before
their
Conversion
,
were
the
greatest
Sinners
in
Nature
;
which
,
if
believ'd
,
would
rob
us
of
an
Argument
we
draw
from
their
Integrity
and
Simplicity
against
Infidels
,
to
say
nothing
now
of
the
many
other
ridiculous
Passages
in
BARNABAS
.
The
Pastor
,
or
Visions
,
Precepts
,
and
Similitudes
of
HERMAS
(
who
is
suppos'd
to
be
the
Person
mention'd
by
PAUL
in
his
Epistle
to
the
Romans
)
is
cited
as
Canonical
Scripture
by
*
IRENAEUS
,
CLEMENS
ALEXANDRINUS
,
ORIGEN
,
and
others
,
and
was
for
such
receiv'd
by
several
Churches
,
tho'
I
think
it
the
sillyest
Book
in
the
World.
The
Epistle
of
POLYCARPUS
(
the
suppos'd
Disciple
of
St.
JOHN
)
was
read
in
the
Churches
of
Asia
,
and
is
quoted
by
†
IRENAEUS
,
EUSEBIUS
and
others
.
The
Epistle
of
CLEMENS
ROMANUS
(
whom
they
would
have
to
be
the
same
that
's
mention'd
by
PAUL
in
his
Epistle
to
the
Philippians
)
is
cited
by
*
IRENAEUS
,
CLEMENS
ALEXANRINUS
,
ORIGEN
,
EUSEBIUS
,
and
others
.
The
Epistles
of
IGNATIUS
are
quoted
by
†
IRENAEUS
,
EUSEBIUS
,
with
several
more
;
but
particularly
by
*
ORIGEN
,
who
says
,
that
in
one
of
'em
he
found
it
very
elegantly
written
,
That
the
Virginity
of
MARY
was
a
Secret
to
the
Devil
;
which
†
Virginity
,
with
her
Delivery
,
and
the
Death
of
our
Lord
,
IGNATIUS
says
,
were
Three
famous
Mysteries
wrought
in
the
Silence
of
God.
These
Words
may
be
now
read
in
the
Epistle
of
IGNATIUS
to
the
Ephesians
.
Now
these
are
the
Books
of
whose
Genuinness
and
Authority
I
took
the
Liberty
to
doubt
,
notwithstanding
the
better
Opinion
which
is
entertain'd
of
'em
by
others
.
My
present
Business
is
not
to
insist
on
this
Subject
,
but
to
clear
my self
of
an
Imputation
,
which
I
thought
no
body
could
infer
from
my
Words
.
Yet
since
many
were
less
knowing
than
I
imagin'd
,
tho'
Mr.
BLACKHALL
alone
has
the
Candor
of
publishing
his
Weakness
to
the
World
,
I
assure
'em
all
that
I
alluded
to
these
Books
;
and
I
hope
they
will
be
just
enough
in
allowing
me
best
to
explain
my
own
meaning
,
and
prove
so
tender
of
their
own
Reputation
,
as
to
consider
well
of
it
,
before
they
censure
me
another
time
.
BUT
tho'
I
will
not
,
as
I
said
,
enter
now
into
a
particular
Discussion
of
these
Writings
,
yet
I
shall
offer
one
thing
to
the
Consideration
of
their
Defenders
.
Either
they
really
believe
the
Epistles
of
BARNABAS
and
CLEMENS
(
for
Example
)
to
be
theirs
,
or
to
be
supposititious
.
If
not
theirs
,
there
's
a
speedy
end
of
the
Dispute
,
and
I
have
attain'd
my
End
without
more
Argumentation
.
But
if
they
think
'em
genuin
,
why
do
they
not
receive
'em
into
the
Canon
of
Scriptures
,
since
they
were
the
Companions
and
Fellow
laborers
of
the
Apostles
,
as
well
as
St.
MARK
or
St.
LUKE
?
If
this
Quality
was
sufficient
to
entitle
the
two
last
to
Inspiration
,
why
should
it
not
do
as
much
for
the
two
first
?
And
if
this
be
not
all
the
Reason
,
pray
let
us
know
the
true
one
,
having
never
heard
of
any
other
.
To
say
,
that
tho'
the
Books
are
authentic
,
yet
they
ought
not
to
be
receiv'd
now
into
the
Canon
,
because
the
Ancients
did
not
think
fit
to
approve
'em
,
is
but
a
mere
Evasion
:
For
't
is
well
known
,
that
till
after
EUSEBIUS'S
time
,
neither
the
second
Epistle
of
PETER
,
nor
that
of
JAMES
,
or
JUDE
,
with
som
others
,
were
approv'd
as
Canonical
;
and
yet
they
were
afterwards
receiv'd
by
the
whole
Church
.
Wherefore
then
may
not
we
as
well
at
this
time
establish
the
Epistles
of
CLEMENS
and
BARNABAS
,
if
they
be
undoubtedly
theirs
,
which
I
shall
be
persuaded
their
Patrons
believe
,
when
they
quote
'em
as
Scripture
,
and
then
I
know
where
to
have
them
,
and
how
to
deal
with
'
em
.
But
of
this
enough
.
I
SAID
above
,
that
by
the
spurious
Pieces
I
meant
only
a
great
part
of
the
Books
which
are
recited
in
the
Catalogue
;
for
others
of
'em
do
not
seem
to
deserve
so
mean
a
Rank
:
and
I
am
so
far
from
rejecting
all
those
Books
of
the
New
Testament
which
we
now
receive
,
that
I
am
rather
solicitous
lest
,
as
in
the
dark
Ages
of
Popery
,
those
we
commonly
call
Apochryphal
Books
,
were
added
to
the
Bible
,
so
at
the
same
time
,
and
in
as
ignorant
Ages
before
,
several
others
might
be
taken
away
,
for
not
suiting
all
the
Opinions
of
the
strongest
Party
.
Nor
is
it
unworthy
observation
,
that
most
of
these
Books
are
condemn'd
by
the
Decree
of
Pope
GELASIUS
.
How
many
true
and
spurious
Gospels
or
Histories
of
C●RIST
were
extant
in
St.
LUKE's
time
,
God
knows
;
but
that
there
were
s●veral
may
be
evidently
infer'd
from
.
his
own
Words
,
who
tells
TH●OPH●LUS
,
that
many
had
undertaken
the
same
Work
before
him
,
and
,
as
if
he
alluded
to
som
spurious
Relations
,
assures
him
,
that
he
'll
write
nothing
but
what
he
receiv'd
from
such
as
had
a
perfect
knowledg
of
th●se
Matters
from
the
beginning
.
That
there
should
be
first
and
last
,
but
just
the
number
of
Four
,
I
never
heard
of
any
that
w●nt
about
to
demonstrat
,
except
〈◊〉
the
sam'd
Successor
of
the
Apostles
;
and
he
positively
*
affirms
,
that
there
cannot
be
more
,
nor
fewer
than
Four
Gospels
:
Fo
▪
says
he
,
there
be
Four
Regions
o●
this
World
wherein
we
live
,
with
Four
principal
Winds
,
and
the
Church
is
spread
over
all
the
Earth
:
But
the
Support
and
Foundation
of
the
Church
is
the
Gospel
,
and
the
Spirit
of
Life
:
Therefore
it
must
follow
,
that
it
has
Four
Pillars
,
blowing
Incorruptibility
on
all
sides
,
and
giving
Life
to
Men.
Then
he
corroborats
his
Argument
from
the
Four
Cherubims
,
and
the
Four
Faces
in
EZE●I●L's
Vision
,
to
wit
,
of
a
Lyon
,
an
Ox
,
a
Man
,
and
an
Eagle
;
which
is
the
Reason
,
by
the
way
,
why
the
Four
Evangelists
are
painted
with
these
Emblems
in
the
Mass-Book
and
in
our
Common
Pray●r-Book
.
So
he
concludes
at
last
,
That
they
are
all
vain
,
unlearn'd
,
and
impudent
,
who
after
this
would
assert
,
that
there
were
more
or
sewer
than
4
Gospels
.
Where
we
may
observe
,
that
Mr.
BLACKHALL
has
the
Warrant
of
an
ancient
Father
for
giving
hard
Names
to
such
as
contemn
precarious
Reasoning
:
And
indeed
it
is
but
too
manifest
to
be
d●ny'd
,
that
no
Order
of
Men
have
more
violated
the
Rules
of
D●cency
and
Civility
in
their
Writings
,
than
those
whose
Business
it
is
to
teach
others
Moderation
,
Patience
,
and
Forgiveness
;
nor
was
there
ever
any
Cause
more
defended
by
the
Dint
of
Calumny
than
that
of
Religion
,
which
least
needed
it
of
any
other
.
SEVERAL
of
these
Books
whereof
I
now
treat
,
are
quoted
to
prove
important
Points
of
the
Christian
Religion
by
the
most
celebrated
Fathers
,
as
of
equal
Authority
with
those
we
now
receive
;
and
the
Testimony
of
these
Fathers
was
the
principal
Reason
of
establishing
these
in
our
present
Cannon
,
and
is
still
alledg'd
to
that
purpose
by
all
that
write
in
defence
of
the
Scriptures
.
Of
so
much
weight
is
this
Testimony
,
that
EUSEBIUS
*
rejects
the
Acts
,
Gospel
,
Preaching
,
and
Revelation
of
PETER
from
being
Authentic
,
for
no
other
Reason
,
but
because
no
Ancient
or
Modern
Writer
(
says
he
)
has
quoted
Proofs
out
of
them
.
But
herein
EUSEB●US
was
mistaken
;
for
the
contrary
appears
by
the
Testimonies
ma●kt
in
the
Catalogue
,
and
which
any
body
may
compare
with
the
Originals
.
In
another
place
he
†
says
,
That
the
Gospels
of
PETER
,
THOMAS
,
MATTHI●S
,
and
such
like
,
with
the
Acts
of
ANDREW
,
JOHN
,
and
the
other
Apostles
are
spurious
,
because
no
Ecclesiastic
Writer
from
the
time
of
the
Apostles
down
to
his
own
,
has
vouchsaf'd
to
quote
them
,
which
is
absolutely
false
of
som
,
as
we
have
already
shewn
.
So
that
Mr.
BLACKHALL
is
not
the
only
Man
,
I
find
,
who
makes
his
own
Reading
the
Measure
of
all
〈◊〉
▪
and
a
Thousand
to
One
but
now
〈◊〉
justifies
this
Practice
,
since
he
can
prove
it
from
Antiquity
,
〈◊〉
he
〈◊〉
got
the
Authority
of
〈…〉
.
Had
〈…〉
Piec●s
〈◊〉
by
〈…〉
Orthodox
Writ●●s
,
he
would
have
own'd
them
as
the
genuin
Productions
of
the
〈◊〉
,
and
admitted
them
(
as
we
say
)
into
the
Canon
;
but
having
m●t
no
s●ch
Citations
,
he
presently
〈◊〉
there
were
none
,
which
made
him
reject
those
Books
:
And
,
I
say
,
what
I
have
already
〈◊〉
,
that
Proofs
〈◊〉
quoted
out
of
som
of
'em
long
before
,
so
th●●
they
might
still
〈…〉
to
the
Canon
for
all
〈◊〉
.
TO
these
Considerations
two
Objections
may
perhaps
be
made
.
First
,
It
is
unlikely
,
they●ll
say
,
that
EUSEBIUS
should
not
have
read
the
Ancients
;
nay
,
that
the
contrary
appears
by
his
many
Citations
out
of
them
;
and
that
consequently
those
Works
of
the
Fathers
,
which
we
have
now
in
our
Hands
,
are
not
the
same
which
were
read
in
his
time
,
or
that
at
least
they
are
strangely
adulterated
,
and
full
of
Interpolations
.
With
all
my
Heart
:
But
then
let
us
not
be
urg'd
by
their
Authority
in
other
Points
no
more
than
in
this
,
since
in
one
thing
they
may
as
well
be
alt●r'd
and
corrupted
as
in
another
;
and
indeed
,
by
a
common
Rul●
of
Equity
(
being
found
charg'd
in
som
places
)
they
ought
to
be
So
reputed
in
all
the
r●st
,
till
the
contr●ry
be
evidently
prov'd
.
THE
〈◊〉
,
Objection
〈◊〉
That
altho'
〈…〉
have
bin
〈…〉
the
Writings
of
those
Apostles
whose
Names
they
bear
,
at
certain
times
,
and
in
som
Churches
,
yet
they
were
expresly
rejected
by
others
.
To
this
I
answer
,
That
there
is
not
one
single
Book
in
the
New
Testament
which
was
not
refus'd
by
som
of
the
Ancients
as
unjustly
father'd
upon
the
Apostles
,
and
really
forg'd
by
their
Adversaries
;
which
as
no
body
thinks
it
now
a
good
Reason
to
disapprove
them
,
so
I
see
not
how
it
should
any
more
conclude
against
my
Opinion
.
But
because
the
various
Sects
of
those
early
Days
did
,
like
us
,
condemn
one
another
for
damnable
Heretics
;
and
the
admitting
or
refusing
,
the
framing
or
corrupting
of
certain
Books
,
were
som
of
the
Crimes
which
were
mutually
imputed
,
I
shall
n●w
insist
only
on
the
Epistle
to
the
Hebrews
,
that
of
JAMES
,
the
second
of
PETER
,
the
second
and
third
of
JOHN
,
the
Epistle
of
JUDE
,
and
the
Revelation
.
These
seven
Pieces
were
a
long
time
plainly
doubted
by
the
*
Ancients
,
particularly
by
those
whom
we
esteem
the
soundest
part
;
and
yet
they
are
receiv'd
,
(
not
without
convincing
Arguments
)
by
the
Moderns
.
Now
,
I
say
,
by
more
than
a
Parity
of
Reason
,
that
the
Preaching
and
Revelation
of
PETER
(
for
Ex●mple
)
were
receiv'd
by
the
Ancients
,
and
ought
not
therefore
to
be
rejected
by
the
Moderns
,
if
the
Approbation
of
the
Fathers
be
a
proper
Recommendation
of
any
Books
.
THE
Council
of
Laodicea
,
which
was
held
about
three
hundred
and
sixty
Years
after
CHRIST
,
and
is
the
first
Assembly
wherein
the
Canon
of
Scripture
was
establisht
,
could
not
among
so
great
a
variety
of
Books
as
were
then
abroad
in
the
World
,
certainly
determin
which
were
the
true
Monuments
of
the
Apostles
,
but
either
by
a
particular
Revelation
from
Heaven
,
or
by
crediting
the
Testimony
of
their
Ancestors
,
which
was
always
better
preserv'd
and
convey'd
by
Writing
than
by
Oral
Tradition
,
the
most
uncertain
Rule
in
Nature
,
witness
the
monstrous
Fables
of
Papists
,
Rabbins
,
Turks
,
and
the
Eastern
Nations
both
Christians
and
Idolaters
.
But
of
any
extraordinary
Revelation
made
to
this
Council
we
hear
not
a
Word
;
and
for
the
Books
I
defend
,
I
have
the
same
Testimony
which
is
usually
alledg'd
in
the
behalf
of
others
.
However
,
I
shall
not
be
too
hasty
to
make
a
final
Decision
of
this
〈◊〉
with
my self
,
least
I
incur
the
〈◊〉
Curse
which
the
Auth●r
of
the
Revelation
pronounces
〈◊〉
such
as
shall
add
or
take
away
from
that
Book
.
Let
Mr.
BLACKHALL
be
assur'd
,
that
if
he
must
needs
have
me
to
be
a
Heretic
I
am
not
unteachable
,
tho'
I
would
not
have
it
reputed
Obstinacy
if
I
should
not
surrrender
without
satisfactory
Reasons
.
Instead
therefore
of
censuring
and
calumniating
(
which
ought
not
to
be
reckon'd
Virtues
in
any
Order
of
Men
,
and
least
of
all
in
the
Ministers
of
the
Gospel
)
let
such
as
are
better
enlighten'd
endeavor
to
extricat
the
Erroneous
out
of
these
or
the
like
Difficulties
,
that
they
may
be
able
to
distinguish
truly
,
and
that
in
such
an
extraordinary
number
of
Books
,
all
pretending
equally
to
a
Divine
Origin
,
they
may
have
som
infallible
Marks
of
discerning
the
proper
〈…〉
they
unhappily
mis●●ke
the
false
one
for
the
true
.
HOW
necessary
it
is
to
have
the
Canon
of
Scripture
s●t
in
its
due
light
,
we
may
〈◊〉
from
the
Ancient
as
well
as
our
Modern
Unbelievers
.
CELSUS
*
exclaims
against
the
too
great
Liberty
which
the
Christians
(
as
if
they
were
drunk
,
says
he
)
took
of
changing
the
first
writing
of
the
Gospel
three
,
or
four
,
or
more
times
,
that
so
they
might
deny
whatever
was
urg'd
against
'em
as
retracted
before
.
Nay
,
as
low
down
as
St.
AUGUSTIN's
time
,
was
there
not
a
very
considerable
Sect
of
the
Christians
themselves
,
I
mean
the
Manichaeans
,
who
shewed
other
Scriptures
,
and
deny'd
the
Genuinness
of
the
whole
New
Testament
.
One
of
these
call'd
FAUSTUS
,
after
shewing
that
his
Adversaries
disapprov'd
of
several
things
in
the
Old
Testament
,
thus
pursues
his
†
Argument
:
You
think
,
says
he
,
that
of
all
Books
in
the
World
,
the
Testament
of
the
Son
only
could
not
be
corrupted
,
that
it
alone
contains
nothing
which
ought
to
be
disallow'd
;
especially
when
it
appears
,
that
it
was
neither
written
by
himself
nor
his
Apostles
,
but
a
long
time
after
by
certain
obscure
Persons
,
who
,
lest
no
Credit
should
be
given
to
the
Stories
they
told
of
what
they
could
not
know
,
did
prefix
to
their
Writings
partly
the
Names
of
the
Apostles
,
and
partly
of
those
who
succeeded
the
Apostles
;
affirming
that
what
they
wrote
themselves
was
written
by
these
:
Wherein
they
seem
to
me
(
continues
he
)
to
have
bin
the
more
hainously
injurious
to
the
Disciples
of
Christ
,
by
attributing
to
them
what
they
wrote
themselves
so
dissonant
and
repugnant
;
and
that
they
pretended
to
write
those
Gospels
under
their
Names
,
which
are
so
full
of
Mistakes
,
of
contradictory
Relations
and
Opinions
,
that
they
are
neither
coherent
with
themselves
,
nor
consistent
with
one
another
.
