short memorials of thomas lord fairfax written by himself.

the lord fairfax's memorials .

short memorials of thomas lord fairfax .

written by himself .

london : printed for ri. chiswell , and are to be sold at the rose and crown in st. paul's church-yard , 1699.

to the right honourable thomas lord fairfax . my lord ,

it is with your lordship's leave , that this short manuscript of my lord fairfax , your noble predecessor , is now printed from the original , written in his own hand , and left in your study at denton in yorkshire ; for it was never intended by him , to be published , but to remain for the satisfaction of his own relations .

but of late something has hapned , which in the judgment of your lordship , and many other persons of condition , makes it necessary that these papers should be sent to the press ; which is now done , without any material alterations from the original , but only by placing them in the natural order of time.

tho' no copy was ever taken by your lordship's consent , yet i know not how , some imperfect ones are got into other hands . and this being an age , wherein every man presumes to print what he pleases , of his own , or other mens , we are plainly told , that my lord fairfax's memorials are ready to be published ; and by the very same person , who has lately set forth some memoirs , wherein his lordship is scarce ever nam'd but with reproach ; not to be excused by what the editor himself confesses , that the author was much out of humour when he writ the book .

my lord fairfax's true character is better known to many wise and good men , than to be blemished by such envious detractions . nor can his reputation thereby suffer with any who were acquainted with his person , and the true intentions of his actions , and knew him in the latter part of his life .

his great misfortune , and so he accounted it , was to be engaged in the unhappy wars , whereof he desired no other memorial than the act of oblivion ; which few that ever needed , better deserved .

it cannot be denied , but as a soldier , his life would furnish as noble a memoir as the age has produced , from the time that he began with a troop of horse , and a few undisciplined forces in the north , to his being general of a victorious army in the south ; which he governed , not as a cypher , but with great prudence and conduct , in councils of war , as well as animated by his personal courage in the field , as long as they had any enemy to oppose them .

but after that , they broke into factions , and were over-run with enthusiasm , and became vngovernable by their general , when they chose their own agitators , and were managed by men of the deepest dissimulation and hypocrisie : by whose fair but treacherous promises , some greater than himself , were deceived to their own ruin.

that most tragical and deplorable part of the civil war , the death of the king , he utterly from his soul abhorred , and lamented to his dying day ; and never mentioned it but with tears in his eyes .

the retired part of his life gave him greater satisfaction than all his former victories , when he lived quietly at his own house at nun-appleton in yorkshire ; always earnestly wishing and praying for the restitution of the royal family , and fully resolved to lay hold on the first good opportunity to contribute his part towards it ; which made him always lookt upon with a jealous eye by the usurpers of that time .

as soon as he was invited by general monk to assist him against lambert's army , he cheerfully embraced the occasion , and appeared at the head of a brave body of gentlemen of yorkshire ; and upon the reputation and authority of his name , the irish brigade of twelve thousand horse forsook lambert's army , and joyned with him ; the consequence was the immediate breaking of all lambert's forces , which gave general monk an easy march into england .

this was always acknowledged , not only by general monk , but by the king himself , as a signal testimony of his zeal to make amends for what was past , and of the very considerable assistance he gave towards the restoring the royal family .

after he had waited on his majesty in holland , as one of the commissioners sent to invite him home , and had seen the king establish'd on his throne , he retired again into his own country , where he died in peace , in the 60th year of his age , anno 1671. leaving behind him his only daughter , the lady mary dutchess of buckingham .

i shall now say no more of him , but , that so long as unfeigned piety towards god , invincible courage , joyned with wonderful modesty , and exceeding good nature : justice and charity to all men in his private life ; and an ingenuous acknowledgment of his publick error , with hearty endeavours to make reparation , as soon as he was convinced of it , shall be esteemed in the world : so long shall the name of my lord fairfax be honoured by good men , and be had in perpetual remembrance .

your lordship had the good fortune to be born after the storms and tempests of that age : but you have had the honour to appear eminently in defence of our religion , and civil rights , in this last happy revolution , as your noble predecessor did at the restoration .

my lord , apr. 22. 1699. i am your most affectionate uncle , and humble servant , brian fairfax .

a short memorial of the northern actions in which i was engag'd , during the war there , from the year 1642 , to the year 1644.

in gratitude to god for his many mercies and deliverances , and not to deprive my self of the comfort of their remembrance , i shall set down , as they come into my mind , those things wherein i have found the wonderful assistance of god to me in the time of the war in the north ; though not in that methodical and polish'd manner as might have been done , being intended only for my own satisfaction , and help of my memory .

my father was call'd forth by the importunity of his country to join with them in their own defence , which was confirm'd by a commission from the parliament .

the first action we had was at bradford . we were about three hundred men , the enemy seven or eight hundred , and two pieces of ordnance . they assaulted us ; we drew out close to the town to receive them ; they had the advantage of the ground , the town being encompassed with hills , which exposed us more to their cannon , from which we receiv'd some hurt ; but our men defended those passages by which they were to descend , so well , that they got no ground of us ; and now the day being spent , they drew off , and retired to leeds .

a few days after , captain hotham with three troops of horse , and some dragoons , came to us : then we march'd to leeds ; but the enemy having notice of it , quitted the town , and in haste fled to york .

we advanc'd to tadcaster , eight miles from york , that we might have more room , and be less burthensome to our friends ; and being increased to one thousand men , it was thought fit that we should keep the pass at wetherby , for the securing of the west-riding , or the greatest part of it , from whence our chief supplies came .

i was sent to wetherby with three hundred foot , and forty horse ; the enemy's next design from york , was to fall upon my quarters there , being a place very open , and easy for them to assault , there being so many back-ways , and friends enough to direct them , and give them intelligence .

about six a clock one morning they fell upon us with eight hundred horse and foot , the woods thereabout favouring them so much , that our scouts had no notice of them , and no allarm was given till they were ready to enter the town : which they might easily do , the guards being all asleep in houses ; for in the beginning of the war , men were as impatient of duty , as they were ignorant of it .

i my self was only on horseback , and going out of the other end of the town to tadcaster , where my father lay , when one came running after me , and told me the enemy was entring the town ; i presently galloped to the court of guard , where i found not above four men at their arms , as i remember * , two serjeants , and two pikemen , who stood with me when sir thomas glenham , with about six or seven commanders more , charged us ; and after a short , but sharp encounter , they retired , in which one major carr was slain ; and by this time more of the guards were got to their arms. i must confess i knew no strength but the powerful hand of god that gave them this repulse .

after this they made another attempt , in which captain atkinson ( on our part ) was slain : and here again there fell out another remarkable providence , during this conflict , our magazine was blown up . this struck such a terror into the enemy , believing we had cannon , which they were before inform'd we had not , that they instantly retreated ; and though i had but a few horse , we pursued the enemy some miles , and took many prisoners : we lost about eight or ten men , whereof seven were blown up with powder ; the enemy lost many more .

at this time the earl of cumberland commanded the forces in york-shire for the king ; he being of a peaceable nature , and affable disposition , had but few enemies ; or rather , because he was an enemy to few , he did not suit with their present condition . their apprehensions and fears caused them to send to the earl of newcastle , who had an army of six thousand men , to desire his assistance , whereof he assured them by a speedy march to york .

being now encouraged by this increase of force , they resolv'd to fall upon tadcaster . my father drew all his men thither ; but , in a council of war the town was judged untenable , and that we should draw out to an advantagious piece of ground , by the town ; but before we could all march out , the enemy advanced so fast , that we were necessitated to leave some foot in a slight work above the bridge , to secure our retreat , but the enemy pressing on us , forced us to draw back , to maintain that ground .

we had about nine hundred men , the enemy above four thousand , who in brigades drew up close to the works , and storm'd us . our men reserv'd their shot , till they came near , which they did then dispose of to so good purpose , that the enemy was forced to retire , and shelter themselves behind the hedges . and here did the first fight continue from eleven a clock at noon , till five at night , with cannon and musquet , without intermission .

they had once possessed a house by the bridge , which would have cut us from our reserves that were in the town , but major general gifford with a commanded party , beat them out again , where many of the enemy were slain , and taken prisoners . they attempted an another place , but were repulsed by captain lister , who was there slain , a great loss , being a discreet gentleman .

by this time it grew dark , and the enemy drew off into the fields hard by , with intention to assault us again the next day .

they left that night above two hundred dead and wounded upon the place . but our ammunition being all spent in this day's fight , we drew off that night , and marched to selby , and the enemy entred the next morning into the town .

thus by the mercy of god were a few delivered from an army , who in their thoughts had swallowed us up .

the earl of newcastle now lay betwixt us and our friends in the west-riding ; but to assist and encourage them i was sent with about three hundred foot , and three troops of horse , and some arms to bradford : i was to go by ferry-bridge , our intelligence being that the enemy was advanced no further than sherburne , but when i was within a mile of the town , we took some prisoners who told us , my lord of newcastle lay at pontefract , eight hundred men in ferry-bridge , and the rest of the army in all the towns thereabout : so that our advance or retreat seem'd alike difficult . little time being allowed us to consider , we resolv'd to retreat to selby : three or four hundred horse of the enemy shewed themselves in the rear , without making any attempt upon us , so that , by the goodness of god , we got safe to selby .

three days after this , upon better intelligence how the enemy lay , with the same number as before , i marched in the night by several towns where they lay , and came the next day to bradford , a town very untenable , but for their good affection to us , deserving all we could hazard for them .

our first work then was to fortifie our selves , for we could not but expect an assault . there lay at leeds fifteen hundred of the enemy , and twelve hundred at wakefield , neither place above six or seven miles distant from us . they visited us every day with their horse , ours not going far from the town , being very unequal in number : yet the enemy seldom return'd without loss , till at last our few men grew so bold , and theirs so disheartned , that they durst not stir a mile from their garisons .

whilst these daily skirmishes were among the horse , i thought it necessary to strengthen our selves with more foot ; i summon'd the country , who had by this time more liberty to come to us . i presently armed them with those arms we brought along with us ; so that in all we were about eight hundred foot.

being too many to lye idle , and too few to be upon constant duty , we resolv'd through the assistance of god , to attempt them in their garisons .

we summon'd the country again , and made a body of twelve or thirteen hundred men , with which we marched to leeds , and drew them up within half cannon-shot of their works , in battalia , and then sent a trumpet with a summons to deliver up the town to me , for the use of king and parliament . they presently returned this answer , that it was not civilly done to come so near before i sent the summons , and that they would defend the town the best they could with their lives .

i presently order'd the manner of the storm , and we all fell on at the same time : the business was hotly disputed for almost two hours ; but the enemy being beaten from their works , and the barricado's into the streets forced open , the horse and foot resolutely entred , and the soldiers cast down their arms , and rendred themselves prisoners . the governor and some chief officers swam the river and escaped , only major beaumont was drowned , about forty or fifty slain , good store of ammunition taken , of which we had great want .

the consequence of this action was yet of more importance ; for those who fled from leeds to wakefield , and quitting that garison also , gave my lord of newcastle such an allarm at pontefract , that he drew all his army again to york , leaving once more a free intercourse , which he had so long time cut off , betwixt my father and us .

after a short time the earl of newcastle return'd again to the same quarters , and we to our stricter duties . but we quickly found our men must have more room , or more action .

captain hotham and i took a resolution early one morning ( from selby ) to beat up a quarter of the enemies that lay at fenton ; they being gone , we marched to sherburne , intending there only to give them an alarm ; but they might see us a mile or more , over a plain common , which lay by the town , and they sent twenty or thirty horse , to guard a pass near the town ; i had the van ; for at this time we commanded our troops distinct one from another , both making five troops of horse , and two of dragoons . i told captain hotham , that if he would second me , i would charge those horse , and if they fled , i would pursue them so close as to get into the town with them : he promised to second me ; i went to the head of my troops , and presently charged them , they fled , and we pursued close to the barricado , but they got in , and shut it upon us : here my horse was shot in at the breast : we so fill'd the lane , being strait , that we could not retreat without confusion , and danger of their falling in our reer , so we stood to it , and stormed the works with pistol and sword : at the end of the barricado , there was a narrow passage for a single horse to go in , i entred there , others following me , one by one ; and close at one side of the entrance stood a troop of horse of the enemy : so soon as eight or ten of us were got in , we charged them , and they fled ; by this time the rest of our men had beat them from their barricado , and entred the town : we soon cleared the streets , and pursued those that fled : and now my horse which was shot in the lane , fell down dead under me , but i was presently mounted again .

the enemy in the towns about having taken the alarm , it made us think of securing our retreat , with the prisoners we had got , some of them being considerable , among whom was major general windham ; we scarce got into order before general goring came with a good body of horse up to us , and as we marched off , he followed us close in the reer , without doing us any hurt , only my trumpet had his horse shot close by me , and thus we returned to selby .

though this did not free us wholly from a potent enemy , yet we lay more quietly by them a good while after .

in this recess of action , we had several treaties about prisoners ; and this i mention the rather , for that captain hotham here first began to discover his intentions of leaving the parliament's service , in making conditions for himself , with the earl of newcastle , though it was not discovered till a good while after , which had almost ruin'd my father , and the forces with him ; for being now denied help and succour from hull , and the east-riding , he was forced to forsake selby , and retire to leeds , and those western parts where i then lay .

to make good this retreat , i was sent to , to bring what men i could to joyn with him at sherburne , for my lord of newcastle's army lay so as he might easily intercept us in our way to leeds , which he had determin'd to do , and to that end lay with his army on clifford-moore , having present intelligence of our march.

whilst my father , with fifteen hundred men , ordnance , and ammunition , continued his way from selby to leeds ; i with those i brought to sherburne , marched a little aside , betwixt my lord of newcastle's army and ours . and to amuse them the more , made an attempt upon tadcaster , where they had three or four hundred men , who presently quit the town , and fled to york .

here we stayed three or four hours slighting the works , which put my lord newcastle's army to a stand , being on their march to meet us , thinking he was deceived in his intelligence , and that we had some other design upon york ; he presently sends back the lord goring with twenty troops of horse and dragoons to relieve tadcaster .

we were newly drawn off when he came ; my lord goring past over the river to follow us , but seeing we were far unequal in horse to him , ( for i had not above three troops , and were to go over bramham-moore plain ) i gave direction to the foot to march away , whilst i stay'd with the horse to interrupt the enemy's passage in those narrow lanes that lead up to the moore . here was much firing at one another ; but in regard of their great numbers , as they advanced , we were forced to give way ; yet had gained by it sufficient time for the foot to have been out of danger .

when we came up to the moore again , i found them where i left them , which troubled me much , the enemy being close upon us , and a great plain yet to go over . so we marching the foot in two divisions , and the horse in the rear , the enemy followed about two musket-shot from us , in three good bodies , but made no attempt upon us : and thus we got well over this open campagn , to some inclosures , beyond which was another * moore , less than the other . here our men thinking themselves secure , were more careless in keeping order ; and whilst their officers were getting them out of houses where they sought for drink , it being an extream hot day , the enemy got another way as soon as we into the moore ; and when we had almost pass'd this plain also , they seeing us in some disorder , charged us both in flank and rear : the countrymen presently cast down their arms and fled ; the foot soon after , which for want of pikes was not able to withstand their horse : some were slain , many were taken prisoners ; few of our horse stood the charge . some officers with me , made our retreat with much difficulty ; in which sir henry fowlis had a slight hurt ; my cornet was taken prisoner . we got well to leeds , about an hour after my father and the men with him got safe thither .

this was one of the greatest losses we ever receiv'd . yet was it a providence it was a part , and not the whole forces which receiv'd this loss ; it being the enemy's intention to have fought us that day with their whole army , which was at least ten thousand men , had not our attempt upon tadcaster put a stand to them ; and so concluded that day with this storm , which fell on me only .

we being at leeds , it was thought fit to possess some other place ; wherefore i was sent to bradford with seven or eight hundred foot , and three troops of horse . these two towns were all the garisons we had ; and at wakefield , six miles off , lay three thousand of the enemy ; but they did not much disturb us : and we were busied about releasing prisoners that were taken at seacroft , most of them being countrymen , whose wives and children were still importunate for their release , which was as earnestly endeavoured by us , but no conditions would be accepted ; so as their continual cries , and tears , and importunities , compelled us to think of some way to redeem these men ; and we thought of attempting wakefield .

our intelligence was , that the enemy had not above eight or nine hundred men in the town ; i acquainted my father with our design , who approved of it , and sent some men from leeds , so that we were able to draw out eleven hundred horse and foot.

upon whitsunday , early in the morning , we came before the town , but they had notice of our coming , and had manned all their works , and set about five hundred musketeers to line the hedges without the town , which made us now doubt our intelligence , but it was too late .

after a little consultation we advanced , and soon beat them back into the town , which we storm'd at three places ; and after an hour's dispute , the foot forced open a barricado , where i entred with my own troop , colonel alured and captain bright followed with theirs : the street where we entred was full of their foot ; we charged them through , and routed them , leaving them to the foot that followed close behind us : and presently we were charged again with horse led on by general goring ; where , after a hot encounter , some were slain , and himself taken prisoner by colonel alured .

i cannot but here acknowledge god's goodness to me this day ; for being advanced a good way single before my men , having a colonel , and lieutenant-colonel , who had engaged themselves to be my prisoners , only with me , and many of the enemy now betwixt me and my men , i lighted upon a regiment of foot standing in the market-place ; being thus encompassed , and thinking what to do , i spied a lane which i thought would lead me back to my men again : at the end of this lane there was a corps-de-guard of the enemy's , with fifteen or sixteen soldiers , who were just then quitting of it , with a serjeant leading them off ; whom we met , and seeing their officers , they came up to us , taking no notice of me , and asked them what they would have them do , for they could keep the work no longer , the round-heads ( as they call'd them ) came so fast upon them .

the gentlemen who had pass'd their words to me to be my true prisoners , said nothing ; and looking one upon another , i thought it not fit now to own them as prisoners , much less to bid the rest to render themselves to me ; but being well mounted , and seeing a place in the works where men used to go over , i rushed from them , and made my horse leap over the work , and by a good providence got to my men again , who before i came had , by direction of major-general gifford , brought up a piece of ordnance , and placed it in the church-yard , against that body that stood in the market-place , which presently rendred themselves .

all our men being got into the town , the streets were cleared , and many prisoners taken ; but the horse got off , almost entire .

this appeared the greater mercy , when we saw our mistake ; for we found three thousand men in the town , and expected but half the number . we brought away fourteen hundred prisoners , eighty officers , twenty eight colours , and great store of ammunition .

but seeing this was more a miracle , than a victory ; more the effect of god's providence , than humane force , or prudence , let the honour and praise of all be his only .

after this , we exchanged our men that were prisoners , and we were freed a good while from any trouble or attempt of the enemy .

hitherto , through god's mercy , we had held up near two years against a potent army ; but they finding us now almost tired with continual service , treacherously used by friends , and wanting many things necessary for support and defence , the earl of newcastle marched with an army of ten or twelve thousand men to besiege us , and resolv'd to sit down before bradford , which was a very untenable place .

hither my father drew all the forces he could spare out of the garisons ; but seeing it impossible to defend the town otherwise than by strength of men , and that we had not above ten or twelve days provision for so many as were necessary to keep it ; we resolv'd the next morning , very early , with a body of three thousand men , to attempt his whole army , as they lay in their quarters three miles off . hoping by it to put him to some distraction , which could not be done any other way , by reason of the unequal numbers .