What
is
this
therefore
but
to
throw
a
Calumny
on
good
Men
,
and
to
fix
the
Accusation
of
Discord
on
the
Unanimous
Society
of
CHRIST's
Disciples
?
The
same
FAUSTUS
a
little
after
accuses
his
Adversaries
,
who
had
Power
enough
to
be
counted
Orthodox
,
in
these
express
Words
:
*
Many
things
were
foisted
by
your
Ancestors
into
the
Scriptures
of
our
Lord
,
which
,
tho'
mark'd
with
his
Name
,
agree
not
with
his
Faith.
And
no
wonder
,
since
,
as
those
of
our
Party
have
already
frequently
prov'd
,
these
things
were
neither
written
by
himself
nor
his
Apostles
:
but
several
Matters
after
their
Decease
were
pick'd
up
from
Stories
and
flying
Reports
by
I
know
not
what
Set
of
Half
-
Iews
;
and
these
not
agreeing
among
themselves
,
who
nevertheless
publishing
all
these
Particulars
under
the
Names
of
the
Apostles
of
the
Lord
,
or
of
those
that
succeeded
them
,
have
●eign'd
their
own
Lyes
and
Errors
to
be
written
according
to
them
.
Since
therefore
the
Manichaeans
rejected
the
whole
New
Testament
,
since
the
Ebionites
or
Nazarens
,
(
who
were
the
oldest
Christians
)
had
a
different
Copy
of
St.
MATTHEW's
Gospel
,
and
the
Marcionites
,
had
a
very
different
one
of
St.
LUKE's
;
since
St.
JOHN's
was
attributed
to
CFRINTHUS
,
all
the
Epistles
of
St.
PAUL
were
deny'd
by
som
,
a
different
Copy
of
'em
shewn
by
others
;
and
that
the
seven
Pieces
we
mention'd
before
,
were
rejected
a
long
time
by
all
Christians
,
almost
with
universal
Consent
,
it
had
much
more
become
Mr.
BLACK●ALL's
Profession
to
appear
better
acquainted
with
these
things
,
and
commendably
to
spend
his
time
in
preventing
the
Mischievous
Inferences
which
Heretics
may
draw
from
hence
,
or
to
remove
the
Scruples
of
doubting
but
sincere
Christians
,
than
so
publicly
to
vent
his
Malice
against
a
Man
that
never
injur'd
him
,
and
who
appears
so
little
to
deserve
the
Imputation
of
Incredulity
,
that
his
Fault
(
if
it
may
be
)
does
rather
consist
in
believing
more
Scripture
than
his
Adversaries
.
WHAT
need
had
Mr●
BLACKHALL
to
inform
that
August
Assembly
how
little
he
kn●w
of
the
History
of
the
Canon
?
A
History
of
the
greatest
Importance
,
as
well
as
containing
the
most
curious
Enquiries
;
and
without
an
exact
Knowledge
whereof
it
is
not
conceivable
that
any
Man
can
be
sit
to
convince
Gainsayers
,
or
to
demonstrat
the
Truth
of
the
Christian
Religion
,
which
,
I
suppose
he
will
not
think
fit
to
deny
is
one
of
the
principal
Duties
of
a
Minister
.
How
little
soever
he
knew
before
,
he
cannot
be
ignorant
any
longer
that
there
were
a
Multitude
of
other
Pieces
attributed
to
CHRIST
and
his
Apostles
,
besides
those
now
receiv'd
by
the
whole
Christian
Church
.
He
might
at
his
Leisure
have
learnt
so
much
from
the
Fathers
,
or
at
least
from
others
that
had
study'd
'em
;
such
as
RIV●T
,
Father
SIMON
,
DU●PIN
,
●ITTGIUS
,
Dr.
CAVF
,
ERN●STUS
GRABIUS
who
has
lately
publish'd
som
of
those
Fragments
at
Oxford
,
and
several
others
;
tho'
he
has
occasion●d
me
to
pr●sent
him
now
with
a
much
larger
Catalogue
than
was
publish'd
by
any
of
these
.
I
could
add
more
not
there
mentioned
,
and
other
Authorities
for
those
which
are
there
:
but
I
have
already
don
more
than
enough
to
prove
a
thing
,
whereof
,
till
the
last
thirtieth
of
Ianuary
,
I
thought
few
Lay-men
wholly
ignorant
,
much
less
any
one
of
the
Clergy
.
Indeed
I
never
thought
the
History
of
our
Canon
so
impartially
handled
,
or
so
fully
clear'd
as
a
Matter
of
such
great
Importance
deserves
;
and
I
despair
of
Mr.
BLACKHALL's
giving
the
World
any
Satisfaction
in
their
Doubts
concerning
it
.
But
I
hope
som
abler
Person
of
his
Order
may
particularly
write
on
this
Subject
;
which
,
if
I
see
neglected
also
by
them
,
I
shall
think
it
no
Intrusion
on
their
Office
to
undertake
it
my self
:
and
if
I
ever
write
it
,
I
promise
it
shall
be
the
fairest
History
,
and
the
only
one
of
that
kind
that
ever
appear'd
;
For
I
shall
lay
all
the
Matters
of
Fact
together
in
their
natural
Order
,
without
making
the
least
Remark
of
my
own
,
or
giving
it
a
Color
in
favor
of
any
Sect
or
Opinion
,
leaving
all
the
Word
to
judge
for
themselves
,
and
to
build
what
they
please
with
those
Materials
I
shall
furnish
'
em
.
I
CONCLUDE
this
Point
with
one
Observation
,
to
shew
with
what
Malice
I
am
treated
by
some
People
,
while
others
pass
with
them
for
the
most
Orthodox
Men
in
the
World
,
who
have
said
infinitly
more
in
plain
and
direct
Words
,
than
they
could
infer
with
all
their
Art
from
a
few
Expressions
of
mine
,
and
which
the
most
ignorant
of
my
Adversaries
could
make
no
more
than
Insinuation
at
the
worst
.
I
talkt
of
spurious
Pieces
,
and
have
now
as
well
shewn
what
those
Pieces
were
,
as
put
a
Distinction
between
'em
,
and
such
as
I
thought
genuin
.
But
let
us
hear
what
a
Person
says
,
who
,
were
he
as
much
given
to
the
World
as
many
of
his
Friends
,
would
make
a
more
considerable
Figure
,
considering
his
great
Services
to
the
National
Church
,
and
the
Respect
he
reciprocally
receives
from
it
;
I
mean
the
famous
DODWELL
,
who
alone
,
tho'
a
Lay-man
,
understands
as
much
of
Ecclesiastic
History
as
the
Divines
of
all
Churches
put
together
.
His
Words
are
these
:
*
The
Canonical
Writings
lay
conceal'd
in
the
Coffers
of
privat
Churches
or
Persons
,
till
the
later
Times
of
TRAJAN
;
or
rather
perhaps
of
ADRIAN
;
so
that
they
could
not
com
to
the
Knowledg
of
the
whole
Church
.
For
if
they
had
bin
publish'd
,
they
wou'd
have
bin
overwhelm'd
under
such
a
Multitude
as
were
then
of
Apocryphal
and
Supposititious
Books
,
that
a
new
Examination
and
a
new
Testimony
would
be
necessary
to
distinguish
'em
from
these
false
ones
.
And
it
is
from
this
New
Testimony
(
whereby
the
genuin
Writings
of
the
Apostles
were
distinguish'd
from
the
spurious
Pieces
which
went
under
their
Names
)
that
depends
all
the
Authority
which
the
truly
Apostolic
Writings
have
formerly
obtain'd
,
or
which
they
have
at
present
in
the
Catholic
Church
.
But
this
fresh
Attestation
of
the
Canon
is
subject
to
the
same
Inconveniencies
with
those
Traditions
of
the
Ancient
Persons
that
I
defend
,
and
whom
IRENAEUS
both
heard
and
saw
:
for
it
is
equally
distant
from
the
Original
,
and
could
not
be
made
,
except
by
such
only
as
had
reacht
those
remote
Times
.
But
't
is
very
certain
,
that
before
the
Period
I
mention'd
of
TRAJAN's
time
,
the
Canon
of
the
Sacred
Books
was
not
yet
fixt
,
nor
any
certain
number
of
Books
receiv'd
in
the
Catholic
Church
,
whose
Authority
must
ever
after
serve
to
determin
Matters
of
Faith
;
neither
were
the
spurious
Pieces
of
Heretics
yet
rejected
,
nor
were
the
faithful
admonisht
to
beware
of
them
for
the
future
.
Likewise
the
true
Writings
of
the
Apostles
us'd
to
be
so
bound
up
in
one
Volum
with
the
Apocryphal
,
that
it
was
not
manifest
by
any
Mark
or
public
Censure
of
the
Church
,
which
of
'em
should
be
prefer'd
to
the
other
.
We
have
at
this
Day
certain
most
authentic
Ecclesiastic
Writers
of
those
times
,
as
CLEMENS
ROMANUS
,
BARNABAS
,
HERMAS
,
IGNATIUS
,
and
POLYCARPUS
,
who
wrote
in
this
same
Order
wherein
I
have
nam'd
'em
,
and
after
all
the
other
Writers
of
the
New
Testament
,
except
Iu●●
and
the
two
JOHNS
.
But
in
H●RM●S
you
shall
not
meet
with
one
Passage
,
or
any
mention
of
the
New
Testament
:
Nor
in
all
the
rest
is
any
one
of
the
Evangelists
call'd
by
his
own
Name
.
And
if
somtimes
they
cite
any
Passages
like
those
we
read
in
our
Gospels
,
yet
you
'll
find
'em
so
much
chang'd
,
and
for
the
most
part
so
interpolated
,
that
it
cannot
be
known
whether
they
produc'd
them
out
of
ours
,
or
som
Apocryphal
Gospels
:
nay
,
they
somtimes
cite
Passages
,
which
it
is
most
certain
are
not
in
the
present
Gospels
.
From
hence
therefore
it
is
evident
,
that
no
difference
was
yet
put
by
the
Church
between
the
Apochryphal
and
Canonical
Books
of
the
New
Testament
;
especially
if
it
be
consider'd
,
that
they
pass
no
Censure
on
the
Apochryphal
,
nor
leave
any
Mark
whereby
the
Reader
might
discern
that
they
attributed
less
Authority
to
the
spurious
than
to
the
genuin
Gospels
:
from
whence
it
may
reasonably
be
suspected
,
that
if
they
cite
somtimes
any
Passages
conformable
to
ours
,
it
was
not
don
thro'
any
certain
design
,
as
if
dubious
things
were
to
be
confirm'd
only
by
the
Canonical
Books
;
so
as
it
is
very
possible
that
both
those
and
the
like
Passages
may
have
bin
borrow'd
from
other
Gospels
besides
these
we
now
have
.
But
what
need
I
mention
Books
that
were
not
Canonical
?
when
indeed
it
does
not
appear
from
those
of
our
Canonical
Books
which
were
last
written
,
that
the
Church
knew
any
thing
of
the
Gospels
,
or
that
Clergy-men
themselves
made
a
common
use
of
'
em
.
The
Writers
of
those
times
do
not
chequer
their
Works
with
Texts
of
the
New
Testament
,
which
yet
is
the
Custom
of
the
Moderns
,
and
was
also
theirs
in
such
Books
as
they
acknowledg'd
for
Scripture
;
for
they
most
frequently
cite
the
Books
of
the
Old
Testament
,
and
would
doubtle●●
have
don
so
by
those
of
the
New
,
if
they
had
then
bin
receiv'd
as
Canonical
.
St.
PAUL
cites
a
Saying
of
our
Lord
in
the
Acts
of
the
Apostles
;
which
,
if
he
had
it
out
of
any
Writing
,
was
not
certainly
out
of
these
we
now
have
.
The
Gospels
continu'd
so
conceal'd
in
those
Corners
of
the
World
where
they
were
written
,
that
the
latter
Evangelists
knew
nothing
of
what
the
Precedent
wrote
:
Otherwise
there
had
not
bin
so
many
apparent
Contradictions
,
which
,
almost
since
the
first
Constitution
of
the
Canon
,
have
exercis'd
the
Wits
of
learned
Men.
Surely
if
St.
LUKE
had
seen
that
Genealogy
of
our
Lord
which
is
in
St.
MATTHEW
,
he
would
not
himself
have
produc'd
one
wholly
different
from
the
other
,
without
giving
the
least
Reason
for
this
Diversity
.
And
when
in
the
Preface
to
his
Gospel
he
tells
the
occasion
of
his
Writing
;
which
is
,
that
he
undertook
it
,
being
furnisht
with
the
Relations
of
such
as
were
Eye-witnesses
of
what
he
writes
,
he
plainly
intimats
,
that
the
Authors
of
the
Gospels
which
he
had
seen
,
were
destitute
of
this
Help
:
So
that
neither
having
seen
themselves
what
they
relate
,
nor
with
any
Care
or
Diligence
consulted
such
as
had
seen
them
,
their
Credit
was
therefore
dubious
and
suspected
;
whence
it
must
necessarily
follow
,
that
the
Writers
of
those
Gospels
,
which
LUKE
had
seen
,
were
not
at
all
the
same
with
our
present
Evangelists
.
So
far
Mr.
DODWELL
;
and
(
excepting
the
Genuinness
of
the
Epistles
of
CLEMENS
,
BARNABAS
,
and
the
rest
;
for
they
are
incontestably
ancient
)
I
agree
with
him
that
the
Matters
of
Fact
are
all
true
;
tho'
I
am
far
from
drawing
the
same
Inference
from
'em
as
he
has
don
,
that
there
is
an
equal
Proof
for
Episcopacy
as
for
the
Canon
of
Scripture
,
which
is
the
Testimony
of
the
Fathers
of
the
Second
and
Third
Centuries
;
and
that
the
Disciplin
was
better
known
,
and
preserv'd
than
the
Doctrin
of
the
Apostles
.
Whoever
has
an
Inclination
to
write
on
this
Subject
is
furnisht
from
this
Passage
with
a
great
many
curious
Disquisitions
,
wherein
to
shew
his
Penetration
and
Judgment
,
as
how
the
immediat
Successors
and
Disciples
of
the
Apostles
could
so
grossly
confound
the
genuin
Writings
of
their
Masters
,
with
such
as
were
falsly
attributed
to
them
;
or
since
they
were
in
the
dark
about
these
Matters
so
early
,
how
came
such
as
follow'd
'em
by
a
better
Light
;
why
all
those
Books
which
are
cited
by
CLEMENS
and
the
rest
should
not
be
counted
equally
Authentic
;
and
what
stress
should
be
laid
on
the
Testimony
of
those
Fathers
,
who
not
only
contradict
one
another
,
but
are
often
inconsistent
with
themselves
in
their
Relations
of
the
very
same
Facts
;
with
a
great
many
other
Difficulties
,
which
deserve
a
clear
resolution
from
any
capable
Person
,
tho'
none
may
safely
propose
'em
but
Mr.
DODWELL
,
who
I
heartily
wish
were
always
as
free
and
unprejudic'd
as
he
is
really
learned
.
THUS
have
I
defended
and
explain'd
my self
against
Mr.
BLACHALL's
Accusation
:
nor
do
I
question
but
I
have
given
entire
Satisfaction
to
all
impartial
Men
,
and
lovers
of
Truth
.
But
there
's
another
sort
of
People
whom
I
despair
of
ever
contenting
.
These
never
fail
of
finding
in
the
Writings
of
their
Adversary
,
not
what
is
there
,
but
what
they
have
a
mind
should
be
so
,
to
represent
him
odious
or
dangerous
.
All
the
Protestations
in
the
World
can
signifie
nothing
with
them
;
nor
is
it
more
safe
than
otherwise
to
prove
the
contrary
of
what
is
laid
to
one's
Charge
;
for
they
are
sagacious
enough
to
discover
the
hidden
Poyson
of
every
Word
,
and
will
be
sure
to
give
loud
warning
of
the
Danger
,
to
shew
where
the
Snake
lies
in
the
Grass
,
and
to
tell
what
's
in
the
Belly
of
the
Trojan
Horse
.
But
I
shall
not
be
in
great
pain
how
such
People
apprehend
me
,
if
I
have
the
Happiness
to
please
the
moderat
and
discerning
part
of
Mankind
.
The
Complete
HISTORY
OF
Icon
Basilike
.
MR.
BLACKHALL
,
who
,
by
a
public
Provocation
,
would
needs
engage
me
in
a
Controversie
about
spurious
Books
,
has
not
confin'd
me
to
expose
the
Impostures
of
Antiquity
alone
,
tho'
it
be
pretty
plain
,
that
this
is
Employment
enough
for
one
body
;
but
he
likewise
accuses
me
of
not
being
more
favorable
to
a
Modern
Saint
,
as
he
is
pleas'd
to
stile
King
CHARLES
the
First
.
That
excellent
Book
,
which
,
he
says
,
was
compos'd
by
himself
in
the
time
of
his
Distresses
,
will
,
he
supposes
,
be
an
everlasting
Evidence
of
his
profiting
under
his
Sufferings
to
after
Ages
,
notwithstanding
the
Endeavours
that
have
bin
formerly
us'd
to
prove
it
spurious
,
and
the
Confidence
of
a
late
Writer
(
the
Author
of
MILTON's
Life
)
asserting
it
to
be
so
,
without
either
producing
any
new
Evidence
for
the
Proof
of
his
Assertion
;
or
offering
one
Word
in
answer
to
those
just
and
rational
Exceptions
that
had
bin
made
before
to
those
only
Testimonies
which
he
insists
upon
to
prove
it
a
Forgery
;
or
making
any
Exceptions
to
those
later
Evidences
that
have
bin
produc'd
to
prove
it
Authentic
.
Whether
this
Book
was
compos'd
by
himself
is
our
Business
at
present
to
enquire
,
and
shall
be
quickly
determin'd
:
for
as
to
his
improving
by
his
Sufferings
I
will
not
deny
what
I
hope
,
and
Charity
commands
me
to
believe
.
The
Reason
why
I
produc'd
no
new
Evidence
to
prove
the
spuriousness
of
Icon
Basilike
was
,
because
I
thought
the
old
ones
sufficient
.
I
vouchsaf'd
no
Answer
to
the
Exceptions
made
to
those
Testimonies
,
because
I
neither
thought
'em
just
nor
reasonable
.
And
I
would
not
discuss
the
Facts
that
have
bin
since
alledg'd
to
prove
the
Book
Authentic
,
because
I
intended
not
before
to
write
a
just
Dissertation
on
this
Subject
,
and
so
was
not
oblig'd
to
mention
all
the
Particulars
relating
to
it
.
If
Mr.
BLACKHALL
does
not
think
this
Answer
satisfactory
,
I
shall
make
amends
now
for
all
former
Omissions
;
and
,
being
very
desirous
to
content
him
,
will
follow
that
same
Method
he
was
pleas'd
to
chalk
me
out
in
his
Sermon
.
IN
the
first
place
therefore
,
to
make
this
Discourse
complete
,
and
that
the
Evidence
of
the
several
Parts
whereof
it
consists
,
may
the
better
appear
by
laying
'em
all
together
,
I
shall
here
insert
the
Abstract
which
I
made
of
Dr.
WALKER's
Book
in
MILTON's
Life
,
with
ANGLESEY's
Memorandum
,
and
the
other
Testimonies
;
I
shall
secondly
give
particular
Answers
to
the
Exceptions
that
have
bin
made
to
all
these
Pieces
:
And
lastly
,
shew
the
invalidity
of
the
Facts
which
are
alledg'd
to
prove
King
CHARLES
the
First
was
the
true
Author
of
Icon
Basilike
.
I
have
not
undertaken
this
Work
out
of
Affection
or
Opposition
to
any
Party
,
nor
to
reflect
on
the
Memory
of
that
unfortunat
Prince
,
whose
officious
Friends
are
much
more
concern'd
;
but
to
clear
my self
from
a
public
Charge
,
and
to
discover
a
pious
Fraud
,
which
deserves
not
to
be
exemted
from
Censure
for
being
the
Contrivance
of
a
Modern
Bishop
,
no
more
than
those
of
the
ancient
Fathers
of
the
Church
.
THE
Relation
of
the
whole
Fact
in
MILTON's
Life
is
after
this
manner
.
In
the
Year
1686
,
Mr.
MILLINGTON
hap'ning
to
sell
the
late
Lord
ANGLESEY's
Library
by
Auction
,
put
up
an
Ikon
Basilike
;
and
a
few
bidding
very
low
for
it
,
he
had
leisure
to
turn
over
the
Leaves
,
when
to
his
great
Surprize
he
perceiv'd
written
with
the
same
noble
Lord
's
own
Hand
,
the
following
Memorandum
.
KING
CHARLES
the
Second
,
and
the
Duke
of
York
,
did
both
(
in
the
last
Sessions
of
Parliament
,
1675
▪
when
I
shew'd
them
in
the
Lords
House
the
written
Copy
of
this
Book
,
wherein
are
som
Corrections
and
Alterations
written
with
the
late
King
CHARLES
the
First
's
own
Hand
)
assure
me
,
that
this
was
none
of
the
said
King
's
compiling
,
but
made
by
Dr.
GAUDEN
Bishop
of
Exeter
;
which
I
here
insert
for
the
undeceiving
of
others
in
this
point
,
by
attesting
so
much
under
my
own
H●nd
.
ANGLESEY
.
This
occasion'd
the
World
to
talk
;
and
several
knowing
the
Relation
which
the
late
Dr.
ANTHONY
WALKER
,
an
Essex
Divine
,
had
to
Bishop
GAUDEN
,
they
inquir'd
of
him
what
he
knew
concerning
this
Subject
,
which
he
then
verbally
communicated
to
them
:
But
being
afterwards
highly
provok'd
by
Dr.
HOLLINGSWORTH's
harsh
and
injurious
Reflections
,
he
was
oblig'd
in
his
own
Defence
to
print
an
Account
of
that
Book
,
wherein
are
sufficient
Answers
to
all
the
Scruples
or
Objections
that
can
be
made
,
and
whereof
I
here
insert
an
exact
Epitome
.
He
tells
us
in
the
first
place
,
that
Dr.
GAUDEN
was
pleas'd
to
acquaint
him
with
the
whole
Design
,
and
shew'd
him
the
Heads
of
divers
Chapters
,
with
som
others
that
were
quite
finish'd
:
and
that
Dr.
GAUDEN
asking
his
Opinion
of
the
thing
and
he
declaring
his
Dissatisfaction
that
the
World
should
be
so
impos'd
upon
,
GAUDEN
bid
him
look
on
the
Title
,
which
was
the
King's
Portraiture
;
for
that
no
Man
is
suppos'd
to
draw
his
own
Picture
.
A
very
nice
Evasion
!
he
further
acquaints
us
,
that
som
time
after
this
,
being
both
in
London
,
and
having
din'd
together
,
Dr.
GAUDEN
took
him
along
with
him
to
Dr.
DUPPA
the
Bishop
of
Salisbury
(
whom
he
made
also
privy
to
his
Design
)
to
fetch
what
Papers
he
had
left
before
for
his
perusal
,
or
to
shew
him
what
he
had
since
written
:
and
that
upon
their
return
from
th●●
place
,
after
GAUDEN
and
DUPPA
were
a
while
in
privat
together
,
the
former
told
him
the
Bishop
of
Salisbury
wish'd
he
had
thought
upon
two
other
Heads
,
the
Ordinance
against
the
Common
Pray'r
Book
,
and
the
denying
his
Majesty
the
Attendance
of
his
Chaplains
;
but
that
DUPPA
desir'd
him
to
finish
the
rest
,
and
he
would
take
upon
him
to
write
two
Chapters
on
those
Subjects
,
which
accordingly
he
did
.
The
reason
,
it
seems
,
why
Dr.
GAUDEN
himself
would
not
perform
this
,
was
,
first
,
that
during
the
Troubles
he
had
forborn
the
use
of
the
Liturgy
,
which
he
did
not
extraordinarily
admire
;
and
secondly
,
that
he
had
never
bin
the
King's
Chaplain
,
whereas
Dr.
DUPPA
was
both
his
Chaplain
,
his
Tutor
,
and
a
Bishop
,
which
made
him
more
concern'd
about
these
Particulars
.
Thirdly
,
Dr.
WALKER
informs
us
that
Dr.
GAUDEN
told
him
he
had
sent
a
Copy
of
Icon
Basilike
by
the
Marquiss
of
Hartford
to
the
King
in
the
Isle
of
Wight
;
where
it
was
,
we
may
be
sure
,
that
he
made
those
Corrections
and
Alterations
with
his
own
Pen
,
mention'd
in
my
Lord
ANGLESEY's
Memorandum
:
and
which
gave
occasion
to
som
then
about
him
that
had
accidentally
seen
,
or
to
whom
he
had
shown
the
Book
,
to
believe
the
whole
was
his
own
.
Fourthly
,
Dr.
GAUDEN
,
after
the
Restoration
,
told
Dr.
WALKER
,
that
the
Duke
of
York
knew
of
his
being
the
real
Author
,
and
had
own'd
it
to
be
a
great
Service
;
in
consideration
of
which
,
it
may
be
,
the
Bishoprick
of
Winchester
,
tho'
he
was
afterwards
put
off
with
that
of
Worcester
was
promis'd
him
.
And
,
notwithstanding
it
was
then
a
Secret
,
we
now
know
that
in
expectation
of
this
Translation
,
the
great
House
on
Clapham
Common
was
built
indeed
in
the
Name
of
his
Brother
Sir
DENYS
,
but
really
to
be
a
Mansion●house
for
the
Bishops
of
Winchester
.
Fifthly
,
Dr.
WALKER
,
says
,
that
Mr.
GAUDEN
the
Doctor
's
Son
,
his
Wife
,
himself
,
and
Mr.
GIFFORD
who
transcrib'd
it
,
did
believe
it
as
firmly
as
any
Fact
don
in
the
place
where
they
were
;
and
that
in
that
Family
they
always
spoke
of
it
among
themselves
(
whether
in
Dr.
GAUDEN's
Presence
or
Absence
)
as
undoubtedly
written
by
him
,
which
he
never
contradicted
.
We
learn
,
Sixthly
,
that
Dr.
GAUDEN
,
after
part
of
it
was
printed
,
gave
to
Dr.
WALKER
with
his
own
Hand
what
was
last
sent
to
London
;
and
after
shewing
him
what
it
was
,
seal'd
it
,
giving
him
cautionary
Directions
how
to
deliver
it
,
which
he
did
on
Saturday
the
23d
of
December
,
1648.
for
Mr.
ROYSTON
the
Printer
,
to
Mr.
PEACOCK
Brother
to
Dr.
GAUDEN's
Steward
,
who
,
after
the
Impression
was
finish'd
,
gave
him
,
for
his
Trouble
,
six
BOOKS
,
whereof
he
always
kept
one
by
him
.
To
these
Particulars
Dr.
WALKER
adds
,
that
the
Reason
why
the
Covenant
is
more
favorably
mention'd
in
Ikon
Basilike
,
than
the
King
or
any
other
of
his
Party
would
do
,
was
because
Dr.
GAUDEN
himself
had
taken
it
:
That
in
the
Devotional
part
of
this
Book
there
occur
several
Expressions
which
were
habitual
to
GAUDEN
in
his
Prayers
,
which
always
in
privat
and
public
were
conceiv'd
or
extemporary
;
and
that
to
his
Knowledge
it
was
Dr.
GAUDEN
,
being
best
acquainted
with
the
Beauty
of
his
own
Sayings
,
who
made
that
Collection
of
Sentences
out
of
Ikon
Basilike
,
intitul'd
,
Apophthegmata
Caroliniana
.
These
and
som
Observations
about
the
same
individual
Persons
variation
of
Stile
on
different
Subjects
,
with
the
facility
and
frequency
of
personating
others
,
may
be
futher
consider'd
in
Dr.
WALKERS
Original
Account
.
In
this
condition
stood
the
Reputation
of
this
Book
,
till
the
last
and
finishing
discovery
of
the
Imposture
was
made
after
this
manner
.
Mr.
ARTHUR
NORTH
,
a
Merchant
now
living
on
Tower
hill
,
London
,
a
Man
of
good
Credit
,
and
a
Member
of
the
Church
of
England
,
marry'd
the
Sister
of
her
that
was
Wife
to
the
Doctor
's
Son
,
CHARLES
GAUDEN
,
who
dying
,
left
som
Papers
with
his
Widow
,
among
which
Mr.
NORTH
,
being
concern'd
about
his
Sister
in
Law
's
Affairs
,
found
a
whole
Bundle
relating
to
Ikon
Basilike
:
These
Papers
old
Mrs.
GAUDEN
left
to
her
darling
Son
JOHN
,
and
he
to
his
Brother
CHARLES
.
There
is
first
a
Letter
from
Secretary
NICHOLAS
to
Dr.
GAUDEN
.
2.
The
Copy
of
a
Letter
from
Bishop
GAUDEN
to
Chancellor
HYDE
,
where
,
among
his
other
Deserts
,
he
pleads
that
what
was
don
like
a
King
,
should
have
a
Kinglike
Retribution
;
and
that
his
design
in
it
was
to
comfort
and
incourage
the
King's
Friends
,
to
expose
his
Enemies
,
and
to
convert
,
&c.
There
is
,
3.
The
Copy
of
a
Letter
from
the
Bishop
to
the
Duke
of
York
,
wherin
he
strongly
urges
his
Services
.
4.
A
Letter
under
Chancellor
HYDE's
own
Hand
,
dated
the
13th
of
March
,
1661.
wherein
he
expresses
his
uneasiness
under
the
Bishop's
importunity
,
and
excuses
his
inability
yet
to
serve
him
:
but
towards
the
Conclusion
it
contains
these
remarkable
Words
:
The
Particular
you
mention
has
indeed
bin
imparted
to
me
as
a
Secret
;
I
am
sorry
I
ever
knew
it
:
and
when
it
ceases
to
be
a
Secret
,
it
will
please
none
but
Mr.
MILTON
.
There
are
other
Papers
in
this
Bundle
,
but
particularly
a
long
Narrative
of
Mrs.
GAUDEN's
own
writing
,
irrefragably
shewing
her
Husband
to
be
Author
of
Ikon
Basilike
.
It
intirely
confirms
Dr.
WALKER's
Account
,
and
contains
most
of
the
Facts
we
have
hitherto
related
,
with
many
other
curious
Circumstances
too
long
to
be
here
inserted
,
yet
too
extraordinary
not
to
be
known
;
wherfore
I
refer
the
Reader
to
the
Original
Paper
,
or
to
the
faithful
Extract
made
out
of
it
before
several
learned
and
worthy
Persons
,
and
which
is
printed
in
a
Paper
intitul'd
,
Truth
brought
to
Light
Thus
came
all
the
World
to
be
convinc'd
of
this
notorious
Imposture
;
which
as
it
was
dexterously
contriv'd
,
and
most
cunningly
improv'd
by
a
Party
whose
Interest
oblig'd
'em
to
keep
the
Secret
,
so
it
happen'd
to
be
discover'd
by
very
nice
and
unforeseen
Accidents
.
Had
not
GAUDEN
bin
disappointed
of
Winchester
,
he
had
never
pleaded
his
Merit
in
this
Affair
;
nor
would
his
Wife
have
written
her
Narrative
,
had
King
CHARLES
the
Second
bestow'd
one
half
Years
Rent
on
her
after
her
Husband's
decease
;
which
,
upon
her
Petition
,
and
considering
her
numerous
Family
,
none
could
imagin
should
be
refus'd
.
It
was
a
slighter
Accident
that
begot
a
a
Confession
from
two
Kings
,
and
CHARLES's
own
Sons
.
And
I
doubt
if
any
other
than
one
of
Mr.
MILLINGTON's
great
Curiosity
,
and
no
Bigotry
,
had
the
disposal
of
my
Lord
ANGLESEY's
Books
,
we
should
never
have
heard
of
the
Memorandum
.
Had
not
Dr.
HOLLINGWORTH's
indiscreet
Zeal
provok'd
the
only
Man
then
alive
who
had
any
personal
knowledg
of
this
Business
,
Dr.
WALKER
had
never
publish'd
his
Account
;
nor
would
the
whole
Discovery
be
so
complete
,
without
the
least
Intricacy
or
Question
,
without
Mr.
NORTH's
Papers
.
THIS
is
the
complete
History
of
Ikon
Basilike
,
as
it
is
suppos'd
to
be
a
Forgery
;
and
we
must
next
proceed
to
examin
the
Exceptions
made
to
it
,
as
they
are
collected
by
Mr.
WAGSTAF
in
his
Vindicatiof
King
CHARLES
the
Martyr
.
To
begin
with
my
Lord
ANGLESEY's
Memorandum
,
't
is
urg'd
,
that
it
does
not
particularly
express
by
the
Date
whether
it
meant
the
last
Session
of
Parliament
before
the
writing
of
it
,
or
the
last
Session
of
the
Year
75.
when
it
is
plain
that
he
meant
the
last
or
Winter
Session
;
and
that
it
was
therefore
the
immediat
Session
preceding
the
writing
of
this
Memorandum
.
To
say
that
there
is
no
Witness
to
it
is
a
very
singular
sort
of
Objection
,
when
his
Lordships
Relations
,
and
all
that
have
seen
this
and
his
other
Writings
,
own
it
to
be
his
Hand
.
It
is
not
likely
that
there
were
any
Witnesses
of
the
Royal
Brother's
telling
him
their
Opinion
of
Icon
Basilike
:
Nor
is
there
any
thing
more
common
than
for
learned
or
great
Men
to
leave
such
Memorandums
in
a
Book
concerning
the
Author
of
it
when
it
was
a
Question
,
or
about
any
other
Secret
relating
to
it
,
which
they
thought
they
had
discover'd
;
and
yet
't
is
a
thing
unheard
till
now
,
that
they
were
deny'd
to
be
theirs
whose
Names
they
bear
,
because
the
Day
of
the
Month
was
not
mention'd
,
nor
the
Names
of
any
Witnesses
added
,
when
the
Hand
was
confest
to
be
the
same
with
their
other
Writings
.
Many
instances
of
this
kind
appear
in
the
Books
of
Mr.
HAMDEN
lately
sold
,
and
whereof
I
have
som
to
shew
,
as
in
the
Book
intitul'd
,
Apollonii
Grallae
,
he
writes
,
that
LANSBERGIUS
was
the
Author
of
it
,
of
whom
he
there
gives
a
Character
.
IT
is
no
just
Exception
to
this
Memorandum
,
that
my
Lord
ANGLESEY
did
not
communicat
the
Contents
of
it
to
any
of
his
Friends
or
Relations
:
for
tho'
the
Two
Royal
Brothers
imparted
the
Secret
to
him
,
it
does
by
no
means
follow
,
that
they
intended
he
should
publish
it
to
the
World.
And
supposing
they
did
not
oblige
him
to
silence
,
yet
't
is
probable
that
his
Lordship
was
not
very
fond
of
being
disturb'd
by
the
Clamors
of
som
Churchmen
,
who
carry'd
things
so
high
at
that
time
,
that
I
do
not
believe
they
would
pardon
such
a
Discovery
to
either
of
the
Brothers
themselves
.
There
was
never
any
poor
Prince
more
notoriously
abus'd
by
many
of
those
he
took
for
his
best
Friends
than
CHARLES
the
First
.
They
put
him
on
all
those
unhappy
Measures
which
prov'd
his
Ruin
in
the
end
.
And
as
they
made
use
of
his
Temper
to
serve
their
own
Purposes
when
he
was
alive
,
so
they
did
of
his
Name
for
the
same
Reason
after
his
Death
.
They
were
not
concern'd
so
much
for
his
Honor
,
as
their
own
Interest
;
and
having
contriv'd
this
Forgery
to
carry
their
Cause
,
they
thought
themselves
afterwards
oblig'd
to
support
it
.