to this end my father appointed four o' th' clock next morning to begin our march ; but major-general gifford , who had the ordering of the business , so delay'd the execution of it , that it was seven or eight before we began to move , and not without much suspicion of treachery ; for when we came near the place we intended , the enemy's whole army was drawn up in battalia .

we were to go up a hill to them ; that our forlorn hope gained by beating theirs into their main body , which was drawn up half a mile further upon a plain called adderton-moore . we being all got up the hill , drew into battalia also . i commanded the right wing , which was about one thousand foot , and five troops of horse . major-general gifford commanded the left wing , which was about the same number . my father commanded in chief .

we advanced through the inclosed grounds , till we came to the moore , beating the foot , that lay in them , to their main body .

ten or twelve troops of horse charged us in the right wing ; we kept the inclosures , placing our musketeers in the hedges next the moore ; which was a good advantage to us who had so few horse .

there was a gate , or open place , to the moore , where five or six might enter a-breast . here they strive to enter , we to defend it ; but after some dispute , those that entred the pass , found sharp entertainment ; and those who were not yet entred , as hot welcome from the musketeers that flanked them in the hedges . they were all , in the end , forced to retreat , with the loss of collonel howard , who commanded them .

our left wing at the same time was engaged with the enemy's foot , and gained ground of them . the horse came down again , and charged us , they being about thirteen or fourteen troops . we defended our selves as before , but with much more difficulty ; many having got in among us , but were beaten off again with some loss . collonel herne , who commanded that party , was slain . we pursued them to their cannon . here i cannot omit a remarkable instance of divine justice . whilst we were engag'd in the fight with those horse that entred the gate , four soldiers had stript colonel herne naked as he lay on the ground , men still fighting round about him ; and so dextrous were these villains , that they had done it , and mounted themselves again , before we had beaten the enemy off : but after we had beaten them to their ordnance , as i said , and now returning to our ground again , the enemy discharged a piece of cannon in our rear , the bullet fell into captain copley's troop , in which were these four men ; two of them were killed , and some hurt or mark remain'd on the other , though dispers'd into several ranks of the troop , which made it more remarkable . we had not yet martial law among us ; this gave me a good occasion to declare to the soldiers how god would punish , when men wanted power to do it .

this charge , and the resolution our men shewed in the left wing , made the enemy think of retreating . orders were given for it , and some marched off the field .

whilst they were in this wavering condition , one collonel skirton desired his general to let him charge once with a stand of pikes , with which he broke in upon our men , and not being relieved by our reserves , which were commanded by some ill-affected officers , chiefly major general gifford , who did not his part as he ought to do , our men lost ground , which the enemy seeing , pursued this advantage , by bringing on fresh troops ; ours being herewith discouraged , began to fly , and were soon routed . the horse also charged us again , we not knowing what was done in the left wing : our men maintained their ground , till a command came for us to retreat , having scarce any way now to do it , the enemy being almost round about us , and our way to bradford cut off . but there was a lane in the field we were in , which led to hallifax , which as a happy providence , brought us off , without any great loss , save of captain talbot , and twelve more that were slain in this last encounter . of those who fled , there were about sixty kill'd , and three hundred taken prisoners .

after this ill success , we had small hopes of better , wanting all things necessary in bradford for defence of the town , and no expectation of help from any place . the earl of newcastle presently besieg'd the town ; but before he had surrounded it , i got in with those men i brought from hallifax . i found my father much troubled , having neither a place of strength to defend our selves in , nor a garison in yorkshire to retreat to ; for the governour of hull had declar'd if we were forced to retreat thither , he would shut the gates on us .

whilst he was musing on these sad thoughts , a messenger was sent unto him from hull , to let him know the townsmen had secured the governour ; that they were sensible of the danger he was in , and if he had any occasion to make use of that place , he should be very readily and gladly receiv'd there . which news was joyfully receiv'd , and acknowledged as a great mercy of god , yet it was not made use of till a further necessity compell'd .

my father having order'd me to stay here with eight hundred foot , and sixty horse , retired that night to leeds to secure it .

the earl of newcastle spent three or four days in laying his quarters about the town of bradford , and brought down his cannon , but needed not to raise batteries , for the hills within half musket-shot commanded all the town . being planted in two places , they shot furiously upon us , and made their approaches , which made us spend very much of our little store , being not above twenty five or twenty six barrels of powder , at the beginning of the siege . yet the earl of newcastle sent a trumpet to offer us conditions , which i accepted , so they were honourable for us to take , and safe for the inhabitants .

we sent two captains to treat with him , and agreed to a cessation during that time ; but he continued working still ; whereupon i sent forth the commissioners again , suspecting a design of attempting something upon us . they returned not till eleven a clock at night , and then with a slight answer .

whilst they were delivering it to us , we heard great shooting of cannon and muskets ; all run presently to the works , which the enemy was storming . here for three quarters of an hour was very hot service , but at length they retreated .

they made a second attempt , but were also beaten off ; after this , we had not above one barrel of powder left , and no match : i called the officers together , where it was advised and resolv'd to draw off presently , before it was day , and to retreat to leeds , by forcing a way , which we must do , for they had surrounded the town .

orders were dispatch'd , and speedily put in execution . the foot commanded by colonel rogers was sent out , through some narrow lanes , and they were to beat up the dragoons quarters , and so go on to leeds .

i my self with some other officers went with the horse , which were not above fifty , in a more open way .

i must not here forget my wife , who ran the same hazard with us in this retreat , and with as little expression of fear ; not from any zeal , or delight in the war , but through a willing and patient suffering of this undesirable condition .

i sent two or three horsemen before , to discover what they could of the enemy ; who presently return'd and told us there was a guard of horse close by us . before i had gone forty paces , the day beginning to break , i saw them upon the hill above us , being about 300 horse . i , with some 12 more , charged them , sir hen. fowles , major general gefford , my self and 3 more brake through ; cap. mudd was slain , and the rest of our horse being close by , the enemy fell upon them , and soon routed them , taking most of them prisoners , among whom was my wife , the officer will. hill , behind whom she rid , being taken .

i saw this disaster , but could give no relief ; for after i was got through , i was in the enemies reer alone , those who had charged through with me , went on to leeds , thinking i had done so too : but i was unwilling to leave my company , and stay'd till i saw there was no more in my power to do , but to be taken prisoner with them . i then retired to leeds .

the like disaster fell among the foot , that went the other way , by a mistake , for after they had marched a little way , the van fell into the dragoons quarters , clearing their way ; but through a cowardly fear , he that commanded these men , being in the reer , made them face about , and march again into the town , where the next day they were all taken prisoners , only 80 or thereabout of the front that got through , came all to leeds , mounted on horses which they had taken from the enemy , where i found them when i came thither , which was some joy to them all , concluding i was either slain , or taken prisoner .

at leeds i found all in great distraction , the council of war newly risen , where it was resolv'd to quit the town , and retreat to hull , which was sixty miles off , many of the enemies garrisons being in the way . this , in two hours after , was accordingly done , least the enemy should presently send horse to prevent us ; for they had fifty or sixty troops within three miles : but we got well to selby , where there was a ferry , and hard by a garrison at cawood .

my father being a mile before , with a few men , getting over the ferry , word came to us that he was in danger to be taken . i hasted to him with about forty horse , the rest following in some disorder . he was newly got into the boat , when the enemy with three cornets of horse entred the town .

i was drawn up in the market place , directly before the street they came down ; when they were almost half come into the market-place , they turn'd on the right hand ; with part of my troop i charged them in the flank , and divided them ; we had the chase of them down the long street that goes to brayton .

it hapned at the same time that those men i left behind were coming up that street , but being in disorder , and discourag'd with the misfortunes of many days before , they turn'd about , and gave way , not knowing we were pursuing the enemy in their reer .

at the end of this street was a narrow lane , which led to cawood . the enemy strove to pass that way , but it being narrow , there was a sudden stop , where we were mingled one among another .

here i receiv'd a shot in the wrist of my arm , which made the bridle fall out of my hand , and being among the nerves and veins , suddenly let out such a quantity of blood , that i was ready to fall from my horse : but taking the reins in the other hand in which i had my sword , the enemy minding nothing so much as how to get away , i drew my self out of the crowd , and came to our men , who turned about , and seeing me ready to fall from my horse , they lay'd me on the ground ; now when i was almost senseless , my surgeon came seasonably , and bound up the wound , and stopt the bleeding .

after a quarter of an hours rest , i got a horse-back again ; the other part of our horse had beaten the enemy back to cawood , the same way they came first to us .

thus by the goodnesse of god , our passage was made clear ; some went over the ferry after my father , i my self with others went through the levels to hull , but it proved a very troublesome and dangerous passage , being often interrupted by the enemy , sometimes in our front , sometimes in our reer .

i had been twenty hours on horseback , after i was shot , without any rest or refreshment , and as many hours before . and as a further affliction , my * daughter , not above five years old , being carried before her maid , endured all this retreat a horseback ; but nature not being able to hold out any longer , she fell into frequent swoonings , and in appearance was ready to expire her last .

having now past the trent , and seeing a house not far off , i sent her with her maid only thither , with little hopes of seeing her any more alive , though i intended the next day to send a ship from hull for her .

i went on to barton , having sent before to have a ship ready against my coming thither . here i lay down to take a little rest , if it were possible to find any in a body so full of pain , and a mind yet fuller of anxiety and trouble . though i must acknowledge it as the infinite goodness of god , that my spirit was nothing at all discouraged from doing still that which i thought to be my duty .