Mr.
WAGSTAF
affirms
that
there
is
no
presumtion
that
the
Royal
Brothers
communicated
this
Affair
to
any
other
Person
besides
my
Lord
ANGELSEY
,
which
is
a
negative
Argument
,
and
proves
nothing
.
'T
is
possible
enough
that
my
Lord
ANGLESEY
himself
told
of
this
to
others
,
tho'
they
may
be
since
dead
,
or
are
not
willing
to
tell
it
again
.
If
the
Royal
Brothers
had
spoke
of
it
to
no
body
else
,
it
follows
not
that
a
Secret
was
never
committed
to
one
,
because
it
was
not
to
more
;
as
if
it
were
necessary
for
a
Man
to
call
Witnesses
that
he
imparted
a
Secret
to
his
Friend
.
But
we
shall
presently
alledge
more
than
a
Presumtion
,
that
both
King
CHARLES
the
Second
and
the
late
King
JAMES
declar'd
thier
Opinion
to
other
People
besides
my
Lord
ANGLESEY
,
that
Icon
Basilike
was
not
their
Father's
Book
.
By
such
nice
Cavils
against
the
Memorandum
we
can
easily
judg
of
the
Exceptions
we
may
expect
to
Dr.
WALKER's
Account
.
That
GAUDEN
hop'd
o
make
a
Fortune
by
this
Book
,
as
well
as
to
promote
the
Cause
of
the
Church
,
ought
by
no
means
to
be
counted
strange
;
for
who
is
it
,
pray
,
that
serves
the
King
any
more
than
God
,
for
nought
?
Have
not
most
of
the
Bishops
and
other
Clergymen
of
those
times
,
that
either
liv'd
depriv'd
here
in
England
,
or
that
accompany'd
CHARLES
the
Second
in
his
Exile
,
pleaded
their
Loyalty
,
and
magnify'd
their
Services
at
the
Restoration
,
as
many
others
would
questionless
do
,
if
King
JAMES
should
ever
return
again
?
Were
not
great
Persons
employ'd
to
solicit
and
make
an
Interest
for
them
?
And
,
in
a
Word
,
are
not
Divines
observ'd
to
make
the
same
Steps
,
and
take
the
same
Measures
that
all
other
sorts
of
Men
do
to
get
Preferment
.
I
should
rather
doubt
that
Dr.
GAUDEN
was
not
the
Author
of
this
Forgery
,
if
he
had
not
expected
a
Reward
for
it
from
CHARLES
the
Second
;
for
't
is
certain
,
that
the
Credit
of
Icon
Basilike
contributed
more
to
his
Establishment
than
any
other
single
Motive
whatsoever
.
But
't
is
well
known
that
this
Prince
was
not
the
kindest
in
the
World
to
his
Father's
Friends
,
who
would
too
often
forget
his
own
;
and
that
it
was
not
the
Interest
of
som
People
to
have
this
business
unravell'd
,
tho'
their
impolitic
Conduct
has
bin
since
the
occasion
of
divulging
what
every
body
suspected
before
.
THE
Immorality
of
this
Forgery
is
urg'd
as
an
Argument
against
it
;
and
,
if
it
could
by
any
means
hold
Water
,
is
indeed
an
Argument
worth
a
Million
.
Then
it
would
clearly
follow
that
because
it
was
a
most
immoral
thing
to
ly
for
God
,
and
to
forge
Books
,
Epistles
,
or
the
like
,
under
the
Names
of
CHRIST
and
his
Apostles
,
there
were
therefore
never
any
such
Pieces
;
and
that
because
it
was
an
ill
thing
to
feign
Miracles
,
or
to
destroy
Mens
Lives
for
the
Advancement
of
Religion
,
there
never
was
therefore
any
Priestcraft
,
nor
any
of
these
infamous
Practices
known
in
the
World.
But
if
the
contrary
be
as
clear
as
the
Day
,
I
believe
Men
might
be
found
that
would
make
as
bold
with
the
Name
of
King
CHARLES
,
as
others
have
don
with
that
of
King
JESUS
.
Mr.
WAGSTAF
knows
,
tho'
Mr.
BLACKHALL
does
not
,
that
TERTULLIAN
*
tells
us
of
a
certain
Presbyter
of
Asia
,
who
when
he
was
accus'd
of
having
forg'd
a
Book
containing
the
Travels
of
PAUL
and
THECLA
,
confest
the
Fact
,
and
alledg'd
that
he
did
it
for
the
love
of
PAUL
,
and
I
say
,
that
Dr.
GAUDEN
wrote
Icon
Basilike
for
the
Church's
sake
,
the
King
's
,
and
his
own
.
AS
for
the
plausible
Accounts
given
in
that
Book
of
the
King
's
Secret
Intentions
,
his
particular
Trobles
,
his
Remorses
of
Consciences
,
and
the
like
,
it
is
very
ridiculous
to
alledge
'em
as
an
Argument
of
the
Genuinness
of
it
,
when
the
Book
was
written
for
that
very
end
.
For
the
Design
of
the
Author
was
to
give
such
a
Color
to
all
the
King's
Actions
,
and
to
tell
such
fine
things
of
his
gracious
Purposes
,
as
would
beget
a
better
Opinion
of
him
in
the
Readers
Mind
,
and
move
his
Indignation
against
the
Parliament
,
or
Compassion
of
his
Misfortunes
.
But
that
Dr.
GAUDEN
has
frequently
made
the
King's
Thoughts
to
contradict
his
Actions
,
is
evident
to
any
Man
that
has
both
read
Icon
Basilike
,
and
the
History
of
those
times
:
And
this
Subject
is
thro'ly
handled
by
JOHN
MILTON
in
his
Iconoclastes
,
to
which
I
refer
those
who
want
Satisfaction
.
BUT
there
is
an
Objection
still
behind
,
and
as
strong
,
be
sure
,
as
any
of
the
rest
,
which
is
that
Dr.
WALKER
did
not
see
Dr.
GAUDEN
write
this
Book
,
nor
tells
us
that
it
was
in
his
own
Hand
.
But
I
believe
Mr.
WAGSTAF
is
the
only
Man
living
that
questions
whether
Dr.
WALKER
meant
Dr.
GAUDEN's
own
Writing
,
when
he
says
,
that
before
the
whole
was
finisht
Dr.
GAUDEN
was
pleas'd
to
acquaint
him
with
his
Design
,
and
shew
him
the
Heads
of
diverse
Chapters
,
with
som
of
the
Discourses
written
of
them
,
and
that
Mr.
GIFFORD
transcrib'd
a
Copy
of
it
.
This
is
all
that
can
be
said
of
any
Author
in
the
World
:
and
if
Dr.
WALKER
had
said
more
expresly
,
or
rather
superfluously
,
that
it
was
likewise
D.
GAUDEN's
Hand-writing
,
we
should
then
have
bin
told
,
that
it
was
a
Transcript
from
the
King's
Copy
in
the
Hands
of
Mr.
SYMMONDS
,
of
which
more
hereafter
.
WE
proceed
now
to
those
Pieces
commonly
call'd
Mr.
NORTH's
Papers
,
he
being
the
Discoverer
.
Chancellor
HYDE
in
his
Letter
to
Dr.
GAUDEN
,
tells
him
,
as
was
said
before
,
That
the
Particular
he
mention'd
had
indeed
bin
imparted
to
him
as
a
Secret
,
which
he
was
sorry
he
ever
knew
;
and
that
when
it
ceast
to
be
a
Secret
,
it
would
please
none
but
Mr.
MILTON
.
Was
there
no
other
Secret
in
the
World
but
this
,
says
Mr.
WAGSTAF
,
that
the
divulging
of
it
would
gratify
Mr.
MILTON
?
Yes
doubtless
;
but
I
believe
not
one
that
would
please
none
but
Mr.
MILTON
,
as
the
Chancellor
expresses
it
:
For
he
having
particularly
question'd
the
Genuinness
of
this
Book
,
and
offer'd
a
fair
Proof
of
the
Spuriousness
thereof
from
intrinsic
Evidence
only
,
without
any
further
Light
;
would
be
extreamly
pleas'd
to
find
his
Reasonings
and
Judgment
confirm'd
by
undeniable
Matters
of
Fact.
Nor
does
any
indifferent
Person
in
the
World
understand
this
Passage
otherwise
that
weighs
Dr.
GAUDEN's
Pretences
with
Mr.
MILTON's
Concern
,
and
considers
that
Mrs.
GAUDEN
put
this
and
the
other
Papers
relating
to
Icon
Basilike
in
one
Bundle
,
together
with
her
own
Narrative
,
for
the
Information
of
her
Son.
Besides
that
all
those
who
ever
saw
other
Writings
of
the
Chancellor
own
this
to
be
his
Hand
,
and
particularly
his
eldest
Son
,
the
present
Farl
of
CLARENDON
,
as
Mr.
WAGSTAF
himself
acknowledges
.
BUT
he
says
,
That
my
Lord
CLARENDON
,
(
from
whom
he
had
it
in
a
Letter
)
by
leave
of
the
King
and
Queen
preparing
to
attend
his
Father
in
France
in
the
beginning
of
the
Summer
,
1674.
his
Lordship
went
first
to
Farnham
to
the
late
Bishop
of
Winton
the
14th
of
May
,
and
among
several
things
he
had
in
Charge
from
the
Bishop
to
his
Father
,
he
bad
him
tell
him
,
that
the
King
had
very
ill
People
about
him
,
who
turn'd
all
things
into
Ridicule
;
that
they
endeavor'd
to
bring
him
to
have
a
mean
Opinion
of
the
King
his
Father
,
and
to
persuade
him
that
he
was
not
the
Author
of
the
Book
which
goes
under
his
Name
.
And
(
when
after
his
Lordship's
Arrival
in
France
,
the
30th
.
of
the
same
Month
,
he
had
deliver'd
his
Father
these
Particulars
among
others
)
to
that
concerning
the
Book
,
his
Father
reply'd
,
Good
God!
I
thought
the
Marquiss
of
Hartford
had
satisfy'd
the
King
in
that
Matter
.
From
hence
Mr.
WAGSTAF
would
infer
,
that
my
Lord
Chancellor
did
not
believe
any
other
besides
CHARLES
the
First
to
be
the
Author
of
Icon
Basilike
,
and
that
he
wondred
any
should
go
about
to
induce
CHARLES
the
Second
to
question
it
.
But
for
my
part
I
think
it
very
plain
on
the
contrary
,
that
he
believ'd
King
CHARLES
the
First
not
to
be
the
Author
of
that
Book
,
and
wondred
that
King
CHARLES
the
Second
should
not
understand
so
much
from
the
Marquiss
of
Hartford
,
who
,
as
Dr.
WALKER
,
and
Mrs.
GAUDEN
inform
us
,
was
the
Person
that
carry'd
the
Manuscript
to
the
King
in
the
Isle
of
Wight
,
and
so
next
to
Dr.
GAUDEN
himself
,
was
best
able
to
convince
his
Son
of
the
Truth
.
Moreover
,
how
could
the
Bishop
of
Winton
imagin
that
the
ill
People
about
CHARLES
the
Second
could
bring
him
to
doubt
of
his
Father's
being
the
Author
of
Icon
Basilike
,
if
he
really
knew
it
to
be
written
by
him
?
when
upon
this
Supposition
he
was
rather
capable
of
satisfying
all
those
who
had
any
Scruples
in
this
Affair
.
AS
for
Dr.
GAUDEN'S
great
Services
,
and
his
saying
in
a
Letter
to
the
Chancellor
,
That
what
was
don
like
a
King
,
should
have
a
Kinglike
Retribution
,
Mr.
WAGSTAF
says
that
those
are
Mystical
Expressions
,
and
that
by
them
he
might
probably
mean
a
Book
he
wrote
against
the
Covenant
,
and
a
Protestation
he
publisht
against
the
King's
Death
,
neither
of
which
could
be
term'd
such
extraordinary
Services
,
when
many
others
had
don
the
same
,
and
more
:
much
less
could
it
be
said
that
either
of
these
Books
was
don
like
a
King
,
or
deserv'd
a
Kinglike
Retribution
;
whereas
Mr.
WAGSTAF
,
and
those
who
are
of
his
Opinion
,
maintain
that
the
the
Stile
and
Matter
of
Icon
Basilike
are
so
like
a
King
's
,
that
no
Subject
could
possibly
write
it
:
but
a
Multtiude
of
others
agree
with
me
,
that
the
Stile
is
infinitely
liker
that
of
a
Doctor
than
a
King.
LASTLY
,
It
is
objected
that
Dr.
WALKER's
and
Mrs.
GAUDEN's
Testimonies
contradict
one
another
.
But
how
?
Dr.
WALKER
says
,
that
Dr.
GAUDEN
told
him
he
did
not
know
if
CHARLES
the
First
had
seen
the
Book
:
but
Mrs.
GAUDEN
affirms
,
that
the
Marquiss
of
Hartford
told
her
Husband
the
King
had
seen
and
approv'd
it
,
both
which
Assertions
are
consistent
enough
together
.
For
Dr.
GAUDEN
might
be
ignorant
that
the
King
had
seen
it
,
when
Dr.
WALKER
askt
him
that
Question
,
who
perhaps
never
mention'd
it
to
him
again
in
their
Discourses
about
this
Matter
,
or
might
easily
forget
it
,
as
he
says
he
did
several
other
Particulars
,
little
foreseeing
he
should
ever
be
oblig'd
to
make
this
Discovery
:
and
besides
we
must
upon
all
Accounts
allow
his
Wife
to
know
more
Circumstances
of
th●s
Business
,
as
of
most
others
,
than
his
Friend
.
The
next
suppos'd
Contradiction
is
,
that
Dr.
WALKER
says
Dr.
GAUDEN
once
told
him
,
after
the
Restoration
,
that
he
did
not
positively
and
certainly
know
if
King
CHARLES
the
Second
knew
he
wrote
Icon
Basilike
,
tho'
he
believ●d
he
might
,
because
the
Duke
of
York
did
,
who
own'd
it
to
have
bin
a
seasonable
and
acceptable
Service
.
But
Mrs.
GAUDEN
affirms
,
that
her
Husband
acquainted
the
King
with
it
himself
,
which
is
very
true
.
But
pray
let
us
examin
at
what
time
.
After
his
Discourse
with
Dr.
WALKER
most
certainly
:
For
does
she
not
in
clear
and
direct
Terms
say
,
that
it
was
in
his
last
Sickness
,
which
prov'd
Mortal
to
him
;
and
that
the
Reason
of
it
was
,
because
he
saw
som
Persons
who
were
privy
to
it
desire
nothing
more
than
to
have
it
conceal'd
,
which
he
was
not
willing
it
should
be
in
consideration
of
his
numerous
Family
,
to
whom
it
might
somtime
or
other
do
seasonable
Service
?
NOW
that
no
Mistakes
may
be
occasion'd
hereafter
by
imperfect
Fragments
of
Mrs.
GAUDEN's
Narrative
,
and
that
this
Affair
may
be
set
in
the
clearest
Light
,
I
shall
,
before
I
proceed
to
the
Examination
of
the
positive
Testimonies
produc'd
for
the
King
,
insert
the
Narrative
here
at
large
,
as
it
was
exactly
copy'd
from
the
Original
,
to
which
the
curious
are
refer'd
.
Mrs.
GAVDEN's
NARRATIVE
.
MY
Husband
understanding
the
great
Value
and
Esteem
the
People
had
of
CROMWELL
and
of
others
in
the
Army
,
occasion'd
by
the
high
Opinion
which
they
had
of
their
Parts
,
and
Piety
;
he
being
also
well
assur'd
,
that
one
of
the
main
Designs
of
those
wicked
Politicians
,
was
to
Eclipse
his
Majesty
that
then
was
,
as
much
as
might
be
,
and
to
give
a
false
Misrepresentation
of
him
to
the
World
;
he
,
that
he
might
do
his
Majesty
right
,
did
pen
that
Book
which
goes
by
the
Name
of
the
King's●Book
.
The
Title
which
he
gave
it
then
was
Suspiria
Regalia
;
and
the
Design
was
to
have
it
put
forth
as
by
som
Person
who
had
found
the
Papers
in
his
Majesty's
Chambers
at
Holmeby
,
being
by
chance
left
or
scatter'd
there
.
And
to
this
purpose
he
had
prefix'd
an
Epistle
,
which
might
be
suppos'd
to
be
written
by
that
Person
,
who
having
found
them
by
that
Accident
,
thought
it
not
fit
to
conceal
them
.
His
Design
also
in
the
Book
,
was
to
give
such
a
Character
of
her
Majesty
to
the
World
,
as
her
great
Worth
,
extream
Merits
,
and
admirarable
Endowments
deserv'd
.
when
my
Husband
had
writ
it
,
he
shew'd
it
to
my
Lord
CAPEL
,
who
did
very
highly
approve
of
it
;
and
though
he
thought
it
would
do
very
well
to
have
it
printed
,
yet
he
said
it
was
not
fit
to
do
so
without
his
Majesty's
Approbation
;
and
to
come
to
speak
to
his
Majesty
in
private
was
then
impossible
,
in
regard
of
the
strict
Guard
which
they
kept
about
him
.
Immediately
after
this
there
was
a
Treaty
with
his
Majesty
at
the
Isle
of
Wight
,
whereupon
my
Husband
went
to
my
Lord
Marquiss
of
Hartf●rd
that
then
was
,
and
to
him
deliver'd
the
Manuscript
,
and
he
deliver'd
it
to
the
King
at
the
Isle
of
Wight
,
and
likewise
told
him
who
the
Author
was
.
When
my
Lord
Marquiss
return'd
;
my
Husband
went
to
him
,
to
whom
my
Lord
said
,
That
his
Majesty
having
had
some
of
those
Essays
read
to
him
by
Bishop
DUPPA
,
did
exc●edingly
approve
of
them
,
and
asked
whether
they
could
not
be
put
out
in
some
other
Name
.
The
Bishop
reply'd
,
that
the
Design
was
,
that
the
World
should
take
them
to
be
his
Majesty's
.
Whereupon
his
Majesty
desir'd
time
to
consider
of
it
;
and
this
(
says
my
Lord
)
is
all
the
Account
I
can
give
of
it
:
What
is
become
of
the
Manuscript
I
know
not
,
and
what
will
become
of
his
Majesty
God
knows
.