i had not rested a quarter of an hour , before the enemy came close to the town . i had now not above a hundred horse with me , we went to the ship , where under the security of her ordinance we got all our men and horse aboard ; and crossing humber , we arriv'd at hull , our men faint and tired . i my self had lost all , even to my shirt , for my cloaths were made unfit to wear with rents and blood. presently after my coming to hull , i sent a ship for my daughter , who was brought the next day to the town , pretty well recovered of her long and tedious journey .

not many days after the earl of newcastle sent my wife back again in his coach , with some horse to guard her ; which generous act of his gain'd him more reputation , than he could have got by detaining a lady prisoner , upon such terms .

many of our men , who were dispersed in this long retreat , came hither again to us . our first business was to raise new forces , and in a short time we had about 1500 foot , and 700 horse .

the town being little , i was sent to beverly , with the horse , and 600 foot , but my lord of newcastle now looking upon us as inconsiderable , was marched into lincolnshire , with his whole army , leaving some few garrisons . he took in gainsbrough , and lincoln , and intended boston , which was the key of the associated counties ; for his orders , which i have seen , were to go into essex , and block up london on that side .

having laid a great while still , and being now strong enough for those forces which remain'd in the country , we sent out a good party to make an attempt upon stanford-bridge , near york , but the enemy upon the allarm fled thither , which put them also in such a fear , that they sent earnestly to my lord of newcastle to desire him to return , or the country would again be lost . upon this he returned again into york-shire , and not long after came to besiege hull .

i lay at beverly in the way of his march , and finding we were not able to defend such an open place against an army , i desired orders from my father to retire back to hull : but the committee there had more mind of raising money , than to take care of the soldiers ; and yet these men had the greatest share in command at this time , and would not let any orders be given for our retreat ; nor was it fit for us to return without order .

the enemy marched with his whole army towards us : retreat we must not ; keep the town we could not . so , to make our retreat more honourable and useful , i drew out all the horse and dragoons towards the enemy ; and stood drawn up by a wood side all that night .

next morning by day , our scouts and theirs fired on one another . they marched on with their whole body , which was about 4000 horse , and 12000 foot. we stood till they were come very near to us . i then drew off ; having given direction before for the foot to march away towards hull , and thinking to make good the retreat with the horse .

the enemy with a good party came up in our reer ; the lanes being narrow we made good shift with them , till we got into beverley , and shut the gate , which we had scarce time to do , they being so close to us .

in this business we lost major layton , and not above two more .

the enemy not knowing what forces we had in the town , stay'd till the rest of the army came up , which was about a mile behind . this gave our foot some advantage in their retreat , it being five miles to hull , and the way on narrow banks . i sent the horse by cottingham , a more open road , who got well thither ; they overtook the foot , and made good their retreat , till we got to a little bridge two miles from hull , where we made a stand : the enemy followed close : our men gave them a good volley of shot , which made them draw back , and they advanced no further .

so leaving a small guard at the bridge , we got safe to hull .

thus not only for want of military skill in the gentlemen of the committee , but to say no more , for want of good nature , we were expos'd to this trouble and danger .

my lord of newcastle now laid siege to hull , but at a great distance , for the sluces were let open and drowned the land for two miles about the town .

yet upon a bank , which was the highway , he approached so near as to shoot cannon shot at random into the town , and for the most part hot bullets , but by the diligence and care of the governour , who caused every inhabitant to watch his own house , the danger was prevented .

our horse was now useless , and many dyed every day , having nothing but salt water about the town . i was therefore sent over with the horse into lincoln-shire to join with the earl of manchester's forces , which were then commanded by major general cromwel , who received us at our landing with his troops .

sir john henderson lay within three or four miles of this place , with 5000 men , to prevent our conjunction , but durst not attempt it . he marched three or four days near unto us , but for want of good intelligence , we did not know so much . for i altogether trusted to the care of our new friends , being a stranger in those parts .

at horncastle one morning he fell upon our out guards , who being but newly raised in that country , fled towards lincoln , without giving any allarm to our quarters , that lay dispersed and secure .

sir john henderson marching slowly with his army , gave the allarm to some of our out quarters , which was soon taken in all the rest . yet we were in some disorder before we could get into any considerable body . my lord willoughby with his horse , and my dragoons , commanded by collonel morgan , brought up the reer , and after some skirmishes , we lodg'd that night in the field .

the next day the earl of manchester came to us with his foot , the day following we advanced toward the enemy , and chusing a convenient ground to fight on , we drew up the army there . the enemy did so on the side of another hill close by , having a little plain betwixt us . lieutenant general cromwel had the van , i the reserve of horse , my lord manchester all the foot.

after we had faced one another a good while , the forlorn hopes began the fight , presently the bodies met on the plain , where the fight was hot for half an hour , but then they were forced to a rout , 200 kill'd , and many taken prisoners .

this was the issue of horncastle fight , or as some call it , winsby fight .

at the same instant we heard great shooting of ordinance towards hull , which was a sally my father made out of the town upon my lord of newcastle's trenches , who drew out most part of his army to relieve them : but our men charged so resolutely , that they possess'd themselves of the canon , and pursuing their advantage , put the enemy to a total rout , upon which he raised the siege , and returned again to york .

these two defeats together , the one falling heavy upon the horse , the other upon the foot , kept the enemy all that winter from attempting any thing ; and we , after the taking of lincoln , setled our selves in winter quarters .

in the coldest season of the year i was commanded by the parliament to go and raise the siege at nantwich , which the lord byron , with the irish army , had reduced to great extremity . i was the most unfit of all their forces , being ever the worst paid , my men sickly and almost naked ; i desir'd the parliament that they would be pleas'd to supply these wants , not excusing my self , as some did , who had no will to stir , though well enough accommodated .

the parliament's answer was a positive direction to march , for it would admit of no delay . but foreseeing i should have such a return to my desires , and considering the necessity of the business , i had upon my own credit got so much cloath as cloathed 1500 men , and all were ready to march when these orders came to me .

the twenty ninth of december we set forward from falkingham in lincolnshire with 1800 horse , and 500 dragâ��oons , and power to call the regiments of foot in lancashire and cheshire , to make up the body of the army , which i found was not a little trouble when i came to manchester , for some were thirty , some forty miles distant , besides the dissatisfaction of some of their collonels , who went as their particular safety or interest sway'd them .

but finding more readiness in the inferior officers , and common soldiers , i got up in a few days near 3000 foot.

with this army we marched to nantwich , which was at the point of surrendring . when we came within a days march , i had intelligence the lord byron had drawn off his siege , and intended to meet us in the field . i put my men into the order in which i intended to fight , and continued my march till we came within three miles of the town .

there was a pass kept with about 250 men : i sent collonel morgan with his dragoons , who beat them off , in which his brother was slain . the major , who commanded the other party , with some others , was taken prisoner .

we marched on till we came within cannon shot of their works , where half of their army was drawn up . and we were inform'd , that the river which runs through the town , being raised with the melting of the snow , hinder'd those that lay on the other side of the town from joining with them .

we call'd a council of war , wherein it was debated , whether we should attempt those in their works , being divided from the rest of the army , or march into the town and relieve them , and by the increase of our force be better able the next day to encounter them .

this last was resolv'd on , and making way with pioneers through the hedges , we marched to the town ; but after we had gone a little way , word came that the enemy was in the reer . we faced about with two regiments , and my own regiment of horse , commanded by major rokeby , and reliev'd those that were engaged , and so the fight began on all sides .

these that fell on our reer , were that part of their army that lay on the other side of the town , who had past the river . those who were drawn up under their works , fell upon our van , which was marching to the town . thus was the battel divided , there being a quarter of a mile betwixt us , in the division that first engag'd . our foot at the beginning gave a little ground , but our horse recover'd this , by beating the enemies horse out of the lanes that flanked our foot , which did so encourage our men , that they regain'd their ground on the enemy , and made them retreat from hedge to hedge , 'till at length they were forced to fly to their works .

their horse retreated in better order , towards chester , without much loss . our other wing being assisted from the town , who sally'd out with seven or eight hundred musketeers , beat the enemy back into the same works . we presently surrounded them , and being in great disorder and confusion , they soon yielded themselves prisoners , with all their chief officers , arms , colours and ammunition .

thus , by the mercy of god , was this victory obtain'd , being the more signal , in that we were not to deal with young soldiers , but with men of great experience , and an army which had ever been victorious .

after this we took in several garrisons in cheshire ; latham only in lancashire held out , which was besieg'd by the forces of that county , but afterward the siege was rais'd by prince rupert .

having spent three or four months in this expedition , my father commanded me back into york-shire , that by the conjunction of our forces , he might be abler to take the field . we met about ferry-bridge , he being come out of hull thither , with intent to fall upon the enemies garrison at selby .

i receiv'd at this time another command from the parliament to march immediately with my horse and dragoons into northumberland , to join with the scots army . the earl of newcastle , who was then at durham being much stronger in horse than they , for want of which they could not advance : but it being resolv'd within a day or two to storm selby , i stay'd 'till that business was over , which proved as effectual for the relief of the scots army .

the governour of york , coll. bellasis , lay in selby with 2000 men. we drew our horse and foot close to the town , sir john meldrum led on the foot , which had their several posts appointed them , where they should storm . i with the horse ready to second them . the enemy within defended themselves stoutly a good while . our men at length beat them from the line , but could not advance further because of the horse within . i got a barricado open , which let us in betwixt the houses and the river ; here we had an encounter with their horse : after one charge , they fled over a bridge of boats to york ; their horse came up , and charged us again , where my horse was overthrown , i being single a little before my men , who presently reliev'd me , and forced the enemy back . they retreated also to york . in this charge we took coll. bellasis governour of york . by this time the foot had entred the town , and had taken many prisoners . this good success of ours put them into great distraction and fear at york ; so that they speedily sent to the earl of newcastle to haste back thither , believing we would presently attempt them .

this news suddenly call'd him back , leaving the scots , who with cold , and often allarms , were reduced to great extremity , but now they advance after him .

the earl of newcastle gets into york ; the scots join with my father at wetherby , altogether made 16000 foot , and 4000 horse . they march on to york .

for the siege of york it was thought necessary to have more men , the town being large in compass , and strongly mann'd . the earl of craford , lindsey , and my self were sent to the earl of manchester , to desire him to join with us in the siege , to which he willingly consented , bringing an addition of 6000 foot , and 3000 horse .

now the army had three generals , lesly , manchester , and fairfax , who lay apart in three several quarters before the town , but the north side still remain'd open .

some time was spent here without any considerable action , till in my lord of manchester's quarters , approaches were made to st. marry's tower , and they soon came to mine it . coll. crayford , a scotchman , who commanded that quarter , sprung the mine , being ambitious to have the honour alone of it , without acquainting the other two generals , for their advice , and concurrence , which prov'd very prejudicial , for having engaged his party against the whole strength of the town , without more forces to second him , he was repulsed with the loss of three hundred men ; for which he had surely been call'd to an account , but escaped the better by reason of this triumviral government .

soon after prince rupert came to relieve the town . we rais'd the siege . hessey moore was appointed the randezvous . the whole army drew thither . about a mile from thence lay the prince , the river ouse being betwixt us , which he that night past over at popleton . the next day he drew his army into the same moore , which being now joined with my lord of newcastles army , made about 23 or 24000 men , we something more .

we were divided in our opinions what to do . the english were for fighting ; the scots for retreating , to gain ( as they alledg'd ) both time , and place of more advantage .

this being resolv'd on , we marched away to tadcaster , which made the enemy advance the faster .

lieutenant general cromwell , lesley , and my self were appointed to bring up the reer . we sent word to the generals of the necessity of making a stand , or else the enemy , having this advantage , might put us in some disorder . but by the advantage of the ground we were on , we hoped to make it good till they came back to us , which they did .

the place was marston fields , which afterwards gave the name to this battel .

here we drew up our army . the enemy was drawn up in battalia on the moore a little below us .

the day being most part spent in preparations , we now began to descend towards them . lieutenant general cromwell commanded the left wing of the horse , and seconded by major general lesley ; i had the right wing , with some scots horse , and lances for my reserves . the three generals were with the foot.

our left wing first charged the enemies right wing , which was perform'd for a while with much resolution on both sides , but the enemy at length was put to the worst .

our right wing had not all so good success , by reason of the furzes and ditches we were to pass over before we could get to the enemy , which put us into great disorder .

notwithstanding i drew up a body of 400 horse . but because their intervals of horse in this wing only , were lined with musketteers , who did us much hurt with their shot , i was necessitated to charge them . we were a long time engag'd one within another ; but at last we routed that part of their wing which we charged , and pursued them a good way towards york . my self only return'd presently , to get to the men i left behind me . but that part of the enemy which stood , perceiving the disorder they were in , had charged and routed them before i could get to them : so that the good success we had at the first was eclipsed by this bad conclusion .

our other wing and most of the foot went on prosperously , 'till they had cleared the field .

i must ever remember with thankfulness the goodness of god to me this day ; for having charged through the enemy , and my men going after the pursuit , and returning back to go to my other troops , i was got in among the enemy , who stood up and down the field in several bodies of horse , so taking the signal out of my hat , i past through them for one of their own commanders , and got to my lord of manchester's horse , in the other wing ; only with a cut in my cheek , which was given me in the first charge , and a shot which my horse receiv'd .

in this charge many of my officers and soldiers were hurt and slain : the captain of my own troop was shot in the arm , my cornet had both his hands cut , so as render'd him ever after unserviceable . captain micklethwait , an honest stout gentlemen , was slain : and scarce any officer who was in this charge but receiv'd a hurt . coll. lambert , who should have seconded me , but could not get up to me , charged in another place . major fairfax , who was major to his regiment , had at least thirty wounds , of which he dyed at york , after he had been abroad again , and in good hopes of recovery .

but that which nearest of all concern'd me , was the loss of my * brother , who being deserted of his men , was sore wounded , of which in three or four days after he dyed . buried at marston . aetat . 23.

in this charge as many were hurt and kill'd as in the whole army besides .

on the enemy's part there were above 4000 slain , and many taken prisoners .

prince rupert returned into the south , the earl of newcastle went beyond sea , with many of his officers . york was presently surrendered , and the north now was wholly reduced by the parliament's forces , except some garrisons .

soon after this i went to helmesley , to take in the castle there , where i received a dangerous shot in my shoulder , and was brought back to york , all being doubtful of my recovery for some time .

at the same time the parliament voted me to command the army in the south .

but my intentions being only to keep in mind what i had been present in during this northern war , i shall put an end to this discourse , where it pleas'd god to determine my service there .

yet thus with some smart from his rod , to let me see i was not mindful enough of returning my humble thanks and acknowledgments for the deliverances and mercies i received ; and for which â�ª ( alas ) i am not yet capable enough to praise him as i ought , that may say by experience , who is a god like unto our god.

therefore , not unto us , o lord , not unto us , but unto thy name give we the praise .

but as for my self , and what i have done , i may say with solomon , i looked on all the works that my hands had wrought , and on the labour that i had laboured to do , and behold all was vanity and vexation of spirit .

for there is no remembrance of the wise more than the fool for ever , seeing that which now is , in the days to come shall be forgotten .

t. fairfax .

short memorials of some things to be cleared during my command in the army .

by the grace and assistance of god , i shall truly set down the grounds of my actions during this unhappy war , and especially of those actions which seem'd to the world most questionable .

my first engaging in the sad calamities of the war , was about the year 1641 , when the general distemper of the three kingdoms , i mean the difference betwixt the king and parliament had kindled such a flame even in the heart of the state , that before a remedy could be found , the whole body was almost consumed to ashes .

i must needs say , my judgment was for the parliament , as the king and kingdoms great and safest council : as others were averse to parliaments , because they did not go high enough for prerogative .

upon this division , different powers were set up : the commission of array for the king , and the militia for the parliament . but those of the array exceeded their commission in oppressing many honest people , whom , by way of reproach , they called roundheads , who for their religion , estates , and interest , were a very considerable part of the country ; which occasion'd them to take up arms in their own defence , and it was afterward confirm'd by authority of parliament .

my father , being yet at his house at denton , where i then waited on him , had notice from his friends , that it was intended he should be sent for as a prisoner to york : he resolved not to stir from his own house , not being conscious to himself of any thing to deserve imprisonment .

the country suffering daily more and more , many came and intreated him to join with them in defence of themselves and country , which was extremely oppressed by those of the array ( who after had the name of cavaliers ) and he being also much importun'd by those about him , seeing his neighbours in this distress , resolv'd to run the same hazard with them .

then did the parliament grant a commission to him to be general of the forces in the north ; my self also having a commission under him to be general of the horse .

it is not my intention in this place to relate the services done in this cause of the parliament . for i am rather desirous to clear my actions , than declare them ; and therefore i shall say no more of this three years war in the north â�ª there being nothing ( i thank god ) in all that time to be objected against me in particular : but i shall say something how i came to be engaged in the south .

some years had been spent in those parts , in a lingring war betwixt the king and parliament , and several battels so equally fought , that it could scarce be known on which side the business in dispute would be determin'd : though it must be confest that the parliaments army was under the command of a very noble and gallant person , the earl of essex , yet they found that time and delay gain'd more advantage against them , and their affairs , than force had done . they therefore resolv'd to make a change in the constitution of their armies , hoping by it to find a change also in their business , which was then something in a declining condition . in this distemper of things , the army was new-modell'd , and a new general propos'd to command it : and by votes of the two houses of parliament i was nominated , though most unfit , and so far from desiring it , that had not so great an authority ( which was then unseperated from the royal interest ) commanded my obedience , and had i not been urged by the perswasion of my nearest friends , i should have refus'd so great a charge : but whether it was from a natural facility in me , that betrai'd my modesty , or the powerful hand of god , which all things must obey , i was induced to receive the command .

then was i immediately voted by the parliament to come to london , and take my charge , though not fully recovered of a dangerous wound which i had received a little before at helmesley , and which i believe , without the miraculous hand of god , had prov'd mortal .

but here ( alas ) when i bring to mind the sad consequences that crafty and designing men have brought to pass since those first innocent undertakings , i am ready to let go that confidence i once had with god , when i could say with job , till i die i will not remove my integrity from me , nor shall my heart reproach me so long as i live : but i am now more fit to take up his complaint , and say , why did i not die ? why did i not give up the ghost when my life was on the confines of the grave ?

god having been pleas'd thus to give me my life for a prey , i took my journey southward , hoping it might be some ways serviceable to the publick : but when i came thither , had it not been in the simplicity of my heart , i could not have supported my self under the frowns and displeasures of those who were disgusted with these alterations , in which many of them were much concern'd : and therefore they sought by all means to obstruct my proceedings in this new charge ; though they could not prevent what the necessity of affairs prest most to do , which was to march speedily out with the army ; yet were we by them made so inconsiderable , for want of fit and necessary accommodations , as it rather seem'd that we were sent to be destroy'd , than to do any service to the kingdom .

surely then if we had had no other end but self-interest , this might have discouraged us : but it wrought no such effect on me , but rather gave me the more hopes of future success , as hapned to the parliament's great advantage . but if any ill use hath been made of such mercies , let the mercies be acknowledged from god , but the abusers of them receive their due reward of shame and punishment .

being thus led on by good success , and clear intention of publick good , some of us could not discern the serpent which was hid under the leaves of so good fortune , nor believe the fruits of our hopes would prove as cockatrice eggs , from whence so mischievous a brood should afterwards spring .