Upon
this
my
Husband
told
my
Lord
Marquiss
,
That
,
in
his
Opinion
,
there
was
no
way
so
probable
to
save
his
Majesty's
Life
,
as
by
endeavouring
to
move
the
Hearts
and
Affections
of
the
People
as
much
as
might
be
towards
him
;
and
that
he
also
thought
that
that
Book
would
be
very
effectual
for
that
purpose
.
Then
my
Lord
bad
my
Husband
to
do
what
he
would
,
in
regard
the
Case
was
desperate
.
Then
immediately
my
Husband
resolv'd
to
print
it
with
all
speed
that
might
be
,
he
having
a
Copy
of
that
which
he
sent
to
the
King
,
and
that
he
printed
was
just
the
same
,
only
he
then
added
,
the
Essay
upon
their
denying
his
Majesty
the
Attendance
of
his
Chaplains
,
and
the
Meditation
of
Death
,
after
the
Votes
of
the
Non-addresses
,
and
his
Majesty's
close
Imprisonment
at
Carisbrook
Castle
.
Now
the
Instrument
which
my
Husband
employ'd
to
get
it
printed
,
was
one
Mr.
SIMMONDS
,
a
Divine
,
and
a
great
Sufferer
for
his
Majesty
;
and
he
got
one
Mr.
ROYSTON
to
print
it
;
which
ROYSTON
never
knew
any
thing
but
that
it
was
of
his
Majesty's
own
penning
:
my
Husband
did
then
alter
the
Title
of
it
,
and
call'd
it
Icon
Basilike
.
Now
when
it
was
about
half
printed
,
they
,
who
were
in
power
,
found
the
Press
where
it
was
printing
,
and
likewise
a
Letter
of
my
Husbands
,
which
he
sent
up
to
the
Press
;
whereupon
they
destroy'd
all
that
they
then
found
printed
,
but
could
not
find
out
from
whence
the
Letter
came
,
in
regard
it
had
no
Name
to
it
.
Notwithstanding
all
this
,
my
Husband
attempted
the
printing
of
it
again
,
but
could
by
no
means
get
it
finish'd
till
som
few
Days
after
his
Majesty
was
destroyed
.
When
it
was
com
out
,
they
who
were
then
in
Power
were
not
only
extremely
displeas'd
at
it
,
but
also
infinitely
solicitous
to
find
out
the
Author
of
it
,
thinking
it
very
improbable
that
his
Majesty
should
write
it
,
in
regard
of
the
great
Disturbances
and
Troubles
which
for
many
Years
he
had
suffer'd
:
or
at
least
impossible
that
he
should
have
writ
it
all
;
for
after
the
Attendance
of
his
Chaplains
was
deny'd
him
and
he
a
close
Prisoner
,
they
well
understood
that
he
could
not
write
any
thing
without
their
Discovery
.
They
also
took
that
very
Manuscript
which
my
Husband
had
sent
his
Majesty
,
and
saw
that
it
was
none
of
his
Majesty's
Hand-writing
.
Upon
this
they
appointed
a
Committee
to
examin
the
Business
;
of
which
my
Husband
having
notice
,
he
went
privatly
in
the
Night
away
from
his
own
House
to
Sir
JOHN
WENTWORTH'S
,
who
liv'd
near
Yarmouth
,
and
him
he
acquainted
with
the
Business
,
and
the
great
Danger
he
was
then
in
:
when
Sir
JOHN
did
not
only
promise
to
conceal
him
,
but
also
to
convey
him
out
of
England
,
it
being
in
his
Power
to
give
Passes
to
go
beyond
Sea.
About
this
time
Mr.
SYMMONDS
was
taken
in
a
Disguise
;
but
God
in
his
Providence
so
order'd
it
,
that
he
sickned
immediatly
,
and
dy'd
before
h●
came
to
his
Examination
:
nor
could
the
Committee
find
out
any
thing
by
any
means
whatever
;
which
alter'd
my
Husband's
Resolutions
of
going
out
of
England
.
Now
,
besides
these
Circumstances
,
to
a●●ert
the
Truth
of
what
I
say
,
I
can
produce
som
Letters
,
which
,
I
am
sure
,
will
put
it
out
of
all
Dispute
.
My
Husband
contin●●d
at
Bo●king
till
the
return
of
his
Majesty
King
CHARLES
the
Second
;
and
upon
his
Restoration
,
knowing
his
Princely
Disposition
,
did
not
unjustly
expect
a
suitable
Reward
for
his
Endeavors
to
serve
his
Majesty's
Father
and
himself
in
that
Book
.
And
meeting
with
Dr.
MORLEY
,
he
fell
into
Discourse
how
sensible
he
was
of
the
great
Service
which
he
had
don
his
present
Majesty
and
the
Royal
Family
,
in
composing
and
setting
forth
that
excellent
Piece
,
call'd
the
King's
Book
;
and
also
assur'd
him
,
that
it
had
bin
very
effectual
not
only
at
home
,
but
abroad
,
to
move
the
Hearts
and
Affections
of
People
towards
his
Majesty
,
instancing
in
several
Persons
who
were
most
exceedingly
affected
with
it
;
and
so
advantageous
he
said
it
had
bin
to
his
Majesty
,
that
according
to
his
great
Merit
,
he
might
have
what
Preferment
he
desir'd
.
Dr.
MORLEY
also
told
him
,
That
he
had
acquainted
Sir
EDWARD
HYDE
with
the
Business
,
and
that
he
did
very
much
commend
and
admire
it
:
but
we
have
not
(
said
he
)
acquainted
his
Majesty
with
it
,
but
did
assure
him
,
that
his
Majesty
did
set
a
high
Value
upon
the
Book
,
and
had
commanded
Dr.
EARL
to
translate
into
Latin
;
som
having
taken
the
Pains
to
put
it
into
other
Languages
before
.
My
Husband
being
encouraged
by
this
Discourse
of
Dr.
MORLEY'S
,
and
shortly
after
meeting
with
Dr.
SHELDON
(
who
he
knew
was
not
ignorant
that
he
was
the
only
Author
of
the
foremention'd
Book
)
he
told
Dr.
SHELDON
,
that
since
he
had
bin
inform'd
that
his
Majesty
,
out
of
his
Princely
Disposition
,
would
(
without
doubt
)
when
once
acquainted
with
it
,
reward
that
Service
which
he
had
endeavor'd
to
do
his
Father
and
himself
;
he
thought
it
most
convenient
for
himself
,
and
also
that
he
might
be
serviceable
to
his
Majesty
in
the
Diocess
of
London
(
a
Place
where
he
was
well
known
)
if
it
would
please
his
Majesty
to
make
him
Bishop
of
that
See.
Dr.
SHELDON
was
pleas'd
,
with
a
great
deal
of
Gravity
to
tell
him
that
was
a
great
Leap
at
first
.
Whereupon
my
Husband
desisted
,
and
was
resolv'd
to
leave
his
Preferment
to
God's
dispose
.
Soon
after
this
,
the
King
being
still
ignorant
of
what
he
had
done
,
he
was
by
the
Mediation
of
a
Person
perfectly
ignorant
of
his
Merit
as
to
this
Matter
,
made
Bishop
of
Exeter
;
all
the
considerable
Bishopricks
being
otherwise
dispos'd
of
.
Not
long
after
this
it
pleas'd
.
God
to
visit
my
Husband
with
an
Infirmity
,
which
he
had
great
cause
to
fear
would
(
as
it
did
)
prove
mortal
to
him
.
This
made
him
resolve
to
acquaint
the
King
with
the
whole
Matter
,
and
the
rather
,
because
he
saw
som
Persons
who
were
privy
to
it
,
desir'd
nothing
more
than
to
have
it
conceal'd
,
and
bury'd
in
Oblivion
:
but
my
Husband
was
not
willing
it
should
be
so
,
in
regard
he
had
at
that
time
four
Sons
living
;
and
they
(
he
thought
)
if
he
should
die
,
might
be
capable
of
his
Majesty's
Favour
.
Besides
,
the
Duke
of
Somerset
was
dead
,
and
the
Bishop
of
Winchester
(
the
Person
who
was
best
able
to
attest
it
)
was
very
ill
.
These
Considerations
made
him
go
to
his
Majesty
;
and
having
the
Opportunity
of
discoursing
privatly
with
him
,
he
told
him
the
whole
Matter
as
I
have
related
it
,
and
for
the
Truth
of
it
,
appeal'd
to
Dr.
DUPPA
,
then
Bishop
of
Winchester
,
and
formerly
his
Majesty's
Tutor
.
The
King
then
was
pleas'd
to
entertain
som
Discourse
with
my
Husband
about
it
,
and
said
that
he
did
often
wonder
how
his
Father
should
have
gotten
Time
and
Privacy
enough
in
his
Troubles
to
compose
so
excellent
a
Piece
,
and
written
with
so
much
Learning
.
BY
the
Extract
that
was
publish'd
of
this
Narrative
it
would
seem
as
if
it
were
somwhat
longer
;
but
this
is
all
that
came
to
my
Hands
,
two
Witnesses
attesting
.
that
as
far
as
it
goes
,
it
is
exactly
conformable
to
the
Original
.
What
Accident
hinder'd
the
rest
(
if
there
be
any
)
from
being
copy'd
,
I
cannot
certainly
tell
;
tho'
,
when
ever
I
com
by
a
true
Information
,
I
shall
(
if
Occasion
be
)
publish
my
Knowledg
of
that
Particular
,
in
an
Appendix
to
this
Book
.
The
Substance
of
what
remains
in
the
Abstract
,
is
,
That
when
King
CHARLES
the
Second
(
as
we
saw
but
now
)
was
made
acquainted
with
this
Mystery
,
he
gave
a
Promise
to
Dr.
GAUDEN
of
the
Bishoprick
of
Winchester
;
and
that
the
Duke
of
York
had
also
assur'd
him
of
his
Favor
:
That
upon
Dr.
DUPPA'S
Death
,
tho'
Dr.
GAUDEN
put
the
King
in
mind
of
his
Promise
,
he
was
only
made
Bishop
of
Worcester
,
Dr.
MORLEY
having
obtain●d
the
See
of
Winchester
:
That
her
Husband
dying
soon
after
,
Mrs.
GAUDEN
petition'd
the
King
,
shewing
that
she
was
left
a
Widow
,
with
four
Sons
and
a
Daughter
;
that
it
cost
her
Husband
200l
.
to
remove
from
Exeter
to
Worcester
;
and
pray'd
his
Majesty
to
bestow
the
half
years
Rents
upon
her
,
which
he
deny'd
,
and
gave
then
to
another
.
WE
learn
further
from
Dr.
WALKER
,
that
immediatly
upon
Dr.
GAUDEN'S
Nomination
to
the
Bishoprick
of
Worcester
,
he
told
him
,
that
waiting
upon
the
King
the
next
Morning
after
the
Bishop
of
Winchester's
Death
,
he
found
a
remarkable
Alteration
in
him
,
his
Majesty
being
pensive
and
out
of
Humor
;
in
which
Temper
he
still
found
him
for
two
Mornings
after
:
But
having
learnt
the
third
Day
that
my
Lord
Chancellor
had
by
all
his
Interest
press'd
the
King
to
bestow
Winchester
on
Dr.
MORLEY
,
he
presum'd
to
tell
his
Majesty
how
uneasie
he
perceiv'd
him
to
be
between
the
Honor
of
his
Word
that
he
shou'd
succeed
his
Friend
Dr.
DUPPA
,
and
the
Importunity
of
those
who
sollicited
for
Dr.
MORL●Y
;
and
that
therfore
he
most
willingly
releas'd
his
Majesty
of
his
Promise
.
Here
,
continues
Dr.
GAUDEN
,
the
King
stopt
me
,
and
vouchsaf'd
to
embrace
me
in
his
Arms
,
with
these
Expressions
;
My
Lord
,
I
thank
you
;
and
it
may
not
be
long
ere
I
have
Opportunity
to
shew
you
how
kindly
I
take
it
.
And
in
the
mean
time
you
shall
have
Worcester
;
and
,
to
make
it
to
you
as
good
as
I
can
,
all
the
Dignities
of
that
Church
(
I
know
not
how
it
comes
to
pass
)
being
in
my
Disposal
,
I
give
you
the
diposing
of
them
all
during
your
time
,
that
you
may
prefer
your
Friends
,
and
have
them
near
about
you
.
IT
was
an
ordinary
thing
with
King
CHARLES
the
Second
thus
to
forget
his
Promises
,
which
made
him
frequently
uneasie
,
and
occasion'd
Sir
WILLIAM
TEMPLE
(
whom
he
had
serv'd
after
this
manner
)
to
fay
of
him
in
his
incomparable
Memoirs
,
That
this
Temper
made
him
apt
to
fall
into
the
Persuasions
of
whoever
had
his
Kindness
and
Confidence
for
the
time
,
how
different
soever
from
the
Opinions
he
was
of
before
:
and
that
he
was
very
easie
to
change
Hands
,
when
those
he
imploy'd
seem'd
to
have
engag'd
him
in
any
Difficulties
;
so
as
nothing
lookt
steddy
in
the
Conduct
of
his
Affairs
,
nor
aim'd
at
any
certain
end
.
THUS
we
have
don
with
the
Narrative
of
Mrs.
GAUDEN
,
who
was
often
heard
to
relate
the
substance
of
it
to
her
Friends
and
Relations
,
and
who
,
when
Dr.
N●CHOLSON
,
then
Bishop
of
Glocester
,
did
,
on
her
receiving
of
the
Sacrament
,
put
the
Question
to
her
,
affirm'd
,
that
her
Husband
wrote
that
Book
,
which
several
now
living
in
that
City
do
very
well
remember
.
WE
come
at
length
to
the
last
Period
of
our
Labor
,
and
that
is
to
shew
the
Invalidity
of
the
Facts
which
are
alledg'd
to
prove
CHARLES
the
First
was
the
true
Author
of
Icon
Basilike
.
And
the
first
Evidence
we
shall
hear
is
his
own
Son
and
Successor
,
CHARLES
II.
who
granted
his
Letters
Patents
to
Mr.
ROYSTON
for
printing
all
his
Father's
Works
,
and
particularly
this
Piece
,
which
,
says
Mr.
WACSTAF
,
contratradicts
what
he
's
believ'd
to
have
said
to
my
Lord
ANGLES●Y
.
But
with
his
good
leave
the
Conclusision
does
not
follow
:
for
these
Letters
were
issu'd
out
in
the
Year
60
,
before
Dr.
GAUDEN
gave
the
King
true
Information
;
and
it
was
in
75
,
that
he
told
his
Opinion
to
my
Lord
ANGLESEY
long
after
he
was
convinc'd
that
his
Father
had
not
written
the
Book
.
But
if
King
CHARLES
the
Second
had
dissembled
his
Knowledge
of
this
Affair
,
it
had
not
bin
at
all
a
thing
inconsistent
with
this
Character
,
but
a
Piece
of
his
Grandfather's
boasted
Kingcraft
,
and
which
he
practic'd
on
many
less
pardonable
Occasions
.
Have
not
Princes
in
all
Ages
,
as
well
as
other
Men
,
bin
allow'd
to
keep
things
secret
which
it
was
not
their
Interest
should
be
known
,
and
which
are
commonly
call'd
by
the
Name
of
State
Mysteries
?
How
many
Juggles
are
us'd
by
the
Eastern
Princes
to
beget
an
extraordinary
Opinion
of
their
Persons
in
the
Minds
of
their
Subjects
,
who
,
by
the
force
of
such
fantastical
Stories
,
carry
their
Respect
even
to
Adoration
?
But
what
need
I
go
out
of
England
for
Examples
?
When
our
own
Kings
have
for
so
many
Ages
pretended
to
cure
the
King
's
Evil
,
by
m●erly
touching
the
affected
Part
;
and
this
Power
of
Healing
is
said
to
be
communicated
to
them
by
the
Blessing
of
King
EDWARD
the
Confessor
,
one
of
the
weakest
and
most
Priest
ridden
Princes
that
ever
wore
a
Crown
.
All
the
Monkish
Historians
,
and
particula●ly
the
Abbot
of
Rievalle
,
who
wrote
his
Life
,
have
given
us
a
large
Catalogue
of
his
Miracles
:
but
I
wonder
why
our
Princes
have
not
also
pretended
to
restore
Sight
to
the
Blind
;
for
this
is
also
affirm'd
of
King
EDWARD'S
Wonder
working
Touch.
'T
is
strange
,
that
a
Protestant
Bishop
,
should
compose
a
Form
of
Divine
Service
to
be
read
on
this
Occasion
,
when
he
might
as
warrantably
believe
all
the
other
Legends
of
those
dark
and
ignorant
times
.
If
I
did
persuade
my self
that
King
CHARLES
the
Second
(
who
is
said
to
have
cur'd
very
many
)
was
a
Saint
,
it
should
be
the
greatest
Miracle
I
could
believe
.
But
King
WILLIAM
,
who
came
to
〈◊〉
us
from
Superstition
as
well
as
from
Slavery
,
has
now
ab●lisht
this
Remnant
of
Popery
:
For
it
is
not
,
as
his
Enemies
suggest
,
because
he
thinks
his
Title
,
which
is
the
best
in
the
World
,
defective
,
that
he
abstains
from
Touching
;
but
because
he
laughs
at
the
Folly
,
and
scorns
to
take
the
Advantage
of
the
Fraud
.
So
much
for
the
Letters
Patents
of
CHARLES
II.
and
we
shall
consider
those
of
the
late
King
JAMES
in
their
due
order
.
THE
next
Witness
shall
be
Major
HUNTINGTON
,
who
(
as
Sir
WILLIAM
DUGDALE
relates
in
his
*
short
View
of
the
Troubles
of
England
)
did
,
thro'
the
Favor
of
General
FAIRFAX
,
restore
to
King
CHARLES
the
First
,
after
he
was
brought
to
Hampton-Court
,
the
Manuscript
of
Icon
Basilike
written
with
the
said
King
's
own
Hand
,
and
found
in
his
Cabinet
at
Naseby
Fight
.