but how ill deserving soever we were , it pleas'd god still to give the army such success in the years of 1645 and 1646 , that there remain'd in england neither army not fortress to oppose the parliament in setling the peace of the kingdom .

this mercy was soon clouded with abominable hypocrisy and deceit , even in those men who had been instrumental in bringing this war to a conclusion .

here was the vertical point on which the army's honour and reputation turn'd into reproach and scandal . here the power of the army i once had , was usurped by the agitators , the forerunners of confusion and anarchy .

my commission as general oblig'd me to act with councel ; but the arbitrary and unlimited power of this councel would act without a general : and all i could do was ineffectual to oppose them ; especially when the parliament it self became divided .

at this time the pay was withheld from the army , which increased their distempers ; then followed free quarter , and that wrought a general discontent through the whole nation , which gave these factious agitators occasion to carry on their design of raising their own fortunes upon the publick ruine .

i was much troubled to see things in this condition , and rather desired to be a sufferer than a commander : but before i laid down my commission , i thought fit to consult some friends , rather than gratify my private reason and desires , especially having receiv'd it from a publick authority , which might justly expect to have notice before i laid it down .

this was the cause of my continuing in the army longer than i would have done , which did indeed preserve the parliament for some time from those violences that it afterwards suffer'd from these disturbers .

i shall now descend to some particulars of their agitations .

the first time i took notice of them , was at nottingham , by the soldiers meeting to frame a petition to the parliament about their arrears : the thing seemed just ; but not liking the way , i spake with some officers , who were principally engaged in it , and got it suppress'd for that time . but this was only as the cutting off a hydra's head ; for they began again , not so near the head-quarters , but in more remote corners of the army ; so that before i could prevent it , they presented it to the parliament ; at which they were highly displeas'd .

they now fell into differences , the consequence of which did not only prove fatal to the king , but destructive to themselves : the one striving to uphold their authority ; the other , who had a spirit of unsettlement , to preserve themselves from the ruine they fear'd .

this , with a natural inclination to change , i believe created thoughts of new government , which in time attain'd the name of a commonwealth , but never arriv'd to the perfection of it , being sometimes democratical , then oligarchical ; lastly , anarchical : and indeed all the ways of attaining to it , seem'd nothing but confusion . for now the officers of the army were plac'd and displac'd at the will of the new agitators ; and violence so prevail'd , that it was above my power to restrain it . this made me have recourse to my friends , to get me a discharge of my command ; and several members of parliament met and consulted about it , but none would undertake to move it to the house , as affairs then stood , believing such a motion would be unpleasing to them .

this was the answer i receiv'd from them , and that i should satisfy my self , for it would be the parliament's care to compose all things for the good and settlement of the kingdom .

these hopes did a little support my spirit , but could not ballance the grief and trouble i had , that i could not get my discharge : so that if you find me carried on with this stream , i can truly say , it was by the violence of it , rather than my own consent .

the army got this power and strength by correspondence with some in parliament , who found it afterwards to their own trouble . the army marcht nearer london ; and at windsor , after two days debate in a council of war , it was resolv'd to remove all out of the house , whom they conceiv'd did obstruct ( as they call'd it ) the publick settlement .

i was prest to use all expedition in this march ; but here i resolv'd to use a restrictive power , where i had not a persuasive : and when the lieutenant-general , and others , did urge me to sign orders for marching , i still delay'd it , as ever dreading the consequences of breaking parliaments , and at a time when the kingdom was falling into a new war , which was so near , that my delaying three or four days giving out orders , diverted this humour of the army , from being statesmen , to their more proper duty as soldiers .

then did collonel poyer declare in wales ; great forces did rise with my lord goring in kent ; and duke hamilton came into england , almost at the same time with a powerful army of scots ; all which set out work enough that summer .

this i write to shew how by providence a few days of delay secur'd the parliament above a year from the violence which soon after was offered them .

i might here mention those great and difficult actions the army perform'd that year , which were design'd for the good of the kingdom ; but that factious party growing more insolent , as success made them more powerful , i shall forbear to relate them , which otherwise would have deserv'd a better remembrance than in modesty were fit for me to give .

i shall rather punish my self with the continuance of this story of the irregularities of the army . but i must not forget one thing of very great concernment in the after changes , which should have been inserted before the mentioning of this second war ; the king's removal from holmby , the sad consequences whereof fill my heart with grief in the remembrance of them , as they did then with care how to prevent them .

being at saffron-walden in essex , i had notice that cornet joyce , an arch-agitator , who quarter'd about oxford , had seized on the king's person , removed his guards , and given such a check to the commissioners of parliament , who were ordered there to attend his majesty , that they refused to act any further on their commission , being so unwarrantably interrupted .

so soon as i heard of it , i immediately sent away two regiments of horse , commanded by colonel whaley to remove this force , and to set all things again in their due course and order . but before he came to holmby , the king was advanced two or three miles on his way to cambridge , attended by joyce , where colonel whaley acquainted the king , he was sent by the general to let him know how much he was troubled at those great insolencies that had been committed so near his person ; and as he had not the least knowledge of them before they were done , so he had omitted no time in seeking to remove that force , which he had orders from me to see done : and therefore he desired his majesty that he would be pleased to return again to holmby , where all things should be settled again in as much order and quietness as they were before . and also he desired the commissioners to reassume their charge , as the parliament had directed them , which he was also to desire them to do from the general . but the king refused to return , and the commissioners to act ; whereupon colonel whaley urged them to it , saying , he had an express command to see all things well settled again about his majesty , which could not be done , but by his returning again to holmby .

the king said positively , he would not do it ; so the colonel prest him no more to it , having indeed a special direction from me to use all tenderness and respect , as was due to his majesty .

the king came that night , or the next , to sir john cutts's house , near cambridge ; and the next day i waited on his majesty , it being also my business to persuade his return to holmby , but he was otherwise resolv'd .

i prest the commissioners also to act according to the power given them by the parliament , which they also refus'd to do : so having spent the whole day about this business , i return'd to my quarters ; and as i took leave of the king , he said to me , sir , i have as good interest in the army as you ; by which i plainly saw the broken reed he lean'd on .

the agitators could change into that colour which served next to their ends ; and had brought the king into an opinion that the army was for him .

that it might appear what a real trouble this act was to me , though the army was almost wholly infected with this humour of agitation , i call'd for a council of war , to proceed against joyce for this high offence , and breach of the articles of war , but the officers , whether for fear of the distemper'd soldiers , or rather ( as i suspected ) a secret allowance of what was done , made all my endeavours in this ineffectual . and now no punishment being able to reach them ; all affairs were steer'd after this compass â�ª the king and his party , in hopes ; those of the parliament , and others , who kept to their covenant interest , in fears ; so as for many months all publick councils were turn'd into private junto's , which begot greater emulations and jealousies among them . so that the army would not trust the king any longer with the liberty he had , nor the parliament suffer the army to undertake that which was more properly their own work , to settle the kingdom in its just rights and liberties ; and the army was as jealous that the parliament would not have care enough of their security .

all things growing worse and worse , made the king endeavour to escape , which he did ; but out of a larger confinement at hampton-court , to a straiter one in the isle of wight .

here the parliament treated upon propositions of peace with the king ; but , alas , the envious one sowed tares that could not be rooted out , but by plucking up the corn also .

the king was the golden ball cast before the two parties , the parliament and the army ; and the contest grew so great , that it must again have involv'd the kingdom in blood ; but the army having the greater power â�ª got the king again into their hands , notwithstanding all endevours to hinder it .

the treaty was scarce ended before the king was seized on by the hands of the same persons that took him from holmby ; soon after followed his trial.

to prepare a way to this work , this agitating council did first intend to remove all out of the parliament who were like to oppose them , and carried it on with such secrecy , as i had not the least intimation of it till it was done , as some of the members of the house can witness , with whom i was at that very time upon special business , when that attempt was made by colonel pride upon the parliament , which i protest i never had any knowledg of till it was done . the reason why it was so secretly carried , that i should have no notice of it , was , because i always prevented those designs when i knew them .

by this purging of the house , ( as they call'd it ) the parliament was brought into such a consumptive and languishing condition , that it could never again recover that healthful constitution , which always kept the kingdom in its strength , life , and vigour .

this way being made by the sword , the trial of the king was easier for them to accomplish .

my afflicted and troubled mind for it , and my earnest endeavours to prevent it , will , i hope , sufficiently testify my dislike and abhorrence of the fact : and what will they not do to the shrubs , having cut down the cedar ?

after this , duke hamilton , the earl of holland , the lord capel , and others , were condemn'd to death .

it is fit for me in this place to say something for my own vindication about my lord capel , sir charles lucas and sir george lisle , who were prisoners at mercy upon the rendring of colchester , seeing some have questioned the just performance of those articles .

i laid siege to the town , and made several assaults : but finding their forces within much more numerous than those i had without , i was forced to take another course in blocking them up , and , by cutting off all supplies , to bring them to a surrender ; which after four months close siege they were compelled to , and that upon mercy , being in number three or four thousand men ; and delivering upon mercy , is to be understood that some are to suffer , the rest to go free.

immediately after our entrance into the town , a council of war was called , and those forenamed persons were sentenced to die , the rest to be acquitted .

this being so resolved , i thought fit notwithstanding to transmit the lord capel , the lord norwich , &c. over to the parliament , being the civil judicature of the kingdom , consisting then both of lords and commons , and so most proper judges in their case ; who were considerable for estates and families : but sir charles lucas , and sir george lisle , being mere soldiers of fortune , and falling into our hands by chance of war , were executed ; and in this i did nothing but according to my commission , and the trust reposed in me .

but it may be objected i went into the court during the trial ; to which i answer , it was at the earnest request of my lord capel's friends , who desired me to explain there what was meant by surrendring to mercy : otherwise i had not gone , being always unsatisfied with those courts .

for this i need say no more , seeing i may as well be question'd for the articles of bristol , oxford , exeter , or any other action in the war , as this .

i have now related the most remarkable things that might be alledged against me , during the prosecution of the war.

one thing more requires i should say something to before i conclude ; that is , concerning papers and declarations of the army that came out in my name , and the council of officers .

i say from the time they declared their usurped authority at triplow heath , i never gave my free consent to any thing they did : but being yet undischarged of my place , they set my name in way of course to all their papers , whether i consented or not : and to such failings are all authorities subject . under parliament authority many injuries have been done ; so here hath a general 's power been broken and crumbled into a levelling faction .

yet even this i hope all impartial judges will interpret as force and ravishment of a good name , rather than a voluntary consent , which might make me equally criminal with that faction . and if in a multitude of words , much more in a multitude of actions , there must be some transgressions ; yet i can truly say , they were never designedly , or willfully committed by me .

all the power being got into the army , they cut up the root of kingly government ; after this were engagements made to abolish that title . then was war declared against scotland for assisting the king , and several leagues made with foreign princes , to confederate with their new government , which was now a commonwealth , against the kingly power .

all this i saw with grief and sorrow , and though i had as much the love of the army as ever , and was with great importunity solicited by that remaining parliament and soldiers , to continue my command ; and though i might , so long as i acted their designs , have attained to what height of power , and other advantages i pleas'd ; yet by the mercies and goodness of god , i did , so long as i continued in the army , oppose all those ways in their councils , and when i could do no more , i then declined their actions : though i did not resign my commission which i had from the parliament , till the remaining part of it took it from me .

thus have i given you the sum of the most considerable things , for which the world may censure me , during this unhappy war ; and i hope in all my weakness and failings , there shall not be found crimes of that magnitude to make me be numbred with those who have done these things through ambition and dissimulation .

finis .

thomas lord fairfax his epitaph made by the duke of buckingham . under this stone doth lie one born for victory , fairfax the valiant , and the only he who e're for that alone , a conqueror would be . both sexes vertues were in him combin'd , he had the fierceness of the manliest mind , and all the meekness too of womankind . he never knew what envy was , nor hate ; his soul was fill'd with worth , and honesty , and with another thing besides quite out of date , call'd modesty . he ne're seem'd impudent but in the field , a place where impudence it self dares seldom shew its face . had any stranger spy'd him in a room with some of those whom he had overcome , and had not heard their talk , but only seen their gesture , and their mien , they would have sworn he had the vanquisht been : for as they bragg'd , and dreadful would appear , whilst they their own ill luck repeated , his modesty still made him blush to hear how often he had them defeated . through his whole life the part he bore was wonderful and great , and yet it so appear'd in nothing more than in his private last retreat ; for 't is a stranger thing to find one man of such a glorious mind as can despise the power he has got , than millions of the poll's and braves , those despicable fools and knaves , who such a pudder make , through dulness and mistake , in seeking after power , and get it not . when all the nation he had won , and with expence of blood had bought store great enough , he thought , of fame , and of renown , he then his arms laid down with full as little pride as if h' ad been o th' conquer'd side , or one of them could do that were undone . he neither wealth nor places sought ; for others , not himself , he fought . he was content to know , for he had found it so , that when he pleas'd to conquer , he was able , and left the spoil and plunder to the rabble . he might have been a king , but that he understood , how much it is a meaner thing to be unjustly great , than honourably good. this from the world did admiration draw , and from his friends both love and awe , remembring what he did in fight before . nay has foes lov'd him too , as they were bound to do , because he was resolv'd to fight no more . so blest of all he di'd , but far more blest were we , if we were sure to live till we could see , a man as great in war , as just in peace as he.

notes, typically marginal, from the original text

notes for div a40612-e620 bradford . tadcaster . wetherby . * one of them had a pension for his life till 1670. tadcaster . leeds . sherburn . col. prideaux escap'd . * seacroft moore . vvakefield . adderton-moor . bradford . selby . * duck. of buck. winsby , or horncastle . * charles fairfax .

notes for div a40612-e5380 in rent , &c.

there is lately publish'd , proposals for the subscriptions to a book now ready for the press , entituled , the fourth and last part of mr. rushworth's historical collections . containing the principal matters which happen'd from the beginning of the year 1645. ( where the third part ended ) to the death of king charles the first , 1648. impartially related : setting forth only matter of fact â�ª in order of time , without observation or reflection . fitted for the press in his life-time . to which will be added , exact alphabetical tables .

whereas many gentlemen are already provided with all the parts of mr. rushworth's collections which are yet printed , viz.

the first part in one volume , which began with the 16th year of king james the first , anno 1618. and ended the fifth year of king charles the first , anno 1629.

the second part in two volumes , beginning anno 1629. and ending anno 1640.

the third part in two volumes , beginning at the meeting of the parliament , november 3. 1640. and ending 1644.

and being desirous of compleating their sets of that laborious and exact collection â�ª

the undertakers of this fourth and last part ( having purchased the copy at a very considerable rate ) do propose to print it by subscriptions , upon the terms following :

i. it shall be printed in two volumes , after the same manner with those already published , and will contain about five hundred sheets . which at the usual rate in common sale , could not be allow'd for less than forty shillings unbound of the small paper ; and four pounds of the large paper . five and twenty only will be printed on large paper , for accommodation of such gentlemen as have the former volumes of the same paper . ii. that every gentleman upon subscribing , shall pay down in part twenty shillings for one book of the small paper , and thirty shillings for one of the large paper ; and at delivery of a perfect book in quires fifteen shillings more for the small , and thirty shillings more for the large paper . iii. that whoever subscribes for six books of the small paper , shall have a seventh gratis : ( which reduceth the price to thirty shillings . ) note , no advantage can be allow'd on the large paper books . iv. that no more books will be printed , than what shall be subscribed for . and if any books shall happen to be left on our hands by any subscribers , they shall not be sold for less than forty shillings , unbound . v. subscriptions will be taken till the 29th of june next , being the last day of midsummer-term , and the book shall be finished in michaelmas-term following .

and whereas there were printed of the first part above three thousand ; of the second part two thousand , which are all sold of ; and of the third part near fifteen hundred , of which some are yet unsold ( divers gentlemen suspending to buy the third part till the whole should be finished ) ; so that there are abroad several sets imperfect :

now for the encouragement of subscribers to this fourth part , and the accommodation of such gentlemen , who are not yet furnished with the third ; the undertakers do propose to all such , and no others , the third part at thirty shillings in quires , of the small paper ; and three pounds of the large paper .

these papers of proposals are to be had of the undertakers ,

richard chiswell , at the rose and crown in st. paul's church-yard :

and

thomas cockerill , in amen-corner , at the end of pater-noster-row .

and of most booksellers in london and the country .

books printed for ric. chiswell . wharton's anglia sacra . in 2 volumes . folio . dr. cave's lives of the primive fathers . in 2 vol. folio . dr. john lightfoot's works . in 2 vol. folio . dr. pet. allix's remarks upon the ecclesiastical history of the ancient churches of piedmont and albigences . in 2 parts . quarto . bishop burnet's collection of tracts , relating both to church and state , from 1678 to 1694. in 3 vol. quarto . dr. wake 's eleven treatises against popery . in 2 vol. quarto . dr. tennison ( now lord archbishop of canterbury ) his account of the conference with pulton the jesuit . quarto . â�� his nine sermons upon several occasions . quarto . a discourse of the unreasonableness of separation on account of the oaths . by bishop stilling fleet . quarto . a vindication of the said discourse . by dr. williams . quarto . a vindication of his majesty's authority to fill the sees of the deprived bishops . by bishop stilling fleet . quarto . dr. william's discourse of the lawfulness of worshipping god by the common-prayer . quarto . â�� his representation of the absurd and mischievous principles of the muggletonians . quarto . the secret consults , negotiations , and intriegues of the romish party in ireland , from 1660 to 1689. quarto . an impartial history of the wars in ireland . in two parts . with copper sculpturs . by mr. story , ( now dean of down and connor ) present in the same . the new cambridge dictionary . in five alphabets . quarto . england's wants : or , some proposals to the parliament , probably beneficial to england . quarto . dr. allix's reflections on the holy scripture . octavo . cole 's english and latin dictionary . octavo . the jesuits memorial for the intended reformation of england , under a popish prince . octavo . [ found in king james's closet . ] the history of the troubles and trial of archbishop laud ; wrote by himself : published by henry wharton . folio . remarks on mr. hill's vindication of the primitive fathers , against bishop burnet . animadversions on mr. hill's vindication of the primitive fathers , against bishop burnet . dr. william's vindication of archbishop tillotson's sermons against the socinians ; and of the bishop of worcester's sermon of the mysteries of the christian religion . to which is annexed , a letter from the bishop of salisbury to the author , in vindication of his discourse of the divinity of our saviour . quarto .