By
the
way
,
they
should
have
said
,
for
the
Grace
of
the
Story
,
part
of
the
Manuscript
;
for
a
good
deal
of
the
Book
was
written
afterwards
,
be
the
Author
who
you
please
.
And
they
should
have
told
us
likewise
how
General
FAIRFAX
durst
send
one
part
of
his
Papers
to
the
King
,
when
he
sent
the
rest
to
the
Parliament
;
or
,
since
they
would
make
us
believe
he
was
so
kind
to
the
King
,
why
he
did
not
restore
him
all
the
Papers
,
when
't
is
very
evident
,
that
those
which
the
Parliament
order'd
to
be
publish'd
were
infinitely
of
greater
consequence
,
and
made
him
a
world
of
Enemies
,
which
oblig'd
the
Author
of
Icon
Basilike
to
write
a
Chapter
on
this
very
Subject
;
whereas
the
Papers
in
question
would
probably
mollify
som
of
his
Opposers
.
But
now
when
all
is
don
,
tho'
General
FAIRFAX
was
afterwards
against
putting
the
King
to
death
,
yet
he
was
not
at
that
time
dispos'd
to
grant
him
any
Favors
,
and
acted
with
as
hearty
Zeal
against
him
as
any
in
the
Nation
,
which
appears
by
all
the
Histories
of
those
times
,
as
well
as
by
his
own
and
the
Memoirs
of
the
Lord
HOLLIS
.
As
for
Major
HUNTINGTON
Dr.
WALKER
assures
us
,
That
he
told
him
,
when
he
heard
such
a
Book
was
publish'd
and
confidently
reported
to
be
the
Kings
,
all
he
said
was
that
he
surely
believ'd
those
were
the
Papers
he
saw
him
so
usually
take
out
of
his
Cabinet
,
and
that
he
never
read
one
Line
or
Word
of
them
.
This
and
Sir
WILLIAM
DUGDAIE'S
Testimony
are
diverse
from
that
of
Mr.
RICHARD
DUKE
,
of
Otterton
in
Devon
,
who
writes
the
following
Letter
to
Dr.
GOODAL
,
famous
for
his
Zeal
on
the
behalf
of
Icon
Basilike
.
Sir
,
I
confess
that
I
heard
Major
HUNTINGTON
to
say
more
than
once
,
that
whilst
he
guarded
CHARLES
the
First
at
Holmby-House
(
as
I
remember
)
he
saw
several
Chapters
or
Leaves
of
that
great
King's
Meditations
lying
on
the
Table
several
Mornings
,
with
a
Pen
and
Ink
with
which
the
King
scratch'd
out
or
blotted
som
Lines
or
Words
of
som
of
them
.
Upon
which
I
must
also
confess
that
I
concluded
they
were
originally
from
the
King
;
but
others
have
drawn
a
contrary
Argument
from
the
King
's
correcting
the
Papers
.
Yet
I
put
this
under
my
Hand
,
that
the
Major
told
me
,
that
he
did
suppose
them
originally
from
that
learned
Prince
,
which
is
the
Totum
that
can
be
intimated
from
,
Sir
,
your
humble
Servant
RICHARD
DUKE
.
Then
one
Mr.
CAVE
BECK
writes
to
Dr.
HOLLINGWORTH
That
Major
HUNTINGTON
at
Ipswich
assur'd
him
that
so
much
of
the
sa'd
Book
as
contain'd
his
Majesty's
Mediations
before
Naseby-●ight
was
taken
in
the
King's
Cabinet
;
and
that
Sir
THOMAS
FAIRFAX
deliver'd
the
said
Papers
to
him
,
and
order'd
him
to
carry
them
to
the
King
;
and
also
told
him
,
that
when
he
deliver'd
them
to
the
King
,
his
Majesty
appear'd
very
joyful
,
and
said
he
esteem'd
'em
more
than
all
the
Jewels
he
had
lost
in
the
Cabinet
.
This
Major
HUNTINGTON
was
a
strange
Man
to
vary
so
often
in
his
Story
,
and
to
tell
so
much
more
or
less
to
every
body
that
enq●●r'd
of
him
;
but
indeed
't
is
no
great
Wonder
that
these
Gentlemen
should
so
widely
differ
from
one
another
,
both
as
to
Time
and
Place
,
as
well
as
to
Matters
of
Fact
,
when
Sir
WILLIAM
DUGDALE
has
printed
under
Major
HUNTINGTON's
Name
quite
another
Story
from
the
written
Memorial
out
of
which
he
had
it
.
In
his
short
View
he
positively
says
,
as
we
read
before
,
that
the
Manuscript
was
written
with
the
King
's
own
Hand
:
But
in
his
Warrant
for
this
,
it
is
only
said
,
as
Mr.
WAGSTAF
himself
acknowledges
,
that
all
the
Chapters
in
it
were
written
by
the
Hand
of
Sir
EDWARD
WALKER
,
but
much
corrected
with
Interlineations
of
the
King's
Hand
,
and
that
the
Prayers
were
all
so
.
NOW
,
to
shew
further
how
cautiously
People
should
rely
on
Sir
WILLIAM
DUGDALE
,
and
Historians
like
him
,
we
shall
produce
another
remarkable
Instance
.
In
the
Book
before-quoted
,
he
expresly
writes
,
That
Mr.
HERBERT
did
often
see
the
Icon
Basilike
while
he
waited
on
the
King
in
the
Isle
of
Wight
;
wheras
all
that
Sir
THOMAS
(
for
he
was
Knighted
after
the
Restoration
)
has
said
in
the
Manuscript
which
Sir
WILLIAM
perus'd
,
and
wherof
Mr.
WAGSTAF
has
printed
an
Abstract
,
is
,
that
he
had
there
the
Charge
of
the
King's
Books
;
and
that
those
he
most
read
,
after
the
Sacred
Scriptures
,
were
Bishop
ANDREWS's
Sermons
,
HOOKER's
Ecclesiastical
Policy
,
VILLALPANDUS
on
EZEKIEL
,
SANDY's
Paraphrase
on
the
Psalms
,
HERBERT's
Poems
,
the
Translation
of
GODFREY
of
Bulloign
by
Mr.
FAIRFAX
,
of
ORLANDO
FURIOSO
by
Sir
JOHN
HARRINGTON
,
and
SPENCER's
Fairy
Queen
(
to
which
he
might
have
added
PEMBROKE's
Arcadia
.
)
And
at
this
time
it
was
,
as
is
presum'd
,
(
continues
Sir
THOMAS
)
that
he
compos'd
his
Book
,
call'd
Suspiria
Regalia
,
publish'd
soon
after
his
Death
,
and
entitul'd
,
The
King's
Portraiture
in
his
Solitudes
and
Sufferings
:
which
Manuscript
Mr.
HERBERT
found
among
those
Books
his
Majesty
was
pleas'd
to
give
him
,
those
excepted
which
he
bequeath'd
to
his
Children
hereafter
mention'd
.
In
regard
Mr.
HERBERT
,
tho'
he
did
not
see
the
King
write
that
Book
,
his
Majesty
being
always
privat
when
he
writ
;
and
those
his
Servants
never
coming
into
the
Bed
Chamber
when
the
King
was
privat
,
til
he
call'd
;
yet
comparing
it
with
his
Hand-writing
in
other
things
,
he
found
it
so
very
like
as
induces
his
Belief
that
it
was
his
own
,
having
seen
much
of
the
King's
Writings
before
.
Here
Sir
THOMAS
only
presumes
the
King
might
write
the
Book
in
the
Isle
of
Wight
,
and
directly
says
he
never
saw
the
King
write
it
,
nor
the
Book
it self
till
after
his
Death
;
but
Sir
WILLIAM
affirms
from
these
very
Papers
(
for
they
are
said
to
be
written
at
his
Request
by
Sir
THOMAS
)
that
he
often
saw
it
in
the
Isle
of
Wight
when
he
waited
on
the
King
in
his
Bed-Chamber
.
'T
is
to
be
observ'd
,
that
the
Title
of
Suspiria
Regalia
is
as
agreeable
to
Mrs.
GAUDEN's
Narrative
,
as
the
rest
of
the
Particulars
are
different
from
Sir
WILLIAM's
Relation
.
BEFORE
we
examin
the
Force
of
Sir
THOMAS's
Testimony
,
we
must
first
consider
what
is
said
by
Mr.
LEVET
,
who
attended
the
King
at
the
same
Time
and
Place
.
In
short
,
he
says
,
That
of
his
own
certain
Knowledg
he
can
depose
the
Book
was
truly
the
Kings
,
having
observ'd
his
Majesty
oftentimes
writing
his
Royal
Resentments
of
the
bold
and
insolent
Behavior
of
his
Soldiers
when
they
had
him
in
their
Custody
:
That
being
nominated
by
his
Majesty
to
be
one
of
his
Servants
during
the
Treaty
in
the
Isle
of
Wight
,
he
had
the
Happiness
to
read
the
same
oftentimes
in
Manuscript
under
his
Majesty's
own
Hand
,
being
pleas'd
to
leave
it
in
the
Window
of
his
Bed-Chamber
:
And
that
when
the
King
was
remov'd
to
Hurst-Castle
,
he
had
the
Charge
of
this
Book
,
and
a
Cabinet
of
other
Papers
,
which
at
the
said
Castle
he
deliver'd
again
to
his
Majesty
;
where
,
by
the
way
,
he
does
not
inform
us
if
the
Book
was
distinctly
given
him
from
the
Cabinet
,
or
that
he
only
concluded
it
was
in
it
.
Here
are
several
very
observable
Circumstances
:
As
,
First
,
that
altho'
Mr.
HERBERT
who
was
of
the
King's
Bed
Chamber
,
never
saw
him
write
a
Syllable
of
this
Book
,
his
(
Majesty
,
he
says
,
being
always
in
privat
,
when
he
wrote
,
and
his
Servants
never
coming
into
his
Bed-Chamber
till
he
call'd
;
)
yet
Mr.
LEVET
,
a
Page
of
the
Back
Stairs
,
often
saw
him
write
,
knew
what
he
wrote
,
and
could
read
the
Book
when
he
pleas'd
.
Then
that
the
King
,
who
is
said
to
value
this
Book
more
than
all
his
Jewels
,
should
so
carelesly
leave
it
in
his
Bed-chamber
when
he
was
abroad
,
and
where
Mr.
HERBERT
and
others
,
nay
the
very
Soldiers
might
see
it
as
well
as
Mr.
LEVET
,
is
not
very
likely
.
And
lastly
,
that
the
King
should
have
so
much
leisure
to
mind
this
Book
during
a
Treaty
with
his
Subjects
,
or
would
lose
any
time
in
writing
of
it
,
when
the
Business
in
agitation
concern'd
no
less
than
his
re-establishment
or
Abdication
,
is
not
credible
;
besides
,
that
there
is
nothing
particularly
written
concerning
the
Insolence
of
the
Soldiers
in
all
Icon
Basilike
.
And
I
have
talk'd
with
Persons
of
Quality
and
good
Reputation
now
alive
,
who
had
much
more
of
his
Majesty's
Company
and
Confidence
in
the
Isle
of
Wight
than
Mr.
LEVET
either
shar'd
,
or
could
reasonably
expect
;
but
yet
they
neither
dreamt
of
this
Business
then
,
nor
believ'd
a
jot
of
it
afterwards
,
as
well
knowing
how
the
King
spent
his
time
in
that
place
.
But
now
supposing
Mr.
LEVET's
Relation
to
be
all
true
,
yet
it
is
very
from
amounting
to
a
Proof
,
that
King
CHARLES
the
First
was
was
the
real
Author
of
Icon
Basilike
,
which
is
the
Point
in
question
;
and
not
whether
he
interlin'd
or
transcrib'd
it
,
which
he
ought
to
have
don
,
if
he
had
a
mind
it
should
pass
for
his
own
:
besides
that
Dr.
GAUDEN
sent
it
to
him
for
that
very
purpose
,
to
be
corrected
,
allow'd
,
or
laid
aside
,
as
his
Majesty
should
think
fit
.
But
tho'
the
King
in
all
reason
might
,
and
I
really
believe
did
,
correct
or
interline
a
part
,
and
perhaps
transcribe
the
whole
Book
;
yet
I
can
by
no
means
be
persuaded
that
he
could
find
Leisure
enough
to
write
so
many
Copies
of
it
in
his
Solitudes
and
Sufferings
,
in
the
midst
of
Treaties
,
in
the
Hurry
of
Removals
,
while
he
meditated
his
Escape
,
and
was
strictly
observ'd
by
his
Guards
.
But
these
Gentlemen
tell
us
of
as
many
Copies
,
as
the
Papists
shew
Heads
of
St.
JOHN
BAPTIST
,
or
Quarts
of
the
Virgin
MARY's
Milk.
Mr.
HERBERT
had
one
left
him
by
the
King
for
a
Legacy
;
CHARLES
the
Second
(
as
Dr.
CANARIFS
writes
to
Mr.
WAGSTAF
)
shew'd
another
to
Mr.
WOOD
,
a
Commishoner
from
the
Scotish
Kirk
at
Breda
;
and
who
knows
which
of
these
,
or
whether
it
was
either
of
them
,
that
Mr.
LEVET
deliver'd
to
the
King
at
Hurst-Castle
?
But
why
,
in
the
Name
of
God
,
is
none
of
these
ever
since
produc'd
?
How
came
this
Prince's
Autographs
to
be
thus
neglected
,
when
his
Day
is
so
strictly
observ'd
?
This
is
a
Piece
of
Respect
that
's
usually
paid
to
less
considerable
Persons
;
and
I
believe
either
of
the
Universities
,
would
readily
give
Five
Hundred
Pounds
to
have
such
a
Copy
plac'd
in
their
Library
,
tho'
if
they
had
the
Manuscript
,
it
would
make
nothing
at
all
for
their
Purpose
.
NOW
let
us
consider
the
the
Force
of
all
those
Testimonies
join'd
together
,
which
is
,
that
one
saw
the
King
write
he
knew
not
what
,
but
believ'd
it
might
be
this
Book
;
another
observ'd
him
writing
his
Resentments
against
the
rude
Behavior
of
the
Soldiers
,
and
so
was
ready
to
depose
of
his
certain
Knowledge
,
that
Icon
Basilike
was
his
own
;
a
third
presumes
the
King
might
write
it
,
because
he
read
a
great
many
Books
;
and
they
unanimously
conclude
,
that
he
was
the
genuin
Author
,
because
the
Book
was
written
with
his
own
Hand
;
all
which
Testimonies
,
considering
the
Promises
,
prove
no
more
nor
less
than
that
the
King
could
write
and
read
,
which
was
never
deny'd
by
any
that
I
know
.
IT
is
further
urg'd
by
the
Admirers
of
this
famous
Book
,
that
Mr.
ROYSTON
had
it
to
print
as
from
the
King
,
in
which
all
sides
are
agreed
,
and
signifies
nothing
to
the
Merits
of
the
Cause
;
for
,
be
sure
,
the
Bookseller
was
not
made
privy
to
the
Secret.
And
as
for
the
Anonymous
Authors
of
two
Books
which
are
alledg'd
by
Mr.
WAGSTAF
,
we
shall
hear
and
examin
them
when
they
'll
please
to
tell
us
their
Names
,
tho'
all
they
have
to
say
is
answer'd
already
.
When
Dr.
HOLLINGWORTH
tells
us
who
are
his
sufficient
Witnesses
,
we
shall
likewise
consider
their
Evidence
;
for
such
Affirmations
must
go
for
nothing
in
proving
a
Fact
of
this
Nature
,
and
may
well
serve
for
a
Flourish
,
but
not
for
an
Argument
,
no
more
than
several
more
Assertions
of
his
concerning
this
Ma●ter
,
which
were
exploded
by
other
Hands
,
and
not
defended
by
Mr.
WAGSTAF
.
MR.
LE
PLA
Minister
of
Finchingfield
writes
to
Dr.
GOODAL
,
that
one
WILLIAM
ALLEN
,
who
collected
his
Tythes
for
two
Years
,
and
was
formerly
a
Servant
to
Dr.
GAUDEN
,
affirm'd
to
him
,
That
the
Doctor
told
him
he
had
borrow'd
the
Book
,
and
was
oblig'd
to
return
it
by
such
a
time
;
that
(
besides
what
other
time
he
might
imploy
in
it
)
he
sat
up
one
whole
Night
to
transcribe
it
;
that
he
sat
up
in
the
Chamber
with
him
,
to
wait
upon
him
,
to
make
his
Fires
,
and
snuff
his
Candles
:
and
Mr.
LE
PLA
thinks
(
for
he
's
not
positive
)
it
was
from
Mr.
SYMMONDS
of
Rayne
that
he
said
the
Doctor
had
borrow'd
the
Book
.
Dr.
HOLLINGWORTH
has
formerly
affirm'd
this
Story
of
SYMMONDS's
,
who
indeed
assisted
afterwards
in
printing
the
Book
at
London
;
but
was
so
far
at
this
time
from
living
at
Rayne
in
the
Neighborhood
of
Bocking
where
Dr.
GAUDEN
dwelt
,
that
as
Dr.
WALKER
shews
,
Mr.
SYMMONDS
was
long
before
sequestred
for
his
Loyalty
,
fled
to
the
King's
Quarters
,
and
one
Mr.
ATKINS
plac'd
in
his
room
by
the
Parliament
.
Nor
is
it
credible
that
Dr.
GAUDEN
,
whether
he
meant
a
a
Fraud
or
not
,
should
give
an
Account
of
his
Studies
,
much
less
discover
the
Secret
of
this
Book
for
no
Reason
in
the
World
,
to
never
so
trusty
a
Servant
,
especially
to
one
that
was
to
look
after
his
Fire
and
snuff
his
Candles
.
NOW
we
com
to
the
late
King
JAMES's
Letters
Patents
to
Mr.
CHISWEL
for
Liberty
to
print
his
Father
's
Works
;
for
they
are
urg'd
as
an
Argument
that
he
thought
Icon
Basilike
genuin
,
tho'
this
Book
be
not
specially
mention'd
in
these
Letters
,
which
are
general
,
and
refer
not
to
those
of
his
Brother
in
60.