books written by symon patrick , d. d. now lord bishop of ely. â�� the parable of the pilgrim , written to a friend . the sixth edition . quarto . 1681. â�� mensa mystica : or , a discourse concerning the sacrament of the lord's supper : in which the ends of the institution are so manifest , our addresses to it so directed ; our behaviour there and afterward , so composed , that we may not lose the profits which are to be received by it . with prayers and thanksgivings inserted . to which is annexed , â�� aqua genitalis : a discourse concerning baptism : in which is inserted a discourse to persuade to a confirmation of the baptismal vow . octavo . â�� jeshish hypocrisy : a caveat to the present generation . wherein is shewn both the false and true way to a nations , or persons , compleat happiness , from the sickness and recovery of the jewish state. to which is added , a discourse upon micah 6. 8. belonging to the same matter . octavo . â�� divine arithmetick : a sermon at the funeral of mr. samuel jacomb , minister of st. mary woollnoth church in lombard-street , london . with an account of his life . octavo . â�� a sermon preached at the funeral of mr. tho. grigg , rector of st. andrew undershaft , london , quarto . â�� an exposition of the ten commandments . octavo . â�� hearts ease : or , a remedy against all troubles . with a consolatory discourse , particularly directed to those who have lost their friends and relations . to which is added , two papers , printed in the time of the late plague . the seventh edition corrected . 12 mo . 1699. â�� the pillar and ground of truth . a treatise shewing that the roman church falsly claims to be that church , and the pillar of that truth mentioned by st. paul , in 1 tim. 3. 15. quarto . â�� an examination of bellarmin's second note of the church , viz. antiquity . quarto . â�� an examination of the texts which papists cite out of the bible to prove the supremacy of st. peter , and of the pope , over the whole church . in two parts . quarto . â�� a private prayer to be used in difficult times . â�� a thanksgiving for our late wonderful deliverance . â�� a prayer for charity , peace and unity ; chiefly to be used in lent. â�� a sermon preach'd upon st. peter's day ; printed with enlargements . quarto . â�� a sermon preach'd in st. james's chappel , before the prince of orange , jan. 20. 1681. on isaiah 11. 6. â�� a second part of the sermon before the prince of orange , on the same text. preached in covent-garden . â�� a sermon preached before the queen in march , 1688. on colos . 3. 15. â�� a sermon against murmuring , preached at covent-garden in lent , 1688. on 1 cor. 10. 10. â�� a sermon against censuring , preached at covent-garden in advent , 1688. on 1 cor. 4. 10. â�� a fast-sermon before the king and queen , april 16. 1690. on prov. 14. 34. â�� a thanksgiving-sermon before the lords , nov. 26. 1691. for the reducing of ireland , and the king 's safe return , on deut. 4. 9. â�� a fast-sermon before the queen , april 8. 1692. on numb . 10. 9. â�� easter-sermon before the lord mayor , 1696. on 2 tim. 2. 8. â�� a sermon before the lords , nov. 5. 1696. on dan. 4. 35. â�� a commentary on genesis . quarto . 1695. â�� a commentary on exodus . quarto . 1697. â�� a commentary on leviticus . quarto . 1698. â�� a commentary on numbers . quarto . 1699.

of sincerity and constancy in the faith and profession of the true religion , in several sermons , by dr. john tillotson , late lord archbishop of canterbury . being the first volume , published from the originals , by ralph barker , d. d. chaplain to his grace . the second edition . octavo . â�� sixteen sermons preached on several occasions : by the same author . being the second volume . published by dr. barker . octavo . â�� sixteen sermons preached on several subjects ; being the third volume , by the same author . published by dr. barker . octavo . â�� several discourses , viz. of the great duties of natural religion . instituted religion not intended to undermine natural . christianity not destructive , but perfective of the law of moses . the nature and necessity of regeneration . the danger of all known sin. knowledge and practice necessary in religion . the sins of men not chargeable on god. being the fourth volume , by the same author , published by dr. barker . octavo . reflections upon a pamphlet , entituled , [ some discourses upon dr. burnet , and dr. tillotson , occasioned by the late funeral sermon of the former upon the latter . ] by dr. gilbert burnet lord bishop of sarum . octavo . â�� his sermon preached before the king at whitehal , on christmas-day , 1696. quarto . on galat. 4. 4. â�� his sermon preached before the king at whitehal , on the third sunday in lent , being the seventh of march , 1696. 1 ephes . 5. 2. â�� his essay on the memory of the late queen . the second edition . octavo . dr. williams ( now lord bishop of chichester ) his eight sermons at esq boyle's lecture for the year 1695. quarto . [ any of them may be had single , to perfect sets . â�� his first , second , third , fourth sermons at the same lecture for the year 1696. quarto . â�� his sermon preached at st. lawrence jury before the lord mayor , &c. on saturday the 28th of september , 1695. at the election of the lord mayor for the year ensuing . on joshua 22. 31. quarto â�� his sermon preached before the honourable house of commons , on wednesday , december , 11. 1695. being a solemn day of fasting and humiliation , appointed by his majesty for imploring the blessing of almighty god upon the consultations of this present parliament . quarto . on 1 sam. 11. 30. â�� his sermon upon the resurrection , preached before sir edward clark lord mayor , &c. on easter monday , april 5. 1697. on acts 10. 40 , 41 , 42. reflections upon a libel lately printed , entituled , [ the charge of socinianism against dr. tillotson , considered , 4to . ] the church history of ethiopia ; wherein , among other things , the two great splendid roman missions into that empire are placed in their true light ; to which are added an epitome of the dominican history of that church . and an account of the practices and conviction of maria of the annunciation , the famous nun of lisbon . composed by michael geddes , d. d. chancellor of the cathedral church of sarum . octavo . fourteen sermons preached in lambeth chappel , before dr. william sancroft , late lord archbishop of canterbury . in the years 1688 , and 1689 , by the learned henry wharton , m. a. chaplain to his grace ; withan account of the author's life . octavo . dr. william owtram's twenty sermons . on several occasions . the 2d edition . octavo . sermons preached on several occasions . by john conant d. d. the first and second volumes . published by dr. williams , now lord bishop of chichester . octavo . the 2d edition corrected . 1699. the fathers vindicated : or animadversions on a late socinian book , entituled , [ the judgment of the fathers touching the trinity , against dr. bull 's defence of the nicene faith. ] by a presbyter of the church of england . octavo .

a fifth volume of archbishop tillotson's discourses , published by his chaplain dr. barker , on these following subjects , viz. proving jesus to be the messias . the prejudices against jesus and his religion consider'd . jesus the son of god , proved by his resurrection . the danger of apostacy from christianity . christ the author , and obedience the condition of salvation . the possibility and necessity of gospel obedience , and its consistence with free grace . the authority of jesus christ , with the commission and promise which he gave to his apostles . the difficulties of a christian life considered . the parable of a rich man and lazarus . children of this world wiser than the children of light. octavo . 1698.

a second volume of sermons preached in lambeth chappel before archbishop sancroft , 1690. by the learned mr. henry wharton , his graces , chaplain . which with the first volume lately published , are all that he preached .

a new account of india and persia ; being nine years travel , began 1672. and finished 1681. containing observations made of those countries : namely , of their government , religion , laws , customs : of their soil , climates , seasons , health , diseases . of their animals , vegetables , minerals , jewels . of their housing , cloathing , manufactures , trades , commodities . and of the coins , weights and measures used in the principal places of trade in those parts . by john fryer m. d. cantabrig . and fellow of the royal society . folio . 1698.

scriptorum ecclesiastiorum historia literaria facili & perspicua methodo digesta . pars altera . qua plusquam dc . scriptores novi , tam editi quam manuscripti recensentur ; prioribus plurima adduntur ; breviter aut obscure dicta illustratur ; recte asserta vindicantur . accedit ad finem cujusvis saeculi concilorum omnium tum generalium tum particularium hictorica notitia . ad calcem vero operis dissertationes tres , ( 1 ) de scriptoribus ecclesiasticis incertae aetatis . ( 2 ) de libris & officiis ecclesiasticis graecorum . ( 3 ) de eusebii caesariensis arianismo adversus joannem clericum . adjecti sunt indices utilissimi scriptorum alphabetico-chronologici . studio & labore gulielmi cave , s. t. p. canon . windesoriensis . folio .

dr. cave's primitive christianity . the fifth edition . 1698.

bishop wilkins of the principles and duties of natural religion . the third edition .

a sixth volume of archbishop tillotson's discourses . published by dr. barker . being upon the divine attributes and perfections . 1699.

mr. evelyns gardner's almanack : directing what he is to do monthly through the year , and what fruits and flowers are in prime . the ninth edition . octavo . 1699.

pharmacopaeiae collegii regalis londini remedia omnia succincte descripta : una cum catalogo simplicium ordine alphabetico digestorum : quibus annexum est manuale ad forum nec non divax porographicus . editio tertia , prioribus emendatior & auctior . huic insuper adjioiuntur , phramaca nonnulla in usu hodierno apud medicos londinenses . acessit in calce prosodia medica observatu non indigna . cura ja. shipton . 1699. twelves .

coles latin and english dictionary . octavo .

a discourse of the government of the thoughts , by george tully sub-dean of york . the third edition in twelves .

a sixth volume of archbishop tillotson's discourses . published by his chaplain , dr. barker . being upon the attributes of god , viz. concerning the perfection of god. concerning our imitation of the divine perfections . the happiness of god. the unchangeableness of god. the knowledge of god. the wisdom , glory , and sovereignty of god. the wisdom of god in the creation of the world. the wisdom of god in his providence . the wisdom of god in the redemption of mankind . the justice of god , in the distribution of rewards and punishments . the truth of god. the holiness of god. to which is annexed a spital sermon . of doing good.

the life of henry chichele , archbishop of canterbury . in which there is a particular relation of many remarkable passages in the reigns of henry the v. and vi. kings of england . written in latin by arthur . duck , lld. chancellor of the diocess of london : and advocate of the court of honour . now made english . and a table of contents annexed .

the judgment of the ancient jewish church , against the unitarians , in the controversy upon the holy trinity , and the divinity of our blessed saviour . with a table of matters , and a table of texts of scripture occasionally explain'd . by a divine of the church of england .

in the press .

dr. wake of preparation for death , being a letter sent to a young gentlewoman in france , in a dangerous distemper of which she died . the fourth edition . twelves .

archbishop tillotson's seventh volume . published by dr. barker , being the remaining discourses upon the divine attributes . octavo .

the bishop of ely's commentary on deuteronomy . quarto .