But
here
I
must
beg
Leave
to
relate
a
Story
that
will
give
som
Light
to
this
Matter
.
In
the
Year
1677
,
the
House
of
Commons
having
voted
two
Months
Tax
for
the
more
dccent
Interment
of
CHARLES
I.
and
to
raise
a
Monument
for
him
,
Mr.
CHISWEL
,
being
Mr.
ROYSION's
Son
in
law
,
thought
of
a
Project
that
would
answer
the
End
of
the
Parliament
,
and
not
be
unserviceable
to
his
Father
,
with
whom
he
was
concern'd
in
Trade
:
and
it
was
,
that
a
Part
of
that
Sum
might
be
appropriated
towards
bearing
the
Charge
of
an
Impression
of
the
King's
Works
,
wherof
every
Parish
in
England
should
be
oblig'd
to
have
a
Copy
,
and
to
chain
it
in
the
Church
;
which
,
in
his
Opinion
,
would
prove
a
more
glorious
and
lasting
Monument
than
any
could
be
fram'd
of
Brass
or
Marble
.
This
Thought
was
very
well
lik'd
by
several
great
Men
of
the
Church
and
State
,
who
shew'd
themselves
ready
to
promote
it
;
and
he
did
not
,
we
may
imagin
,
spare
any
Cost
or
Labor
to
have
it
succeed
,
tho'
't
is
well
known
how
little
CHARLES
the
Second
himself
encourag'd
it
.
But
the
Distrusts
arising
afterwards
between
the
King
and
People
,
the
Heats
in
Parliament
,
and
particularly
the
Popish
Plot
,
broke
this
,
and
all
such
Designs
to
Pieces
:
So
that
there
was
no
farther
Mention
of
any
Monument
for
his
Father
.
But
when
the
Duke
of
York
mounted
the
Throne
,
and
had
given
Assurances
of
his
Favor
to
the
Church
of
England
,
Mr.
CHISWEL
thought
again
of
rev●ving
his
Project
,
and
employ'd
Sir
ROGER
L
ESTRA●GE
to
procure
him
only
King
JAMES's
recommendatory
Letter
;
for
he
did
not
expect
any
thing
from
Parliament
as
before
,
only
〈◊〉
how
agreeable
this
would
seem
to
the
King's
Design
(
if
it
were
real
)
of
bege●●ing
a
Confidence
of
himself
in
the
Church
.
This
Request
the
King
Icon
,
giving
for
his
Reason
,
that
〈◊〉
Basilik●
was
not
his
Father's
Book
,
and
he
could
not
therefore
in
Conscience
recommend
it
as
his
.
Mr.
CHISWEL
being
inform'd
of
this
Resolution
by
Sir
ROGER
,
answer'd
,
that
he
thought
he
could
accommodat
the
Matter
:
For
since
the
publishing
of
the
rest
would
signifie
nothing
without
the
Addition
of
Icon
Basilike
,
he
would
remove
it
from
the
Front
where
it
stood
in
the
former
Edition
,
and
place
it
in
the
Rear
after
Finis
,
as
Books
of
uncertain
Authority
use
to
be
printed
.
To
this
the
King
consented
,
on
condition
som
Expressions
which
he
thought
injurious
to
the
Monarchy
should
be
left
out
:
with
which
Mr.
CHISWEL
said
he
could
by
no
means
comply
,
as
being
a
disingenuous
Practice
towards
any
Author
,
and
a
great
Abuse
on
the
Public
;
but
propos'd
,
as
another
Expedient
,
that
those
Words
should
be
put
within
Crotchets
.
And
thus
Icon
Basilike
stands
now
printed
after
the
End
of
the
second
Part
of
the
King's
Works
of
the
Edition
of
86
,
by
Mr.
CHISWEL
,
who
told
me
this
Story
himself
,
not
to
gratifie
or
injure
any
side
,
but
as
a
Matter
of
Fact
,
wherein
he
was
personally
concern'd
;
and
from
whence
he
draws
no
manner
of
Inference
.
The
Royal
Brothers
said
the
same
to
several
others
besides
my
Lord
ANGLESEY
,
and
particularly
to
som
eminent
Persons
now
living
,
who
told
me
so
much
themselves
,
with
a
Liberty
of
mentioning
their
Names
,
which
,
after
all
that
has
bin
offer'd
,
I
see
no
Necessity
of
doing
.
THAT
nothing
may
be
wanting
I
shall
in
the
last
place
consider
what
is
objected
to
the
Prayer
us'd
by
the
King
as
his
own
in
the
time
of
his
Captivity
;
but
is
,
with
very
small
Variation
,
the
same
that
is
said
by
PAMELA
to
a
Heathen
Deity
in
Sir
PHILIP
SYDNEY's
Arcadia
.
This
Discovery
,
as
we
said
before
,
was
first
made
by
MILTON
in
his
Iconoclastes
.
But
Dr.
GILL
affirms
,
That
his
Patient
HENRY
HILL
the
Printer
said
it
was
put
in
by
a
Contrivance
of
MILTON
,
who
catching
his
Friend
Mr.
Du
GARD
printing
an
Edition
of
Icon
Basilike
,
got
his
Pardon
by
BRADSHAW's
Interest
,
on
Condition
he
would
insert
PAMELA's
Prayer
to
bring
Discredit
on
the
Book
and
the
Author
of
it
.
I
wonder
at
the
Easiness
of
Dr.
GILL
and
Dr.
BERNARD
to
believe
so
gross
a
Fable
,
when
it
does
not
appear
that
Du
GARD
,
who
was
Printer
to
the
Parliament
,
ever
printed
this
Book
,
and
that
the
Prayer
is
in
the
second
Edition
publish'd
by
Mr.
ROYSTON
,
whose
Evidence
is
alledg'd
to
prove
the
Genuinness
of
the
Book
.
And
if
the
King's
Friends
thought
it
not
his
own
,
what
made
them
print
it
in
the
first
Impression
of
his
Works
in
Folio
,
by
ROYSTON
in
62
,
when
MILTON
could
not
tamper
with
the
Press
?
Or
why
did
they
let
it
pass
in
the
last
Impression
in
Folio
by
Mr.
CHISWEL
in
the
Year
86
,
when
all
the
World
knew
that
it
was
long
before
expos'd
in
Iconoclastes
?
After
this
I
need
not
go
about
to
shew
that
Dr.
GILL
had
no
Reason
for
the
great
Opinion
he
entertain'd
of
HENRY
HILL
,
and
how
little
he
consulted
his
own
Reputation
by
asserting
that
no
Man
was
better
vers'd
in
the
secret
History
of
those
times
;
that
he
was
intrusted
with
Intrigues
by
the
great
ones
of
that
Government
,
who
,
as
all
the
World
knows
,
manag'd
their
Affairs
after
another
rate
.
Nor
will
I
insist
upon
his
turning
Papist
in
King
JAMES's
time
to
becom
his
Printer
,
as
he
was
OLIVER's
before
,
or
any
other
Circumstance
to
lessen
his
Credit
,
since
it
appears
that
what
he
averr'd
is
inconsistent
with
Matter
of
Fact
,
Mr.
ROYSTON
,
and
not
Du
GARD
,
having
publish'd
the
Celebrated
Prayer
which
I
add
in
this
Place
laid
Parallel
with
the
Original
.
The
Prayer
of
King
CHARLES
,
stil'd
A
Prayer
in
Time
of
Captivity
,
Printed
in
pag.
94.
of
his
Works
,
1686
;
and
also
in
Icon
Basilike
.
O
Powerful
and
Eternal
God
,
to
whom
nothing
is
so
great
that
it
may
resist
,
or
so
small
that
it
is
contemn'd
,
look
upon
my
Misery
with
thine
Eye
of
Mercy
,
and
let
thine
infinite
Power
vouchsafe
to
limit
out
som
proportion
of
deliverance
unto
me
,
as
to
thee
shall
seem
most
convenient
.
Let
not
Injury
,
O
Lord
,
triumph
over
me
,
and
let
my
Fault
by
thy
Hand
be
corrected
;
and
make
not
my
unjust
Enemies
the
Ministers
of
thy
Iustice.
But
yet
,
my
God
,
if
in
thy
Wisdom
this
be
the
aptest
Chastisement
for
my
unexcusable
Transgressions
,
if
this
ungrateful
Bondage
be
sittest
for
my
over-high
Desires
,
if
the
Pride
of
my
(
not-enough
humble
)
Heart
be
thus
to
be
broken
,
O
Lord
,
I
yield
unto
thy
Will
,
and
cheerfully
embrace
what
Sorrow
thou
wilt
have
me
suffer
;
only
thus
much
let
me
crave
of
thee
(
let
my
Craving
,
O
Lord
be
accepted
of
,
since
it
even
proceeds
from
thee
)
that
by
thy
Goodness
,
which
is
thy self
,
thou
wilt
suffer
some
Beam
of
thy
Majesty
so
to
shine
in
my
Mind
,
that
I
,
who
in
my
greatest
Afflictions
acknowledg
it
my
noblest
Title
to
be
thy
Creature
,
may
still
depend
considently
on
thee
:
Let
Calamity
be
the
Exercise
,
but
not
the
Overthrow
of
my
Virtue
.
O
let
not
their
prevailing
Power
be
to
my
Destruction
;
and
if
it
be
thy
Will
that
they
more
and
more
vex
me
with
Punishment
,
yet
,
O
Lord
,
never
let
their
Wickedness
have
such
a
Hand
,
but
that
I
may
still
carry
a
pure
Mind
and
sledfast
Resolution
ever
to
serve
thee
without
Fear
or
Presumtion
,
yet
with
that
hum-Confidence
which
may
best
please
thee
;
so
that
at
the
last
I
may
com
to
thy
Eternal
Kingdom
,
through
the
Merits
of
thy
Son
,
our
alone
Savior
,
JESUS
CHRIST
.
Amen
.
The
PRAYER
of
PAMELA
(
to
a
Heathen
Deity
)
In
Pembroke's
Arcadia
,
pag.
248
,
1674.
O
All-seeing
Light
,
and
Eternal
Life
of
all
things
,
to
whom
nothing
is
either
so
great
that
it
may
resist
,
or
so
small
that
it
is
contemn'd
,
look
upon
my
Misery
with
thine
Ey
of
Mercy
,
and
let
thine
infinite
Power
vouchsafe
to
limit
out
som
Proportion
of
Deliverance
unto
me
,
as
to
thee
shall
seem
most
convenient
.
Let
not
Injury
,
O
Lord
,
triumph
over
me
,
and
let
my
Faults
by
thy
Hand
be
corrected
,
and
make
not
mine
unjust
Enemy
the
Minister
of
thy
Justice
.
But
yet
,
my
God
,
if
in
thy
Wisdom
this
be
the
aptest
Chastisement
for
my
unexcusable
Folly
,
if
this
low
Bondage
be
fittest
for
my
over-high
Desires
,
if
the
Pride
of
my
not-enough
humble
Heart
be
thus
to
be
broken
,
O
Lord
,
I
yield
unto
thy
Will
,
and
joyfully
embrace
what
Sorrow
thou
wilt
have
me
suffer
;
only
thus
much
let
me
crave
of
thee
(
let
my
Craving
,
O
Lord
,
be
accepted
of
thee
,
since
even
that
proceeds
from
thee
)
let
me
crave
even
by
the
noblest
Title
which
in
my
greatest
Affliction
I
may
give
my self
,
that
I
am
thy
Creature
,
and
by
thy
Goodness
,
which
is
thy self
,
that
thou
wilt
suffer
som
Beams
of
thy
Majesty
to
shine
into
my
Mind
,
that
it
may
still
depend
confidently
on
thee
.
Let
Calamity
be
the
Exercise
,
but
not
the
overthrow
of
my
Virtue
;
Let
their
Power
prevail
,
but
prevail
not
to
Destruction
;
Let
my
Greatness
be
their
Prey
:
Let
my
Pain
be
the
Sweetness
of
their
Revenge
;
let
them
(
if
so
it
seem
good
unto
thee
)
vex
me
with
more
and
more
Punishment
;
But
,
O
Lord
,
let
never
their
Wickedness
have
such
a
Hand
,
but
that
I
may
carry
a
pure
Mind
in
a
pure
Body
;
and
pausing
a
while
;
and
O
most
gracious
Lord
,
said
she
,
whatever
becomes
of
me
,
preserve
the
Virtuous
MUSIDORUS
.
CONCLUSION
.
I
HOPE
by
this
time
I
have
satisfy'd
Mr.
BLACKHALL
,
since
I
have
not
only
laid
together
the
first
Testimonies
concerning
this
Matter
,
but
also
answer'd
the
Exceptions
that
were
made
to
those
Testimonies
,
and
disprov'd
the
fresh
Evidence
which
was
produc'd
no
the
behalf
of
Icon
Basilike
.
But
if
he
's
offended
at
my
Performance
he
may
thank
himself
;
seeing
without
his
causeless
Provocation
I
had
never
written
a
Word
more
on
this
Subject
,
as
I
shall
not
do
hereafter
,
unless
for
as
justifiable
a
Reason
:
For
notwithstanding
I
may
not
answer
every
Scribler
,
yet
I
'll
be
misrepresented
and
abus'd
by
no
body
worth
my
notice
.
INDEED
Mr.
BLACKHALL
is
not
the
first
who
has
occasion'd
Controversies
by
a
Thirtieth
of
Ianuary
Segmon
.
Every
body
knows
how
much
the
Observation
of
that
Day
was
abus'd
in
the
two
last
Reigns
by
servil
Flatterers
,
who
,
not
content
to
run
shameful
Parallels
between
the
Sufferings
of
our
Savior
and
the
King
(
wherein
the
latter
was
often
made
to
exceed
)
they
taught
the
People
the
ridiculous
Doctrin
of
Passive
Obedience
,
as
they
allow'd
the
Prince
an
Unlimited
and
Despotic
Power
.
This
render'd
those
Persons
justly
odious
to
the
Nation
,
and
made
sober
Men
frequently
wish
that
such
an
Opportunity
of
doing
Mischief
might
be
taken
away
from
those
who
fail'd
not
to
improve
it
to
the
utmost
.
It
was
likewise
observ'd
how
much
these
Sermons
contributed
to
raise
Animosities
and
Feuds
in
the
Kingdom
,
and
to
continue
the
fatal
Distinctions
of
Names
and
Parties
,
which
every
good
Man
should
desire
might
be
abolish'd
,
or
bury'd
in
eternal
Oblivion
.
Besides
that
for
many
weighty
Reasons
such
Days
ought
not
to
be
perpetuated
,
or
otherwise
in
a
little
time
ours
will
be
as
full
as
the
Roman
Calendar
:
wherfore
I
readily
approve
of
the
learned
Bishop
of
Salisbury's
Opinion
,
That
our
Deliverances
should
wear
out
the
Memory
of
such
tragical
Accidents
,
which
no
body
pretends
to
justify
;
and
indeed
I
think
it
very
reasonable
(
if
our
Legislators
be
of
the
same
Opinion
)
that
the
Commemoration
of
his
present
Majesty's
Landing
to
deliver
us
from
Slavery
on
the
Fifth
of
November
,
should
hereafter
take
place
of
the
Thirtieth
of
Ianuary
.
Other
Holydays
have
bin
recommended
to
a
constant
Observation
,
tho'
they
are
since
grown
into
disuse
,
or
are
legally
abolish'd
,
which
the
best
Friends
of
the
Clergy
desire
may
be
the
Fate
of
that
Day
out
of
their
respect
to
the
Church
:
For
these
Sermons
do
constantly
put
the
People
in
mind
of
that
Set
of
Men
who
preach'd
'em
out
of
their
Liberties
in
former
times
;
and
the
honest
Clergy
themselves
are
still
under
an
unhappy
Necessity
of
saying
many
things
,
that
(
let
'em
think
what
they
will
)
are
not
extremely
pleasing
to
the
Body
of
the
Nation
.
The
Descendants
of
those
concern'd
in
that
Act
,
and
many
of
'em
far
from
approving
it
,
conceive
themselves
unkindly
us'd
in
most
of
those
Discourses
;
nor
are
the
Posterity
of
the
greatest
Royalists
in
a
better
Condition
,
if
that
be
a
National
Guilt
that
's
never
to
be
expiated
,
tho'
neither
they
nor
their
Ancestors
consented
to
it
;
to
say
nothing
of
the
frequent
Intermarriages
and
other
Tyes
between
both
the
Parties
.
IF
the
Extravagancies
of
those
Sermons
had
terminated
with
the
late
Reign
,
few
People
,
perhaps
,
would
trouble
themselves
now
about
what
's
past
,
unless
constrain'd
to
it
by
som
officious
Chaplain
:
But
they
cannot
endure
to
hear
the
Members
of
the
Parliament
of
40
so
infamously
branded
,
considering
how
lately
they
were
oblig'd
themselves
to
assert
their
Laws
and
Liberties
against
the
Martyrs
Son
,
who
violated
and
broke
them
at
his
Pleasure
:
And
in
this
Sense
many
were
of
Opinion
that
King
CHARLES's
Blood
lay
heavy
on
the
Nation
,
which
made
them
for
the
ease
of
the
same
to
shake
off
the
Burden
of
King
JAMES
.
SOM
,
who
otherwise
Honor
the
Memory
of
King
CHARLES
the
First
,
are
angry
to
hear
him
,
in
Mr.
BLACKHALL's
Language
,
call'd
the
best
of
Kings
,
and
the
best
of
Men
;
when
they
consider
especially
,
that
the
Apostles
were
Men
,
and
that
several
Persons
among
the
Greek
and
Roman
Heathens
,
did
infinitly
excel
him
in
all
Moral
and
Heroic
Virtues
.
As
for
Princes
,
if
good
Manners
could
not
make
Mr.
BLACKHALL
except
the
present
King
,
Justice
at
least
might
well
oblige
him
to
do
it
.
King
WILLIAM
has
never
dispens'd
with
express
Laws
in
favor
of
Popish
Recusants
.
He
never
protected
any
of
his
Chaplains
against
the
Parliament
for
preaching
up
Arbitrary
Power
.
He
never
requir'd
Soldiers
to
be
try'd
by
Martial
Law
in
time
of
Peace
;
nor
levy'd
Loans
or
Ship
mony
contrary
to
Law
,
much
less
imprison'd
,
fin'd
or
banish'd
such
as
refus'd
to
pay
those
illegal
Taxes
.
He
does
not
countenance
any
SIBTHORPS
,
MANWARINGS
,
or
MOUNTAGUES
to
teach
his
Subjects
Non-Resistance
,
or
to
compliment
himself
with
Arbitrary
Power
.
He
is
so
far
from
sending
for
Foren
Troops
to
enslave
the
Nation
,
that
he
readily
sent
those
away
which
he
kept
here
by
Law
,
as
soon
as
he
understood
the
Kingdom
had
no
further
need
of
their
Service
.
He
does
not
use
to
imprison
Members
of
the
House
of
Commons
for
using
that
Freedom
of
Debate
which
is
Essential
to
their
Constitution
.
He
never
threaten'd
to
betake
himself
to
other
Councils
than
his
Parliament
(
as
CHARLES
the
First
did
)
saying
that
Parliaments
were
in
his
Power
,
and
that
he
might
grow
out
of
Love
with
them
.
Nor
is
it
known
that
he
went
into
the
House
of
Commons
to
demand
any
of
their
Members
;
no
more
than
he
has
seiz'd
the
Customs
without
any
Act
to
impower
him
.
He
never
promis'd
(
as
King
CHARLES
did
in
a
Letter
to
his
Queen
)
that
he
would
take
away
all
the
Penal
Laws
against
Roman
Catholicks
as
soon
as
he
should
be
able
,
nor
any
thing
else
of
this
nature
:
For
these
are
only
a
few
Instances
,
not
to
blacken
that
Prince
,
but
to
shew
how
little
som
sort
of
People
seem
to
value
his
present
Majesty
for
generously
restoring
the
Constitution
,
and
for
so
willingly
passing
many
excellent
Laws
for
enlarging
or
securing
the
Liberty
of
his
Subjects
;
as
well
as
for
always
paying
such
a
Deference
to
Parliaments
,
which
he
not
only
assembles
willingly
,
but
likewise
,
according
to
ancient
Custom
,
annually
.
In
short
,
if
King
CHARLES
the
First
was
the
best
of
Kings
,
the
late
King
JAMES
is
not
half
so
bad
as
I
think
him
:
Nor
is
there
any
Doubt
,
if
a
second
Restoration
(
which
God
and
all
Freemen
forbid
)
should
ever
happen
,
but
that
the
Abdication-Day
would
be
appointed
as
a
perpetual
Fast.
What
Mr.
BLACKHALL
thinks
of
dispensing
with
the
Laws
and
acting
without
,
or
contrary
to
them
,
we
may
guess
,
when
he
says
,
That
King
CHARLES's
greatest
Enemies
could
not
charge
him
with
any
Vice
or
Immorality
;
as
if
only
Whoring
,
Drinking
,
or
Swearing
were
immoral
Practices
.
SINCE
this
King
(
who
truly
was
not
the
worst
)
must
needs
be
counted
the
best
of
Men
,
I
do
not
much
wonder
that
Mr.
LONG
of
Exeter
was
for
having
som
Portions
of
his
pretended
Book
read
in
the
Church
for
the
further
enlightning
of
our
Understanding
:
Nor
that
Dr.
PERINCHIFF
should
tell
us
in
his
Life
how
som
purchas'd
Chips
of
the
Block
on
which
he
was
beheaded
,
and
Parcels
of
the
Sands
discolor'd
with
his
Blood
,
as
also
som
of
his
Hair
,
Hoping
,
continues
he
,
they
would
be
a
means
of
Cure
for
that
Disease
,
which
our
English
Kings
,
through
the
Indulgence
of
kind
Heaven
,
by
their
Touch
did
usually
heal
:
And
it
was
reported
that
these
Reliques
,
experienc'd
,
fail'd
not
of
the
Effect
.
Now
who
can
laugh
at
the
Popish
Legends
,
and
be
serious
when
he
reads
this
Passage
?
Wheras
,
if
there
was
●ver
any
Power
in
England
of
curing
the
King
's
Evil
,
it
was
plainly
lodg'd
in
the
People
.
BEFORE
I
conclude
,
I
must
remark
,
that
tho
his
pretended
Friends
were
so
ready
to
father
such
Books
on
CHARLES
the
First
wherein
he
had
no
Hand
,
yet
they
industriously
left
out
of
his
Works
a
Letter
to
Pope
GREGORY
XV
,
whereof
I
can
prove
him
as
evidently
to
be
the
Author
as
CICERO
or
VIRGIL
may
be
entitul'd
to
the
Philippicks
and
the
Aeneids
.
There
is
an
interpolated
Copy
of
it
in
the
first
Volum
of
RUSHWORTH's
Collections
:
It
is
rightly
inserted
in
the
Quarto
Edition
of
a
Book
call'd
Cabala
,
or
Mysteries
of
State
:
It
is
also
in
the
Italian
Mercury
of
VITTORIO
SIRI
:
in
Du
CHESNE's
French
History
of
England
,
Scotland
and
Ireland
:
and
in
several
Spanish
and
Italian
Authors
.
Pope
URBAN
VIII
mentions
it
in
the
Letter
which
he
likewise
sent
this
Prince
,
with
another
to
his
Father
King
JAMES
;
both
which
may
be
read
in
RUSHWORTH's
Collections
.
Now
was
not
the
omitting
of
this
Letter
a
notorious
Fraud
,
since
that
it
alone
,
with
those
Letters
which
the
Parliament
publish'd
to
disgrace
him
,
and
a
few
Pieces
besides
,
make
up
all
his
genuin
Writings
;
For
as
to
those
Messages
,
Propositions
,
Declarations
,
Treaties
,
and
other
public
Papers
,
which
fill
that
bulky
Folio
they
call
his
Works
,
whoever
takes
them
to
be
his
,
is
likewise
capable
of
believing
he
was
the
true
Author
of
Icon
Basilike
.
THIS
is
all
I
had
to
write
concerning
this
famous
Book
,
not
to
reflect
on
the
Memory
of
CHARLES
the
First
,
but
in
my
own
Vindication
;
being
a
Liberty
not
deny'd
me
by
Equity
or
Law
,
and
which
,
if
I
neglected
to
improve
,
I
should
be
more
unjust
to
my self
than
my
Adversaries
,
whose
Malice
I
shall
readily
forget
,
and
heartily
pray
God
to
forgive
.
FINIS
.
Notes, typically marginal, from the original text
Notes for div A62841-e1110
Joh.
8.
5.
*
Dicit
Augustinus
(
de
Consensu
Evangel
.
l.
1.
c.
7.
)
quod
ipse
Dominus
ni●il
scripserit
,
ut
aliis
de
illo
scribentibus
necesse
sit
credere
.
†
Salvator
nullum
volumen
doctrinae
s●ae
proproprium
dereliquit
,
quod
in
plerisque
;
Apochryphorum
deliramenta
confingunt
.
Hieronym
.
in
Commentar
.
ad
Ezechielis
,
cap.
44.
Notes for div A62841-e1410
*
Origen
.
contr
.
Cels.
l.
5.
*
Stromat
.
l.
2.
&
5.
Contra
Cel●
.
l.
1.
de
Princip
.
l.
3.
*
Advers
.
Haeres
.
l.
4.
c.
3
▪
Stromat
.
l.
1.
2.
4.
6.
princip
.
l.
1.
c.
3.
l.
2.
c.
1.
Homil.
10.
in
Hos.
&
〈◊〉
pa●sim
.
†
L.
1.
contr
.
Haeres
.
Euseb.
Hist.
Eccles.
l
▪
4.
c.
14.
Phot.
〈◊〉
126.
*
Contra
Haeres
.
l
▪
3.
c.
3.
Stromat
.
l
▪
1
,
4
▪
5
,
6.
De
Princip
.
l.
2.
Hist.
Eccles.
l.
3.
c.
16
,
36.
l.
4.
c.
22
,
23.
†
Contra
Haeres
.
l.
5.
c.
28.
Hist.
Eccles.
l.
2.
c.
26.
*
Hom●l
.
6.
in
Luc.
†
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Ep.
ad
Ephes.
Luc.
1.
1
,
2
,
3.
*
〈…〉
personas
Evangel●i
.
〈◊〉
Haeres
.
l.
3.
11.
Ezek.
6
,
6
,
10.
*
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
Hist.
Eccles.
l.
3.
c.
3.
†
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
.
〈◊〉
c.
25.
*
Let
the
third
and
twenty
first
Chapters
of
the
Ecclesiastical
History
of
Eusebius
be
consulted
,
with
what
St.
Ierome
has
written
on
the
same
Subject
.
〈…〉
*
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
Origen
.
l.
2
contra
Ce●●
.
†
Solius
hilii
p●tatis
testamentum
non
potuisse
corrumpi
;
solum
non
habere
aliqu●d
quod
in
se
debea●
imp
obari
:
p●aesertim
q●o●
n●c
ab
ipso
scriptum
constat
,
nec
ab
ejus
apostolis
:
sed
lonpo
post
tem●●●e
à
quib●idam
ince●ti
nominis
viris
,
qui
,
ne
〈◊〉
non
〈…〉
scribent●bus
qu●●
〈…〉
Apos●olo●um
nomina
,
partim
eo●●m
qu●
〈…〉
Scriptorum
suorum
〈…〉
,
a●●eve●anies
●ecundum
●os
se
scripsisse
quae
sc
ipserint
.
Quo
magis
mihi
videntur
injuria
gravi
affe●●sse
discipulos
Christi
,
quia
quae
dissona
iidem
&
repugnantia
sibi
scriberen●
.
ea
referrent
ad
ipsos
,
&
secundum
eos
hae●
scribere
se
promitterentur
Evangelia
,
quae
tantis
●int
reserta
erro●ibus
,
tantis
contrarietatibus
narrationum
simul
a●●●ntentiarum
,
ut
nec
sibi
pro●sas
,
necinter
se
conveniant
.
Quid
ergo
aliud
est
quam
calumnia●i
bonos
,
&
Christi
Discipulorum
conco●dem
c●tum
in
crimen
devocare
discordi●●
.
Augustin
.
contra
Faust.
l.
32.
c.
2.
*
Multa
à
majoribus
vestris
eloquiis
Domini
nostri
in●erta
verba
sunt
,
quae
〈◊〉
signata
ipsius
cum
●jus
f●de
non
congr●unt
〈◊〉
sertim
quia
,
ut
jam
saepe
pr●batum
à
nobis
〈◊〉
nec
ab
ipso
haec
sunt
,
〈…〉
sed
mu●●a
post
〈…〉
quibus
,
&
ipsis
inter
〈…〉
judaeis
,
per
sama●
〈…〉
Qui
tamen
omnia
eadem
in
Apostolo●um
Domini
conserentes
nomina
,
vel
●orum
qui
secu●i
Apostolos
viderentur
,
errores
ac
mendacia
sua
secundum
eos
●escripsisse
mentiti
sunt
.
Augustin
.
ibid.
l.
33.
c.
3.
*
Latitabant
usque
ad
recentiora
illa
,
seu
Traj●ni
,
seu
e●iam
fortasse
●●driani
tempora
,
in
privata●um
ecclesir●m
,
seu
e●iam
hominum
S●r●niis
scripta
illa
Canonica
,
nè
ad
Ecclesiae
Catholi●●
notitiam
perveni●ent
.
Aut
si
in
publicu●●ortasse
p●odi●●sent
,
adhac
tamen
tanta
Scripto●●m
Apo●●yphorum
,
Pseudepig●aphoru●●●e
turba
obru●
bantu●
,
ut
ab
iis
internosci
non
possent
,
quin
novo
opus
esset
examine
,
novoque
Tef●●monio
.
Et
ab
illo
novo
testimonio
,
q●o
●actum
est
ut
ab
Apocryphis
falsoque
Apostolorum
nomine
insigni●is
Scripta
eorum
genuina
dist●●guerentu●
,
pendet
omnis
iila
quam
deinceps
ob●●ne●an●
,
&
quam
hodieque
obtinent
in
Eccl●sia
Catholica
Scripta
vera
Apostolica
,
Auto●i●as
.
Atqui
recen●●or
ill●
Canonis
attestatio
iisde●●
erat
incommodis
obnoxia
quibus
&
nost●●e
〈◊〉
,
quos
vid●t
lren●●●●
audivi●que
,
Traditiones
;
erat
enim
illa
tanto
intervallo
ab
origine
remota
,
nec
plurium
esse
poterat
quam
eorum
qui
etiam
remotiora
illa
tempora
attigerant
.
Atquì
certè
ante
illam
Epocham
,
quam
dixi
Trajani
,
nondum
constitutus
est
libro●um
Sacrorum
Canon
,
nec
receptus
aliquis
in
Ecclesia
Catholica
lib●orum
cutus
numerus
,
quos
deind●
adhibere
oportuerit
in
sacri●
fidei
causis
dijudicandis
,
ne●
rejecti
Haereticorum
Pseudepigraphi
,
monitive
●idel●s
,
ut
ab
eorum
usu
deinde
caverent
.
Si●
autem
vera
Apostolorum
Scripta
cum
Apochryp●●●
in
iisdem
Volaminibus
compingi
solebant
,
ut
nulla
pro●sus
no●a
aut
censura
●cclesiae
publica
constaret
q●●a
quibus
essent
antefetenda
.
Habemus
hodi●que
horum
tem●orum
Scriptores
Ecclesiasticos
luculentissimos
Clementem
Roman●m
,
B●rnabum
,
Hermam
,
●gnatium
,
Polycarpum
,
qui
hoc
nimirum
scrip●●●t
,
quo
illos
nominavi
ordine
,
omnes
reliquis
●●●●i
Test
〈◊〉
.
Sc●iptis
(
exceptis
Judae
,
&
J●annis
utriusque
)
〈◊〉
At
novi
Testamenti
in
H●●ma
ne
qu●dem
unum
locum
inveneris
.
Apud
reliquos
nè
unum
quidem
Evangelistam
nomine
suo
compellatum
.
Et
●i
quos
loeos
fo●●è
proserant
quibus
similia
i●
nostris
leguntur
●vangeliis
;
ita
tame●
ill●s
mutatos
ut
plurimum
interpolatosque
reperies
,
ut
seiri
nequeat
an
è
nost●is
illos
,
an
ex
aliis
produxe●int
Apocryphis
Evangeliis
.
Sed
&
Apocrypha
adhibent
iidem
aliquoties
,
quae
〈◊〉
est
in
ho●iernis
non
hab●i
Evange●●i
.
Vt
inde
con●●et
nullum
adhue
inter
Apocryp●●os
Canonicósque
novi
Testamenti
libros
constitutum
esse
ab
Ecclesia
discrimen
,
praesertim
si
&
illa
quoque
accedat
observatio
quod
censuram
nullam
Apocryphis
adjungant
;
●ed
nec
aliam
aliquam
notam
unde
possit
lector
colligere
minus
illos
Apocryphis
tribuisse
,
quam
veris
tribuerint
Evangeliis
.
Inde
prona
est
suspicio
siqua
fortè
lo●a
produxerint
cum
nostris
consentientia
,
nullo
●amen
certo
id
factum
esse
consilio
,
quo
cons●itutum
fuerat
res
dubias
è
Canonicis
esse
confirmandas
;
fierique
adeo
posse
ut
&
illa
similia
ex
aliis
tamen
,
quam
quae
habemus
,
deprom●a
fuerint
Evangelii●
▪
Sed
quid
ego
libros
memo
em
minin
è
Canonicos
?
Nè
quidem
è
Cano●●
is
〈…〉
constat
Ecclesiae
inpotu●s●e
Evangeli●
,
atque
Ecclesiasticis
in
usu
●uisse
vulgari
.
Non
●olent
ill●us
aevi
Scriptores
●ovi
Test●menti
locis
Scripta
sua
velut
opere
〈…〉
,
qui
tamen
recentiorum
mos
est
,
qui
&
suus
erat
in
illis
quas
agnoscebant
ipsi
Scriptu●is
:
Veteris
enim
Testamen●i
libros
proferunt
saepissimè
,
pro●●●
i
procul●ubio
&
no●i
Testamenti
Scripta
,
si
&
illa
〈◊〉
in
Canonem
recepta
.
Essatum
Domini
nostri
profort
Sanctus
Paulus
,
Act.
20.
35
〈◊〉
▪
Scripto
al●quo
produxit
,
non
〈…〉
Evangelio
.
Sic
lat●●rant
in
〈◊〉
●●rrarum
angulis
.
in
quibus
Scripta
fuera●●
,
Evang●lio
,
ut
ne
quidem
re●cive●int
recentiores
Evangeli●
quid
scripsis
sent
de
i●●dem
rebu●
antiqu●o●●s
Aliter
foret
ne
tot
essent
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
,
quae
ferè
à
prima
usque
Canonis
constitutione
Eruditorum
H●minum
ingenia
exercuerint
.
Ce●●è
Sanctus
Lucas
si
Genealogiam
illam
Domini
in
Matthaeo
vidisset
,
non
alia●
ipse
,
nihilque
fe●è
habentem
communè
,
produxisset
,
nè
quidem
minima
consilii
tam
diversi
edita
ratione
.
Et
cum
novae
Scriptionis
edit
in
praesatione
causam
,
quod
ipse
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
narrationibus
adjutus
eam
fue●it
aggressus
,
id
planè
innuit
desti●utos
hoc
subsidio
suisse
visorum
à
se
Evangeliorum
auctores
,
ita
nimirum
non
fuisse
ipso
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
ut
nè
quidem
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
〈◊〉
cum
cura
aliqua
&
se
sulitate
consuluerínt
,
vacil●are
proinde
meritó
●ue
dubiam
eorum
fuisse
fidem
;
ut
planè
alios
fuisse
necesse
sit
Evang●licae
H●storiae
Scritores
a
Lu●●
visos
,
à
nostris
,
quos
habemus
,
Evangelistis
.
Dissert
.
1.
in
Iren.
99.
38
,
39.
Act.
20.
35.
Notes for div A62841-e5410
*
De
Baptismo
,
c.
17.
etiam
Hiero●ym
.
in
Catalogo
Scriptor
.
Eccles.
*
P.
380.